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Textual Scholarship, Medical Tradition, & Mahayana Buddhist Ideals in Tibet
Textual Scholarship, Medical Tradition, & Mahayana Buddhist Ideals in Tibet
SCHAEFFER
MAHAY
BUDDHIST IDEALS IN TIBET
These words of warning from the Four [Medical] Tantras underscore the
central place of textual learning for the practice of medicine in Tibet.
Textual scholarship in its many forms is an integral part of the medical
tradition in Tibet, or more precisely, of certain formulations of the medical
tradition with an emphasis on scholarship. For certain writers the Four
Tantras were the subject of a heated scholarly debate, centering in great
part around text critical issues. In this essay I explore what several influential Tibetan writers have said about the role of textual scholarship in
medical learning, about the place of scholarly learning in a field dedicated
in an ideal sense ultimately to practical application, and about the relationship between medical scholarship and the bodhisattva ideal of Mahayana
Buddhism in Tibet. Specifically, I argue four points: (1) Debates about
philological scholarship in pre-modem Tibet were not limited to discussions involving Buddhist literature but are found as well in fields such as
medical scholarship (as well as history, poetics, linguistics, etc.). (2) Such
debates in medical literature were nevertheless were framed by recourse
to the Mahayana Buddhist ideal of the bodhisattva and the injunction
that bodhisattvas study the five arts and sciences, including medicine.
(3) Reports of such debates were part of larger efforts to claim authority by
certain groups of medical scholars at the expense of others by casting doubt
on both their ability to practice medicine and their adherence to bodhisattva
ideals. (4) Finally, I suggest that this rhetoric linking the bodhisattva and
the textual/medical scholar was but one part of an attempt to exert direct
influence over the development of learning and culture on the part of the
newly formed Tibetan theocracy, the Ganden Government of the Fifth
Dalai Lama, at the end of the seventeenth century. Though the central part
1 Yon tan mgon po, Bdud rtsi, pp. 99.899.10.
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KURTIS R. SCHAEFFER
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Gyatsos medical paintings. See Parfionovitch (1992), vol 1, pp. 8990; vol. 2, pp. 245
246.
7 Yon tan mgon po, Bdud rtsi, pp. 96.296.3: blo che blo brtan blo gzeg gsum ldan
pas // gso dpyad mdo rgyas ma lus khong du chud //. See also Clark (1995), p. 223, for an
alternative translation.
8 Yon tan mgon po, Bdud rtsi, pp. 98.198.2: rgyu ni dri klog mtha ru phyin par
bslab // chod dang mi chod de la brtan par snang //. Quoted in Sangs rgyas rgya
mtsho, Dpal ldan, pp. 517.7517.8. See Clark (1995), p. 226. See also the twelfth-century
commentary on these lines, which employs the same examples; Ye shes gzungs, Grel, f.
57a.5.
9 Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho, Gso ba, pp. 494.3494.5.
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KURTIS R. SCHAEFFER
the Fifth Dalai Lama. During his relatively short life of fifty-two years, the
regent of Tibet composed three major medical works. In 1687, at the age
of thirty-five, he began a commentary on the Four Tantras known as the
Blue Beryl, which he completed one year later, in 1688. Two years after
this he began his second medical work, an extended commentary on the
third of the Four Tantras, the Instructional Tantra. This extended survey
of medical practice was completed in 1691.
Eleven years later, in 1702, he began what was to be his last medical
work, the Beryl Mirror, more commonly known as the Gso rig khog
bugs what I have roughly translated as the Interior Analysis of the
Medical Arts.10 Sangye Gyatsos Beryl Mirror is explicitly based upon
an earlier work by Drangti Palden Tshoje. According to Sangye Gyatso,
Palden Tshojes Elucidation of Topics (Shes bya rab gsal) in fact forms
the basis for most medical historiography between the fourteenth and the
seventeenth centuries.11
Sangye Gyatsos survey of the medical tradition is a complex work,
integrating medical history, a schematic presentation of the Buddhist
teachings, a long prescriptive survey of the qualities of the ideal physician,
and several autobiographical passages. The Beryl Mirror is the last of his
major works, completed in 1703, just two years before his untimely death
in 1705. It is likely, however, that he had been working on this history for a
number of years prior to this. At the close of the work we find a small note
relating the unfavorable circumstances of its creation. Up to age fifty, that
is, until 1702, Sangye Gyatso dictated the work to a scribe. He admits that
this process of dictation was a major source of error, for his own words
were often misconstrued by the scribe and written down incorrectly. In
1702 Sangye Gyatso considered the work to be only a collection of draft
10 In the opening verses of the Beryl Mirror Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho elaborates on the
title of his work, describing it as an exposition (legs bshad) that penetrates (bugs) the
interior (khog) of the medical tradition. See Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho, Dpal ldan, pp. 78:
dpal ldan gso ba rig pai rgyud kyi khog / sman pai rgyal pos [8] bzhin du bugs byed
pai // legs bshad dri ma spangs pa baiduryai // me long tshe rig drang srong dgyes
pai bzhin //. Although the implications of the Tibetan term khog bugs/dbug, the name
of the genre of writing in which Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho places his work, have not been
explored fully, it seems to refer primarily though not exclusively to the historical works
on the lineages and texts of the medical tradition, including the presentation of the ideal
physicians education and qualities. Indeed, these subjects make up almost the whole of
Sangs rgyas rgya mtshos Beryl Mirror. Yon tan mgon po, Khyung, f. 3a.58a.4 offers an
early analysis of the term. The parameters of the genre as delineated by Tibetan scholars
deserve separate study.
11 Although this work does not contain the word khog bugs in its title, and Sangs rgyas
rgya mtsho does not cite it as such, it is structured in much the same way as both the Beryl
Mirror and Zur mkhar Blo gros rgyal pos Khog dbug (Blo gros rgyal po, Gang).
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structured nature of works such as the Yellow Beryl, the White Beryl, or the Blue Beryl.
There are no chapter headings, and though the progress of the work does have a general
coherence to it, certain subjects receive scant attention in comparison with others.
13 Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho, Dpal ldan, pp. 372.4372.5.
14 Sangs rgyas rgya rntsho, Dpal ldan, pp. 376.2376.7.
15 According to Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho, Dpal ldan, Nang so dar rgyas and the lesser
physicians were convinced that the Byang and Zur traditions were quite different. But
Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho felt that the two differed only in minor points, and therefore textual
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KURTIS R. SCHAEFFER
Nangso Dargyay to be filled with gaps and confused sections. He therefore took a chance and told the Great Fifth that his colophon to Nangso
Dargyays 1662 print was inaccurate when it heaped praise only on the
Dratang print. Because this most recent edition of the Four Tantras was
prepared under the auspices of the Fifth Dalai Lama, criticizing that text
was tantamount to criticizing the Dalai Lama himself. Sangye Gyatso
seems acutely aware of this dilemma. He was after all, saying that the
bodhisattva Avalokitesvara himself did not really know his scripture all
that well.16 His language in describing this situation is supremely deferential, and yet the basic point is clear: My master, the Great Fifth [Dalai
Lama], who knows everything of ultimate meaning and who sees all and
everywhere as if it were in the palm of his hand . . . manifested ignorance of the three [smaller] Tantras, the outlines, and the tree-diagrams for
the sake of the lowly.17 The Dalai Lama was pleased at his seventeenyear old pupils industry, and encouraged him to begin re-editing the Four
Tantras.18 This project was to last twenty-four years, ending in 1694 when
Sangye Gyatso had new blocks of the text carved.
Despite his studies and his extensive writing, Sangye Gyatso admits to
doubting his abilities to edit the Four Tantras to the point of anxiety.19 He
was apparently able to overcome these feelings, however, and provides a
detailed account of his efforts. The editorial process was a massive project,
in which he consulted over forty separate sutras, tantras, Buddhist treatises,
and medical works in order to arrive at good textual readings. In addition
to the Dratang print itself he also used at least four other prints of the
Four Tantras and a number of old handwritten manuscripts. He specifically
names editors and patrons of prints from Dzonga (Rdzong dga), Gampo
(Sgam po), Takten (Rtag brtan), and Bodong (Bo dong), giving us some
insight into the complexity of the textual traditions with which Sangye
Gyatso found himself confronted. By comparing older manuscripts with
the Dratang print he sought to restore older verses, fix topical headings and
outlines, emend faulty readings, clarify archaic terminology, and eliminate
changes in the text that he considered to be guesses by the uninformed.20
Despite his critique of former scholars efforts, it is clear that Sangye
Gyatso drew inspiration from his predecessors. Among many such figures,
witnesses from both traditions should be used in establishing an improved text of the Four
Tantras: Meyer (1992), p. 6.
16 On the development of the idea that the Dalai Lama was a reincarnation of this
bodhisattva, see Ishihama (1993).
17 Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho, Dpal ldan, pp. 381.6381.11.
18 Meyer (1992), p. 6.
19 Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho, Dpal ldan, pp. 383.4383.7.
20 Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho, Dpal ldan, pp. 385.9385.16.
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KURTIS R. SCHAEFFER
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practice. [Such physicians also think:] These people who are learned in explanation
are deficient in the realm of practice. For this reason they study the Subsequent Tantra
without studying the Explanatory Tantra. They look narrowly with just a few practical
techniques from that [Tantra], and leave it at that. Later they express arrogance, [saying]
that they do not need to look at the Explanatory Tantra or the Instructional Tantra. These
[physicians] who desire to understand the meaning without knowing the words, which
teach the practice, are astonishing.27
of this work to 1886 (me khyi) is based upon the apparent mention of two figures in the
introductory verses, Si tu Pan. chen Chos kyi byung gnas (1699/17001774) and Jam
dbyangs Mkhyen brtse dbang po (18201892). See Rin chen od zer, Bdud, p. 4.
29 Rnam rgyal grags bzang, Bshad, p. 691 63a.17. See before him Ye shes gzungs, Grel,
f. 63a.1.
30 Blo gros rgyal po, Bshad pai rgyud gyi rnam bshad, pp. 95.1995.24.
31 Blo gros rgyal po, Bshad pai rgyud gyi rnam bshad, pp. 95.2596.3.
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KURTIS R. SCHAEFFER
these passages Lodro Gyalpo provides a clear rationale for the importance
of textual scholarship to medical learning and medical practice. Sangye
Gyatso himself couldnt have made it clearer: the only place one can learn
the medical arts is in texts such as the Explanatory Tantra. If the physician
does not possess an intimate understanding of these arts, then effective
practice is simply not possible.
In his incomplete commentary on the Subsequent Tantra, Lodro Gyalpo
laments that most physicians rely only on this the last of the Four Tantras
and ignore the previous three. The Subsequent Tantra is valuable, of
course, for it . . . clearly teaches the steps of practice according to the
order of its chapters, without mixing them all together, for physicians of
inferior mental skill.32 Although Lodro Gyalpo admits that it is possible
to benefit people by basing ones practice only on this Tantra, those who
really wish to aid living beings, and those who wish to comment upon
the Four Tantras, will study all four according to commentators of the
past. Clearly, for Lodro Gyalpo a firm grounding in theories of physiology,
epidemiology, and reasoned diagnosis must precede medical practice, and
thus textual scholarship precedes medical practice. It is also equally clear
that this was not the only vision of the healing arts in his time, and that
there were those who did not bother with the musings of scholars such as
Lodro Gyalpo and Sangye Gyatso.
It was Darmo Memampa Lobsang Chodrak who took up the task of
completing Lodro Gyalpos unfinished commentary on the Four Tantras.
Lobsang Chodrak was a senior contemporary of Sangye Gyatso, and one
of the physicians working under the Fifth Dalai Lama. Like Zurkhar
Lodro Gyalpo, Lobsang Chodrak was concerned about the state of medical
scholarship in his day. In the introduction to his commentary on the
Instructional Tantra, he chastises those who scoff at textual learning in
a manner reminiscent of Lodro Gyalpo. Much like his predecessors views
on the Subsequent Tantra, Lobsang Chodrak argues that reliance on the
practical methods of the Instructional Tantra is not enough. He writes with
some humor:
Even though the Instructional Tantra is a necessity for those physicians who would engage
in the practice of healing the sick, learned and insightful physicians do not [just] rely on
dexterity. Even though some physicians do not understand [the Four Tantras], they rashly
think that understanding is easy. Some [on the other hand], see the [medical treatises] as
difficult to understand, while others become frightened by the mere sight of a book!33
In the face of such cowardice on the part of his fellow physicians, Lobsang
Chodrak could not but do his part to uphold the textual tradition of the
32 Blo gros rgyal po, Phyi mai rgyud gyi rnam bshad, pp. 669.16669.18.
33 Blo bzang chos grags, Man ngag rgyud kyi dka grel, pp. 524.10524.14.
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KURTIS R. SCHAEFFER
finer orthographic points of the Yargyab (Yar rgyab) [that is, the Dratang] print. [I] used the
[grammatical treatise] of Zhalu Lotsawa Chokyong Zangpo (Zha lu Lo tsa ba Chos skyong
bzang po) [known as] the Zamatok (Za ma tog). I carefully read the words, the meaning,
and the outlines, and emended omissions and additions according to the [Dratang] text. In
some chapters that explain the effects of medicines there were points of great disagreement,
which I checked against the scattered annotations given by [Darmo] Menrampa Lobsang
Chodrak.37
Aside from revealing several interesting details regarding his own editorial
methods, Konchok Chodraks comments also help place the activities of
Sangye Gyatso in an intellectual context. Sangye Gyatso has been credited with initiating the intense scrutiny of the textual history of the Four
Tantras, and indeed he himself characterized his work in this way when
he criticized Jango Nangso Dargyay for relying too heavily on Lodro
Gyalpos Dratang print of the tantras. Yet we can see from Konchok
Chodraks description of his own editorial activities that Sangye Gyatso
was carrying on work that was already underway. In terms of both inspiration and methodological approach, Sangye Gyatso was carrying on a
critical tradition dating back at least one hundred years to Lodro Gyalpo.
As the heir to these scholars efforts, Sangye Gyatso portrays himself
as the medical scholar par excellence. Yet his vision of medical scholarship does not begin and end with textual criticism. The value he places on
the textual study of medical treatises is directly related to his conception
of medicine in relation to the other classically defined arts and sciences,
and in relation to the larger Mahayana Buddhist theme of the bodhisattva.
Textual scholarship is important not merely because it produces soundly
edited texts or technically correct commentaries; it is important, Sangye
Gyatso argues, because it is no less than an essential part of the Mahayana
Buddhist path. In the introductory passage of the Beryl Mirror38 he locates
the study of medicine within the proper activity of a bodhisattva. Citing
a host of sutras, tantras, as well as Indian and Tibetan sa stras, he argues
that the five arts are all essential components of the path toward enlightenment, for they each contribute to the welfare of sentient beings, and thus
to the progress of the bodhisattva. The study of treatises on medical
arts is important for the bodhisattva, a certain sutra claims, for by this
humans will become free of the eighty-four diseases of non-virtue. If the
bodhisattva can heal beings with such love and kindness, this will cause
beings to have faith in the bodhisattva. With this peaceful attitude of faith
beings will remember the Buddha, and thus be ready for the bodhisattva
to lead them to the other shore, to enlightenment.39 At the beginning of
37 Blo gros rgyal po, Bshad pai rgyud gyi rnam bshad, pp. 664.25665.12.
38 Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho, Dpal ldan, pp. 820.
39 Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho, Dpal, pp. 16.1017.3, citing Anonymous, Thab.
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his history of medicine, then, Sangye Gyatso makes a powerful claim: the
study of medicine is directly linked to the highest soteriological goal of
Buddhism, enlightenment itself, and therefore the study of medicine, even
the minutiae of medical texts, is imbued with a value far exceeding its
most immediate goals, the mastery of a complex body of literature and its
application toward improving human life.
Furthermore, the five arts form an essential part of the bodhisattvas
progress toward omniscience, as the lines from the Mahayanasutralam. kara cited by Sangye Gyatso (and Yuthok Yontan Gonpo [G.yu thog Yon
tan mgon po] in his own Interior Analysis long before Sangye Gyatso)
suggest: If one is not diligent in the five arts, even the most noble will not
become omniscient.40 Sangye Gyatso offers a sutra quotation that makes
the equation clear: If the bodhisattva has not studied the five arts, there is
no way he will attain the omniscient wisdom of complete enlightenment.
Therefore, in order to attain unexcelled enlightenment, one must study the
five arts.41
If the study of medicine is an integral part of the way of the bodhisattva,
the other four arts are also essential to the study of medicine. For Sangye
Gyatso the limbs of scholarship are incomplete if any of the five arts
are neglected.42 In an extended commentary on chapter thirty-one of the
Explanatory Tantra occurring toward the end of Beryl Mirror,43 Sangye
Gyatso argues in more detail that the well-rounded physician must be adept
in all of the five arts. Physicians must be skilled with their hands in order
prepare medicines, or in order to make such medical implements as the
gceu, the long brass tube used to administer medicines. They must have
a way with words and know how to act in order to put their patients at
ease. The physician must be skilled in reasoning as well, so as to approach
diagnosis and medical analysis with a clear mind. The language arts are of
particular importance for the study of medicine. If one does not understand
the language arts, Sangye Gyatso tells us, one will not understand wordformation or word-derivation in medical terminology.44 Since medical
texts contain many synonyms, the good physician must study such works
40 Byams pa, Theg, f. 15b.315b.4: rig pai gnas lnga dag la brtson par ma byas na //
phags mchog gis kyang thams cad mkhyen nyid mi gyur te // de lta bas na gzhan dag
tshar bcad rjes bzung dang // bdag nyid kun shes bya phyir de la de brtson byed // (third
and fourth lines not translated above); Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho, Dpal ldan, pp. 9.139.17.
See also Rin chen od zer, Bdud, pp. 139.4139.7. Ruegg (1995), p. 101, discusses this
verse, namely Mahayanasutralam
. kara 11.60.
41 Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho, Dpal ldan, pp. 9.49.8, citing Anonymous, Thab.
42 Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho, Dpal ldan, pp. 515.16516.1.
43 Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho, Dpal ldan, pp. 508547.
44 Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho, Dpal ldan, p. 515.
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medieval Europe as well, as in, for instance the following passage from Isidore of Seville
(570636): The physician ought to know literature, grammatica, to be able to understand
or to explain what he reads. Likewise also rhetoric, that he may delineate in true arguments
the things which he discusses; dialectic also so that he may study the causes and cures of
infirmities in the light of reason. See Jacquart (1998), p. 199.
47 Yon tan mgon po, Khyung. 12a.2.
48 See Beckwith (1979), p. 304. I will return to this set of decrees in a future essay.
49 Blo gros rgyal po, Gang, pp. 2931.
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there is nothing that is not a valid area of study, even non-Buddhist and
worldly subjects. A passage from the Introduction to the Bodhisattvas
Way to the effect that there is nothing without merit for sons of the Buddha
proves Lodro Gyalpos point.50 Like Sangye Gyatso after him, Lodro
Gyalpo devotes a section of his work to commenting on the line from the
Explanatory Tantra, Learn writing and reading completely, for whether
[you] are capable or incapable depends on these,51 in which he offers
a detailed presentation of Sanskrit, Tibetan, and the material of writing:
pen, ink, and paper.52 In the final analysis, for Lodro Gyalpo one wishing
to become a scholar without reading, writing, and grammar is a source of
amazement, like someone who wants to make offerings to the gods without
any money.53
Drawing on the work of contemporary scholars such as the eminent
Tibetan scholar of medicine, Jampa Trinley (Byams pa phrin las) (b. 1928)
and Fernand Meyer, who has done much to bring Tibetan medical scholarship before the western scholarly public, I have sought here to understand
something of the activities of Sangye Gyatso, his colleagues, and select
predecessors in the area of medical scholarship. Yet while I have dealt
exclusively with medical texts in this essay, I have come to this material
with specific questions in mind about the role of textual scholarship in
Tibetan scholarly culture as a whole. In an earlier essay I sought to detail
the specific editorial and philological methods that went into collecting,
editing, and preparing the collected works of a particular Buddhist writer
who happened to be active during Sangye Gyatsos lifetime.54 In the colophons to his writings, practically every aspect of the editorial process and
the process of textual production more broadly was detailed, commented
upon, and called into question. Clearly these were important matters of
critical reflection for the editors of this Buddhist masters works.
I hope I have shown that these textual issues were of no less importance
in the medical traditions, and that the well-known voluminous printing of
medical literature during the late seventeenth century developed amidst
a heated debate about the relation of philology to application. With the
widespread use of block-printing texts could be disseminated on a wide
scale. Those who controlled the creation, distribution, and use (that is, the
50 Blo gros rgyal po, Gang, pp. 5.15.13. Blo gros rgyal po cites Zhi ba lha/S
antideva,
Bodhicaryavatara, ff. 14a.3
51 Yon tan mgon po, Bdud rtsi, pp. 98.198.2.
52 Blo gros rgyal po, Gang, pp. 361.4373.12.
53 Blo gros rgyal po, Gang, pp. 373.7373.9.
54 Schaeffer (1999). See also Schaeffer (forthcoming) on Tibetan editorial method and
theory.
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KURTIS R. SCHAEFFER
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suggests that the most important healer is none other than the principle
bodhisattva of his era, the Fifth Dalai Lama (to whom Sangye Gyatso,
not surprisingly, pays homage in the opening verse of the Beryl Mirror
as well),56 and his government.57 Sangye Gyatso had spent much of his
life learning under the Fifth Dalai Lama, promoting, and subsequently
leading the Ganden Government, and there is every reason to believe that
his efforts in medical scholarship were an integral part of these efforts.
The founding of an institution of medical learning adjacent to the seat of
government, the Potala, can be understood as well as part of an effort to
control the production of medical knowledge. E. Gene Smith has suggested
that Sangye Gyatso was striving not merely to rule Tibet from the Potala in
a strictly political sense, but to create a cultural hegemony extending to a
variety of areas, including time (astrology and astronomy), space (ritual),
monastic curriculum, and medicine.58 This insight provides a theory to
explain the extraordinary range of subjects Sangye Gyatso took up in his
writing and their relation to his role as leader of Tibet.59 Just as he undertook to impress upon his subjects the veracity and authority of the Fifth
Dalai Lama as the actual incarnation of Avalokitesvara, the bodhisattva
of compassion, through rituals and a series of written works, so I would
suggest he was working to promote his government through the promotion
of the medical arts within the larger ideology of the bodhisattva.
Sangye Gyatso and the other writers I have touched upon are nothing
if not passionate about what are, on the surface at least, the most mundane
philological details of the Four Tantras. No doubt, for these scholars the
quality of the medical text was directly related to the quality of medical
practice, the work of the textual critic intimately bound with the work of
the physician, and the emotionally charged activities of the medical scholar
classically dictated to be part and parcel of the bodhisattvas effort to
alleviate the suffering of human beings. However, when considered in relation to Sangye Gyatsos political undertakings, I suggest that this passion
had as much to do with authority as it did words on the page, or even
healing the sick. The authority of tradition (the medical lineage stemming
from Yuthok Yontan Gonpo to Sangye Gyatso himself), the propriety of
a privileged mode of learning (textual scholarship) and a privileged body
of knowledge (scholarly medicine), and the authority of the government
of which Sangye Gyatso was leader were all linked and maintained by a
rhetoric that argued for the inseparability of philology and exegesis from
56 Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho, Dpal, p. 1.9.
57 Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho, Dpal, pp. 560.5560.11.
58 Personal communication, May 2001.
59 See Ruegg (1995), p. 154.
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KURTIS R. SCHAEFFER
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gser rgyan. Rgyud bzhii grel pa mes poi zhal lung. Krung goi bod kyi shes rig dpe
skrun khang, Beijing. Smad cha (volume two), pp. 1527.
Blo bzang chos grags, Dar mo (16381697/1700). Bdud rtsi snying po yan lag brgyad pa
gsang ba man ngag gi rgyud dum bu bzhi pa phyi ma phrin las rgyud kyi chu mdo man
gyi grel pa zhal lung gnyis pa dka gnad rdo rjei mdud grol. Rgyud bzhii grel pa mes
poi zhal lung. Krung goi bod kyi shes rig dpe skrun khang, Beijing. Smad cha (volume
two), pp. 530782.
antideva. Byang chub sems dpai spyod pa la jug pa. Bodhisattvacaryavatara.
Zhi ba lha/S
Sde dge Bstan gyur, Dbu ma, v. La ff. 140 (D3871).
Ye shes gzungs, Sum ston pa (12th c.). Grel pa bum chung gsal sgron nor bui phreng
mdzes. Yuthoks Treatise on Tibetan Medicine. Gyu thog cha lag bco brgyad: A corpus
of Tibetan medical teachings attributed to G yu-thog the Physician Reproduced from a
blocks. Tibetan Bonpo Monastic Center,
set of prints from the 17th century Lhasa Zol
Dolanji, 1976, vv. 2. v. 1, pp. 157301.
Yon tan mgon po, G.yu thog (11261202). Khog dbug khyung chen lding ba. Yuthoks
Treatise on Tibetan Medicine. v. 1, pp. 737.
Yon tan mgon po, G.yu thog (11261202). Bdud rtsi snying po yan lag brgyad pa gsang
ba man ngag gi rgyud. Bod ljongs mi dmangs dpe skrun khang, Lhasa. 1992.
Rin chen od zer, Sde dge Bla sman (19th c.). Bdud rtsi rnying po yan lag brgyad pa gsang
ba man ngag gi rgyud las dum bu gnyis pa bshad pai rgyud kyi bru grel don gsal rab
tu snang bai nyin byed. Bdud rtsi snying po yan lag brgyad pa gsang ba man ngag gi
rgyud las rtsa rgyud dang bshad rgyud kyi grel pa. Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang,
Chengdu. 2001. pp. 139554.
Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho, Sde srid (16531705). Mchod sdong dzam gling rgyan gcig rten
gtsug lag khang dang bcas pai dkar chag thar gling rgya mtshor bgrod pai gru rdzings
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E-mail: kschaeff@bama.ua.edu