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Magic A Problem in Semantics
Magic A Problem in Semantics
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Anthropologists, from Tylor to the present, have so defined magic that, alt
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magic.
tion makes a part into an equivalent
and Durkheim based his distinction o
theof
organization of personnel: religion in
separate whole. This mixing of levels
classification would account for the continuvolves the community and establishes a
ing confusion of which Evans-Pritchard sochurch, but magic concerns individuals and
justly complains. Anthropologists have been
forms only a clientele (1915:43-45). Malistruggling with the spurious, and therefore
nowski focused on the purposes of ritual. H
insoluble, problem of the extent and content
attributed intangible, long-term goals to reli
gious rituals in contrast to the employmen
of the contrast between religion and magic.
the whole?
Like most ethnological terminology, reli- Because most supernatural belief systems
gion and magic are words in common usage.
contain both personified and nonpersonified
conceptions of supernatural power, the criteTheir employment to classify institutions of
other cultures has necessitated radical redefirion of personification only rarely permits
nition to free the terms from their cultural
matrix and to eliminate inherent value judg- aware of this fact, which he accounted for
been overcome is open to question. Ward H.beliefs represented transitions from magic to
Goodenough holds that anthropological us- religion or the conservative retention of
age still expresses ethnocentric rather thanolder elements into the later stage. But with-
that current usage continues to reflect theotionary doctrine, the intermediate is merely
indeterminate, and much of the ethnories of nineteenth-century evolutionists supports his charge. The delineation of magic as
graphic data demonstrate the inadequacy of
a distinct anthropological category is morethe criterion.
the work of Frazer than of any other single The differentiation made by Durkheim received one of its most direct attacks from
theorist. By redefining religion as belief in
spiritual beings, Tylor had made it possibleWarner on the basis of his fieldwork in
to include a wide variety of belief systems in
Australia (1937:229-243). Among the
Murngin, the same totemic rituals are used
the same category as Christianity. Magic,
however, he discussed merely as a survival;for individual therapy as for communal welthus relegated, the term retained its pejora-fare; the community is directly or indirectly
tive connotation (Tylor 1889: Vol. 1, Ch. 4).participant in transactions between the maFrazer, however, related magic more closely
gician and client, and thus magic has a
to religion, although an underlying ethno-church no different from religion. Other de-
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from which
animism and mana had both
Trobriand garden magic for a plentiful
harevolved (1914:14).
In Benedict's usage, anivest contributes not only to subsistence
but
also to those values to Trobriand ethos exmism reflects "man's experience with persons" and animatism reflects their "experipressed in the production of excessive
amounts of food and its lavish display.ence
The with things" (1938:647). Practice folanalysis of what social values mean in lows
spe- concept: where the supernatural is perritual strives for rapport; where the
cific terms often reveals that the "goodsonified,
life"
is impersonal, ritual strives for
of a people entails, or is symbolizedsupernatural
by,
control.
Mana and its analogues-wakan,
good crops or increase in cattle herds
or
manitu, and orenda--conceptualize the imsome equally material good. And it is more
supernatural. Magic falls neatly
the symbolic significance of these itemspersonal
than
the technological uncertainty that tends
into
toplace as the body of formalized procesurround them with ritual (W. H. Gooddures by which such power is controlled and
utilized.
of the Arunta are classed as religion by within and among the separate schemes by
Durkheim but magic by Frazer, and Tro-combining them all into a single structure.
briand garden rituals, which MalinowskiHis suggested bipolar continuum opposes
terms magic, would be religion according toideal types of magic and religion in which
Durkheim. If more features are taken into
magic contrasts with religion in the concrete
account, the line blurs all the more.
specificity of its goals, its manipulative attiMarett is probably the best-known early
tude, instrumental character, belief in impertheorist to advance the concept of a magisonal power, professional-client relationcoreligious continuum (1914:28). He conships, individualism, voluntarism, and un-
gion as animism led him to reject personifiform significant clusters toward the two
cation as a main criterion and to reject
poles.
a If the traits do not exhibit substantial
clear-cut distinction between magic and relicorrelation, the ideal types are merely hypothetical constructs. There seems to have
gion.
been little testing of the actual extent of corBenedict, far more than Marett, cogently
relation on which the relevance of Goode's
formulated the idea that magic and religion
form a continuum. She disregarded evolutionary sequence and put aside most of the
discrepant subsidiary criteria to concentrate
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of Trobriand
primitive religion
magic clearly has cog
communal and obligatory.
garden
tivespecific
value. Benedict,
like Marett, relied o
ritual is instrumental with
concrete
mana or mana-like
concepts to explicate
goals, but it is also obligatory,
communal,
implicit
magic.
and calendrical. Among world
the view
Zuni,
theingods
critics
of this interpretation ha
may be manipulated ratherThe
than
supplicated.
pointed
out its major flaw.
Malinowsk
Bunyoro magic horns used
instrumentally
in
behalf of a client become
"personalized"
surely
goes too far in his dismissal of m
(Beattie 1967:229).
concepts as part of religion at all (194
Of the two continuum models, Benedict's58). Norbeck, however, justly contends t
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abstinence
and from his knowledge of tradistruments of prevention and vengeance,
but
nicate its meaning. The gesture is underthe exemplar of what is truly human, he
deny cognition in magic seem not to be lis- It is hard to see how a myth could more
tening to what they themselves say. Howells,plainly state its meaning than the Nupe myth
for example, in one passage finds no ade-that tells of a man who once attempted to
quate explanation for the potency of magic seek out god. His long arduous quest was
(1948:49-50); elsewhere he writes that
fruitless, and he returned to report that god
was both distant and indifferent. Men, theremagic gives man the "conviction that he can
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may provide
techniques far less thanknown
the agents
user's
skill,the source for
the projection
of "remote
spiritual forces."
knowledge, or talents. Leach's
comment
that
the immediacies
are never wholly supermark. But "libido" in theBut
strictly
psycho-
seded,closer
and even those
religions that place
tency" (1967:98) is perhaps
to the
moststrictly
weight on a psychotranscendent omnipotent
the mark. But "libido" in the
expressing
the projecanalytic sense-and judgingdeity
byretain
thepractices
tenor
of
powerful action,
figures" and that these
magic to be a projection ages
of of
human
"deep-seated perceptive
sets, acquired in the
but he does not make entirely
clear the
very early
experience of the
child, comprise
grounds for his interpretation.
Moreover,
his
essential
basis for the actor's conviction
analysis seems to involvethe
an
unnecessarily
that the beliefs
comprise the religious
complex sequence of processes
ofwhich
projectradition of his society
are true" (1964:
tion, introjection, and reprojection
(1966:
220-221).
113). On the same basis it can be argued
On the whole, it seems both economical that the validity of magical belief is equally
cal universe.
duce a greater sense of mastery than maMan's ability to acquire skills and use chine technology, no matter how productive
them to shape his world is thus projected asand efficient. Witness the satisfaction in
one of the universal superordinate powers. building a fire, even with the help of a bo
The traditional hostility between deistic be-of matches and the Sunday paper, compare
lief and magical belief is understandable. An to resetting the thermostat. Moreover, it
ideology that holds man to be wholly depen-not the incompetents of a society who are
dent on powerful gods must view a concep- granted magical power.
tion of man as one of the ruling forces in
The awareness of the power of the self i
the cosmos as hubris of a most literal and
by no means necessarily limited to master
damnable kind.
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Press.
BENEDICT, RUTH
pology 4:495-518.
DURKHEIM, ]MILE
EVANS-PRITCHARD, E. E.
Press.
FRAZER, JAMES G.
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MALINOWSKI,
BRONISLAW
1963 Comment on Murray
and
Rosalie
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Anthro-
pology 4:495-518.
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MARETT, R. R.
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the
sacred symbols. In Every Methuen.
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Cliffs:
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NADEL, S. F.
GOODENOUGH, ERWIN R.
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GOODY, JACK
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thropology 4:495-518.
HORTON, ROBIN
RADIN, PAUL
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