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Candidate no.

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Mozart in Vienna

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(e.g. 5AABC123 )

6AAMS356

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Mozart in Vienna - Reading Journal 2

N. Zalsaw, Mozarts Symphonies. Context, Performance Practice, Reception (Oxford, 1989),
510-44.

Zalsaw began his essay by admitting the difficulty of sourcing comments on Mozart's
symphonies in his time. (510) He explained that in Mozart's time, symphonies were not
considered as prestige as vocal music or instrumental music, which were meant to be
safeguarded. (511) Zalsaw considered Charles Burney's, a contemporary of Mozart, definition
of symphony 'retrospective' because his definition was based on periodization. A
periodization where Mozart and Haydn, in the middle of the three periods of the development
of symphonies, would have composed perfect symphonies by definition. (512)
Zalsaw argued that there were evidence of emergence of new style, in Mozart's
symphonies in late 1770s to early 1780s. (512) Firstly, there were new style of orchestrations,
for example the dissolution of cello and double-bass. (514) Then, there is the fact that wind
parts became more virtuoso, longer and were more chromatic. (516) Moreover, Mozart had
transformed the last movement of symphonies from light dance movements to more serious
finale. (517) Zalsaw suggested that Mozart's earlier symphonies were more conventional
because he was composing according to his patrons wishes. The scale of symphonies led
down a basic form of other genres, such as piano sonatas. (518)
With the transformation of symphonies in late 1770s, symphonies had become a more
popular genre among the public, which also implied the rise of instrumental music against
vocal music. (521) Another implication of the rise of symphonies is the shift of wealth and
style from Italy to German in the late eighteenth century. (523) Zalsaw argued that although
Mozart's symphonies had been considered 'apolitical', it was possible that Mozart had
composed his later symphonies with the above agenda in mind. (526)
D. Beales, Court, Government and Society in Mozarts Vienna in S. Sadie, ed., Wolfgang
Amad Mozart. Essays on his Life and his Music (Oxford, 1996), 3-20.

Beales aimed to view the life of a musician from a historian's standpoint and overthrow the
common knowledge that musicians lived a poor and uneasy lives in the eighteenth century.
(1) He pointed out that music was a main subject of education in the eighteenth century
Germany, and that Mozart and his family were respected in the Habsburgs household. (2)
However, although Archduke Ferdinand was in favour of hiring Mozart, the plan was halt
under the duke's mother Maria Theresa's disapproval saying that musicians were not needed
at the duke's court. (3) Mozart's employer Joseph II had influenced Mozart's opera for the
fact that the emperor did not like opera seria and favoured opera buffa. (5) Joseph II also
encouraged Mozart's composition of fugues, considering the emperor himself was fond of the
genre. (6)
Beales argued that although many people thought that Mozart was politically radical,
thus made the assumption that 'Jupiter' was 'irrational', Mozart himself was actually very
much a pacifier. (7) Upon Mozart's initiation in the freemasonry in 1784, he let the virtues of
the freemasons influence his music, mostly his operas and cantatas. (9-10) Mozart later
worked for Leopold III, who was fond of opera seria, which led to Mozart's composition of
La clemenza di Tito, as well as so church music. (14)
Beales's main argument here is that although most people thought that Mozart was a
poor musician, he was actually well-respected and was granted a lot of encouragement and
freedom of composition during his time in Habsburgs. (16)

R. Levin, Performance practice in the music of Mozart in S. Keefe, ed. The Cambridge
Companion to Mozart (Cambridge, 2003), 227-245
Levin aimed to give a guide of understanding the notation and terminology with respect to
performance if nineteenth century music.(227) He suggested that Mozart had clarified or
unified some of the decorative notations and tempo markings.(227) As Mozart wrote to his
father, in order to keep the tempo steady, the left hand should maintain the steady tempo
while the right hand would enjoy the freedom of speed. (228)
For dynamics marking, Mozart usually meant for a piece to begin loudly unless
marked otherwise. He also put the marking before the intended note. Levin suggested that
although sometimes not marked, the character of Mozart's passage could imply crescendo or
decrescendo. (229) Levin then talked about articulations. He mentioned that the common, or
expected articulations of the eighteenth century and the nineteenth century were opposite. In
eighteenth century, pieces were expected to play detached unless marked legato for
expressive effect. (230) Even though there are multiple editions of Mozart's works available
nowadays with notations like staccato and accents, the only detached articulations that
Mozart wrote in scores were strokes, which could mean a variety of articulations. (231)
For orchestral scores, Mozart notated multiple stemming for divisi of instrumental
parts and double or multiple stops. (231) Levin also suggested that Mozart notated his pieces
in layers, i.e. first the melody, then the harmony. (233) He also gave a guide to how Mozart
would have expected his cadenza to be played, i.e. be consistent or complimentary of the over
piece, to have reasonable length, to not stray far away from the tonic key etc. (236) Levin
lastly mentioned Leopold Mozart's advice on string-playing, that vibrato is expressive, but
need to be used with caution, which contradict our knowledge of vibrato unless marked
otherwise. (239)

C. Wolff, Mozarts Requiem. Historical and Analytical Studies, Documents, Score (Berkeley,
CA, 1994), 1-53
Wolff began with pointing out that most accounts of Mozart's death were over-dramatised and
romanticised. Wolff aimed to rectify the true history of Mozart's death. According to Wolff,
the famous requiem was actually commissioned by Franz Count von Walsegg, who meant to
'borrow' Mozart's composition and claim it to be his own's. As Mozart died before finish the
requiem, Constanze asked Mozart's closest friends to finish the requiem to avoid losing the
commission. Contrary to the count's plan, the requiem was performed before he copied his
name onto the score. Wolff suggested that the biggest question about Mozart's death lies in
the authenticity of his requiem. Wolff laid out the existing scholarly comments on the subject,
including Gottfried Weber's comment that it is odd that Mozart's Requiem was the most
incomplete yet the most admired out of all his works and that Mozart believed his client was
sent to warn him about his deathWeber also questioned Mozart's authorship on his Requiem
based on the fact that the manuscript was found among Sussmayr's belonging. Wolff argued
that Weber's conclusion was exaggerated, and the suggesting that Sussmayr wrote the
Requiem contradicted Sussmayr's own testimony. (9-11) Wolff made his own point that he
believed the truth of the authorship of Mozart's Requiem had been buried with Constanze as
she passed in 1842. With evidence such as Mozart's signature by Sussmayr and the phrase 'di
me' (by me), Wolff believed that Sussmayr was involved in the composition of the Requiem
at some level, but considered himself the 'subordinate one'. (18-21) After Mozart left the
unfinished Requiem to his deathbed, Constanze was determined to find someone skilful to
finish the work. After a few hiccups, the task was taken by Sussmayr, who finished the
Requiem with the help of scrap papers left by Mozart. However, evident from the manuscript
also showed that Stadler, Freystadtler, Eybler, students of Mozart, also helped with finishing
the Requiem.

C. Eisen, ed., Mozart. A Life in Letters (London, 2006), 534-568.

From the letter addressed the Michael Puchberg on 27th June, 1788, we can tell that Mozart
was desperate for money. Even though Mozart already owed Puchberg money and was not
able to return, he still wrote to ask for more. The word 'friendship' appeared a lot in the letter.
However, one must wonder whether such kindness was sincere or whether it was motivated
by the need of money. When Mozart wrote to Puchberg again later in 12th July 1789, Mozart
once again asked for money and exaggerated (if not made up) the illness of Constanze and his
son. Same goes with the letter addressed to his sister on 2nd Agust, 1788. Mozart seemed to
had a grand opening of the letter just to ask his sister for a favour to ask for Haydn's score. It
seemed to me that the letters Mozart wrote in Dresden in 1789, Mozart was only ever sincere
to his wife. Constanze seemed to be the only person Mozart wrote to without an ulterior
motive. I had this idea until I read the letter he wrote on 16th April 1789, in which he asked
Constanze to be careful of her conduct, not even subtly, asked her not to go out and not to be
with another man. It made me wonder whether it was because Mozart did not trust
Constanze's conduct or if he was feeling guilty for leaving her for so long. He was obviously
jealous of N.N., to whom he thought Constaze was too 'free and easy' with, in the letter to his
wife written in mid-August 1789. It is also interesting that Mozart never mentioned his
money problem to Constanze. It makes me feel that even though Mozart seemed to be a
character with jokes, he was nonetheless a man who honour his masculinity.