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Idle Theory - Monogamy
Idle Theory - Monogamy
Idle Theory - Monogamy
Equally, it makes social sense for people to live in close proximity, so that
no one is ever lonely, and nobody falls sick or gets hurt without others
helping and assisting.
And quite apart from the economic merits of close conviviality, it would
anyway seem that humans are naturally promiscuous. If humans were
naturally monogamous, then sexual promiscuity would be entirely
unheard of, and no clerics would have ever thundered against the
iniquities of adultery and fornication. Indeed, if humans were naturally
uninterested in sex, those same clerics would have been thundering
against the iniquity of celibacy, and encouraging promiscuity. For if there
are perils in too much sex, there are also perils in too little: if no sexual
reproduction takes place, human society dwindles away into extinction.
However, perhaps the principal problem with such sexual and social
arrangements is that they allow the rapid propagation of communicable
diseases. The closer people live together, and the closer they come into
physical contact, the more likely it is that they will communicate disease
to each other - sexual relations providing the most intimate contact. As
soon as one person in such a promiscuous society contracts such a
disease, it will take on epidemic proportions. The more intimately people
live together, and the greater the number of their intimate liaisons, the
greater the possibility of an entire society contracting some disease. And
if these diseases are often fatal, the effect of a general promiscuous close
association is likely to be the decimation of human society.
Much the same goes for any other misfortune. If all live together under
one roof, then all are likely to die if the house catches fire, or collapses in
an earthquake. To the extent that people are closely united, to the same
extent they are likely to meet with the same fate.
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However, the larger the sexually exclusive group, the greater the danger
that it be compromised by sexual relations outside the group. Therefore
celibate individuals are the least likely to acquire sexually transmitted
diseases, and monogamous couples are the second least likely to acquire
such diseases, and so on. And since monogamous couples are able to
produce children, whereas celibate individuals do not, monogamous
couples offer the strongest enduring defence against sexually transmitted
disease.
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Thus the effect of disease upon society is to leave it not only decimated,
but also atomised. In some cases, a human society may understand that
certain kinds of compartmentalisation provide a defence against disease.
But if not, then if the survivors of plagues continue with their customary
way of life, in every detail, then they are quite likely to survive future
outbreaks of disease, even if they do not know why they survived
previous ones. In the absence of understanding, the rigorous observance
of custom must often prove an effective deterrent against misfortune,
simply because some customary habits provide a quite accidental
protection.
However, to the extent that the threat of disease and fire and similar
disasters actually recedes, then to that extent the real need for dispersal
and compartmentalisation declines, and human societies are likely to
become reunited in a renewed coviviality. For dispersed defensive
societies are less idle than united societies, as it is simpler and easier to
live in close proximity under one roof together. Therefore as the threat of
disease recedes, the result is likely to be the gradual reunion of society,
and the resumption of a general promiscuity.
At which point the rank order within society becomes inverted. Celibate
hermits drop to the bottom rank, with monogamous couples the next up,
and with courtesans at the top.
Seen from this perspective, monogamy, celibacy, and the nuclear family
are the natural organisation of a society facing the threat of decimating
disease. Such compartmentalisation of society is essentially defensive.
Once the threat passes, or other means are found to combat it,
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If, along trade routes which regularly brought not only the produce of
distant lands but also a host of communicable diseases, societies adopted
monogamy and celibacy and ritual purification, it was as a defence
measure against such diseases. And equally, if, on some remote Pacific
islands which no outsider visited from one century to the next, societies
reverted to a genially promiscuous life together under one roof, eating
and drinking from the same dishes and cups, all monogamy and celibacy
and purity long abandoned, it was because they faced no threat from
disease. Or at least not until European ships brought both the problem
and its answer - the first in their pox-ridden crews, and the second in
their Christian chaplains.
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