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Migration Cannot Be Cast in Terms of Individual Rights
Migration Cannot Be Cast in Terms of Individual Rights
In Terms Of Individual
Rights
by Paul Collier on 8 December 2016
Paul Collier
The Jungle in Calais is closed and the deal with Turkey is in place. Is the refugee
crisis over?
Not at all. The refugee crisis is first and foremost about refugees, not about
migration to Europe at all. It became very salient once refugees or some
refugees, a relatively small minority, started moving to Europe but the roots of
the crisis were that weve got a refugee system which doesnt work for refugees.
And so we urgently need to reform that system so that it works for refugees and
for everybody else. It has been unreformed since around 1950 and is completely
unfit for modern purpose. It was designed for a completely different set of
problems and manifestly it doesnt work.
I dont see it as mainly vital in order to stop migration, but rather because there
are a billion people living in environments which are not now offering any
credible hope of decent lives. And so both out of elementary concern for other
human beings and out of enlightened self-interest we should do something
about that. Do what we can. Having a neighbouring continent that falls behind or
that is a long way behind is obviously both a tragedy for that billion people and a
potential source of global instability.
When you talk about catching up and helping Africa to catch up what role does
migration play in this process? Your book Exodus talks in great detail about the
ambiguous role of migration
Yes, thats exactly the right word. Migration is always a matter of numbers and
thats why it cant be cast in terms of individual rights. If one person migrates
thats good, if 100 million people migrate thats bad. Not just for the host country
but for the country thats losing people. A lot of small poor countries are losing
too many of their most educated and most enterprising people and that is
Yes, and having some emigration is beneficial, you can have too much as well as
too little, so its a matter of trying to work out how much is ideal and researchers
have tried to do that. And the conclusion is that many poor countries, especially
the smaller ones, which is typical of Africa, are losing too many of their brightest
and best educated people.
Yes, thats right. And in fact its not just a matter of Africa; its also true of the
poorer countries in Europe. There was a study by the IMF just last month which
concluded that emigration from Eastern Europe had delayed catch-up. But, of
course, the people themselves benefit and the host countries benefit. But there
are many people left behind and the solution cannot be that a whole country
empties. Obviously, that is not an appropriate or a feasible solution. And so
policies have to be driven primarily by the idea of what helps the people who
stay in the country to catch up as fast as possible.
But dont remittances play a positive role? They are basically on par with
foreign direct investments in many cases
The typical migrant sends back about $1000 per year so about $3 a day.
Meanwhile, the country has lost the output that those people would have
produced had they stayed in the country. And so youve got to ask would they
have produced more than that and if theyre bright and educated and
enterprising the answer is: Pretty likely. So having remittances is better than not
having remittances but the remittances come at the price of the lost output of
the people who have left. And the lost output may well be bigger than the
remittances.
Thats why what the G20 is focusing on is how can we raise investment into
Africa. The focus is not on how we can stop people coming at all. The focus is on
how can we raise investment and hence raise output and productivity in Africa,
consequently creating more opportunities. Africa has to be a continent of hope
for the people who live there.
Yes, I think so. Hope not based upon wild dreams but hope based upon practical
things: Better infrastructure, better environments for firms to produce things.
Exodus also mentions the concept of a safety valve effect. Do you feel that in
an age where migration is increasingly unregulated we will witness the end of
revolution? Because people will just not call for change; they will just try to
find a better life somewhere else.
Well, clearly the people most likely to promote the required change are younger,
able, educated people. Some exposure to Western societies helps. So, for
example, when students come from Africa to study in Europe and then go back
thats very helpful to Africa. Not only does it bring back skills but it brings back
ideas which we can show assist the process of change. So migration which
involves people going back is, I think, very beneficial.
Theres some transmission back of ideas from diasporas but return migration is
really effective. And the safety valve point you were setting out, yes, I think
theres long been an idea that people who are living in a dysfunctional
environment have a choice between voice and exit. And the more they choose
voice the better for everybody. The more they choose exit, it might be better for
them but its worse for everybody else.
You have frequently travelled to Germany in the last couple of months. How do
you perceive the German debate on migration?
In the case of refugees, the heart of the refugee problem is flight motivated by
fear. Half of the population of Syria has fled their homes out of fear, obviously
well-justified fear. That population of displaced, about ten million people, that
should be our focus of concern. Most of those people are still stuck in Syria
because the neighbouring haven countries have at times closed their borders.
And the reason theyve closed their borders is that the neighbouring countries
have been given so little international support until much too late.
But still four or five million people have crossed the borders out of Syria and
where they choose to go to is the neighbouring havens. And theres very good
reason for that. Its easy to get to, its easy to get back from, when the conflicts
over and the challenge then is to bring employment opportunities to refugees in
those havens.
Weve got a model of dealing with refugees, UNHCR, which is still stuck in 1950
where refugees are seen to be needing food and shelter. That would be true if
refuge was a matter of a few months or a few weeks but 90% of refugees, the
refugees who have fled Syria and globally, actually ignore UNHCR because their
top priority is not food and shelter. If youre going to be a refugee for some years
your top priority is to be able to earn a living. And at the moment the haven
countries for quite good reasons dont provide the right to work. Because their
own populations feel threatened. And what we as an international community
should be doing is bringing work to the refugees in those havens.
You mentioned the convention relating to the status of refugees from 1951,
the UNHCR refugee convention. Do you feel that this needs updating?
Its become largely irrelevant to look at the convention. It was designed to help
individuals who were persecuted by governments where there was no prospect
of the regime changing so that the focus was on resettling people in the West.
The original convention was also limited geographically to western Europe and
was limited temporarily so it wasnt to apply to anybody who became a refugee
after January 1950.
So weve still got this label, refugees, but theyre a completely different problem
and they need a completely different response. The decisions that matter for
refugees need to shift out of court rooms into board rooms because what will
provide jobs for refugees is not some judge, its the boards of the major
international companies.
There are two components to the present refugee regime, one is this convention
which is basically irrelevant, its not even worth revising, its just irrelevant. And
the other component is an agency: UNHCR. UNHCR is a purely humanitarian
agency: it doesnt have an economic competence or mandate. And so it is not
remotely equipped to meet the needs of refugees. Thats why 90% of refugees
ignore it.
Im agnostic. I dont mind and I dont care as long as it is done. What I think is
needed at the very least is competition between agencies. Monopoly is always
bad and having a monopoly agency has been very damaging. And so yes, we need
other agencies at the table, not just public agencies, theres NGOs, businesses,
but they need to be aligned on what is the real thing were trying to do and it
starts, first and foremost, with jobs. Thats what refugees most need. They need
to be able to earn a living and get dignity from a job and hold their families
together whilst theyre refugees. In the process we can actually incubate the
post conflict economies whilst theyre still in conflict if we can get firms to go to
the havens. Incubating the post conflict recovery even before the conflict is over
is a very sensible thing to do.
Paul Collier spoke with Michael Brning, Head of the International Policy Department
of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung. A German version appeared first in Internationale
Politik und Gesellschaft.
Sir Paul Collier is Professor of Economics and Public Policy at the Blavatnik School of
Government, Oxford University. His latest book is 'Exodus: Immigration and
Multiculturalism in the 21st Century' published by Penguin and Oxford University
Press.