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Caste, Class and the Dalit Question

[Below we reproduce the paper presented by Comrade Shankar at the Central Party School of CPI(ML)
held on 28-30 November, 2001 at Bhuvaneshwar]

Reductionism of Marxism or Reductionist Approach to Marxism?

THE DALIT movement today, as a whole, is basically led by the petty bourgeoisie and is representing
their interests in society and politics. Even the so-called Marxists, who claim to have integrated Marxian
theory with the concrete conditions in pre-capitalist Indian society, are only trying to appropriate class
into a caste framework as against Marxists attempt at interpreting caste within a Marxist framework.
This only leads them to utopian ideas on abolition of caste. In the process of bringing out the significance
of the caste question they tend to include caste in the basic structure and class in the superstructure,
and thereby, liquidate the revolutionary essence of Marxist philosophy. The framework does matter as it
involves the question of annihilation of caste. Marxists stand for the annihilation of caste through
scientific analysis and through abolition of its material basis, the capitalist system, and by mobilizing
various sections of people along class lines against the exploitative social system in dalitbahujan
parlance, the brahminical, varnashrama system.

It is true that the communist movement as a whole, in the early phase of its birth, had streaks of economic
reductionist approach to Marxism. The emergence of Naxalism and the subsequent formation of the
Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) are the negation of social-democratic theoretical and
political positions and of all streaks of dogmatism or mechanical interpretation of Marxism. Marxist-
Leninists have contributed to the creative application of Marxism in concrete Indian conditions. They
have come up with a radical theoretical and political framework that can effectively address the complex
issues of Indian society such as caste, nationality, gender, etc. They recognized Ambedkars radicalism as
a radical bourgeois democratic vision in contrast to Gandhis conservative bourgeois vision. They hailed
the implementation of Mandal recommendations as a progressive measure, despite being critical of the
Mandalist political parties. It is mainly under the communist leadership that dalits could snatch even the
right to vote in some states. Communists work for the accentuation of class differentiation among various
castes. Class is a universal category and looking for a pure class category in an underdeveloped
capitalism with the dominance of semi-feudal or pre-capitalist production relations is nothing but
self-deception. Eliminating caste is one of the major questions of New Democratic Revolution because
the process of elimination of caste facilitates class formation, accentuates class polarization and makes
class struggle more open, broad and direct, and brings out the class in a purer form. But, this can be
accomplished only by mobilizing people along class lines and not the other way round. The communists
are exploring ways of greater interaction with radical dalit organizations even as many dalit organizations
are getting closer to status-quoist parties like the Congress, centrist parties and the BJP. In this context, it
is the task of communists to liberate various downtrodden castes from the shackles of the caste system
that is backed by the semi-feudal, underdeveloped capitalist society.

So, it is not the reductionism of Marxism but the reductionist approach to Marxism that categorises class
merely as an economic category and Marxist Philosophy as a philosophy of economic revolution,
devoid of the idea of elimination of caste and other complex issues that are confronted in Indian society.
The subsequent sections will deal with this reductionist approach to Marxism in some detail.

New Breed of Social Revolutionaries

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THE DECADE of 1990s began with the Mandal agitation. It also witnessed the dramatic rise of the BSP
and the dalit movement in some parts of the country, which introduced a new genre of dalit discourse on
social justice and paved the way for the birth of a new breed of social revolutionaries and ideologues.
We have also seen the globalisation of dalit discourse in its recent attempt to include caste in the agenda
of the UN Conference against Racism, Racial Discriminations, Xenophobia and Related Intolerances.

Marx said: The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles. But the new
breed of social revolutionaries has come up with the formulation, The history of the hitherto existing
society in India is the history of caste struggles. This new breed of scholars includes Kancha Ilaiah. Gail
Omvedt and Gopal Guru represent other major strands of dalit discourse. These are essentially the major
strands of dalit discourse in the recent period.

If the first phase was marked by dalit discourse against Brahminism, the second phase is marked by the
dalit-bahujan variety. This variety of discourse particularly refuses to see the socio-economic roots of
caste oppression. It considers the varna system and caste-based oppression mainly as a conspiracy of
the Brahminical forces. The dalit question today cannot be simply viewed as confined to dalits vs.
Brahminical upper castes. Rising kulaks from among upwardly mobile intermediate castes, too, indulge
in oppression on dalits in order to scuttle the demands of the agricultural workers and poor peasants for
wages, land, social dignity and political emancipation.

Many dalitbahujan ideologues share a common perception. They equate the Marxist perception with the
vision of Congress-led state capitalism represented by Nehru and with the social democratic streams of
the communist movement. They call Marxism caste-blind. They over-emphasise the caste background
of an individual rather than directing fire against Brahminism as an ideology and system. They consider
elimination of caste, a superstructural category, to be a precondition to any transformation and fail to see
the dialectical relation between caste and class. Rather, they also end up failing to propose any real,
practical solution to the caste question except for suggesting some sort of cultural/social revolution.
This is best articulated in their upholding conversion to Buddhism, another religion, as the means of
ending exploitation and oppression based on caste hierarchy. They also believe in non-violent means, in
other words, class collaborationism, for achieving their desired goal.

The recent dalitbahujan discourse has made a definite departure from Ambedkar and the major/central
themes of the dalit movement of his period. Ambedkar denounced the twin enemies of Brahminism and
capitalism whereas the recent discourse, particularly that of the BSP, denounces communism and the left
in general and even considers Manuvadi parties less dangerous than the communist parties, thus
revealing its class character. This variety of dalit-bahujan discourse attaches one-sided importance to
political power ignoring every other aspect of the dalit question and advances concepts of mobilizing
dalit-bahujans. That, on many occasions, degenerates to the level of mobilizing sarvajan and
dalitisation of bahujans etc.

Gail Omvedt claims to have adopted a revised historical materialist approach to study the issues related
to dalits and democratic revolution. Kancha Ilaiah believes in the argument that presenting the facts, in
itself, is emancipatory and he shot into prominence as a dalitbahujan ideologue through his book Why I
am not a Hindu. Gopal Guru advocates the line of combining both, caste and class, and ends up in an
eclectic combination. He has a limited understanding of the category of class and finds it somewhat
lacking so he suggests supplementing with caste the eclectic combination but it is also true that he
doesnt share the crude version of reductionism of others who just reduce, and deride Marxism to an
economic category.

Petty-Bourgeois Utopianism

MARX SAYS that the petty-bourgeois utopianism and varieties of utopian socialist systems sprang into

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existence in the early underdeveloped period of the struggle between the proletariat and bourgeoisie.
Petty-bourgeois utopianism is the natural product of any pre-capitalist society and the BSP variety is only
an Indian variant of petty-bourgeois utopianism. Utopianism, in general, advocates so many concepts for
socialism and democracy but never attacks private ownership and the interest accruing from capital. It
fails to see the historical mission of the proletariat and believes that governmental reforms and moral
training in the society in the spirit of a new religion would lead to the abolition of all contradictions
(Communist Manifesto).1 The Indian variant of petty-bourgeois utopinaism manifests in terms of the
concepts of class peace, reforms for the resolution of antagonistic contradictions in society, and refusal to
attack private ownership and the capitalist system. In fact, it advocates a peaceful parliamentary path to
capture political power to attain change of hearts in the exploiters, in their parlance the Manuvadis. They
also propose Buddhism, another religion, as a solution and a counter to exploitative Manuvadi,
Brahminical Hinduism. These are the main features of various shades of ideas that are encountered in any
pre-capitalist or underdeveloped societies. The ideas of various streams of dalit ideologues and dalit
organizations and parties regarding annihilation of caste, dalit liberation and dalit democratic revolution,
etc., are no different. Kanshi Ram, and various dalit organizations in the country, with rare exceptions,
prefer to overlook private property and capital; adopt a negative attitude towards revolution (that it is
basically violent); refuse to see the historical mission of the proletariat; believe that governmental
reforms, education, and salaried jobs and avenues of petty commodity production to the dalits will lead to
abolition of all caste/class contradictions in the society. In that sense, these streams represent the Indian
variants of petty-bourgeois utopianism, which subjugates oppressed caste/class interests to the ruling
classes, including those belonging to the emerging intermediate castes.

Kancha Ilaiah says, ... this transformation in Kanshi Rams language, social transformation and
economic emancipation has the essential potential of democratic revolution, it is like what happened in
France in 1789 during the French Revolution, where liberty, equality and fraternity were notionally made
the rights of all individuals. This is materializing in India now.2 There cannot be any social
transformation without economic emancipation and, in fact, it is a precondition. The relation between
economic emancipation and social transformation is the point all social revolutionaries prefer to
overlook: either because of their antipathy to Marxism or their overemphasis on the potential of
mobilization based on pure caste category. Kancha Ilaiah also fails to note that the French Revolution
essentially entailed a curb on the rights of the proletariat and the liberties enshrined in the American
constitution meant the white mans liberty to larrup his nigger. So also all such rights inherent to every
human being contain the seeds of historically posited inequality. To quote Moni Guha, The passionate
call for all such equality today, abstracts from the class struggle and glosses over the inherent inequality
between, say, a Kanshi Ram and a Butan Musahar (A hero of the Bhojpur Naxalite movement). By
depriving the oppressed of materialist class analysis such ideologies actually subvert the cause of
emancipation.3

Kancha Ilaiah calls for the dalitisation of civil society, a dalitbahujan knowledge system, developing
organic intellectuals, establishing dalitbahujan democracy and dalit democratic revolution, etc. But, he is
dependent on the very same Brahminical state, parliamentary means and conversion to Buddhism to
accomplish it. He could only think of jargons like rehumanisation of Brahmins, dalitisation of society,
bahujanisation of fewjans etc.

Dalit Democratic Revolution

IN ANOTHER article, Kancha Ilaiah asserts that the casteist enemies of democratic transformation are
much more powerful than capitalist class enemies of socialist transformation because the capitalists are
shaken up in the class war, whereas in this democratic transformation the brahminical caste enemies are
not at all shaken. The strategy of dalit democratic revolution is to disempower them gradually.4 Dalit
Democratic Revolution is the strategy mooted against New Democratic Revolution advocated by

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communists. The motive forces of this dalit revolution are the dalits and OBCs. Their contradiction is
not an antagonistic one according to Kancha Ilaiah. This he had said when Mulayam was the Chief
Minister. And the reason attributed to this non-antagonistic contradiction was Mulayams lack of clear
vision of establishing a casteless society, because he emphasizes on Gandhian economy that is nothing
but a caste economy. Thus, Mulayams flawed vision is the hurdle in the process of establishing unity
between these non-antagonistic castes dalits and OBCs according to Kancha Ilaiah. He says, The
scope for OBC-dalit unity lies in their productive relations with nature, their food culture, the democratic
man-woman relations that they have preserved all these years, the culture of their female-centred
goddesses etc.5 This is nothing but building castles in the air. There are several classes engaged in
productive relations with nature, including kulaks of most of the intermediate castes. His conception is
misplaced because he looks only at the productive relations with nature as the scope for the unity instead
of production relations that govern the relationship among the classes/castes engaged in production. In
fact, it is these relations that are the sources of caste hostility and rivalry, which lead to caste clashes in
many places. He refuses to see the inherent contradictions in society, between two different, rival classes
in the present social setting.

Thomas Mathew also advocated dalit democratic revolution but from a different premise. His premise
was to build a model of revolution on the grammar of caste society with the dynamics of class struggle
whereas Kancha Ilaiah stresses the dynamics of caste-based election victory. Mathew has taken the cue
from Ambedkar while Ilaiah has taken the cue from Kanshi Ram, the harbinger of a new paradigm in
social science discourse. Comrade Vinod Mishra has best articulated the counter to such arguments,
The broad united front [proposed in the so-called Dalit Democratic Revolution], if at all it materializes,
will inevitably transfer the leadership to the national bourgeoisie and shall only ensure the domination of
kulaks of backward castes over the rural poor. The programme of dalit democratic revolution is actually
the maximum limit of the most radical of Janata Dal men and our author (Thomas Mathew) has not been
able to transcend that limit.6 In the process of going further, Kancha Ilaiah is also proposing a
concession to upper castes saying that, the present strategy is in the interests of fewjans because this
strategy aims to achieve the change with less violence.7 Marx also encountered such utopians who
opposed the idea of a violent revolution and who held that the transition to future socialist society could
be made only through peaceful advocacy of model phalansteries. They, however, did not abolish private
ownership and there were rich as well as poor in his phalansteries.

Base and Superstructure

GAIL OMVEDT is one of the prominent scholars who had often been questioning Marxist positions on
caste and class. She started with adopting a methodology of revised historical materialism and has ended
up in advocating vulgar Marxist positions in the name of scientific interrogation of the theory. According
to her, liberalisation and market are beneficial to dalitbahujans, and they should strive to derive
maximum benefit out of it. She has ultimately turned into a staunch proponent of liberalization and
market forces in the process of her quest for a revised historical materialist approach towards dalit
democratic revolution.

She had been repeatedly talking about the relationship between base and superstructure. She says,
Marxism set up, for decades to come, the paradigmatic polarities of class and caste, base and
superstructure, economic and social/cultural/ideological. For communist and socialist radicals, this meant
taking class/the base/economic as primary8 Its disadvantage, according to Gail Omvedt, was that it
took the overriding reality of class and class struggle so strongly as to assert the fundamental
irrelevance of every other sociological category. She says that the proponents of Marxism and Socialism
treat family, kinship, the state, gender and in India, of course, caste, as not only secondary but practically
non-existent factors. She characterises the assertion that behind the apparent reality of caste ultimately
lay class and its dialectics, a class content to a caste form, as Marxist mechanical materialism.9 The

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positive side of the dalit movement in the period of Jyotirao Phule and Ambedkar, in contrast to their
followers today, was that it had a very strong democratic content and not much of hostility towards the
broad left current while asserting the centrality of caste. At least, there was an attempt to discover the
roots of exploitation, unlike the new social movements that fight exploitation without the goal of
expropriating the exploiters, so as to eliminate caste. Gail Omvedt, in fact, has only revised the Marxist
framework to suit her framework of New Leftism adopted by new social movements and accuses
communists of remaining wedded to Marxist mechanical materialism. She also equates state capitalism
with socialism and acknowledges Nehrus philosophy as a socialist one.

Unravelling the class content of a caste form enriches the scientific, dialectical understanding of the
caste question so as to eliminate caste. Or else, one is bound to look for solutions only at the cultural or
ideological level and is sure to end up preserving the system in spite of good intentions. The form and
content do matter in a scientific analysis. For the naked eye, it appears as if the sun is revolving around
the earth. But this is only an appearance. In essence, it is the earth that is revolving around the sun. That
is the scientific truth. In this case, the cognizance by mere visual observation (the sun revolving around
the earth) is only an absurdity. A scientist has to go deep into an appearance and unravel its content. This
applies to social science as well. Even in social science and science, on many occasions, in appearance,
form stands opposed to the content. Likewise, in the concrete conditions of India, too, it appears as if
caste, rather than class, is a basic category of social structure.

Comrade Vinod Mishra, too, said that in certain historical situations class might express itself in the form
of castes, in other situations the two might be interwoven, overlapping and at the same time criss-
crossing each other, and in yet another situation castes are disintegrated to crystallize as classes, but he
never mixed up both. He unraveled the dialectical relation between caste and class, maintaining class as a
distinct category, firmly upholding application of Marxism in Indian conditions. This is one of his major
contributions to Marxism in the Indian context. He could achieve it not because of his Althusserian
influence but by applying Marxism in the concrete conditions of our country.

How to comprehend this phenomenon of caste and class in the backdrop of the relations between base
and superstructure? This is one crucial point on which there is a need for greater clarity in many circles.
Again, it is more appropriate to return to Comrade Vinod Mishra. He says that the introduction of
class-caste duality sabotages the study of appearance of caste struggle to unravel the essence of class
dynamics in our society. VM explains the interrelation between class and caste, base and superstructure
using the tool of dialectical materialism: For me, the caste system itself was a product of a certain mode
of production and corresponding level of production relations. Class relations here assume the form of
castes, which, in their turn, are given a divine sanction by priests. Their permanence, however, is
determined primarily not by any divine sanction but by the static social organization of the village
community which again is the product of definite level of productive forces. The caste and class here
appear in apparent harmony. This harmony of class and caste, this correspondence of base and
superstructure, is apparent because the two are distinctly separate categories, rooted respectively in the
base and superstructure, in the mode of production and regulation of distribution.

As the level of productive forces develops and the mode of production undergoes a slow change, the
harmony is broken; class and caste, base and superstructure come into conflict, each trying to define the
other. And you have a long transitory phase where class assertions become pronounced, and oddly
enough, often manifest themselves in the vortex of caste mobility. The so-called permanence of division
of means of production among different castes is shaken. The institutional banner of caste is, however,
invoked by new modern economic classes to fight it out among themselves, for the share of power both
political and administrative. The instrument is old but the content is radically changed. In this phase, the
harmony of the first phase is negated and the classes and castes crisscross and overlap each other. This is
also the phase of sharpening of the conflict between class and caste identities. Eventually, the historical
movement shall negate this phase, too, and bring back the harmony and correspondence between the base

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and superstructure, albeit in a higher form, when castes stand annihilated and class relations and class
struggles appear in a purer form. This correspondence cannot just be brought about subjectively. As I had
already mentioned, caste system was the product of a definite mode of production and corresponding
level of production relations. Its annihilation too will be accomplished at a higher level of productive
forces and mode of production. I had said that the unfettered development of capitalism, which abolishes
the extra-economic form of coercion, makes class the direct arbiter in the mode of distribution, too, and
thus has the great potential of annihilating castes.10

The Limits of Casteist Framework and The Issue of Power to the Dalits

WE ALSO acknowledge the progressive role played by Mandal implementation and the rise of dalit
movement. Implementation of Mandal recommendations has led to the growth of a new elite and a
middle class from among the intermediate castes. These movements have really checked the onward
march of the forces of Hindutva in our society, albeit temporarily. In fact, these movements rose, also
partly, as a reaction to the rise of the forces of Hindutva. It has spread on a large scale, particularly after
the demolition of Babri Masjid, as a reaction to the threat posed by Brahminical, Hindutva forces to the
very secular fabric of the society. But, it cannot lead one to theorise that casteism in politics is an
agenda for the very transformation of the caste system. But, Rajini Kothari is precisely doing it. He
argues, The point is that the caste does resurface as a result of the democratic process but in its
resurfacing it gets transformed.11

No transformation is automatic. Mere resurfacing of caste by itself cannot bring about the much-needed
social transformation. Rather, caste movements should have to look beyond caste to eradicate caste. It is
true that the assertion of dalits and backwards just cannot be considered as a reactionary one in a
semi-feudal society as long as it challenges the very existence of feudal oppression and power. Assertion
of weaker sections of society, even if along caste lines, can play a progressive role at a particular juncture
of history. It can continue to play the same progressive role only when it moves beyond the confines of
caste and grapples with the real issues of the society at large. Or else, there is also a danger of the
movement degenerating into a reformist one, just scratching the surface of the oppressive social system.
It will defeat the very purpose of the movement.

Talking about political power to the dalits and backwards in itself cannot bring power to the dalits. It
should be accompanied by a democratic programme for the transformation of society as a whole. Then, it
should have a clear-cut analysis about the state. Trying to establish dalit power by attaining majority in
the assembly can at best be a half measure. Because, the administration is brahminical, even according to
these social revolutionary ideologues. We dont expect a new democratic programme from the Kanshi
Rams and the Kancha Ilaiahs. They should at least have a vision for a programme to eradicate this
brahminical mindset in politics and in the state administrative structure.

Annihilation of Caste

CASTE STRUCTURE has developed in India in the process of evolving division of labour in the society.
Caste and class existed in an undifferentiated form when production and distribution in the society were
organized basing on caste structure. Caste and class were of inseparable single category at that stage. The
caste structure became much more rigid over a period of time. Later, the priests of the community
accorded a divine sanction to it and preserved the caste structure. Vertical hierarchies, ritual ranking, etc.,
replaced the conception of caste as a division of labour. Autonomous, self-sufficient villages of the early
period have begun to be integrated by a system of centralized government. The mobility within the caste
structure, either upward or downward, got blocked and even the very slight mobility was possible only
through a war of attrition. This is how caste structure remained a rigid structure of vertical hierarchy.

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Caste mobility within caste structure gained impetus with the advent of the British and the process of
industrialization. The process of industrialization created rifts in the caste structure and propelled caste
mobility. Hitherto dominant castes like Brahmins begun to shift towards new industrial settings and one
miniscule section turned into industrial owners while the other section emerged as industrial workers.
This process enabled a section of the rest of backwards to get elevated on the social ladder. And thus, the
caste-class relations assumed complex dimensions, complicating the nature of society. This complex
relation of production gets resolved only in an advanced stage of capitalist development. Caste gets
abolished as a form of division of labour, as a tool of oppression, and as a means of discrimination, only
in an advanced stage of capitalist development.

But, the transitory phase that involves transformation from a feudal society to a full-fledged capitalist one
is marked by a pretty long period and a painstaking process of social churning. In a new and higher stage
of society, the mode of production and production relations, all old institutions of the previous society
would inevitably become incompatible with the new order and are supposed to face a natural death. In
this process, they are supposed to whither away. That is the general law of social development. Still, in a
semi-feudal, pre-capitalist or underdeveloped society these old institutions, including the caste structure,
get a new lease of life in the new situation. This is the resilience that the system has developed over a
period of time. This is the peculiarity of the particular transitory phase witnessed in Indian society.

If an old structure, that is supposed to have lost its relevance and turned into an obsolete one in the course
of history, continued to exist even in the new stage that can only mean that such old institutions are
backed by some of the newly emerging modern classes in society. In our context, the old institutions,
including the rigid caste structure, are backed, protected and reinforced by the modern classes such as
rural bourgeoisie and kulaks. Hence, the struggle against caste system has to be waged also against such
modern classes on the one hand, and for removing the hurdles in the path of capitalist development, on
the other. Only revolutionary classes of society can accomplish this task as the bourgeoisie becomes
impotent. And then, parliamentary democracy based on universal adult franchise, the higher form of
representative democracy, only acts as a bulwark of this reactionary caste system. This parliamentary
system further reinforces the caste structure because of the ruling classes interest in winning elections.
That is why, any movement for annihilation of caste has to deal a body blow to the forces that reinforces
the caste system i.e., the modern exploiting classes in society. The whole thing has to be turned upside
down. This is possible only by expropriating the expropriators, only by turning the ruled into rulers. That
can be accomplished only by a New Democratic Revolution in Indian conditions.

This revolution will snatch political power from the exploiting, ruling classes and transfer it into the
hands of revolutionary classes. Then again, the transformation into a full-fledged capitalist mode of
production that enables complete abolition of caste is also accomplished under the leadership of the
revolutionary proletariat. No amount of reform, no amount of spiritual solace in any religion, no amount
of peace and collaborationism, can replace the accomplishment of this process for a revolutionary
change. Because, all such attempts can at best play within the framework of the existing system and they
do not have the potential of any revolutionary change.

There cannot be any alternative to new democratic revolution. Struggle against caste-based oppression
and for the annihilation of caste has to be a part and parcel of a new democratic programme. The
proletariat will accomplish this social transformation not merely because of its ideal of abolition of caste
but because such an abolition is an integral part of the democratic revolution and a precondition for
establishing a socialist society. A socialist society cannot be a reality without annihilation of caste and it
is only the new democratic revolution that provides the real, objective basis for such annihilation. All
other theories of annihilation of caste perceived by these social revolutionaries are nothing but petty-
bourgeois utopianism, pure and simple.

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Caste as an Ideology: The Paradox and Degeneration

KANCHA ILAIAH has emerged as the foremost ideologue of dalitbahujan politics and its theory of class
collaborationism and its practice of mortgaging the interests of dalitbahujans under the pretext of
securing political power to dalits. He is so overwhelmed by the dramatic rise of the BSP that he goes to
the extent of praising Kanshi Ram as a dalit ideologue par excellence who has gone beyond Ambedkar
raising dalit movements in the country to newer heights. He declares that Kanshi Ram has emerged as the
harbinger of a new paradigm in social science discourse, who has brought out caste as an ideology for
mobilization against fewjans. He acknowledges that Ambedkar had analysed caste, in a much more
radical way than his contemporaries. Yet, for him, Ambedkar is not up to the mark, perhaps, because
Ambedkar said that caste was an enclosed class. He could still agree with Ambedkar, despite this not
being up to his standards, because Ambedkar was not willing to put caste in the kind of mode outside
electoral political struggle in the mode of class war in the west to make it a violent struggle.

Kancha Ilaiah claims that The post-Mandal period, on the one hand, conscientised the OBCs, on the
other, it began to homogenize SC, ST and OBCs, at least politically if not socially, and led to the
bahujanisation of this social base.12 Perhaps, he realised the absurdity of his statement only after
making it and hastened to add, this is not to say that such homogenization has already happened in the
all-India context but notionally there is such a mood and the BSP is constantly working to strengthen
it.13 Ilaiah is living in his own dream world. Perhaps, he thought that BSPs fielding 102 candidates
from among OBCs and winning 26 seats, is the consummation of bahujanisation of this social base.
Then, we have another question. By the same token, did the bahujanisation of upper castes take place
because 57 upper caste candidates, including 2 brahmins and 4 thakurs, were fielded in the same election
by the BSP? Then how does he explain the increased level of caste atrocities on dalits even while
Mayavati was the CM, and the subsequent end of a honeymoon with Mulayam? Its hostility with the SP
had reached the level of branding it, the party of OBCs, as No. 1 enemy, while Brahminical upper caste
Manuvadi parties like the BJP and the Congress were more acceptable to it for retaining the seat of
power. Is it wrong if we call this a fewjanisation of the bahujans?

In an interview for the magazine Ghadar (26 November 1997), Kancha Ilaiah has thrown a surprise
saying that the BSP had made a blunder by aligning with the BJP. This was a surprise because it was a
shift from his previous position on the issue. Then, we find that this has not altered his fundamental
position. Rather, he is trying to articulate a theoretical framework to justify it on a much broader plane.
He has invented a bahujan left in Uma Bahrti, Kalyan Singh (then the BJP CM of UP) etc., who are
supposedly engaged in constant confrontation with the Brahminical right within the BJP. He describes
them as dalitbahujan left in contrast to communist leaders, because Kanshi Ram could straightaway
establish a rapport with them whereas the same could not be done with the communists. He stretches it to
ridiculous proportions that the dalitbahujan left are to carry out the dalibahujan agenda within BJP. He
says, Wherever you (dalibahujan) are, you should capture power, overthrow brahminism lock stock and
barrel, irrespective of parties. What a wonderful tactics to overthrow Brahminism from within!

The contradiction between the OBC and dalit social bases is quite objective and real so that the BSP is
unable to overlook this reality in order to retain its own social base. The neo-rich kulaks in the rural areas
also belong to the intermediate castes, OBCs, and they are the perpetrators of caste atrocities because
these two communities are at loggerheads within the rural economy. This is the backdrop in which the SP
and the BSP, the representatives of two different, rival social forces because of their class nature, are at
loggerheads. Here, we can also draw a little parallel between Kanshi Ram and the petty-bourgeois
utopians of Marxs contemporaries. One such contemporary of Marx strongly criticized the capitalist
system but could not reveal the root cause of capitalist contradictions; he held that the main cause for
social inequality was the inadequate enlightenment among workers and not the capitalist mode of
production; he maintained that social inequality could be eliminated by education and social reforms.

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Does it not sound like Kanshi Rams idea education and salaried jobs to dalits would remove social
inequality!

Caste-Class Interface and the Rise of the BSP

LEAVING DEBATES apart, the rise of the BSP in UP has really made a big impact among the dalits in
the state. An objective, comprehensive analysis of the BSP might be of help in understanding the dalit
resurgence, and the rise in dalit consciousness in the state. This is also an attempt to grapple with the
interface between caste and class in UP and the changes in agriculture and the relational position of dalits
in it while studying the impact of the BSP and its government on rural relations. There is an argument
that rise of the BSP in UP is closely linked to the question of rural agrarian labourers becoming relatively
free, if not totally free, from feudal bondage in production relations.

Green revolution has brought about some changes in agriculture like increased sharecropping,
introduction of modern agricultural implements, etc. From the labourers point of view, agricultural wage
labour and sharecropping has begun to lose their position as the most important source of income. In
agrarian labour relations, there has been a transformation of wholly unfree labour relations into relations
involving various degrees of unfreedom. The tendency towards a substantial decrease in the amount of
agricultural labour performed by rural labourers and a corresponding increase in non-agricultural rural
employment has been noted in several studies.

In UP, significant overlaps exist between class and caste hierarchies. In broad terms, the old landlord
class belonged mainly to the upper castes, their ex-tenants, who now constitute the majority of the
landowning peasants are mainly from the intermediary castes, and agricultural labourers are primarily
from untouchable and very low ranking castes. The Green Revolution and related changes in agricultural
labour relations also led to a rise in the political profile of many untouchable castes.

The BSP gained prominence when it formed a winning coalition (with the SP), based mainly on dalits
and middle castes in 1993. In 1995, it formed a minority government, supported by the Congress and the
BJP, which lasted for four-and-a-half months. In 1997, it entered into a formal power-sharing
arrangement with the BJP and held the office of CM for 6 months. Later the arrangement broke down.

Kanshi Ram founded the Backward and Minority Group Community Employees Federation (BAMCEF)
in 1978. Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti (DS4) was formed in 1981, followed by the formation of
the BSP in 1984. In 1989, it polled 9% votes and in 1996 21%. Chamars, a relatively well-off section
among dalits, are by far the largest and most politicized untouchable caste in UP who formed the major
support base of the BSP. This is also a relatively well-off section among dalits in the state. A small,
educated and relatively well-off section of Chamar government officials seem to be at the forefront.

The BSP does not have an economic programme to attain its declared goal and claims to have no
ideology but for caste. It also claims to transcend the left-right political divide. It considers left parties
more dangerous than any rightwing party. The BSP, on its part, focuses on enabling dalit labourers to take
up independent means of earning. Their spelt-out programme is that they would stress on the
redistribution of government land and excess land of the landlords to dalits, thereby creating a vast army
of self-employed and salaried dalits. Their main focus was on the politicization of dalits on issues related
to caste-based oppression and discrimination and using state power to fight upper caste dominance. Their
strategy: Power is the key, the master key with which all doors can be opened.

During its rule it has installed 15,000 statues of Ambedkar in 6 months in 1997 as a symbol of their
politicization campaign. Dalit victims of caste atrocities were paid Rs.6000 to fight cases in courts. The
government also adopted 15,000 villages with predominantly dalit populations for implementing its
welfare programmes. But, almost all welfare programmes were rolled back following the BSP losing

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power. The BSPs slogan of all government lands are our lands also exposed its limits. Redistributive
land reform is not part of their policy. It limited itself to enabling dalits to take possession of already
allotted lands.

The BSP emerged at a time of ferment among untouchable groups in North India. It has kindled the
desire for emancipation among dalits. Green revolution, changes in labour relations, increase in
non-agricultural occupations and thus a relative decrease in economic dependency on the landowners,
politicization of groups of untouchables and increased class struggle from above created a new situation.
The BSP succeeded in expressing and enhancing this movement among low-caste people, mainly
because of its anti-upper caste agenda. But it is propagating a petty-bourgeois utopia where the ideal for
low-caste people is to become independent petty commodity producers or well-educated civil servants.
Its main aim is to carve out a niche for the low castes within the existing structures of society.

The BSP, step by step, is heading towards its ideological bankruptcy. In recent the elections, Mayavati
has been reiterating that the BSP is a party of sarvjan. Its popular slogans like government land is our
land, Tilak, Taraju, Talwar, Hit them with shoes have been dropped for all practical purposes. So, the
politics of class collaborationism and its opportunistic electoral alliances with Manuvadi parties are not
just accidental. Rather, they are part of the larger issue of subjugating labouring classes and castes. This
is part of the faulty vision and perception of dalit liberation articulated by the BSP. Ambedkar, in contrast
to Kanshi Ram, at least had a vision for the emancipation of dalits, though of a bourgeois democratic
variety, if not a comprehensive programme for a thorough democratization of the society. In socio-
economic terms Ambedkar was much more radical.

Dalit Movement and the Left

SINCE VAST majority of dalits are agrarian labourers and rural poor, the social organisations of dalits
are supposed to be natural allies of the communist movement. Unfortunately, most of these dalit
organizations, barring rare exceptions, consider communists to be inimical to them. This is largely
because of their ideological framework that considers communists to be green snakes hidden in green
grass and also because of a whole lot of misconceptions about the Marxist approach on caste. Moreover,
their approach towards the resolution of the dalit question, the tactics of entering into opportunistic
electoral alliances even with the forces engaged in war of attrition with the dalits, etc., are totally
contradictory to that of revolutionary communists. Another major reason is that communists are the
natural competitors for parties like the BSP on the question of organizing dalits. By experience, we have
seen that the BSP, in spite of its best efforts, is unable to make any inroads into any of the strongholds of
CPI(ML) in Bihar. These are the basis of prolonged anti-left tirade of many dalit organizations.

All these cannot be justifications for the mistakes committed by the social democratic stream of the
communist movement. Firstly, the communist movement failed to formulate an alternative strategy for
the freedom struggle, which must have incorporated radical bourgeois democrats of all hues as an
inalienable part of the democratic movement so as to develop a close political alliance with the dalits.
Secondly, the questions of social dignity and political emancipation of the dalits were not accorded
adequate importance by the social democratic stream. Thirdly, the social democratic tactics of
pan-peasant unity in rural areas tended to gloss over the contradictions in favour of rich peasants.

According to the CPI(M), the core of Peoples Democratic Front in the countryside consists of
agricultural workers and poor peasants, but the front also includes the middle and even the rich peasantry.
Confrontational labor action against peasant employers is not seen as the best way forward for the
agricultural labourers, presumably because it would undermine building the broad democratic front. In
this background, Jens Lerche, a research scholar, has upheld our partys tactics regarding rural rich,
elaborated in our policy resolution on agriculture.14

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Dalit Movement Today

DALIT MOVEMENT today is at the crossroads. The early center of the movement was Maharashtra
since the pre-Independence period. Ambedkar and the Maharashtra movement were the source of
inspiration for the dalit movement elsewhere. But, the Dalit Panthers of 1970s could not withstand for
more than a decade. The Republican Party of India (RPI) has splintered into so many factions and the
main faction led by Athavale is clinging on to the Congress apron strings. The BRP led by Prakash
Ambedkar is still enjoying mass respect and influence. Still, there is no movement worth the name.

The dalit movement in Karnataka, symbolized by the Dalit Sangharsh Samiti (DSS) was known for its
agitational and movemental character. There was a powerful current within the DSS against entry into
parliamentary politics. Finally, the other line gained upper hand and the movement has been blown to
pieces in the period that followed the immediate aftermath of their entry into electoral politics. Even now
the DSS is a household name in every dalit locality in Karnataka. But, it has lost its movemental
character and has become localized. There is no organization. No centralized leadership. Yet, people
mobilize in good numbers if a call is given under the DSS banner in case of atrocities on dalits or on
issues of some major significance. The major splinter factions have become supporters of either Congress
or JD. Karnataka is also pregnant with the possibility of a movement by Madigas against Holeyas,
demanding compartmental reservation along the lines of Andhra Pradesh.

In Andhra Pradesh, the dalit movement showed some signs of revival in the mid-1990s when the BSP
made an attempt to expand its wings to South India. Lakhs of people got mobilized in the inaugural rally.
Ex-PWG leaders, prominent dalit leaders etc., joined the BSP in the presence of Kanshi Ram. But the
attempt turned out to be a flop. All hopes were belied very soon. Congress effectively consolidated its
traditional base among Malas while Madigas under the banner, Madiga Dandora, launched vehement
attacks against Malas, accusing them of garnering a lions share of the SC reservations. Madigas
demanded compartmental reservation. Madigas were the social base of Chandrababu Naidu and the TDP.
After prolonged, consistent, militant movements by Madigas, the state government conceded the demand.
The contradiction between Malas and Madigas is only a disunity that does not have class content. It does
not involve any structural oppression or caste discrimination by Malas but is a symptom of unevenness in
dalit society. In fact, unifying forces are stronger than the divisive forces. It is mainly a political game by
Chandrabau Naidu to divide dalits and to attract Madigas into the fold of TDP.

Tamil Nadu: A Case of Neo-Brahminism

THE CASE of Tamil Nadu is quite different when compared to Karnataka and Maharashtra. Here the
movement is now in its hightide. Unlike other states, this state had not witnessed the assertion of dalits as
a separate category, thanks to the powerful current of Dravidian movement. The political differentiation
among dalits was much more prominent. Traditionally, they were divided among the Congress and the
AIADMK led by MGR. After the demise of MGR, AIADMK emerged as a party of Thevars alienating a
large section of dalits from its fold. A sizable section of kulaks have emerged in the countryside from
among Thevars, a powerful intermediate caste. Brahmins and upper castes constitute a very small
percentage of the population in the state and have moved towards government services and industrial
sector long back. Thevars emerged as a powerful caste only in this period and became the landed gentry.
They also had their share in state politics thanks to the Dravidian movement. Tamil Nadu has seen
powerful movements of agricultural labourers led by communist parties in well-irrigated Tanjore belt
(cental part of TN) in the past. This is the background in which dalits (Pallars) of southern Tamil Nadu
started asserting themselves because of upward mobility and education. They rose against the caste
atrocities inflicted on them by BC kulaks. The atrocities took a nasty turn when Jayalalitha was the CM.
The police administration in southern Tamil Nadu also displayed high level of casteist overtones. This is
the background that gave birth to dalit rebellion against the backward caste of Thevars. The caste war in

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the south had always been bitterly violent and this time it was a long drawn battle. Buses were not plying
in villages for months together. It was a chain reaction and its echo could be heard in all southern districts
even if one small incident of caste clash took place at some remote corner of some district. The people in
southern districts were under permanent tension. This was the period when dalit consciousness and
movement started taking shape and was symbolized by Dr.Krishnasamy. He also won the assembly
elections close on the heels of an incident at Kodiankulam. And he floated a dalit party called Puthia
Thamizhagam (New Tamil Nadu).

Then came the assertion of dalits (Paraiahs) of northern Tamil Nadu. The organization is called
Liberation Panthers and is led by Thirumavalavan. Here, their rivalry was mainly with a most backward
community called Vanniyas led by Dr.Ramadas. Economically speaking, majority of Vanniyas and
Paraiahs are more or less at par with each other, despite their inequal positions in the social hierarchy. A
section of Vanniars have emerged as the neo-rich in the recent period. The rivalry broke out during their
earlier phase of anti-government agitation for compartmental reservation, too, but was not so intense.
Now, the clash of economic interests between these two communities and the social hierarchy are the
source of rivalry and they manifest in the form of caste struggle. So, the assertion of dalits of northern
Tamil Nadu is also a latest phenomenon. To top it all, dalits in Tamil Nadu have asserted as a political
force in a very short span unlike their counterparts in Maharashtra or in Andhra or in Karnataka.

Dalit assertion in Tamil Nadu is a direct fallout of the Dravidian movement in the state. Dravidian
movement has played a progressive role in many respects. It could strike an effective alliance between
BCs and SCs under the umbrella of Dravidian politics. It secured a political space for the downtrodden
masses in the state structure. It effectively challenged Brahminism as an ideology. Its progressive role,
that resulted in education and upward mobility of the downtrodden also contained seeds rivalry between
the dalits and backwards. After securing political power, the dominant backwards started asserting their
class interests although this was not their expected goal in the beginning. These dominant backwards
evolved as the ruling caste, representing the interests of rising kulaks and the regional big bourgeoisie. In
the process of assertion of their class interests they had to face the wrath of the dalits.

Another major point is that dalit organizations in TN, too, consulted Kanshi Ram in the beginning and
then they have restricted themselves to organising their own support base. The distinction is that these
parties do not advocate unity between dalits and OBCs like Kanshi Ram. They have learnt their lesson
through their own experience and because of the ground realities wherein these two castes are at
loggerheads in day-to-day life. Rather, their main consideration, for now, is not to be part of an electoral
alliance with PMK (party of Vanniyars, the most backwards) as far Thirumavalavan is concerned, and
with AIADMK (party of Thevars, the dominant backwards) as far as Krishnaswamy is concerned,
irrespective of the presence of Manuvadi Hindutva BJP. They are the followers of Kanshi Ram mainly
at the level of following unprincipled, opportunistic electoral alliances and they project themselves as the
followers of Ambedkar. These parties do not advocate the line of dalit-BC unity because it is the
intermediate castes that are at the helm of affairs at all levels displaying the characteristic of
neo-Brahminism. For them, these intermediate castes are the bigger enemies which are encountered at
grassroots level. Perhaps Dravidian politics is a reason for their disillusionment with the BCs, unlike the
BSP in UP. And accentuation of class and political polarization among castes, particularly among
backward castes, has also taken place to a considerable extent. A small section of dalits has also emerged
as an elite middle class from among them. These are the major reasons, for escalating tensions, besides
the domination of backwards in political power.

Durban Conference

DURBAN CONFERENCE Against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related

Intolerances has evoked a lot of debate on the dalit question. The dalit discourse has once again

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occupied the centerstage attracting global attention. The demand was to include the caste question in the
agenda of the conference. This discourse took various dimensions in the process, ranging from
Emancipatory Discourse, Anthropological Discourse, Sociological Discourse, Human Rights Discourse,
Discourse on Positive Discrimination, etc., etc. Andre Beteille argued against the inclusion of caste in the
UN agenda saying that caste could never be equated with race and termed all those raising the issue as
irresponsible and the debates as mere absurdity. Gail Omvedt defended the demand and attacked
Andre Beteille. The advocates of inclusion of the issue in UN agenda argued that discrimination based
on work and descent falls under the category of racism related intolerances and hence it should be
included. Some were skeptical about the inclusion in a UN conference while the scores are to be settled
on the streets and fields inside the country. The advocates of the demand wanted a debate at the
international forum so as to globalise the issue to bring international pressure on the Indian government
to enforce the laws and to eradicate caste discriminations.

It was only leaflets and pamphlets and the pages of The Hindu that played the role of propagandist. The
Hindu acted as a debating forum. NGOs put all their international networks and networking skills into
full play. Finally, the conference included it as an agenda. Mainly, NGOs were the forces that articulated
the demand eloquently. They were strongly backed by dalit activists from the grassroots. It is true that
raising the issue at an international forum is not a solution to the barbaric caste discrimination inside the
country. The nature of the issue itself, in the given settings, had its own limits. Still, we supported the
demand because the process of raising the issue at an international forum itself is an exposure of the issue
and of the reactionary government led by saffron, Brahminical fascist forces. Moreover, it has also
triggered a debate on nation building etc., enabling the activists to look beyond their grassroots and
village confines. We also made a differentiation between NGOs and the real grassroots dalit activists.

Caste discrimination in India, thus, attracted international attention and also got an international
audience. The Government of India, at first, tried its best to prevent the inclusion of caste in the agenda
and later, vociferously dismissed it as an internal matter on which international community did not have a
jurisdiction to debate. Finally, the government view prevailed at the UN Conference just like the view of
Israel and US prevailed regarding the Palestinian question. Perhaps the caste and Palestine questions
were the two issues that received wide coverage and attention. In this melee, the major shift in external
affairs policy of Indian government was not taken note of with the due concern. India had withdrawn its
traditional support to Palestine in favour of Israel and the US. Perhaps, they withdrew it as both the US
and India have come together to fight against Islam and terrorism.

Politics of Reservations

OF COURSE, the Mandal wave has really seen the backwards moving into the centerstage and it marked
a watershed in the social alignment. It brought the agenda of social justice to the centerstage of Indian
politics and provided the space for the hitherto excluded backwards in the political power structure. We
too welcomed Mandal but did not exaggerate its significance. We raised the demand of Dam Bando, Kam
do, (Curb price rise, provide jobs) when the whole country was torn asunder between forces of Mandal
and Kamandal. The Mandal inspired agenda of reservations has come a full circle. This is the second
phase. Already, there was a demand for compartmental reservation for MBC (Vanniayas) within the
quota of BC reservation. It was a movement from below. They succeeded. Then we have seen the
demand from Madiga Dandora for a compartmental reservation within SCs in Andhra Pradesh. Now, it is
the turn of UP. The very same forces that vehemently opposed the implementation of the Mandal report
have suddenly become concerned about the MBCs. They had been arguing that Mandal will divide the
Hindu society along caste lines and that at no cost Hindu identity/unity should be lost. The very same
Hindutva forces are now advocating reservations within reservations so as to attract the MBCs to their
fold. Now, the government is looking for the most backwards among backwards and most dalits
among dalits. This is the BJPs well-calculated move to carve out a base for themselves from among the

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backwards, particularly among more aggressive castes like Jats, to consolidate its fragile base when the
UP elections are round the corner. One can very well predict that this will go on for another round in the
caste-ridden society, that too when minorities from within communities have garnered the lions share of
benefits of reservation. Madigas of Karnataka are waiting in the wings.

Land and dalits

REDISTRIBUTION OF land still remains an important measure for improving the living standards of
dalits and also to facilitate the process of their emancipation from feudal clutches. Any land reform
legislation or land redistribution could be achieved only because of the peasant/dalit movements. Dalits
have not yet got their share of land even after 53 years of independence and the total land holdings of the
dalit population are very meager and ridiculously disproportionate to their population. A majority of
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are landless, without any productive assets and sustainable
employment. According to the Census of India, 1991, 64% of SCs and 36% of STs in the category of
main workers are agrarian labourers compared to 31% of all other castes. Only 25% of SCs are
cultivators compared to 40% of other castes. Majority of the cultivators from among dalits are either
small or marginal peasants.

Perhaps, Karnataka has one of the progressive pieces of land reform legislation wherein dalits have the
right to reclaim the land alienated from them for any reason and the act also imposes penalty on
purchasers, at least theoretically. Bihar legislation provides scope for the restoration of land alienated
from dalits beyond 12 years but within 30 years. The UP legislation gives legal protection only to STs
against land transfers. Tamil Nadu has given legal protection against land alienation from dalits. It is
another story that even a big mass movement in Tamil Nadu to restore Panchami lands allotted to SCs
that was not under their possession could not succeed.

Legislations and legal safeguards only remain on paper and the implementation part is left to the strength
of the mass movement. These legislations also have a lot of loopholes. Though provisions have been
made to prevent land transfers from scheduled groups to non scheduled groups, in many states (for
example, Orissa, MP, Rajasthan and Kerala) such transfers can be made with the prior permission of the
competent authority (collector, sub-divisional officer, among others) which ultimately left the
implementation of these measures to the discretion of bureaucrats and also made them powerful.15 It is a
known fact that the local administration almost all over the country is vulnerable to all kinds of political
manipulation and corruption and only the local power groups effectively call the shots. In states like
Bihar where there are no proper land records and where the law of the land does not exist, all these
legislations, in reality, are only a farce.

In most of the states, the total number of operational holdings among dalit population is far less
compared to that among other castes. Tamil Nadu has a dalit population of 19% and they possess only
7% of the total operated area. It is an increase of around 2% in the period from 1980-81 to 1990-91.
Likewise, Karnataka dalits who are 16% of total population in the state hold only 8% of operated area.
UP, AP and Gujarat report a very slow process of improvement despite their poor land holding position.
In Andhra, dalits, who constitute 16% of total population, hold only 7.5% of the total operated area and it
is an increase of a meagre 0.5%. In UP, 21% dalits operate only 10.5% the total operated area and it is an
increase of 1.3% compared to 1980-81. This too was possible only because of the rise of a strong dalit
movement in the state. Bihar and UP are the major states of Hindi heartland where upper castes are
numerous and have a strong dominance in every sphere of life. Any measure for the upliftment of the
downtrodden in the states is powerfully challenged by the upper caste landed gentry. The allotment of
land to weaker communities in these states very often leads to bloody confrontation with powerful feudal
forces. In Bihar 14.5% of dalits operate only 5.2% of the area. It is an increase of 0.7% compared to
1980-81. In spite of the fact that Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Orissa have a scheduled groups

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population of 30, 30 and 40 per cent respectively they operate an area of 8, 11.7 and 8.6 per cent
respectively. So, only in those sates that witnessed strong peasant/dalit movements, the dalits could
secure some land, at least marginally. The population and land holding are not proportionate. Rather, the
rise of strong movements is directly proportional to the consequent atrocities on dalits.

According to Agricultural Census Report, 1991, nearly half (49.06%) of the SC and one third (32.69%)
of ST main workers are agrarian labourers. Agricultural labourer population from among dalits has
increased from 34.48% in 1961 to 49.06% in 1991. In fact, sharp increase has occurred during the period
of green revolution and has maintained since then. Likewise, dalit cultivators share has fallen down from
37.76% to 25.44% in 1991. Whereas, the trend is not that sharp as far as the general category is
concerned.

In lieu of conclusion

MARXISM IS a unified theory of all categories and not an exclusive theory of class as an economic
category. Our movement in Bihar has emerged as a forward post of the movement of agrarian labourers
and other rural poor challenging the very foundations of the feudal system. The movement has upheld the
Marxist viewpoint that expanding the frontiers of class struggle can be the only point of departure for
Marxists, while they undertake class struggles against caste oppression and for the social equality of
dalits. In Bihar, dalit movements for social dignity and equality have become part of the class struggle of
the rural poor. This has emerged in bold relief in sharp contrast to the ideas of dalit democratic revolution
et al. This model has proved that broad dalit masses can definitely be mobilised under the red banner for
wages, land, social dignity and political emancipation. Hence, the goal to be achieved is the
proletarianisation of dalits and not dalitisation of the proletariat.

POSTSCIPT

The Bhopal Declaration and Mr. Chandrabhan Prasad

THE BHOPAL Declaration adopted by the conference on the theme, Charting A New Course for Dalits
for the 21st Century on 12-13 January 2002, is basically a petty-bourgeois agenda for dalits in the era of
globalisation and liberalization. Digvijay Singh brought together 200-odd dalit intellectuals and activists
of various shades from all across the country. The main focus of the declaration lies on three points
although it was a 21-point charter of demands. This declaration talks about affirmative action and
diversity policy along the lines of policies adopted towards African-Americans in the USA. This
demand can also be considered as a call to democratize capital, in Chandrabhan Prasads parlance. It is
looking for employment and wealth creating opportunities for dalits in private sector. For that purpose,
they want reservation to be extended to the private sector too, particularly to industries that receive
government patronage in the form of land, tax concession or subsidies. They also want the private
industry and corporate houses to bring diversity in the workforce. And another main focus point was the
much talked about land reforms. Ambedkar said, A democratic form of government presupposes a
democratic form of society. The formal framework of democracy is of no value and would indeed be a
misfit if there was no social democracy. So, they argue that they are attempting to evolve a programme
to accomplish social democracy. From their point of view, social democracy means equitable share in
the appropriation and use of rural and urban common property resources and equitable share in the
nations wealth for dalits. This, according to them, is one major aspect of social democracy. In order to
achieve social democracy, they insist on so-called democratization of capital. So, the declaration seeks
diversity in the workforce not only in public institutions but also in private industry and corporate houses.
It demands that every government and private organization must implement supplier diversity from
socially disadvantaged businesses and dealership diversity in goods and services. For that purpose,
they demand the government to make budgetary allocation for SC, STs to enable them to enter the

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market economy with adequate investment resources and develop their capacities and skills for such
market enterprises. This, according to Mr.Chandrabhan Prasad, is democratization of capital. One can
very well welcome the demand, as they aspire for some opening, some place for dalits in the nations
economy. But, the point is the agenda is based on petty-bourgeois illusions and the feasibility of the
demand is open to question. Another major point on land reforms insists on radical land reform
measures along the lines being implemented by the MP government, which claims to have distributed
over one lakh acres of land, mainly grazing land, to 45,000 SC/ST families in recent years and promises
to distribute 6 lakh acres more in the coming years. According to their claim, about a sixth of agricultural
labourers will be turned into independent cultivators if the scheme becomes successful. But, this demand
for land redistribution is not part of any anti-feudal struggle. Rather, the declaration even goes to the
extent of expecting the government, if the need be, to purchase cultivable land and distribute it among
dalits. It is looking for patronage from the government. And here lies the petty-bourgeois utopianism.

Perhaps, for the first time, there is an attempt to go beyond the paradigm of social justice through
reservations. It would generate at the most 45 lakh jobs even if the government were to do the fiscally
impossible thing of filling up all the existing quotas. Digvijay Singh pointed out in his inaugural speech
that reservation was no longer the only effective tool to empower dalits as it would leave out about 18
crore dalits from its ambit even if the system were to be implemented properly. So, the document
advocates reservation in a section of private sector and expects the private sector, including corporate
houses, to adopt diversity in its workforce. This document, on the one hand, has made a departure from
the conventional approach of considering reservation, that too in government organizations, to be the
major means for the progress of dalits. On the other hand, unlike Kanshi Ram, it is also looking for
solution to the dalit question outside the framework of capturing political power.

If the report presented in the conference was against the upper varnas and upper shudras, its own
proposal focuses only on developing a stratum of upper dalits in a much more unrealistic way. This can
also be termed as an attempt to seek a place in, and at the same time to politically legitimize market
economy and to make the system responsive to the lower stratum of people. Perhaps this is the meeting
point between dalit petty bourgeois utopianism and bourgeois liberalism. We have already seen the
cruelty of liberalization with human face. May be we are also going to witness the so-called social face
to industrialization and capital in the coming days. The authors of the declaration are dreaming of the
birth of dalit billionaires and dalit entrepreneurs in the coming decades. This declaration, in itself, is a sad
commentary of the system that has alienated a major and significant section of people from its ambit.
But, they fail to note that the inherent nature of capitalism, especially the Indian variety, is
undemocratic and it is incapable of developing its own capitalist productive forces in the backdrop of a
semi-feudal society like India. In such a semi-feudal situation, the bourgeoisie who are supposed to be
radical in an emerging capitalist society turn into a reactionary class by aligning with feudal forces and
thereby maintaining status-quo and losing its potential for achieving any real change. If there are
billionaires and millionaires among upper castes, why cant billionaires emerge from among dalits? But,
the matter of concern is the utopianism involved and the attempt to get accommodated in the oppressive
system that is responsible for the oppression of dalits as a caste and a class as well. This conference was
sponsored by the Madhya Pradesh state government led by the Congress. The bourgeoisie is looking for
its own agenda for dalits, that too in the context of drastically declining purchasing power of the people
leading the economy into a crisis. If Yashwant Sinha is planning to overcome this crisis by focusing on
corporatisation of agriculture in the short term, Digvijay Singh is planning to overcome the same by
infusing new market forces from among dalits in the long term. But, unfortunately, the document lacks in
practical planning and in understanding the law of capitalist development in a semi-feudal society. One
can never be opposed to see a dalit billionaire, a dalit industrialist, a dalit entrepreneur or a dalit trader as
it can accentuate class polarization within the caste. But, one has to be really concerned about the grand
old utopianism of the whole scheme and the impracticability of the method of resolution involved. On
the whole, the declaration wants to extract something for dalits from the agenda of globalisation and

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liberalization. It appears that Chandrabhan Prasad has emerged as the foremost ideologue of this line of
dalit development. He is a staunch proponent of social democracy and democratization of capital, on the
one hand. On the other hand, he is coming up with a whole set of formulations ranging from dalit-artisan
shudra (MBC) unity in contrast to Bahujanwad (dalit-OBC unity) advocated by Kanshi Ram to
developing a dalit billionaire in the coming decades. He proclaims that dalit-bahujan unity is theoretically
most undesirable whereas dalits should look for a social, political alliance with Brahmans (who are the
numerical minorities) to overthrow the dominance of OBCs in all spheres. Moreover, he also says that
communal fascism is only a bogey created by brahmans belonging to all hues of left-right ideologies
(Here, it is worthwhile to note that Prasad prefers to call rightists as liberals) whereas the biggest threat is
the social fascism that is expected to be unleashed by upper shudras when they capture power at
all-India level. He also says that the real danger of revival of brahminism lies with upper shudras rather
than Brahmans themselves. Because, it is only brahmans who would not suffer from the demand of land
reforms for dalits. According to him, they are also the worst sufferers of the very same brahminism
unleashed by upper shudras.

He is eagerly waiting for the second coming of the empire, next only to the British, to play a radical
role for the upliftment of dalits, particularly for creating an articulate elite and middle class from among
dalits. Central questions of dalit movement, according to Prasad, are: land, democratization of capital,
redefining democracy (social democracy), quality education, democratization of knowledge, etc. He
argues for securing immediate benefits for dalits instead of dalit liberation, as it is a far-fetched dream in
the present circumstances. He says that dalit liberation can be thought of only when there is no dalit
agricultural labourer, only when dalits are fairly represented in English medium schools, only when there
are several hundreds of dalit billionaires, and only when their housing issues are resolved. He is opposed
to Kancha Ilaiahs formulation saying that Ilaiah is drafting an intellectual trap to shudraise the nations
culture.

If Kancha Ilaiah provided a theoretical framework for the BSPs bahujanwad, Chandrabhan Prasad is
providing a theoretical framework for its opportunistic political alliances, particularly with the BJP. That
is the meeting point for Ilaiahs and Prasads. The person who advocates westernization of dalits finds
allies in Hindutva, the staunch proponents of revivalism in Indian society and considers communal
fascism merely as a mischievous construct. Unfortunately, both of them claim to be interpreting
Ambedkar in the present conditions. Prasad says that Kanshi Ram cannot become an Ambedkar as Lenin
or Mao cannot become a Marx while Kanshi Ram, being a follower of Ambedkar, can very well become
one like Lenin or Mao. It is easier for Mr.Prasad to negotiate with Bill Gates than a Birla. It is true that
it will be much easier for him to relate with a dalit billionaire. Well, one has to wonder as to when
Mr.Prasad will find it easier to get in touch with the reality to realize his utopianism in full bloom and
the practical resolution to the plight of crores of poor, downtrodden dalits? May be, when India becomes
an America!

Notes

1 Karl Marx and Engels, The Manifesto of The Communist Party, 1977

2 The BSP and Caste as Ideology, 19, March 1994, EPW, pp 669

3 Moni Guha, Proletarian Path (Vol.II, No.1), December, 1995 reproduced in Liberation, April, 1996

4 Caste and Contradictions, 22 October 1994, EPW, pp 2836

5 Interview with Kancha Ilaiah by Anand, May 2000, www.ambedkar.org

6 Antithesis of Caste and Class, Vinod Mishra Selected Works, pp180

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7 Caste and Contradictions, 22 October 1994, EPW

8 Gail Omvedt, Dalits and the Democratic Revolution, pp25

9 9 ibid, pp24

10 Vinod Mishra, More on the Anti-thesis of Caste and Class, VM Selected Works, pp 187

11 Rajni Kothari, Rise of the Dalits and the Renewed Debate on Caste, EPW, 25 June 1994, pp1590

12 Kancha Ilaiah, Ibid

13 Kancha Ilaiah, Ibid

14 Jens Lerche, Politics of the Poor: Agrarian Labourers and Political Transformation in UP, Rural
Labour Relations in India Today, 2000, pp 224

15 B.B.Mohanty, Land Distribution Among SCs and STs, 6 Oct 2001, EPW, pp 3857

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