Collection of Papers Dedicated to the 40th Anniversary of the Institute for Art History,

Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade

 , 2012
Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade 2012
 / Publisher
, / Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade
1820, 11000, / ika Ljubina 1820, Beograd 11000, Serbia
www.f.bg.ac.rs

/ Co-Publisher
, / Dosije studio, Belgrade
www.dosije.rs

/ For the Publisher

. , / Prof. Vesna Dimitrijevi, Ph.D., Dean of the Faculty

/ Reviewers
. , /
Prof. Marica uput, Ph.D., Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade
. , . , /
Irina Suboti, Ph.D., Prof. Emerita, Academy of Arts, Novi Sad

- / Graphic Design
/ Irena Djakovi
/ Aleksandar Kosti

/ Preparation and Printing

, / Dosije studio, Belgrade

K ,

This book is published with the financial support of the Ministry of Education and Science of the Republic of
Serbia, the Fund for Major Publications of the Municipal Assembly of Belgrade and the Faculty of Philosophy,
University of Belgrade


Collection of Papers Dedicated to the 40th Anniversary

of the Institute for Art History,
Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade

/ Edited by Ivan Stevovi

, / Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade

/ Belgrade
2012
 / CONTENTS

A / Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi

/ Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xv

Hans Buchwald, Christian Basilicas, Proportions, Pythagoras and Vitruvius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

, , ,

Emma MaayanFanar, Unknown Early Christian Tombs in Shefaram In Pursuit of a Solution

to an Iconographic Enigma . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
, '.

Vlada Stankovi, Living Icon of Christ: Photios Characterization of the Patriarch

in the Introduction of the Eisagoge and its Significance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
, :

Glenn Peers, Masks, Marriage and the Byzantine Mandylion: Classical Inversions
in the Tenth-Century Narratio de translatione Constantinopolim imaginis Edessenae. . . . . . . . . . 45
, , : X
Narratio de translatione Constantinopolim imaginis Edessenae

Bissera V. Pentcheva, The Performance of Relics: Concealment and Desire in the Byzantine
Staging of Leipsana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
. , :
Leipsana

, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73
Radivoj Radi, Animals in the Farmers Law

v
 Valentino Pace, Il mosaico della Deisis sul portale dingresso alla chiesa dell Abbazia
di San Nilo a Grottaferrata . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
,
.

Nancy Ptterson evenko, Revisiting the Frescoes of the Church of the Kosmosoteira
at Pherrai (1152) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
,
(1152)

Jelena Erdeljan, Studenica: All Things Constantinopolitan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93

,

Zaza Skhirtladze, Apocryphal Cycle of the Virgin in Medieval Georgian Murals:

Preliminary Observations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103
,
:

Biserka Penkova, A Newly-found Fresco of The Visitation in the Saint John the Baptist
Chapel in Asenovgrad . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
,
.

Dragan Vojvodi, The Nativity of Christ and the Descent into Hades as Programme
Counterparts in Byzantine Wall Painting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127
,

Steven J. Schloeder, Per lumina vera ad verum lumen: The Anagogical Intention
of Abbot Suger. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143
. , Per lumina vera ad verum lumen:

Michael Viktor Schwarz, Giottos Byzantium . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157

,

, oj :
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171
Vojislav Kora , Conception et ralisation en architecture mdivale:
exemples de larchitecture du monde byzantin

Ivan Stevovi, Towards New Directions of Investigation of Late Byzantine Architecture.

Visualisation of Text on the Facades of the Church of the Virgin in Krina (Chios) . . . . . . . . . . 175
, .

vi
 , :
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
Slobodan uri, Diaconicon as a Monastic Cell: the Question of Special Functional Intentions
in Monastic Church Architecture of Serbia and Byzantium

. , . . . . . . . . 211
George M. Velenis, Ateliers htroglottes et peintres bilingues

Cvetan Grozdanov, Les portraits des premiers Paleologues dans le narthex

de la Vierge Peribleptos (St-Clement) a Ochrid. Une hypothese . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 227
,
(. ) .

Stavros Mamaloukos, The Chronology of the xonarthex of the Porta-Panagia in Thessaly . . . . . 237
,

Vahit Macit TEKNALP, Considerations on the Geometry of Gml Kubbe,

the Mausoleum of COthmn I Ghz, an Annex of the Monastery of Hagios Ioannes
at Prousa (modern Bursa) in Anatolia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 251
, , I ,
. ( )

Sophia KalopissiVerti, Stylistic Observations on the Painted Decoration

of St. Nicholas at Achragias in Laconia / Peloponnese . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263
-,
. ()

Maria Panayotidi, Observations on a Local Workshop in the Region of Epidaurus Limira. . . . . . 275
,

ektarios Zarras, Reflections of Palaiologan Style in Cypriot Monumental Painting . . . . . . . . . . 291

,

, , 10
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 309
, 10

, :
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 329
Tatjana Starodubcev, Under the Protection of Asomatoi: Presentations
of Archangel Gabriel in the Churches Painted During the Lazarevi Period

vii
 , :
, , ? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 347
Branislav Cvetkovi, The Esphigmenou Chrysobull of Despot Djuradj Brankovi:
Fantastic Architecture, ia, Esphigmenou or the Celestial Dwellings?

, .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 365
Smiljka Gabeli, Miracles with Anna from Constantinople and the Woman from Alexandria
in Piva. Rare Scenes from the Cycle of the Archangels

, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 381
Saa Brajovi, Renaissance Portrait and the Topos of Lifelikeness

, XVI .:
? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 397
, XVI :
?

,
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 407
Miroslav Timotijevi, The True Iconography of Jerusalem and
The Church of the Holy Sepulchre Plan the Engraving of Hristofor Defarovi

, 162730.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 421
Zoran Raki, The Munich Serbian Psalter Copy from 162730 and its Comparison
with the Original

, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 439
Branislav Todi, The Iconostasis of the Old Serbian Church in Sarajevo

, :
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 459
Vladimir Simi, :
A Political Catechism from the Age of Enlightenment

, : . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 477
Miroslava Kosti, Portrait of Martha Tekelija: the Work of Jacob Orfelin

, .
e XIX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 487
E , .
XIX

viii
Nenad Makuljevi, Inventing and Changing the Canon and the Constitution of Serbian
National Identity in the Nineteenth Century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 505
,
XIX

, :
19101920. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 519
Simona upi, The six cities of ivorad Nastasijevi: Mythology and Magic
of the Place in Serbian Painting 19101920

, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 525
Lidija Merenik, Mario Maskareli Theses on the Off-the-main-stream Artist

, . . . . . . . . . . . 531
Aleksandar Kadijevi, Three Apprehensions of the Historical Spirit of Time in Architecture

Jeremy Howard, Khaldei and Holtom: Schooling, Warring and Pacifying

(Reflecting the State of European Art and Art Historical Discourse with Regard to Work
of the 1940s, 1950s and 1960s). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 541
, : ,
( -
, XX )

Walter Zahner, Ein Hindurchgehen des Heiligen Geistes durch Seine Kirche Liturgie und
Kirchenraum im 20. Jahrhundert. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 555
, XX

Toshino Iguchi, Towards Osaka Expo 70: The Avant-garde and Art and Technology in Japan 567
, Expo 70:

Mieke Bal, Heterochrony in the Act: The Migratory Politics of Time . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 579
, :

ix
 / CONTRIBUTORS

, ,
Elka Bakalova, Ph.D., Corresponding member of Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Sofia

,

Mieke Bal, Ph.D., Professor, Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences/ Amsterdam School
for Cultural Analysis, University of Amsterdam

,
Saa Brajovi, Ph.D., Associate Professor, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade

,
Hans Buchwald, Ph.D., Professor Emeritus, University of Stuttgart

,
Georgios M. Velenis, Ph.D., Professor, University of Thessaloniki

,
Dragan Vojvodi, Ph.D., Associate Professor, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade

,

Smiljka Gabeli, Ph.D., Senior Researcher, Institute for Art History, Faculty of Philosophy,
University of Belgrade

, ,
Cvetan Grozdanov, Ph.D., member of Macedonian Academy of Arts and Sciences, Skopje

, , ,
-
Axinia Durova, Ph.D., Corresponding member of Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Sofia, Director
of Centre for Slavo-Byzantine Studies Prof. Ivan Dujev, University of Sofia

xi
 ,
Jelena Erdeljan, Ph.D., Assistant Professor, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade

,
Nektarios Zarras, Ph.D., Assistant Professor, University of the Aegean, Rhodes

, ,

Walter Zahner, Ph.D., Professor, University of Darmstadt, chief-curator for the Catholic German
Bishops Conference, Bonn

,
Toshino Iguchi, Ph.D., Professor, Saitama University

,
Aleksandar Kadijevi, Ph.D., Professor, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade

-,
Sophia Kalopissi-Verti, Ph.D., Professor, University of Athens

Vojislav Kora

,

Miroslava Kosti, Ph.D., Researcher, Institute for Art History, Faculty of Philosophy, University of
Belgrade

-,
Emma Maayan-Fanar, Ph.D., Assistant Professor, University of Haifa

,
Nenad Makuljevi, Ph.D., Associate Professor, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade

,
Stavros Mamaloukos, Ph.D., Assciate Professor, University of Patras

,
Lidija Merenik, Ph.D., Professor, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade

, /
,
Valentino Pace, Ph.D., Professor, University of Udine and Bibliotheca Hertziana / Max-Planck-
Institut fr Kunstgeschichte, Roma

xii
 ,
Maria Panayotidi, Ph.D., Professor, University of Athens

,
Glenn Peers, Ph.D., Professor, University of Texas at Austin

, a ,
Biserka Penkova, Ph.D., Assistant Professor, National Academy of Art, Sofia

,
Bissera V. Pentcheva, Ph.D., Associate Professor, Stanford University

,
Radivoj Radi, Ph.D., Professor, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade

,
Zoran Raki, Ph.D., Assistant Professor, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade

,
Zaza Skhirtladze, Ph.D., Professor, Tbilisi State University

,
Vlada Stankovi, Ph.D., Associate Professor, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade

, ,
Tatjana Starodubcev, Ph.D., Assistant Professor, Academy of Arts, Novi Sad

,
Vladimir Simi, M.A., Teaching Assistant, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade

,
Engelina Smirnova, Ph.D., Professor, Lomonosov Moscow State University

,
Ivan Stevovi, Ph.D., Assistant Professor, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade

, , ,
Steven J. Schloeder, Ph.D., Director of the Institute for Studies in Sacred Architecture, Phoenix, AZ

,
Michael Viktor Schwarz, Ph.D., Professor, University of Vienna

a ,
Vahit Macit TEKINALP, Ph.D., Associate Professor, Hacettepe University Ankara

xiii
 ,
Miroslav Timotijevi, Ph.D., Professor, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade

,
Branislav Todi, Ph.D., Professor, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade

,
Slobodan uri, Ph.D., Professor Emeritus, Princeton University

,
Jeremy Howard, Ph.D, Senior Lecturer, University of St. Andrews

,
Branislav Cvetkovi, Ph.D., Senior Curator, Regional Museum in Jagodina

,
Simona upi, Ph.D., Associate Professor, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade

,
Nancy Patterson evenko, Ph.D., Independent Scholar, South Woodstock, VT

xiv
 / ABBREVIATIONS

AA Archologischer Anzeiger
AJA American Journal of Archaeology
AM Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archologischen Instituts, Athenische Abteilung
AnatSt Anatolian Studies
AnnBoll Annalecta Bollandiana
ArtB Art Bulletin
ArtJ Art Journal
ArtHist Art History



A
ActaArchHung Acta archaeologia, Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae
BZ Byzantinische Zeitschrift
BL Bibel und Liturgie
BiblArch The Biblical Archaeologist
BMGS Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies
BMFD Byzantine Monastic Foundation Documents: A Complete Translation of the Surviving
Founders Typika and Testaments, ed. J. Thomas A. C. Hero, Dumbarton Oaks,
Washington DC, 2000
BNJ Byzantinisch-Neugriechische Jahrbcher
BollGrott Bollettino della Badia greca di Grottaferrata
BSl Byzantinoslavica
ByzAus Byzantina Australiensia
Byzantium: Faith And Byzantium: Faith and Power (12611557), ed. Helen C. Evans, Metropolitan Museum of
Power (12611557) Art, New York 2004
ByzVindo Byzantina Vindobonensia
VizVrem Vizantiiskii vremennik
GBA Gazette des beaux-arts



Glory of Byzantium Glory of Byzantium. Arts and Culture of the Middle Byzantine Era A.D. 8431261, ed.
Helen C. Evans, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York 2000

xv


GOTR Greek Orthodox Theological Review
DACL Dictionnaire darchologie chrtienne et de liturgie


DOP Dumbarton Oaks Papers
EtBal tudes balkaniques


EO Echos dOrient
EHB The Economic History of Byzantium, ed. A. E. Laiou et al., Dumbarton Oaks, Washington
DC 2002
ZDPV Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palstina-Vereins



ZNW Zeitschrift fr die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der lteren Kirche



IstMitt Istanbuler Mitteilungen
ICS Illinois Classical Studies
JAAC Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism
JbBM Jahrbuch der Berliner Museen
JbGOst Jahrbuch fr Geschichte Osteuropas
JEH Journal of Ecclesiastical History
EChrSt Journal of Early Christian Studies
JB Jahrbuch der sterreichischen Byzantinistik
JBG Jahrbuch der sterreichischen Byzantinischen Gesellschaft
JSAH Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians
JHS Journal of Hellenic Studies
WCI Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes
LakSp (..)
MnchBeitr Mnchner Beitrge zur Papyrusforschung und antiken Rechtsgeschichte
MnchJb Mnchner Jahrbuch der bildenden Kunst
ODB The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, vol. IIII, ed. A. Kazhdan et al., New York Oxford
1991
OCA Orientalia christiana analecta
PAPS Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society
PBSR Papers of the British School at Rome
PG Patrologiae cursus completus, Series graeca, ed. J.-P. Migne (Paris, 185766)
PEQ Palestinian Exploration Quaterly
, ,

xvi
 PLP Prosopographisches Lexikon der Palaiologenzeit, ed. E. Trapp et al. (Vienna, 1976)
PPSb Pravoslavnii palestinskii sbornik
RAC Reallexikon fr Antike und Christentum
RArtChr Revue de lArt Chrtien
RB Rvue Biblique
RBK Reallexikon zur byzantinischen Kunst, ed. K. Wessel (Stuttgart, 1963)
RDAC Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus
REB Revue des tudes byzantines
RepKunstw Repertorium fr Kunstwissenschaft
RESEE Revue des tudes sud-est europennes
RIASA Rivista dellIstituto nazionale darcheologia e storia dellarte
RQ Rmische Quartalschrift fr christliche Altertumskunde und fr Kirchengeschichte
SBF Studium Biblicum Franciscanum
SemKond Seminarium Kondakovianum

SubGr Subseciva Groningana
SubsHag Subsidia hagiographica
TAPA Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association
TM Travaux et mmoires
TRHS Transactions of the Royal Historical Society
FM Fontes minores
FR Felix Ravenna

CahArch Cahiers archologiques
CAH Cambridge Ancient History
CIB Congrs International dtudes Byzantines
CSHB Corpus scriptorum historiae byzantinae
CFHB Corpus fontium historiae byzantinae
CCARB Corsi di cultura sullArte Ravennate e Bizantina
WJKg Wiener Jahrbuch fr Kunstgeschichte
WSt Wiener Studien

xvii
 , -
.
-

.
, , ,
. , ,
,
, . , ,
, -
, 1968. -

.

. , -
,
, -
?
,
, ,
, , -
, ,
.
, XVIII XIX , -
XVXVIII XX ,
, .
, ,
,
, , -
, -
. ,

.

. , ,
, ,
,
. , -

xix

.
, -
, ,
, , ;
-, , ,
, , -
. , ,
, ,
,
. ,
.
,
.
.
, ,
, , .

, 2012. . .

xx
 In a milieu laden with all forms of discontinuity, a little over four decades of existence of an institution
is unquestionably a cause worthy of noting. By publishing this volume the Institute for Art History of the
Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade, honors its tradition and remains true to the esteem attained
in the long years of its presence and activities in the professional and academic field.
As the editor of the volume hereby presented to the reader, I face, in a manner of speaking, an awkward
situation. In order to put together, as objectively as possible, these words of introduction, I had to step back
and assess from a distance the progress of an institution in which I myself have completed one of my own
professional cycles, from the first steps as a researcher to the position of director. Therefore, I take the
liberty to disregard the lure of official jubilee fanfare but, rather, to raise the question whether the Institute
for Art History has, indeed, fulfilled the purpose envisaged in 1968 by its founders whose work, to this day,
remains the basis of art historical scholarship in Serbia.
The number and nature of volumes published over the course of the past four decades are definitely an
indicator of the scope and achievement of any academic institution. Still, we can ask whether they are the
sole parameter of appraisal or whether it is actually the conceptual-methodological base, which remains at
the core of its pertaining results, that is the true warrant of the Institutes persistence?
Shortly after its founding, the Institute for Art History defined the main directions of its activity, balanced
equally between field exploration, documenting of monuments, critical analysis of written sources, research
directed toward syntheses on given problems of art history, production of encyclopedic dictionaries and
bibliographies as well as publication of its own periodical. Projects such as Relation between Serbian and
Byzantine Art in the Middle Ages, Europe and Serbian Art of the XVIII and XIX Centuries, Islamic
Monumental Art XVXVIII Century on the Soil of Yugoslavia or Serbian Art in XX Century were the
framework of intense activity for almost two decades, precisely at the time academician Vojislav Kora was
the director of the Institute. Although their titles included the then omnipresent term of national, they were
essentially, axiomatically, interdisciplinary in approaching the subject of their investigation and expressed
an unquestionable awareness of the fact that Serbian art of any given period can be appropriately studied
solely as an entity stemming from its indigenous temporal and spatial dimension, i.e. from the process of
communication with both the East and the West, the two worlds on the frontiers of which it flourished. Ac-
cordingly, it comes as no surprise that the Institute for Art History quickly became the center of research of
phenomena the scope of which ranged far outside the strict limits of artistic creation among the Serbs. It,
thus, opened its doors to a large number of scholars who came from all corners of the world. Nurtured and
constantly enhanced, it was precisely this hospitable and open nature of the institution, in a higher sense of
the word, that kept its firm foundations untouched by pressures exerted from both within and without during
the challenging years of the close of the century past. This institution reached more peaceful times guided
by its own tradition and strength, sustained by the Department of Art History of the Faculty of Philosophy
and supported by a large number of colleagues and friends from abroad.
Almost thirty books in the form of monographs, published documentary material and studies on various
subject of art history, as well as thirty five volumes of Zograf, the journal of medieval art, with texts of
over one hundred international scholars and local researchers; funds of technical and photo-documenta-

xxi
 tion, unique in scope, on monuments from Serbia, the territory of ex-Yugoslavia and the Balkans, bibliogra-
phies and a substantial library, are present assets of the Institute for Art History of the Faculty of Philoso-
phy in Belgrade. Those facts, it seems, speak for themselves and offer realistic ground for conviction that,
as a result of cooperation between experienced scholars and those entering the field, this institution will
be successful in overcoming the challenges facing humanistic disciplines in these years of global crisis. In
their own way, the pages hereby presented to the reader sustain the same persuasion.
I extend expressions of deepest gratitude to all the authors, not only for their contributions but also for
the patience and support I received from their part during the making of this book. I am also deeply in-
debted to the exceptional team which shared with me the pleasant task of preparing this volume.
Sadly, the passing of time has kept this small antidoron from being delivered into the hands of one of the
founders and the first director of the Institute for Art History, Vojislav Kora.

Belgrade, May 2012 I. S.

xxii

(, ): , , , ,
, , ,
(, ): . , ,
, ,

Founders and first fellows of the Institute for Art History of the Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade
(standing, from left to right): Miodrag Jovanovi, Duan Tasi, Andrej Andrejevi, Lazar Trifunovi,
Radmila Mihailovi, Sreten Petkovi, Marica uput, Gojko Suboti
(sitting, from left to right): Vojislav J. Djuri, Jovanka Maksimovi, Svetozar Radoji,
Dejan Medakovi, Vojislav Kora
CHRISTIAN BASILICAS, PROPORTIONS,
PYTHAGORAS AND VITRUVIUS*

Hans Buchwald

To the memory of Camilla,

Heini and Joschko in Belgrade

This study clarifies methods of designing and laying out early Christian basilicas employing proportions com-
posed of the first four numbers. How the proportions were applied is demonstrated in examples from Syria, Asia
Minor, Greece and Italy. Variations in the use of the proportions are explained by reasons of liturgy, function,
structure and scale. Among the reasons for the use of these proportions may have been tradition and conven-
ience, but also Neopythagorean number theory. Vitruvius Ten Books are used to asses architects approach to
numeric proportions in Antiquity and possibly also in Late Antiquity.
Key words: Early Christian Basilicas, proportions, the number theory, Vitruvius

Numeric Proportions training, previous experience or title may have

been, is how wide, how long, and how high shall
in Christian Basilicas the building be? The dimensions may be deter-
mined by functional, financial, structural or sub-

A
lthough Christian basilicas have been stud-
ied by scholars and travelers for at least
three centuries, we still have little under-
standing of the design procedures which contribut-
ed to their forms. Of the many possible procedures
that were undoubtedly applied, this study will con-
centrate upon the use of proportions in the design
and layout of these churches.
When undertaking the construction of a build-
ing, among the first questions posed by the archi-
tect or builder,1 whatever his cultural background,
* I am greatful to Elisabeth James for giving me the op-
portunity of presenting the core of this paper at the Spring
Symposium of the Society for the Promotion of Byzantine
Studies in London in March 2009.
1 Throughout this study the term architect is defined as any
person primarily responsible for determining the forms of a
building; the architect may, or may not also be responsible
for the construction of the building; builder is defined as a
jective considerations. But an architect may also
choose the dimensions so that they are numerically
or geometrically related to each other, and are thus
proportional.2 Why should he?
person primarily responsible for constructing a building; a
building designed by an architect may be laid out on site
and constructed by a builder, but a builder may also lay out
on site and construct a building with standard, well known
forms without the aid of an architect. At times the difference
between an architect and builder may be fluid or undeter-
mined: with increasing experience a builder may become an
architect, and an architect may also be a builder. C. Mango,
Byzantine Architecture, London 1979, 2426, for the terms
used to designate architects and builders in the 4th to 6th cen-
turies and their probable tasks; S. Cuomo, Technology and
Culture in Greek and Roman Antiquity, Cambridge 2007,
especially 134145, for a detailed account of architects in
Late Antiquity.
2 In common usage proportion can be understood as any
relationship between two or more dimensions, volumes,

CHRISTIAN BASILICAS, PROPORTIONS, PYTHAGORAS AND VITRUVIUS 1

 One reason is that proportions are useful in reasons for the use of proportions are not mutually
communicating dimensional relationships irrespec- exclusive: one, several or all may have been impor-
tive of the system of measurement used,3 a decided tant in some periods or locations, and other reasons
advantage when different measuring systems are may also be relevant.
employed concurrently, as was often the case in
Antiquity and Late Antiquity.4 In the same vein, by
conveying dimensional information regardless of
the size of the building, proportions were probably
useful in the education of architects, builders and
craftsmen, assuring continuity over generations in
architecture and in the building trades. Proportion-
ally related dimensions could have been used be-
cause they were convenient: once a single dimen-
sion was determined, other dimensions quickly fell
into place a great advantage when accurate draw-
ings and models are unknown or only seldom used.
Also, proportions may have been employed because
they were thought to bear special meanings. These

weights or tones; here proportion is defined as a numeric

or geometric relationship between two or more architectural
dimensions; R. Wittkower, Architectural Principles in the
Age of Humanism, London New York 19885, 162166;
for an outline of scholarship on the subject cf. H. Kayser,
Lehrbuch der Harmonik, Zurich 1950, 98109, with an em-
phasis on music.
3 A standard system of measurement is at times thought
to be a prerequisite for the use of proportions; however,
proportions can be achieved without a system of measure-
ment using a rod or cord and very rudimentary arithmetic;
for instance, J. A. Bundgaard, Mnesikles: A Greek Architect
at Work, Copenhagen Stockholm Oslo 1957, especially
131, footnote 263, with examples.
4 For diverging dimensions of measuring systems in Late
Antiquity: E. Schilbach, Measures, in: ODB, 1325, with a
foot measuring 0.3123 m. during and after Justinians reign;
idem, Byzantinische Metrologie, Munich 1970, 1338, with
examples that differ by region and buildings but are close
to 0.3123 m.; id., Das byzantinische Masssystem in seinen
Grundzgen und seine Herkunft, Traveaux du 1er Congres
Int. de la Metrologie Historique 1 (1975), 3449; P. A. Un-
derwood, Some Principles of Measure in the Architecture of
the Period of Justinian, CahArch 3 (1948), 6474, with a
foot measuring 0.315 m. or 0.309 m. or 0.320 m. during
Justinians reign; M. Restle, Studien zur frhbyzantinischen
Architektur Kappadokiens, 1, Vienna 1979, 89135, with
diverging examples in Cappadocia D. S. Robertson, A hand-
book of Greek and Roman Architecture, Cambridge 1929
(19432), 149, with the Roman or Attic foot of 0.295 m.
or 0.296 m.; H. Hellenkemper, Ein byzantinisches Baumass,
IstMitt 39 (1989), 181190, pl. 20.2, with an incised line
0.586 m. long in a church attributed to the early 6th century
in Kanlidivan (Kanytella in Cilicia Trachaea) which is inter-
preted as the bipedal construction line of a foot measuring
0.293 m., and for a critical review of previous metrological
scholarship.
Fig. 1. Sardis, Church EA, Sketch plan with
proportions (H. Buchwald)
Different types of proportion have been iden-
tified in Christian basilicas.5 How numeric pro-
portions6 were employed can be illustrated, for
5 For instance, F. W. Deichmann, Ravenna Hauptstadt des
sptantiken Abendlandes, 1, Wiesbaden 1969, 5462, 257
261; idem, Zu den Proportionen der Grundrisse einiger ra-
vennatischer Basiliken, RQ 57 (1962), 44348; P. Lemerle,
Philippes et la Macdoine oriental lpoque chrtienne et
byzantine: recherches dhistoire et archologie, Paris 1945,
345347; M. Restle, op. cit., 89135; N. Spremo-Petrovi,
Rapports et proportions dans les plans des Basiliques du Vme
et VIme sicles de Ravenne et du littoral septentrional de
lAdriatique, FR 34 (1962), especially 5770; H. Buchwald,
The Geometry of Middle Byzantine Churches and some Pos-
sible Implications, JB 42 (1992), 293321; R. Trinci, La
Geometria e la sezione aurea nel S. Vitale di Ravenna e in s.
Apollinare in Classe, CCARB 31 (1984), 530540.
6 In numeric proportions dimensional relationships are de-
termined by numbers, while in geometric proportions they
are determined by geometric figures. These definitions dif-
fer from those frequently used in Antiquity, the Renaissance
and at times more recently; R. Wittkower, Proportion in Art
and Architecture, Appendix IV, Architectural Principles in

2 H. BUCHWALD
instance, in the example of Church EA at Sardis,
probably erected during the mid 4th century (Fig.
1).7 Width and length8 of the church including the
narthex and apse are proportioned 1:2; the nave,
1:3; nave and aisles together, 2:3; the narthex, 1:4;
length of the nave and length of the entire church,
3:4; width of one aisle and that of the nave, 1:2.9
The original height of Church EA, an excavated
ruin, is unknown. However, the very well preserved
church of Sant Apollinare in Classe (533549) was
designed using the same proportions (Fig. 2).10 In
Sant Apollinare the width and height of the nave
are proportioned 3:4, and the same proportions may
have been used also in Church EA. Thus in both
churches all major dimensions of the floor plan and
probably the elevation were defined by proportions
using the tetrad, or first four numbers. Also, all pos-
sible proportional relationships within the tetrad,
1:2, 1:3, 1:4, 2:3 and 3:4 were used in their design.
Thus these churches were laid out and erected em-
ploying a carefully prepared simple, unified and
comprehensive proportional system.11

the Age of Humanism, 148149, with the distinction be-

tween arithmetic, geometric, and harmonic proportions in
architectural writing of Antiquity and the Renaissance, each
of which is numeric as defined here.
7 H. Buchwald, Notes on the Design of Aisled Basilicas in
Asia Minor, in: Studien zur byzantinischen Kunstgeschichte.
Festshrift fr Horst Hallensleben zum 65. Geburstag (eds.
B. Borkopp B. Schellewald L. Theis), Amsterdam 1995,
2024, Table 3; idem, The Geometry of Middle Byzantine
Churches and Some Possible implications, 300302, fig. 10.
8 Throughout this study width is the shorter dimension of
an architectural feature regardless of its position within the
building, and length is the longer dimension.
9 Since the south aisle of the church was not excavated the
proportions depend in part upon reconstructions based upon
bilateral symmetry.
10 F. W. Deichmann, Ravenna: Hauptstadt des sptantiken
Abendlandes, 1, 5462, 257261, for the proportions and
the original floor level (which differed only insignificantly
from todays); ibid., 2:2, 235240, pl. 50, for the appear-
ance, history, partial dimensions and comparable examples;
id., Zu den Proportionen der Grundrisse einiger raven-
natischer Basiliken, 446; M. Mazzotti, La basilica di Sant
Apollinare in Classe, Vatican 1954, especially 44161, pls.
13, for a detailed description and history; id., S. Apollin-
are in Classe, indagini e studi degli ultimi trnentanni, RAC
62, 12 (1986), 199219; R. Trinci, op. cit., 530540, figs.
16; N. Spremo-Petrovi, op. cit., 5051, fig. 7; G. Angelis
dOssat, Studi Ravennati. Problemi di Archittetura paleoc-
ristiana, Ravena 1962, 2829, 3435, fig. 1617.
11 The proportional dimensions of Church EA are to the
centerlines of columns or walls, but architects and builders
Fig. 2. Ravenna, Church of Sant Apollinare in Classe,
Interior view looking east
We have no documentary evidence concerning
how a Christian basilica was designed and con-
structed employing proportions. However, in some
churches all major dimensions could have been de-
also at times based proportions on dimensions to interior or
exterior wall faces, at times in the same building. Minor er-
rors exist in all proportions identified in this study because,
for instance: Measurements of the same walls at different
locations often provide somewhat different dimensions; The
rough ashlar and large amounts of mortar often employed
in these churches do not lend themselves to precise con-
struction; Some church walls are not truly straight or not
quite parallel; Measuring instruments used in the construc-
tion may have been imprecise; Precision may not have been
a high priority for some architects and builders; Published
floor plans are schematic and at times approximations, in-
cluding reconstructions of walls not fully preserved. While
some of the identified church proportions could, therefore,
be erroneous, most were probably intended by the builders.
M. Restle, op. cit., especially 89108, for similar and fur-
ther reservations concerning the accuracy of church meas-
urements.

CHRISTIAN BASILICAS, PROPORTIONS, PYTHAGORAS AND VITRUVIUS 3

 Fig. 3. Sardis, Church EA, Sketch plan with design module
Fig. 5. Rusafa, Tetraconch Church, Floor Plan (After J.
Kollwitz)
termined using a single module (Fig. 3). In Church
EA the module, M, was probably the nave width;
4 H. BUCHWALD
Fig. 4. Philippi, Basilica A, Floor plan (After P. Lemerle)
the nave length is then M x 3; the side aisle width,
M/2; the narthex width and the apse radius, also
M/2; the nave height, M/4 x 3; these dimensions
then lead to a total church width of M x 2 and total
church length of M x 4, providing a proporton of
1:2 for the width and length of the entire church.
Once the module (the width of the nave) was es-
tablished, only very simple computations involving
multiplication or division by the first four numbers
were required to establish all major dimensions. Us-
ing these procedures, on site the church could have
been laid out using a cord with the length M.
But the system of proportions we have described
was not used only to reproduce the simple forms
of Christian aisled basilicas. In basilicas with more
complex floor plans the system was modified
and adjusted to include additional architectural
components. For instance, in Basilica A at Philippi
(Fig. 4)12 proportions similar to those of Church
EA were applied, but the proportional system
12 P. Lemerle, op. cit., 2, 345347, for the proportions of
the church, which are identified as 1:2, 1:3, and 2:3, and pls.
1516, 36; N. Spremo-Petrovi, Proportions architecturales
dans les plans des basiliques de la prefecture de lIllyricum,
Belgrade 1971, 6365, pl. 34, with a partly dimensioned
floor plan 1:333.3; the two aisles differ in width and the
flanking exterior walls in thickness.

Fig. 6. Constantinople, Church of St. John of the Studius Monastery and Sardis,
Church EA, Schematic floor plans at same scale
was expanded to include the projecting transept.
As at Sardis the church, here without the transept
projections, is proportioned 1:2; the nave, 1:3; nave
and aisles together, 2:3; narthex, 1:4. In addition
the church including the transept projections but
without the narthex and apse is proportioned 1:1;
the inner transept, 1:3; width of the transept and
length of the nave, 1:3; width of the inner transept
and length of the nave up to the inner transept,
1:4. Thus as at Sardis and Classe, in Basilica A the
dimensions of all major church components were
determined using proportions composed of all
numbers of the tetrad.
The floor plan of the Tetraconch Church at
Rusafa (Fig. 5) is rather complex in quite a differ-
13
ent manner. It is an aisled basilica with large exe-
13 J. Kollwitz, Die grabungen in Resafa Herbst 1954
und Herbst 1956, AA (1957), 88101, figs. 1229, with a
floor plan 1:375; id., Die Grabungen in Resafa, in: Neue
Deutsche Ausgrabungen im Mittelmeergebeit und im Vor-
deren Orient, Berlin 1959, 6670, fig. 18; the church could
have been the episcopal seat and has been attributed to the
Justinianic period based upon the style of its ornamentation;
it is also known as the Centralized Church and the Martyr-
ium of St. Sergius, but another church in the city has been
more securely identified as that church; the transliteration
Rusafa is used in current maps but Resafa, Resafe, Rasafa,
and Rsafah are also used.
dras located in the west, north
and south sides of the nave
and of the exterior walls. The
church including the western
exedra and apse, but exclud-
ing the lateral projecting exe-
dras, is proportioned 2:3; the
nave, 1:2; the nave including
the western exedra and apse,
1:3; the nave width and width
of the church including the
projecting exedras, 1:3; nave
width and width of one side
aisle including its projecting
exedra, 1:1.14 The number
four does not occur in these
proportions, but could have
been employed in the propor-
tions of the building eleva-
tions, which are unknown.
Thus modular coordina-
tion and simple numeric pro-
portions were used in the
design of early Christian ba-
silicas not only to facilitate
the efficient production of standard aisled basilicas.
Sophisticated, well-trained architects must have in-
vested a signicant amount of time, effort and inge-
nuity to establish the proportions of Basilica A at
Philippi, the Tetraconch Church at Rusafa and other
similarly complex buildings.
The proportions of the Church of St. John of
the Studius Monastery in Constantinople (Fig. 6),15
constructed as a standard aisled basilica, differ from
14 Discrepancies between 0.10 and 0.20 exist between the
ideal dimensions of the proposed proportions and the dimen-
sions given in J. Kollwitz, Die grabungen in Resafa Herbst
1954 und Herbst 1956, 90, depending upon whether the pro-
portions are measured to wall faces or to wall centers, and
assuming a wall thickness of 1.00 which is not provided in
K.s text.
15 A. Van Millingen, Byzantine Churches of Constanti-
nople, London 1912, 3561, for a detailed description of
the early 20th century, before the partial destruction of the
building, and figs. 1219, for floor plan, elevations, sec-
tions and details; T. Mathews, The Early Churches of Con-
stantinople: Architecture and Liturgy, London 1971, 1927,
figs. 510, pls. 316, for a more current analytical descrip-
tion and illustrations; id., The Byzantine Churches of Is-
tanbul. A Photographic Survey, London 1976, 14358, for
bibliography and further illustrations; C. Mango, Byzantine
Architecture, 3839, figs. 4345; id., The Date of the Stu-
dius Basilica in Istanbul, BMGS 4 (1978), 115, for the date
of the church, 453.

CHRISTIAN BASILICAS, PROPORTIONS, PYTHAGORAS AND VITRUVIUS 5

 those of Church EA at Sardis. Width and length of
the entire church, including the narthex and apse,
are proportioned 2:3 rather than 1:2; the nave, 1:2
rather than 1:3; width of the side aisles and that of
the nave, 1:3 rather than 1:2; only the narthex of
St. Johns is proportioned as that of Church EA,
1:4. Thus the floor plan of St. Johns was propor-
tioned using the same series of numbers, 1:2:3:4, as
Church EA, but in quite a different manner.
St. Johns and Church EA are comparable in
size, since their naves and side aisles together had
roughly the same area.16 Reflecting the different
proportions, the nave of Church EA was about 4 me-
ters longer, while that of St. Johns about 3 meters
wider. The spacial experience of the Studius would
therefore have differed dramatically: its nave would
have seemed shorter and wider, and its side aisles

Fig. 8. Eski Andaval, Church of St. Constantine, Floor plan

(After M. Restle)

its side aisles, and in its shorter, wider nave more of

Fig. 7. Cariin Grad, Southwest Church, Floor plan
(After R. Hoddinott)
narrower. However, the proportions of St. Johns
could have been chosen for functional rather than
aesthetic reasons: compared with Church EA, more
worshippers were located in its nave rather than in
16 The area of the nave and aisles together of St. Johns,
without the stylobate, is about 540 sq. m., and that of Church
EA about 525 sq. m., a difference of about 3%.
them would have been closer to the chancel, giving
them a closer view unobstructed by the nave col-
umns; perhaps as or more important, it would have
been easier for them to hear the sermons.17
The short, wide proportion of the nave of St.
Johns is not typical of churches of its size. Often
(but by no means always) the proportion of the
nave was attuned to the size of the church. The pro-
portion 1:2 was frequently used in smaller churches
with nave lengths under 20 meters. For instance, in
the Southwest Church at Cariin Grad (Fig. 7)18 the
17 T. Mathews, The Early Churches of Constantinople: Ar-
chitecture and Liturgy, 19, 2327, for the abundant evidence
concerning the chancel barrier and the lack of evidence
concerning a solea, with the implication that perhaps there
was none; no evidence for a solea in Church EA is currently
known; however if there were solea with ambos near the
centers of the naves in both churches, in St. Johns, because
of its proportions more worshippers would have been closer
to it than in Church EA.
18 V. Kondi V. Popovi, Cariin Grad, Belgrade 1977,
8693, fig. 65; R. F. Hoddinott, Early Churches in Mace-

6 H. BUCHWALD
nave is proportioned 1:2; the church including the
narthex and apse, 2:3; nave and aisles together, 1:1.
Here the nave is dimensioned ca. 6.56 (to column
centers) x 13.12 (from the center of the west wall to
the apse);19 retaining the same nave capacity, with
a proportion of 1:3 the nave would have measured
ca. 5.36 x 16.08, which was probably deemed to
be too narrow either for aesthetic or for practical
reasons. Nave proportions of 1:2 in small churches
were not limited to a specific region. For instance,
in the floor plan of the Church of St. Constantine
at Eski Andaval (Cappadocia), Phase I (Fig. 8)20
the nave, with a length of ca. 12.70, was also pro-
portioned 1:2 and the nave and side aisles together
1:1; since the church had no narthex and the apse
dimensions depended upon the width of the nave,
these proportions were sufficient to determine all
major dimensions of the floor plan.
On the other hand in large churches, with nave
lengths over 30 meters the proportion of the nave
was more frequently 1:4. Indeed, the nave of the
huge Basilica of St. Leonidas at Lechaion near Cor-
inth (Fig. 9)21 is proportioned 1:5, giving it a dra-
matically long appearance. However, here too the
proportion was probably not chosen with purely
aesthetic intentions. The nave is dimensioned ca.
16.30 x 80.50; if the architect had planned the nave
with the same capacity proportioned 1:3, it would
have measured ca. 20.90 x 62.70, increasing the
wooden ceiling span by ca. 4.60. The greater span
may well have been deemed risky or even struc-
turally impossible to realize utilizing available tim-
ber resources and technical expertise. Even though
greater spans were possible in basilicas of the pe-
Fig. 9. Lechaion near Corinth, Basilica of St.
riod, since the nave span of St. Peters in Rome was Leonidas, Floor plan
ca. 24.00, the nave spans of most basilican church-
es were not nearly as great: that of St. Demetrius in

donia and Southern Serbia, London-New York 1963,

213214, fig. 144. N. Spremo-Petrovi, Proportions archi-
tecturales, 2628, pl. 8, with a partly dimensioned floor
plan 1:200, identifies the church as the Basilica of the
Acropolis.
19 All dimensions in this study are in meters unless other-
wise specified.
20 M. Restle, Studien zur frhbyzantinischen Architektur
Kappadokiens, 1, 3642, fig. 4658, pl. 1619; the propor-
tions depend upon clear dimensions.
21 A (Chronikon) 172 (196162) 6974, fig. 1, pl. 80
87; the church is attributed to the third quarter of the 5th cen-
tury; N. Spremo-Petrovi, Proportions architecturales, 65
67, pl. 35, with a partially dimensioned floor plan 1:500. Fig. 10. The tetractys

CHRISTIAN BASILICAS, PROPORTIONS, PYTHAGORAS AND VITRUVIUS 7

 Thesalonike, for instance, is only ca. 11.10, and that
of St. Thekla (Church No. 1) at Ayatekla (formerly
Meryemlik), one of the largest churches of Asia Mi-
nor, is ca. 17.50. Thus in large churches nave spans
and thus also nave proportions were limited by the
size of available timbers and probably by the cost
of obtaining and transporting them.22
While documentary evidence concerning most
Christian basilicas is sparce, it is sufficient to affirm
that no distinctive patterns of geography, chronol-
ogy, specific function, or patronage can be identi-
fied in the use of proportions in these buildings. We
have already noted that our proportions were em-
ployed in churches of Asia Minor, Italy, Greece and
Syria. In Asia Minor the sites where these churches
are found range from important urban centers such
as Pergamum23 near the Aegean coast to small, ru-
ral, inland towns like Binbirkilise,24 and from major
pilgrimage sites like Ayatekla25 on the south coast
to remote monastic complexes like Alahan Manas-
tir26 in the rugged mountains of Cilicia.
22
R. Meiggs, Trees and Timber in the Ancient Mediterra-
nean World, Oxford 1982, 225227, for tie beam and ridge
beam trusses in Roman civil basilicas, and 473477 for tree
sizes reported in Antiquity.
23 The Church of the Lower Agora at Pergamum was de-
signed employing the same proportional scheme as Church
EA at Sardis; W. Drpfeld, Die 19001901. in Pergamon
gefundenen Bauwerke, AM 27 (1902), 1043, 3134, fig. 4,
pl. 2; Conze et al., Pergamon, 304; K. Rheidt, Die Stadt-
grabung 2, Die byzantinische Wohnstadt, Berlin New
York 1991, 182184; the proportions were established in
Drpfelds floor plan and are dimensioned to the centers of
columns and walls.
24 The proportions of Church No. 36 are the same as those
at Sardis, but the narthex, which is extended to the north and
south, is included within the proportional scheme only in
the total east-west dimension of the church; W. H. Ramsey
G. L. Bell, The Thousand and One Churches, London-New
York 1909, 176178, fig. 130.
25 Church No. 1 (St. Thekla) with proportions the same
as those at Sardis; E. Herzfeld S. Guyer, Meriamlik und
Korykos, Monumenta Asiae minoris antique 2, Manchester
1930, 446, fig. 7; H. Hellenkemper, Frhe christliche
Wahlfahrtssttten in Kleinasien, Akten des XII. Internation-
alen Kongresses fr christliche Archologie, Bonn 1991.
JAC Ergnzungsband 20:1, Munster 1995, 262264, with
documentation and arguments for a fourth century date; S.
Hill, The Early Byzantine Churches of Cilicia and Isauria,
Aldershot 1996, 217225, for further observations and argu-
ments for a somewhat later date.
26 Proportions similar to those of Church EA were adjusted
to the more complex features of the floor plan of the West
Church (Church of the Evangelists): the entire church in-
8 H. BUCHWALD
In Milan and in the Upper Adriatic region, where
documentary evidence is somewhat more abundant
and some churches are well preserved, our pro-
portions were employed from the late 4th century
until the mid 6th in churches erected with various
specific functions by patrons differing in status,
position and Christian orientation. These propor-
tions were employed, for instance, in the Church
of San Ambrogio in Milan (Phase 1) consecrated
by Ambrose in 386 and perhaps initiated by him;27
San Giovanni Evangelista at Ravenna (Phase 1),
initiated between 426 and 434 with the patronage
of Empress Galla Placidia, perhaps as the impe-
rial palace church;28 the well preserved but rather
cluding the apsidal unit but excluding the narthex is propor-
tioned 1:2; nave without the transept 1:3; nave and aisles
together including the transept 2:3; width of one aisle and
that of the nave, 1:2; the narthex, 1:4; M. Gough, Alahan.
Fifth Preliminary Report, AnatSt 18 (1968), 159163, fig.
1, for the excavation floor plan; G. Bakker, Buildings at
Alahan, in: Alahan. An Early Christian Monastery in South-
ern Turkey (ed. M. Gough), Pontificial Institute of Medi-
eval Studies, Studies and Texts 73, Toronto 1985, 80102;
S. Hill, op. cit., 7377, fig. 5; H. Hellenkemper, Kilikien,
Kommagene-Kilikien-Isaurian (H. Hellenkemper F. Hild
G. Hellenkemper-Saies), RBK 4 (1990), 255262.
27 F. Reggiori, La Basilica Ambrosiana Richerche e Res-
tauri 19291940, Milan 1941, fig. p. 13, for a floor plan of
1885 showing the Early Christian phase based upon exca-
vations by Landriani 18571876; G. Bovini, Antichita cris-
tiane di Milano, Milan 1971, 220250, for the dedication by
Ambrose on January 19, 386 after seven years of construc-
tion, and for the burial of Ambrose in the church; ibid., fig.
22, for a partially dimensioned floor plan based upon that
of Landriani, and fig. 23, for a floor plan with a simpler
apsidal solution that is more plausible in the 4th century; E.
Dassmann, Ambrosius von Mailand. Leben und Werk, Stut-
tgart 2004, 123130, for the circumstances surrounding the
dedication; N. McLynn, Ambrose of Milan. Church and
Court in a Christian Capital, Berkeley-Los Angeles-Lon-
don 1994, 209215; Milano capitale dellimpero romano
286402 d.c., Exhibition Catalogue, Milan 1990, 127134,
for concise updated data and bibliography. The church is
also known as Basilica Martyrum and Basilica Ambrosiana;
without the apse it was probably proportioned 1:2; the nave,
1:4; width of one aisle and that of the nave, 1:2; since the
west faade stands askew the first proportion is based upon
floor plan measurement at the north wall, and the second
upon measurement at the north colonnade these two pro-
portions could thus be erroneous, but appear to be intended
by the builders; the third proportion is based upon Bovinis
dimensions (6.22:12.50) and his discussion of the propor-
tion 1:2.
28 F. W. Deichmann, Ravenna 1, 152155, and ibid., 2:1,
93107, pl. 7, for history, description, construction phas-
es, and a reconstruction which lengthened the nave about
unimportant church of Santa Maria della Grazia
in Grado;29 Sant Apollinare Nuovo in Ravenna,
constructed between 493 and 526 with the patron-
age of Ostrogothic King Theodoric to serve Arian
Christians;30 Sant Apollinare in Classe, constructed
between 534 and 549 at the tomb of the saint and
financed by the banker Julianus Argentarius;31 the
595606; G. Bovini, S. Giovanni Evangelista di Ravenna:
il problema della sua forma nel primitive edificio placidi-
ano, CCARB 14 (1967), 6380, fig. 4, for the plausible
reconstruction of the original floor plan; L. Scevola, La Ba-
silica di S. Giovanni Evangelista a Ravenna, FR 36 (1963),
5107, especially 522, 95101; N. Spremo-Petrovi, proportional systems, for instance numeric propor-
Ravenne, for a modular scheme of proportions based on
the floor plan after the reconstruction; G. Angelis dOssat,
Studi, 1418, fig. 5, for the proportion 2 of the exterior
dimensions, including the flanking apsidal chambers. The
original church, including the apse, flanking apsidal cham-
bers and original narthex is proportioned almost 1:2; the
original, shorter nave, 1:3; the original nave and aisles to-
gether, 2:3; width of one aisle and that of the nave, almost
1:2. Width and height of the nave are proportioned 1:2, and
height of the flanking aisle walls and that of the flanking
nave walls, 1:2 (per Bovini, fig, 3, elevation); discrepancies
between the ideal proportioned dimensions and the actual
dimensions may have been caused by the numerous chang-
es and reconstructions of the building, which was largely
destroyed in World War II.
29 M. Pozzetto, Appunti sul problema della configurazi-
one spaziale delle basiliche eliane di Grado, FR 103104
(1972), 237242, figs. 14, notes many of the proportions
and three phases: late 4th, second half of the 5th, and 80s
of the 6th century; G. Bovini, I piu antichi edifice cris-
tiani di culto di Grado, CCARB 20 (1973), 130135, fig.
45, with two construction periods, 5th century and second
half of the 6th, based upon archaeological evidence and a
monogram of 571586 carved on a capital attributed to the
church; P. L. Zovatto, Grado, RBK 2 (1967), 930937, fig.
1011; the nave is proportioned 1:3; nave, aisles and apse
together, 2:3; clear width of one aisle and that of the nave,
1:2; clear width of the nave and total length of the church,
1:4; width and height of the nave, 1:2; height of the nave
to the apex of the arches and height of the nave, 1:2; height
of the nave and length of the church, 1:2.
30 F. W. Deichmann, Ravenna, 1, 171175 and ibid. 2:1,
12731, pl. 1011, for history, description and proportions;
id., Proportionen, 446; N. Spremo-Petrovi, Ravenne, 48
49, fig. 6; G. Angelis dOssat, Studi, 2628. The church was
originally dedicated to Our Lord Jesus Christ and located
near the imperial palace. In restorations the floor level was
raised over one meter and the apse reconstructed on the
original foundations. Width and length, including the apse
but not a possible narthex are proportioned 1:2, and the nave
together with the apse, 1:3, proportions that relate the di-
mensions of all major features.
31 See footnote 10 supra.
CHRISTIAN BASILICAS, PROPORTIONS, PYTHAGORAS AND VITRUVIUS
Episcopal Basilica of Pore (formerly Parenzo),
probably the best preserved early Christian basilica
anywhere, erected ca. 546557 with the patronage
of Bishop Euphrasius.32
However, throughout the empire, frequently
enough at the same sites and during the same pe-
riods a great many Christian basilicas were con-
structed with only one or two proportional ratios
which do not adequately coordinate all major di-
mensions, or without proportions which employ
the numbers of the tetrad. Of course some of these
buildings could have been constructed using other
tions composed of numbers not limited to the tet-
rad, or geometric proportions.
A Pythagorean Connection?
None of the reasons for the use of proportions
suggested above explain why proportions employ-
ing only the first four numbers were so prominent
in the design and layout of churches in the 4th to 6th
centuries. No documentary evidence from the peri-
od has been preserved which explains why numeric
proportions, let alone any specific sets or systems
of proportions were used to design buildings. To
be sure, a letter from Gregory of Nyssa proposed
dimensions for a church building which are pro-
portioned 1:2 and 2:3, but the letter provides no
information concerning why these dimensions (or
their proportions, which are not given in the letter)
should be used.33
32 B. Molajoli, La Basilica eufrasiana di Parenzo, Padua
1943, 1128, fig. 3, pl. 2; M. Prelog, The Basilica of Euphra-
sius in Pore, Monumenta artis Croatiae 4 (1986), 716, fig.
p. 13; A. R. Terry, The Architecture and Architectural Sculp-
ture of the Sixth-Century Eufrasius Cathedral Complex at
Pore, PhD Thesis, University of Illinois at Urbana-Cham-
paign 1984, 52, 132159, for date, history and architectural
analysis; N. Spremo-Petrovi, Ravenne, 5354, fig. 9, for a
modular scheme with some of the proportions proposed here;
the patronage of Bishop Euphrasius and dates are based upon
a mosaic inscription. Clear width and clear length, includ-
ing the major apse but not the narthex, are proportioned 1:2;
clear width and clear length, including the narthex but not
the major apse, 1:2 (this proportion coordinates the location
of the east ends of the side aisles); nave and apse together,
1:4; clear width of one aisle and that of the nave, 1:2; clear
width and clear length of the narthex, 1:4.
33 Gregory of Nyssa, Gregorii Nysseni Epistulae. Grego-
rii Nysseni opera 8:2, Letter 25 (ed. G. Pasquali), 7983;
9
 Any answer to our question is therefore specula-
tive. We cannot hope to find the answer. To the
contrary, there may be several possible answers, or
approaches to answers, especially since the church-
es in which our proportions were used differ greatly
in size, importance, specific purpose, patronage and
location. We need not necessarily choose between
the possible approaches each may be relevant to a
certain degree or in certain examples. The remain-
der of this study, then, explores two approaches
which may shed light upon why proportions com-
posed of the numbers of the tetrad were employed
in the design of early Christian basilicas.
Christian number symbolism was no doubt im-
portant in the choice of architectural proportions in
some churches. Almost every number can be inter-
preted in Christian terms, and the number three is
of obvious relevance.34 The floor plan proportions
of the Tetraconch Church at Rusafa, composed only
of the first three numbers, could well have been
chosen to reflect Christian symbolism. But Chris-
tian symbolism does not readily explain the empha-
sis upon the first four numbers in the proportions of
most of our churches. In Pythagorean philosophy,
on the other hand, the first four numbers were of
fundamental importance. A Pythagorean connection
is also suggested by the length of the Church EA
nave, 100 local feet, or 10 x 10. According to Py-
thagoreans 10 is a perfect number, the sum of one,
two, three and four, and Pythagoreans were enthu-
siastic about squared numbers.
The possibility of a Pythagorean connection
with Christian basilicas is surprising and intriguing,
in part because Pythagoras lived over eight centu-
ries before monumental churches were constructed.
Although much has been written about Pythagorean
C. Mango, The Art of the Byzantine Empire 3121453.
Sources and Documents in the History of Art, Englewood
Cliffs, N. J. 1972, 2729, for an English translation; id.,
Byzantine Architecture, 16; M. Restle, Architektur, 7580,
103104, pl. 58, for a detailed analysis, proportions and
reconstruction. The letter was written to Amphilochius,
bishop of Iconium (now Konya). The church, which is not
preserved, is reconstructed with an octagonal central space,
diagonally situated exedras, and four cross-arms; the (par-
tial?) height of the drum (four cubits) and width of one side
of the octagon (eight cubits) are proportioned 1:2; radius of
the exedras (four cubits) and one side of the octagon, 1:2;
width (eight cubits) and length (twelve cubits) of a cross
arm, 2:3.
34 For instance, G. Spitzing, Lexikon byzantinisch-christli-
cher Symbole, Munich 1989, 314320, for brief summaries.
10 H. BUCHWALD
thought35 and at times attention has been drawn to
it, for instance, in studies of Renaissance architec-
tural theory, it has not been explored in the context
of Byzantine buildings. An outline of Pythagorean
thought in Antiquity and Late Antiquity, focused
upon numbers and proportions is therefore impor-
tant for evaluating the possibility that Pythagorean
thought had an impact upon the design of early
churches.
Our understanding of Pythagorean thought,
particularly in its early period, is sketchy at best.
There was never a closely defined Pythagorean
philosophical school and the observations below
probably do not narrowly reflect the thoughts of
any single person.36 However, a Pythagorean was
at times defined in Antiquity simply as a thought-
ful person with a strong interest in numbers and
mathematics.37 The Pythagorean theory of numbers
and proportions was inextricably linked with many
other thoughts and beliefs, most of which are ex-
traneous to our context and many of which remain
unclear or disputed. But most scholars would agree
that Pythagoreans were deeply involved with early
speculations concerning the conceptualization and
quantification of the physical world, and how the
resulting conclusions impact human beings: how
we should think and act.
Pythagoreans at times represented the tetrad, or
first four numbers as the tetractys, an equilateral tri-
angle composed of ten dots or pebbles equidistant
from each other in four horizontal rows (Fig. 10).
To some Pythagoreans the tetractys was sacred and
35 For instance, L. J. Zhmud, Wissenschaft, Philosophie
und Religion in frhen Pythagoreismus, Berlin 1997, 261
279, with an emphasis on Pythagorean number theory; B.
L. Van der Waerden, Die Pythagoreer: religise Bruder-
schaft und Schule der Wissenschaft, Zurich-Munich 1979,
passim; idem, Die Harmonielehre der Pythagoreer, Hermes
78 (1943), 161199; W. Burkert, Weisheit und Wissenschaft,
Studien zu Pythagoras, Philolaus und Platon, Nrnberg
1962, 6365; G. J. Allman, Greek Geometry from Thales to
Euclid, Dublin 1899 (New York 1976), 1851, 213214, for
the achievements of Pythagoreans in geometry and arithme-
tic; W. Ball, A Short account of the History of Mathematics,
London 19084 (New York 1960), 1928, for an introduc-
tory overview; W. Tatarkiewicz, History of Aesthetics (ed.
J. Harrel), Warsaw 1970, I, 8089, for Pythagorean theory
in the arts.
36 Stressed particularly in L. J. Zhmud, Wissenschaft, Phi-
losophie und Religion in frhen Pythagoreismus, Berlin
1997, 281283.
37 Ibid., 268270.
 Fig. 11. Point, line, triangle, tetrahedron
represented the whole nature of numbers. It was ap-
parently the central component of the Pythagorean
oath, sworn by members of the Pythagorean broth-
erhood.38 The tetractys is the same when seen from
each side, giving it and the displayed relationships
between the first four numbers the appearance of
stability, permanence and immutability. It trans-
forms conceptual, abstract numbers into visual,
geometric relationships. The point is not academic,
since the progression 1:2:3:4 may thus be perceived
not only by the mind but also by the eyes: through
the tetractys conceptual, intelligible relationships
become sensible and empirical. Only when number
relationships are experienced visually and geomet-
rically are they useful in architecture.
Some Pythagoreans noted that the point repre-
sents one, two points produce a line, three a trian-
gle, which is the simplest defined surface and rep-
resents the plane, and four points the tetrahedron,
which is the simplest solid body and represents
space (Fig. 11).39 Thus with the aid of the first four
38 W. Burkert, Pythagoras, especially 170173; A. Delatte,
tudes sur literature pythagoricienne, Geneva 1974, 249
268; B. L. Van der Waerden, Die Harmonielehre der Py-
thagoreer, 178179; idem, Pythagoreer, 186188; J. C.
Thom, The Pythagorean Golden Verses. With Introduction
and Commentary, Leiden New York Cologne 1995,
3738, 171177, for references to the oath in antiquity, the
earliest of which is by Empedocles (483/82423 B.C.), and
for quotations that demonstrate the central importance of the
tetractys; J. B. Philip, Pythagoras and Early Pythagorean-
ism, Toronto 1966, 9798, footnote 5, argues that the tetrac-
tys was Platonic and not Pythagorean; T. Kobusch, Studien
zur Philosophie des Hierokles von Alexandrien, Epimeleie.
Beitraege zur Philosophie 27 (1976), 188191, echoing
Burkert, is skeptical about the early Pythagorean origin of
the emphasis upon the first four numbers.
39 W. Burkert, Pythagoras, 2125; L. J. Zhmud, Pythag-
oreismus, 270, for the possible origins of these observa-
CHRISTIAN BASILICAS, PROPORTIONS, PYTHAGORAS AND VITRUVIUS
numbers and very simple geometry the physical
world of space could be conceptually and visu-
ally generated from the one which was at times
thought of as the One, the demiurge, or creator.
The commonly held conviction in Antiquity that all
things were composed of four elements, earth, air,
fire and water fits comfortably into this celebration
of the number four.
Pythagoreans also noted that if two strings are
plucked under the same conditions, one twice the
length of the other, the pitch of the shorter is one
octave higher than that of the longer. If the lengths
of the strings are related as 2:3, the difference in
pitch is a fifth, and if the string lengths are related as
3:4, the difference in pitch is a fourth. Thus musical
harmony was determined by succinct mathemati-
cal proportions: the entire Ancient Greek harmonic
system (which is the basis for most Western mu-
sic) could be expressed with ratios consisting of the
first four numbers.40 Conceptual, visible and also
audible aspects of human experience were therefore
closely linked with each other and were ordered by
number and proportion.
Based, at least in part, upon these observations
numeric proportions, and particularly the series
tions; G. Shaw, Theurgy and the Soul. The Neoplatonism
of Iamblichus, University Park 1995, 197198, 212213,
for further interpretations of the tetractys and the point-to-
tetrahydron sequence; J. A. Philip, op. cit., 8892, fn 6, for
problems and arguments concerning the point-to-tetrahydron
sequence and the Aristotelian distinction between the point
and monad.
40 L. J. Zhmud, op. cit., 162, 181201; W. Burkert, op. cit.,
348378; The Presocratic Philosophers (eds. G. S. Kirk J.
E. Raven M. Schofield), Cambridge 1957 (19832), 232
235; H. Kayser, Lehrbuch der Harmonik, Zurich 1950, xx
xxii, 69, 185187, 299305, with an emphasis on musical
theory and sources.
11
 1:2:3:4 were concluded by some Pythagoreans to be
a manifestation of a deeper harmony of mathematic
order in the very structure of the universe and all
its components, including the planets, which were
thought to move according to the harmony of the
spheres. Harmony was a mathematic disposition
which depended upon number and proportion. Nu-
meric proportions were not derived from objects or
merely useful tools: rather, they were an objective
property of things.41 Thus music, the visual arts,
and architecture were closely related by numeric
proportions not only with each other, but with the
entire universe.
At the core of Pythagorean theory duality was
a central theme. Ephemeral elements such as the
human body were contrasted with eternal elements
such as the human soul. Sensual perception, which
changes and cannot be trusted, was contrasted with
and opposed to conceptual thought and logical rea-
son. This dualism in mankind was an extension of
a cosmic dualism: ever changing matter was con-
trasted with everlasting numbers and their constant
proportional relationships.42
The sources for Pythagoras are fragmentary and
many are contested. They often fail to distinguish
between fact, hearsay and myth and do not permit a
clear distinction between the thoughts and achieve-
ments of Pythagoras himself and those of his fol-
lowers.43 Apparently Pythagoras wrote nothing.
Nevertheless, documentation concerning Pythago-
ras does exist.44 He was probably born in Samos
41 L. J. Zhmud, Pythagoreismus, 202225; J. Pepin, Har-
monie der Sphren, RAC 13 (1997), 594618.
42 This summary condenses detailed descriptions by sev-
eral scholars, for instance L. J. Zhmud, op. cit., 280295;
W. Burkert, Pythagoras, passim; E. Zeller, Outlines in the
History of Greek Philosophy, 13th ed., New York 1931, 47
53; also W. Jaeger, Paideia. Die Formung des Griechischen
Menschen, Vol. I, Berlin 19543, 214219, for the importance
of mathematics and geometry as cosmic principles already
in Anaximander; J. A. Philip, op. cit., 6095, for Pythago-
rean cosmology and number theory.emphasizing number
symbolism and Aristotles interpretations.
43 W. Burkert, op. cit., especially 2652, 8697, with
sources, influences, and the distinction between Pythago-
rean number symbolism and the science of numbers; L. J.
Zhmud, Pythagoreismus, passim; E. Zeller, Philosophy, 47
56, for a brief summary which is still useful; J. A. Philip,
op. cit., especially 2443, suggests that much of what is at-
tributed to Pythagoreans of the 5th and 4th centuries B.C. is
derived from Pythagoras himself.
44 L. J. Zhmud, op. cit., 4549, 131140, 156162, for the
sources; The Presocratic Philosophers (eds. G. S. Kirk J.
12 H. BUCHWALD
about 570 B.C., migrated to Croton in southern
Italy about 530, and died at Metapontum in 496.
He must have had supreme mental gifts and leg-
end attributes to him the powers of a great religious
teacher and of a sage or wizard.45 He combined re-
ligious speculation with scientific thought, research
and political action.
In Croton Pythagoras apparently founded a fra-
ternity or order. Brotherhood was the basis of the
Pythagorean order and since all living things were
seen to be interrelated, the resulting social tendency
made it possible to accept women into the order
on an equal basis. However, in contrast to an ar-
ithmetical or mechanical equality, a geometrical or
proportional equality was preferred, according to
which the rights of individuals were not equal, but
rather, corresponded to the individuals merits. In
the form of an intellectual aristocracy or political
party Pythagoreans played a prominent role in the
politics of Greek southern Italy, especially from the
first half of the 5th until the early 4th century B.C.46
Our understanding of Pythagorean thought and
its mathematic content are determined largely by
the reports of Plato and Aristotle. In the Timaeus,
for instance, Plato describes the creation of the
world soul by the demiurge using proportions of
the tetractys.47 Indeed, Zhmud argues that although
numbers and proportions were important in the
observations of Pythagoras and his immediate fol-
lowers, an emphasis on numbers as a central theme
of philosophy was introduced only later, initially
in a tentative manner by Philolaos of Croton and
finally by Aristotle in his interpretation of Pla-
to.48 The validity and interpretation of Pythago-
E. Raven M. Schofield), 213238; J. A. Philip, Pythago-
ras, 810.
45 L. J. Zhmud, op. cit., especially 7576.
46 Especially ibid., 6792; The Presocratic Philosophers,
225228; E. Zeller, op. cit., 49; J. A. Philip, op. cit., 2426,
138140, denies that there was a monastic brotherhood,
but agrees that there was political consensus.
47 F. M. Cornford, Platos Cosmology: The Timaeus of Pla-
to, Indianapolis-New York 1937, 4453, 6674; The Preso-
cratic Philosophers, 214216; G. Shaw, Iamblichus, 191; I.
Mueller, Mathematical method and philosophical truth, in:
The Cambridge Companion to Plato (ed. R. Kraut), Cam-
bridge 1992, 170199, for mathematical method at Platos
Academy and the role of mathematics in the distinction be-
tween the sensible and intelligible.
48 L. J. Zhmud, op. cit., 261279, 287; W. Burkert, op. cit.,
1446, 203277; P. Merlan, Greek Philosophy from Plato
rean thoughts, including those reflected in Platos
and Aristotles writing are frequently contested by
modern scholars.
Pythagorean traditions probably survived dur-
ing the Hellenistic period, and some Pythagorean
thoughts flourished in late republican and early im-
perial Rome.49 But a strong focus on Pythagorean-
ism was revived and expanded upon perhaps in the
1st century B.C. or, more likely somewhat later. An
early example is Moderatus of Gades (1st century
A.D.), whose writings are lost but were influential
at the time. He apparently argued that soul is the
number four, which contains the proportions of the
octave and fifth, and since soul is thus harmony, mu-
sic is attractive to the soul.50 About the same time
Apollonius of Tyana, who claimed to be a reincar-
nation of Pythagoras, wrote a Life of Pythagoras.51
In the 2nd century A.D. Numenius of Apamea de-
scribed himself as a Pythagorean and attributed the
essentials of Platos thought to Pythagoras. He re-
peatedly mentioned Pythagoras in various contexts
and his esteem of Pythagoras was equal to that of
Plato. While he wrote a book concerning numbers,
to Plotinus, in: The Cambridge History of Later Greek and
Early Medieval Philosophy (ed. A. H. Armstrong), Cam-
bridge 1967, 1518; The Presocratic Philosophers, 232
235; . . Philip, op. cit., 1012, 3133; H. Thesleff, An
Introduction to the Pythagorean Writings of the Hellenistic
Period, Acta academiae abonensis, ser. A, Humaniora, 301
(bo [Turku] 1961), 4145, for the Philolaus controversy.
49 L. J. Zhmud, op. cit., 6774; E. Zeller, op. cit., 5356,
8892; H. Thesleff, op. cit., 5257, for Hellenistic Pythago-
rean texts; id., The Pythagorean Texts of the Hellenistic
Period, Acta academiae abonensis, ser. A, Humaniora,
301 (bo [Turku] 1965), especially 155187; G. Staab,
Pythagoras in der Sptantike. Studien zu de vita pythago-
rica des Iamblichos von Chalkis, Munich Leipzig 2002,
1922, 4962, 7581; W. Burkert, op. cit., 4649, 203277;
J. A. Philip, op. cit., 1219, 2643; D. OMeara, Pythago-
ras Revived. Mathematics and Philosophy in Late Antiquity,
Oxford 1989, 910; P. Merlan, op. cit., 1518; E. Zeller,
op. cit., 300305; J. Carcopino, De Pythagore aux Aptres,
Paris 1956 passim; Nicomachus of Gerasa, Introduction to
Arithmetic, (English translation M. L. DOoge), in: Studies
in Greek Arithmetic (eds. F. E. Robbins L. C. Karpinski),
London 1962 (reprinted 1972), 8889, suggests that the
Pythagorean school died out but Pythagoreanism contin-
ued without interruption; I. McEwen, Vitruvius: Writing the
Body of Architecture, Cambridge MA 2003, 40, especially
footnotes 137, 138, for evidence of Pythagoreanism among
intellectuals of the Roman late republic.
50 P. Merlan, op. cit., 18, 94, with earlier examples of the
soul as number; J. A. Philip, op. cit., 1617.
51 Ibid., 17.
CHRISTIAN BASILICAS, PROPORTIONS, PYTHAGORAS AND VITRUVIUS
their importance as a central theme of Numenius
philosophy is uncertain.52
Nicomachus of Gerasa, a contemporary of Nu-
menius, is probably the most prominent author
of this early Pythagorean revival.53 His work was
studied and commented upon by later Neopythago-
reans54 and was still read by Photius in the 9th cen-
tury55 and Blemmydes in the 13th.56 Nicomachus
equated the works of Plato with those of Pythago-
ras.57 His Introduction to Arithmetic achieved the
status of a standard textbook; rather than practical
calculations, it provided mathematic concepts pri-
marily within a philosophical framework and made
frequent reference to proportions, often as ratios of
the tetractys.58 According to Photius one chapter of
Nicomachus Theology of Arithmetic, which has not
been preserved, dealt only with the numbers of the
tetractys. Nicomachus thought of arithmetic as the
highest form of knowledge; numbers are paradigms
of the universe and hold the key to an understand-
ing of the world and of an ethical life: the virtuous
life organizes the irrational rationally.59
52 K. S. Guthrie, The neoplatonic writings of Numenius, 58,
VI:7.66, 60, VI:8.68, 62, VI:8.9, VI:1.2, for the texts with Eng-
lish translation; J. Whittaker, Numenius and Alcinous on the First
Principle, Phoenix 32 (1972), 144154; D. OMeara, op. cit.,
1014; P. Merlan, op. cit., 96104; G. Staab, op. cit., 92100.
53 Nicomachus of Gerasa, op. cit., 7187, for his life and
works; W. Haase, Untersuchungen zu Nikomachos von
Gerasa, PhD Diss. Univeresity of Tbingen 1982, 1119;
D. OMeara, op. cit., 1423; G. Staab, op. cit., 8191; F. R.
Levin, The Harmonics of Nicomachus and the Pythagorean
Tradition, University Park 1975, 1102.
54 Nicomachus of Gerasa, op. cit., 124145.
55 Der neue Pauly. Enzyklopedie der Antike: Das klassis-
che Altertum und seine Rezeptionsgeschichte, 8 (eds. A. Fr.
Pauly H. Schneider H. Cancik), Stuttgart 2000, 926.
56 N. Blemmydes, A Partial Account, Specilegium sacrum
lovaniense. Etudes et documents 48 (1988) (ed. J. A. Munit-
iz), 1.68; N. G. Wilson, Scholars of Byzantium, Baltimore
1983 (London 1996), 218222, for Blemmydes fascination
with mathematics and the work of Nicomachus.
57 D. OMeara, op. cit., 16, points out that his conception
of mathematics is based upon Platos Republic; F. R. Levin,
op. cit., especially 1314, observes that Nicomachus pri-
mary purpose in his Harmoneion Enchiridion (On the Har-
mony of Music), is the promotion to the highest possible
eminence of Pythagoras and his teachings.
58 Nicomachus of Gerasa, op. cit., especially I:19, II:3,
II:5; proportion is defined and explained in II:21II:29.
59 Ibid., I:6, 88123, with the equation of the monad with
God and with the monad as potentially an embodiment of
all numerical forms; D. OMeara, op. cit., 1623.
13
 By the 3rd century A.D. at the latest an unbroken
chain of Neopythagorean thought with an emphasis
on numbers may be traced which continued until
pagan philosophical schools were closed in 529 by
Justinian.60 Anatolius, for instance, apparently a
professor of philosophy in Alexandria, composed
Arithmetic Introductions and On the Decad, which
are known only inadequately in fragments.61 Most
of the extensive writings of Plotinus, however,
who was born in Egypt in 205 A.D. and taught in
Rome, have survived.62 He was influenced by Py-
thagoreans63 and believed that the material world is
arranged according to numbers,64 but made no at-
tempt to focus upon mathematics.65 Porphyry, born
in Syria 232/33, wrote a Life of Pythagoras, but as
far as we can tell from the fragmentary evidence,
had no particular interest in mathematics.66
60 P. Lemerle, Byzantine Humanism: The First Phase.
Notes and Remarks on Education and Culture in Byzantium
from its Origins to the 10th Century, ByzAus 3 (1986), 73
79, for the general decline and suppression of secular Clas-
sical education during Justinians reign; A. Sheppard, Phi-
losophy and Philosophical Schools, CAH 14 (2001), 841,
with archaeological considerations and a possible continua-
tion of Athenian philosophy in Harran in northern Mesopo-
tamia; M. L. Clarke, Higher Education in the ancient World,
London 1971, 84, 99108.
61 D. OMeara, op. cit., 2325; A. H. Armstrong, Ploti-
nus, 196200.
62 L. P. Gerson, Plotinus, London-New York 1994, xiii
xvi; A. H. Armstrong, Plotinus, in: The Cambridge History
of Later Greek and Early Medieval Philosophy (ed. A. H.
Armstrong), Cambridge 1967, 195210; M. Edwards, Neo-
platonic Saints. The Lives of Plotinus and Proclus by Their
Students, Liverpool 2000, xxivxxix, and 153 for an Eng-
lish translation of Porphyrys On the Life of Plotinus.
63 A. H. Armstrong, op. cit., 14, 6566; M. L. Gatti, Ploti-
nus: The Platonic Tradition and the Foundation of Neopla-
tonism, in: The Cambridge Companion to Plotinus (ed. L. P.
Gerson), Cambridge 1996, 1013.
64 P. Merlan, op. cit., 820; E. Zeller, op. cit., 318.
65 L. P. Gerson, op. cit., passim; Plotinus, in: The Cam-
bridge Companion to Plotinus, passim; A. H. Armstrong,
The Architecture of the intelligible Universe in the Philoso-
phy of Plotinus, London 1940 (Amsterdam 1967), passim;
M. Edwards, op. cit., especially xxvxxix; E. Zeller, op. cit.,
31923; A. Sheppard, op. cit., 835836.
66 J. Bidez, Vie de Porphyre, Gent 1913 (Hildesheim
1964), 1139; A. Smith, Porphyrys Place in the Neopla-
tonic Tradition, The Hague 1974, xixii; D. OMeara, op.
cit., 2529; A. C. Lloyd, The Later Neoplatonists, in: The
Cambridge History of Later Greek and Early Medieval
Philosophy, Cambridge 1967, 283295; E. Zeller, op. cit.,
32325.
14 H. BUCHWALD
That was not the case with Iamblichus of Chal-
cis (Syria), who lived from about 240 until 320. He
probably taught philosophy at Daphne near Anti-
och, and then headed the flourishing philosophical
school at Apamea. He and his students apparently
led ascetic lives in the tradition of early Pythago-
reans.67 Iamblichus interest in Pythagoras was em-
phasized in his book On Pythagoreanism, which
contained chapters on general mathematical science,
Nicomachus Introduction to Arithmetic, Pythago-
rean geometry, and arithmetic in physical, ethical,
and theological matters; six of the (probably) ten
chapters of the book were concerned with arith-
metic and geometry, underlining his strong interest
in these subjects.68 In his comments On Physical
Number, excerpted by Psellus from On Pythago-
reanism, VVII, he writes of the power that is
observed especially in the tetractys, and ordered
numbers such as square and cubic numbers.69 In
the treatise On General Mathematical Science he
writes, For if the soul is a numerical idea and
subsists according to the numbers containing har-
mony, all the symmetries of the mathematical order
ought to be subsumed together under the soul along
with all the mathematical proportions...the soul is
identical with [all] mathematical ratios...the defini-
tion of the soul contains in itself the sum-total of
mathematical reality.70 Indeed, Dominic OMeara
concludes that ...the systematic mathematization
which is so striking a feature of later Greek Neo-
platonism [...] is surely the consequence of Iam-
lichus ambitious programme to Pythagoreanize
Platonic philosophy.71 Gregory Shaw adds that
for Iamblichus and other Pythagoreans the study of
numbers was a religious exercise that revealed di-
67 Iamblichi chalcidensis. In Platonis dialogos commen-
tarium fragmenta, Philosophia Antiqua 23 (1973), 325;
Iamblichos, 144154; B. D. Larsen, Jamblique de Chalcis:
Exegete et Philosophie, Aarhus 1972, 3342; A. C. Lloyd,
op. cit., 295301.
68 D. OMeara, op. cit., 30105; P. Merlan, op. cit., 828;
G. Shaw, Iamblichus, 189215, for an interpretation of Iam-
blichus mathematics within theurgic ritual; Gersch, Iambli-
chus, especially 78.
69 D. OMeara, op. cit., 218229, with English translation.
70 G. Shaw, op. cit., 193, with the original Greek text and
the translation based upon P. Merlan, op. cit., 1820; B. D.
Larsen, op. cit., 125129, for an interpretation of the Iam-
blichus text.
71 D. OMeara, op. cit., 104105, 211212.
vine mysteries: ritual worship was correlated with
mathematic disciplines.72
Some of Iamblichus students are known to us73
and an off-shoot of his school was established at
Pergamum in the 4th century.74 In the first half of
the 5th century Hierocles of Alexandria, whose writ-
ings were preserved by Photius, was influenced by
Iamblichus and particularly by On Pythagorean-
ism.75 Hierocles emphasized the tetractys, which he
equated with the tetrad. He reported that in the Sa-
cred Discourse, attributed to Pythagoras, the demi-
urge god was described and praised as the number
of numbers.76 While he explained the tetractys in
terms also found in Nicomachus, Anatolius and
other sources,77 his identification of the tetractys or
tetrad with the demiurge god, the source and creator
of eternal cosmic order, may have no precedents.78
Syrianus, who headed the Athenian Academy af-
ter 431/32, was known at the time as Syrianus the
Great.79 He too equated Platonic with Pythagorean
philosophy and defended it against Aristotelian crit-
icism: he apparently intended to purify philosophy
of Aristotelian aberrations, and to return it to what
72 G. Shaw, op. cit., especially 195198.
73 D. OMeara, op. cit., 109111; E. Zeller, op. cit., 327
328; R. J. Penella, Greek Philosophers and Sophists in the
Fourth Century A. D. Studies in Eunapius of Sardis (ARCA
Classical and Medieval Texts), Leeds 1990, 48, notes that
Eunapius stresses Iamblichus success in attracting pupils
from everywhere.
74 E. Zeller, op. cit., 328.
75 N. Aujoulat, Le no-platonisme alexandrine. Hirocls
d Alexandriie, Philosophia Antiqua 45 (1986), 119; I.
Hadot, Le problem du noplatonisme alexandrine. Hiro-
cls et Simplicius, Paris 1978, 1720; T. Kobusch, op. cit.,
especially 1326, 188191; L. G. Westerlink, Hierokles II
(Neuplatoniker), 109117.
76 N. Aujoulat, op. cit., especially 119138, for the empha-
sis on the qualities and virtues of the tetrad and tetractys;
ibid., 415428 and passim, for his philosophy, an evaluation
of his work within the Alexandrian school and his influence
upon subsequent generations; I. Hadot, op. cit., 110115,
263271; T. Kobusch, op. cit., 188; D. OMeara, op. cit.,
110118.
77 T. Kobusch, op. cit., 188191; L. G. Westerlink, op. cit.,
113115, with sources; I. Hadot, op. cit., 258262, for fur-
ther sources.
78 Ibid., 266.
79 R. L. Cardullo, Siriano. Esegata di Aristotele, I, Fram-
menti e Testimonianze dei Commentari all Organon, Flor-
ence, 1995; D. OMeara, op. cit., 119; Seeck, Syrianos,
Realencyclopdie 4 A. 2., Stuttgart 1932, 17281737.
CHRISTIAN BASILICAS, PROPORTIONS, PYTHAGORAS AND VITRUVIUS
he considered to be its pre-Aristotelian, purely Py-
thagorean sources.80 Syrianus extensive discourse
on numbers references Iamblichus, Nicomachus and
Plato and is largely based upon them. His argument
(against Aristotle) concerning the scientific demon-
stration of numbers gives us an understanding of
how he and other Neopythagoreans perceived num-
bers and how important numbers were to them. He
argued, for instance, that mathematical universals
are not derived or abstracted from physical objects,
but rather, that they precede them, existing prior to
the sensible world: they exist within our souls and
within the demiurgic souls that organize the world;
thus the world cannot be understood without under-
standing the mathematic principles which underlie
it.81 The tetrad is thought of as holy and responsible
for the conception of the mother of all.82
Proclus, who lived from 410/12 to 485 was
Syrianus successor at the Academy of Athens. He
was born to an affluent family in Constantinople,
raised in Lycia, the original home of his family, and
educated at Alexandria and Athens.83 According to
reports, because of his fame and exceptional abili-
ties as a lecturer, persons came to hear him or to be-
come his disciple from Constantinople, Pergamum,
Antioch, Alexandria, Judea, Egypt, Syria, and Dal-
matia.84 His intense predilection and zeal for math-
ematics were attested by Marinus85 and expressed
in his Commentaries on Euclid and the Timaeus. He
regarded mathematics as a handmaid of philosophy,
and emphasized numbers as essential for moral val-
ues, political relationships, the arts, physics, and
cosmic realities. For Proclus numbers exhibit the
immanent organizing principles of nature, and are
firmly placed within the soul; they preexist in the
80 D. OMeara, op. cit., 119124.
81 Ibid., 128141, 213; N. Seeck, Syrianos, especially
17551769.
82 I. Hadot, op. cit., 263, footnote 27.
83 Marinus of Neapolis, Proclus or on Hapiness, English
translation in: M. Edwards, op. cit., 58115; L. Siorvanes,
Proclus. Neo-Platonic Philosophy and Science, Edinburgh
1996, 127, for a biography and the 5th century context; Pro-
clus, A Commentary on the First Book of Euclids Elements
(G. R. Morrow, English Translation and Introduction),
Princeton 1970, xvxliii; H. D. Saffrey L. G. Westerlink,
Proclus. Thologie platonicienne, ixlx; M. Edwards, op.
cit., xlviliv; A. Sheppard, op. cit., 837840, 851.
84 L. Siorvanes, op. cit., 23; A. C. Lloyd, op. cit., 302308.
85 Marinus of Neapolis, op. cit., 6364 (4.)
15
 mind of God. He favored the tetrad over the decad.
According to Proclus Pythagoras was pivotal in the
history of Greek philosophy.86
Marinus, successor to Proclus as head of the
Academy at Athens is reported to have been a bet-
ter mathematician than philosopher; he is quoted to
have stated, Would that all were mathematics.87
Damascius, who studied both in Alexandria and
Athens, was the last head of the Athenian Academy.
He taught in the spirit of Proclus and claimed to
return to the philosophy of Iamblichus.88
Clearly these brief summaries concerning phi-
losophers who lived, worked and taught in the phil-
osophical schools of Apamea, Alexandria, Athens
and other cities89 demonstrate the importance of
Pythagorean thought from the 4th to 6th centuries,
the period in which Christian basilicas designed us-
ing the proportions of the tetrad were erected in the
same regions. There can be no doubt that some of
these philosophers focused upon numbers and pro-
portions, at times with an emphasis upon the tetrad
and tetractys. At least some of the most prominent
philosophers of the age believed that numbers and
86 D. OMeara, op. cit., 146149, 156166, 177, 179209,
213; I. Mueller, Mathematics and Philosophy in Proclus com-
mentary on Book I of Euclids Elements, in: Proclus, Lecteur
et Interprte des Anciens (ed. J. Ppin H. D. Saffrey), Paris
1987, 305318, for Proclus approach to mathematics, his
sources, and comparisons with other philosophers; I. Muel-
ler, Iamblichus and Proclus Euclid commentary, Hermes 15
(1987), 334348, for a comparison between commentaries by
Proclus and Iamblichus, emphasizing similarities and differ-
ences with respect to mathematics; W. Beierwaltes, Proklos
Grundzge seiner Metaphysik, Philosophische Abhandlungen
24 (1965), 166171, for Proclus approach to mathematics;
L. Siorvanes, Proclus. Neo-Platonic Philosophy and Science,
Edinburgh 1996, 118120; N. Hartmann, Des Proklus Dia-
dochus philosophische Anfangsgrnde der Mathematik, Gies-
sen 1909, passim; I. Hadot, Ist die Lehre des Hierocles vom
Demiurgen christlich beeinflusst?, in: Kerygma und Logos.
Festschrift fr Carl Andresen zum 70. Geburstag, Goettingen
1979, 263, footnote 26, 269, for Proclus approach to the tet-
rad and identification of the tetrad with the demiurge or intel-
ligible being; P. Merlan, op. cit., 9596.
87 D. OMeara, op. cit., 210; M. Edwards, op. cit., lliv,
5557.
88 A. Sheppard, op. cit., 840841; D. OMeara, op. cit., 210.
89 A. Sheppard, op. cit., 852853, for schools in Gaza,
Aphrodisias and Constantinople; E. Zeller, op. cit., 328, for
a school at Pergamum; R. R. Smith, Late Roman Philoso-
phers, Aphrodisias Papers 2 (1991), 144167, for an exca-
vated building, possibly the philosophical school of Aphro-
disias and accompanying portraits of philosophers including
Pythagoras.
16 H. BUCHWALD
proportions were central to an understanding of
mankind and the universe.
But could the interest in numbers, proportions
and the tetrad generated in schools of philosophy
have had an impact upon the design of churches?
Could the architects of Christian basilicas have
known what was being taught and written in the
philosophical schools which, after all, were pagan
and in many respects opposed to Christianity?
Probably some of them could. In the 4th century,
when the earliest known Christian basilicas with
our proportions were erected, many inhabitants
of the Empire were still pagan.90 With increasing
Christianization many new churches were needed
rather quickly. On the other hand, we know that at
the time at least occasionally there was a shortage
of professional architects.91 Therefore, Christian pa-
trons could have commissioned architects, builders
and construction teams regardless of their religious
affiliations: churches could have been designed or
constructed by pagan architects, builders or work
crews. At any rate, the education of pagans and
Christians in the 4th century usually differed little.92
90 For instance, C. Mango, Byzantine Architecture, 16, for
the predominance of pagans in Gaza when a cathedral was
built there in the 4th century; P. Brown, Augustine of Hippo,
London 1967 (Berkeley Los Angeles 2000), 447, 458460,
for sermons of St. Augustine which demonstrate that in the
early fifth century paganism had not given way to Christi-
anity in North Africa; H. Bloch, The Pagan Revival in the
West at The End of the Fourth Century, in: The Conflict
Between Paganism and Christianity in the Fourth Century
(ed. A. Momigliano), Oxford 1963, 193218; G. Fowden,
Polytheist Religion and Philosophy, CAH 13 (1998), espe-
cially 538543; T. D. Barnes, Religion and Society in the
Reign of Theodosius, in: Grace, Politics and Desire. Essays
on Augustine (ed. H. Meynell), Calgary 1990, 157175; id.,
Background, 6480.
91 A. M. Jones, The Latter Roman Empire 284602. A So-
cial. Economic and Administrative Survey, 3. vols, Oxford
1964, 10141016; C. Mango, Byzantine Architecture, 35.
92 N. G. Wilson, Scholars, 812, for study by pagans
and Christians together at Gaza; M. L. Clarke, Educa-
tion, 119129, for similarities between philosophical and
Christian schools during the fourth century; A. Cameron,
Education and Literary Culture, CAH 13 (1998), 665673,
680682; P. Lemerle, Byzantine Humanism: The First
Phase, 4379; R. Scholl, Das Bildungsproblem in der al-
ten Kirche, Zeitschrift fr wissenschaftliche Pdagogik, 10
(1964), 2443 (reprinted in: Erziehung und Bildung in der
heidnischen und christlichen Antike. Wege der Forschung
378, Darmstadt 1976, 506526); L. D. Reynolds N. G.
Wilson, Scribes and Scholars. A Guide to the Transmis-
sion of Greek and Latin Literature, Oxford 1991, 3643,
As one example, Gregory of Nazianzus (326/330
389/90) and Basil of Caesarea (329/30379) were
both born into Christian families and both attended
the Academy of Athens for several years.93 Thus in
our context whether the architects of churches were
pagan or Christian may not have been decisive.
Many Christian aisled basilicas of the period
must have been laid out and constructed by build-
ers who received most of their training on the job
site. However, some churches, for instance those
with unusual features like Basilica A at Philippi and
the Tetraconch Church at Rusafa94 were designed
employing carefully thought out, coordinated, com-
plex and comprehensive sytems of proportions
which must have been planned by well trained, ex-
perienced professional architects. Also, in Christian
basilicas with standard floor plans the achievement
of especially high quality probably required archi-
tects who were fully professional.95 Certainly the
initial application of our proportional system in a
Christian basilica, wherever and whenever that task
was accomplished, required well-founded knowl-
edge, competent design expertise and ingenuity:
the person who first designed a Christian basilica
employing a comprehensive system of proportions
composed only of the first four numbers must have
been a well educated professional architect of con-
siderable sophistication and talent.
4854; S. Rappe, The New Math: How to Add and to Sub-
stract Pagan Elements in Christian Education, in: Edu-
cation in Greek and Roman Antiquity (ed. Y. Lee Too),
Leiden-Boston-Cologne 2001, 405432; A. H. M. Jones,
op. cit., 1005.
93 J. A. McGuckin, St. Gregory of Nazianzus: An Intelec-
tual Biography, Crestwood, New York 2001, for an emcom-
passing biography; B. Wyss, Gregor II (Gregor von Na-
zianz), RAC 12 (1983) especially 794800; C. A. Beeley,
Gregory of Nazianzus on the Trinity of the Knowledge of
God, Oxford 2008, 362; R. J. Deferrari, Introduction, in:
Basil of Caesarea, Saint Basil. The Letters (English Transla-
tion and Introduction R. J. Deferrari), 4 vols, London-Cam-
bridge MA 1950, xvxxxviii; W-D. Hauschild, Basilius von
Csarea, Theologische Realenzyklopedie 5, Berlin 1980,
301313; M. F. Patrucco, Basilio di Cesarea. Le Lettere 1,
Turin 1983, 2137.
94 Cf. supra.
95 A standard floor plan includes a nave flanked by two
aisles and an apse with or without pastophories; for exam-
ples of very high quality, for instance, SantApollinare in
Classe and the Church of St. John of the Studius, cf. supra;
C. Mango, Byzantine Architecture, 3839, emphasizes the
high quality of the materials and detailing of St. Johns.
CHRISTIAN BASILICAS, PROPORTIONS, PYTHAGORAS AND VITRUVIUS
At least some of these professional architects
must have received a traditional Classical educa-
tion.96 That is implied, for instance, in a document
of 334 in which Emperor Constantine ordered that
young men should be encouraged with scholarships
and other rewards to become architects, that the
candidates should be at least 18 years old, and that
they should command a liberal education (liberales
litteras).97 Whether or not the decree was obeyed, it
demonstrates that a liberal, or traditional Classical
education could be expected of a young man who
was to become a professional architect.
A liberal Classical education was normal for
persons of rank and status, and we know that
some professional architects belonged to the up-
per levels of society.98 Occasionally they were of
senatorial rank or were welcomed at the homes of
senators.99 A law of 413 stated that architects re-
warded with the comitiva for their public service
were equated with consulare. Isidore the younger
of Miletus, who was responsible for the repair of
St. Sophia in Constantinople after the earthquake
of 558 was called magnificentissimus et illustris in
an inscription.100 Anthemius of Tralles, one of the
architects of St. Sophia, must have been well edu-
cated: among his brothers were a barrister, a cel-
ebrated grammarian, and two medical doctors.101
96 G. Downey, Education in the Christian Roman Empire:
Christian and Pagan Theories under Constantine and His
Successors, Speculum 32 (1957), 4861.
97 Codex Theodosianus, Theodosiani Libri XVI cum consti-
tutionibus sirmondianis, eds. P. Krger, T. Mommsen, Ber-
lin 1962, 13.4:1; A. H. M. Jones, op. cit., 2, 1013 and 3, 336
fn. 62; C. Mango, The Art of the Byzantine Empire, 14, for
an English translation; S. Cuomo, Pappus of Alexandria and
the Mathematics of Late Antiquity, Cambridge 2000, 4041;
the decree was posted in Carthage but the text implies a
shortage of architects generally and not only in Africa.
98 S. Cuomo, Technology and Culture in Greek and Roman
Antiquity, 134164, emphasizes the high status of architects
in late antiquity; eadem, Pappus, 1719; Vitruvius, Ten Books
on Architecture (I. D. Rowland, English transl. Th. N. Howe
M. J. Dewar), Cambridge 1999, 1314; C. Mango, Byzan-
tine Architecture, 2426; A. H. M. Jones, Empire, 1014; for
the social positions and tasks of architects in ancient Rome,
which range from wealthy patricians to slaves, from well edu-
cated, talented professionals to contractor-entrepreneurs, and
from salaried municipal officials to common charlatans.
99 E. Cuomo, Pappus, 1619.
100 A. H. M. Jones, op. cit., 534.
101 G. Downey, op. cit., 113; A. H. M. Jones, op. cit., 534,
10131014.
17
 Eutocius of Ascalon dedicated his commentaries
on the work of Apollonius of Perge concerning
conic sections to Anthemius,102 probably a reflec-
tion of the ties between some architects and some
mathematicians. The importance of mathematics to
some architects is also underscored by the report
that Eutocius commentaries on Archimedes De
sphaera et cylindro and De dimensionem circuli
were used by Isidore of Miletus, the other architect
of St. Sophia, to teach his students.103 The rather
sophisticated mathematics of Eutocius commentar-
ies probably indicate that the students whose edu-
cation they furthered had a sound background in
the subject.104 Eutocius dedicated these commentar-
ies to Ammonius, a philosopher who studied with
Proclus in Athens, taught in Alexandria, and wrote
a lost commentary on Nicomachus arithmetical
treatise105 probably an indication of the proximity
of mathematics, philosophy and architecture among
some circles of society.
Thus at least some professional architects cer-
tainly had a solid traditional education which in-
cluded the study of Classical writers and a supe-
rior understanding of geometry and mathematics.
These architects could have read Nicomachus well
known books, with their emphasis upon Pythago-
rean thought and mathematics. They could have
heard lectures and read books and treatises by phi-
losophers and mathematicians who discussed Py-
thagorean theory. They could also have had social
contact with those teaching in or attending philo-
sophical schools. Probably the Pythagorean empha-
sis upon numbers and proportions would have been
of special interest to some of them.
Thus some architects could have appreciated the
comprehensive simplicity of a proportional system
with which all major dimensions of a building could
be determined, and could have enjoyed contemplat-
102 Apollonii pergaei quae graece exstant cum commentar-
ies antiques, vol. 2 ch. IV, Eutocii commentaria in conica,
ed. J. L. Heiberg, Leipzig 1893, 168361; G. Downey, op.
cit., 113.
103 Archimedis opera omnia cum commentaries eutocii,
vol. 3 (ed. J. L. Heidberg), Leipzig 1881, 3, 59321; R. Netz,
The Works of Archimedes. Translated into English, together
with Eutocius commentaries, with commentary and critical
edition of the diagrams, Cambridge 2004, 243368, for an
English translation; N. G. Wilson, Scholars, 45; G. Downey,
op. cit., 112113, for Isidores theoretical achievements.
104 E. Cuomo, Pappus, 4656, for the importance of math-
ematics at the time in education.
105 Footnote 103 supra.
18 H. BUCHWALD
ing that these proportions consisted only of the first
four numbers, the numbers which were so important
to some philosophers. They could have understood
the philosophical reasoning, the cosmic, universal,
dualistic implications of numbers and proportions
in Pythagorean theory. Perhaps those aspects of
Pythagorean philosophy which could be integrated
into the design of buildings would have especially
intrigued them. If proportions permeate the uni-
verse, should they not permeate buildings? We can
imagine that some architects enjoyed contemplating
that a duality in mankind and in the cosmos was
reflected in the Christian basilicas which they de-
signed with the aid of proportions of the tetractys:
the church buildings were material, ephemeral and
transitory, in contrast to the underlying numeric pro-
portions, which were constant and eternal.
The Evidence of Vitruvius
Ten Books on Architecture
But unfortunately we can only imagine these pos-
sibilities, since they are only possibilities. We have
no documentary evidence from our period which
provides adequate information about architects and
their professional studies, personal contacts and in-
tellectual speculations.106 The only extensive docu-
mentary source of Antiquity for such information
is Vitruvius Ten Books on Architecture,107 probably
written in Rome during Augustus reign.108 Over
106 S. Cuomo, Technology, 131164, for the scant and am-
biguous documentary evidence of this period; C. Mango, Byz-
antine Architecture, 2426; see also footnotes 112118 infra.
107 Vitruvius, Ten Books on Architecture (I. D. Rowland);
id., On Architecture, English transl. and commentary (F.
Granger), 2 vols, LondonCambridge MA 1931 (19551956,
with Latin text, commentary and index of architectural
terms); Vitruv, Zehn Bcher ber Architektur (ed. Curt Fen-
sterbusch), Darmstadt 1964, 1976, 19812, with Latin text and
German translation; Vitruve, De architectura. Concordance
(eds. L. Callebat P. Bouet Ph. Fleury M. Zuinghedau),
Hildesheim-Zurich-New York 1984, with Latin and Greek
technical terms, French translation and commentary.
108 Vitruvius, Ten Books on Architecture, Commentary (I.
D. Rowland), 25, for Vitruvius full name, dates for the
completion of the Ten Books probably between 30. and 20.
B.C, review of the evidence and of scholarship; H. Plom-
mer, Vitruvius and Later Roman Building Manuals, Cam-
bridge 1973, 13; H. Knell, Vitruvius Architekturtheorie,
Darmstadt 1991, 12, 10; Vitruve, De lArchitecture, I (ed.
P. Fleury), Paris 1990, xvixxiv.
three centuries elapsed between the writing of the
Ten Books and the construction of the earliest pre-
served monumental churches. Nevertheless, while
some of the conditions of architects,109 as well as
many architectural goals, forms and techniques
changed in the interim, a review of Vitruvius Ten
Books is useful in clarifying some aspects of the
use of proportions in the design of Christian basili-
cas. Much has been written about Vitruvius and his
approach to proportions, but the information that
has been generated is usually oriented towards an
understanding of the architecture of Antiquity or
of the Renaissance, and has not to my knowledge
been applied to early Christian buildings.
It is uncertain whether Vitruvius Ten Books
achieved the status of a standard text.110 Be that as it
may, they were still known by some architects in the
4th century: probably around 300 A.D. or somewhat
later111 portions of the Ten Books served M. Cetius
Faventinus as a model for his De diversis fabricis
architectonicae, a manual on domestic buildings.112
Faventinus familiarity with contemporary building
practices, which enabled him to update portions of
Vitruvius text, implies that he was involved with
the construction of buildings and that he was prob-
ably an architect.113 While Faventinus directly cited
109 E. Cuomo, Technology, 145152, 161164.
110 Vitruvius, Ten Books on Architecture, Commentary (I.
D. Rowland), 1, 67, 17; Vitruvius, Zehn Bcher, 1011;
Vitruve, lArchitecture I, xlvixlix; H. Plommer, op. cit., 33,
for the importance of Vitruvius for Late Antique writers on
architecture and the possibility that his Ten Books were then
the only available substantial source on the subject; D. Fav-
ro, The Urban Image of Augustan Rome, Cambridge 1996,
144167, for Vitruvius within the architectural setting of the
period and the observation that his Ten Books metaphori-
cally represent the architectural handbook of his time even
though they were probably not widely distributed; I. McE-
wen, Vitruvius, 56.
111 H. Plommer, op. cit., 13, 33, 97, for a preferred date
about 300 A.D. and 18, 24, 30 for evidence leading to dates
in the early 4th century, the 4th century, and possibly later 4th
century.
112 H. Plommer, op. cit., 86, for the original title, Artis Ar-
chitectonicae Privatis Usibus Adbreviatus Liber, 4885, for
the Latin text with Engl. transl., 86109, for commentary; S.
Schuler, Pourquoi lire Vitruve au Moyen ge? Un point de
recontre entre savoir antique et savoir mdival, in: Science
antique, Science medieval. Actes du Colloque International,
Mont Saint Michel, 47 septembre 1998, Hildesheim, Zur-
ich-New York 2000, 2435; H. Koch, Vom Nachleben des
Vitruv, Baden-Baden 1951, 11.
113 H. Plommer, op. cit., especially 233.
CHRISTIAN BASILICAS, PROPORTIONS, PYTHAGORAS AND VITRUVIUS
the Ten Books, he avoided most of Vitruvius refer-
ences to proportions in the same passages. We can-
not be certain whether this lacuna reflects a general
lack of interest in proportions at the time or, more
probably, his personal preference.114
After the mid 5th century Sidonius Apollinaris,
Bishop of Avernumin named Vitruvius in letters,
as the only Roman, together with partly mythical
figures like Orpheus, Archimedes and Thales. Thus
at the time among educated men in Gaul Vitruvius
was a highly respected, quasi-legendary authority
on architecture.115 Even though Sidonius was not
an architect, Vitruvius may therefore have been
known to at least some architects who were Sidon-
ius contemporaries. At any rate, there is abundant
evidence that Vitruvius Ten Books survived in the
West during the Medieval period.116
But Vitruvius, Faventinus and Sidonius wrote in
Latin and no early manuscript of Vitruvius work
in Greek is known.117 A direct impact of Vitruvius
114 H. Plommer, op. cit., 32, 63 (Faventinus 15), 97, for
Faventinus brief instructions on proportions; Plommers in-
terpretation is that the evidence reflects a general lack of
interest in proportions at the time, but the written documen-
tation is too sparce to draw that conclusion and evidence of
numeric proportions in the design of extant buildings (for
instance, as adduced above) must also be considered.
115 Sidonius, The Letters of Sidonius, 2 vols (English
translation and introduction O. M. Dalton), Oxford 1915, 2,
710, for a letter to Claudius dated ca. 472, and 145151,
for a letter to Namatius ca. 480; Concordantia in Sidonii
Apollinaris epistulas (eds. P. G. Christiansen J. E. Hol-
land W. J. Dominik), HildesheimZurichNew York 1997,
795, 4.3.5, 8.6.10; Gai sollii Apollinaris Sidonii Epistulae et
Carmina (ed. C. Lvetjohann), Berlin 1887, 5456, 130133,
for the Latin texts; S. Tamburri, Sidonio Appolinare luomo
e il letterato, Naples 1996, 67194, for analyses of the let-
ters; D. Amherdt, Sidoine Apollinaire. Le quatrime livre de
la correspondence. Intoduction et commentaire, Saphneia.
Beitrge zur Klassischen Philologie 6 (2001), 107165,
for an analysis of the letter to Claudius; H. Koch, op. cit.,
1113, with Germ. transl., notes that Sidonius need not have
been very familiar with Vitruvius Ten books; J. Harries, Si-
donius Apollinaris and the Fall of Rome AD 407485, Ox-
ford 1994, 23251, for Sidonius life within the context of
his times; S. Schuler, op. cit., 4243, notes that Vitruvius is
named together with founders of the arts and sciences.
116 H. Koch, op. cit., 1317, with examples from the 6th to
15th centuries (and later), and the observation that Vitruvius
was not only known but also read and studied in the Caro-
lingian period; S. Schuler, op. cit., 319341, with references
to Vitruvius from the 9th century to the early 16th.
117 Vitruv, Zehn Bcher, 1113, for the known manu-
scripts; Vitruvius, Ten Books on Architecture, Commentary
19
 Ten Books on the design of early churches in Asia
Minor, Greece and Syria is thus unlikely. Our goal
in gathering evidence from the Ten Books on Archi-
tecture is therefore not to trace any direct impact
that Vitruvius may have had upon the design of our
churches, but rather to identify conditions, concerns
and attitudes of architects in Antiquity which may
lead to a better understanding of the use of propor-
tions in early Christian basilicas. Three aspects of
the Ten Books are of special interest: Vitruvius
instructions on the education of architects; his ap-
proach to proportions; and the impact of Pythago-
rean thought on the Ten Books.
Vitruvius considers the education of architects at
the outset of his Ten Books, perhaps an indication of
how important the subject is to him.118 According to
Vitruvius, an architectural education must be com-
posed of practical applications obtained mostly in
the field, as well as theoretical understanding based
upon a liberal Classical education. He explains that
some architects were trained only in the one or in
the other, but that those educated in both reached
their goal more quickly and influentially.119 Else-
where he adds: ...I thank my parents immeasurably
and bear them great and infinite gratitude because
[...] they had me trained in an art, an art, moreover,
that cannot be mastered without education in let-
ters and comprehensive learning in every field [...]
and enjoyed myself by reading both literary and
technical writing.120 Thus Vitruvius emphasizes
that architects must obtain an education composed
of many different kinds of expertise, including let-
ters and comprehensive learning. The informed and
extensive content of his Ten Books confirms that he
had himself received the sound education and train-
ing he proposed for architects.121
(I. D. Rowland), 19; P. M. Mylonas, The Translation of De
Architectura into Modern Greek, in: Munus non ingratum:
Proceedings of the International Symposium on Vitruvius
De Architectura and the Hellenistic and Republican Ar-
chitecture (eds. H. Geertman J. J. De Jong), Bulletin An-
tieke Beschaving, supplements 2 (1989), 230237.
118 Vitruvius, Ten Books on Architecture, 1.1:11.1:18,
Commentary (I. D. Rowland), 78; H. Knell, Architektur-
theorie, 2030; Vitruve, lArchitecture, I, lxxxvxc, 65104;
R. Frasca, Educazione e formazione a Roma. Storia, testi,
immagini, Bari 1996, 429.
119 Vitruvius, 1.1:1, 1.1:2.
120 Vitruvius 6, Preface: 4.
121 Vitruvius, Ten Books on Architecture, Commentary (I.
D. Rowland), 1518, for Vitruvius presumed education.
20 H. BUCHWALD
In his discussion of architectural education Vit-
ruvius explains that the architect must study and un-
derstand philosophy because it builds character and
assures ethical behavior, and also because philosophy
deals with physiological matters (then part of phi-
losophy) useful, for instance, in understanding water
distribution systems.122 In his discussion of the study
of philosophy by architects Vitruvius mentions nei-
ther numbers, mathematics, nor proportions. Rather,
mathematics is mentioned in the context of music,
which, he states, is useful in the calibration of bal-
listae123 and in the design and placement of bronze
echea to improve acoustics in theaters.124 Vitruvius
writes that a deep and sophisticated understanding of
geometry, music, astronomy and similar subjects is
achieved not by architects but by mathematicians.125
He does not suggest that philosophy is useful to ar-
chitects because it can furnish the theoretical basis
for systems of architectural proportions or for prin-
ciples of architectural design. These passages imply
that for Vitruvius philosophy and mathematics were
important in the study of architecture primarily for
their practical application: they were useful and nec-
essary, but they were not of central importance to the
architectural profession.
On the one hand, the evidence of Vitruvius Ten
Books thus confirms that the sound education based
upon Classical traditions that, as we have observed
above, some architects of the 4th to 6th century peri-
od must have received had firm roots in earlier cen-
turies. But on the other hand, the strong interest of
some architects in theoretical mathematics implied
in our discussion of Eutocius, Anthemius and Isi-
dore is not reflected in Vitruvius Ten Books; rather,
that interest may reflect the Pythagorean revival in
philosophy which developed only in the centuries
after Vitruvius wrote.
However, even though the study of mathemat-
ics is not emphasized, numeric proportions are a
central theme of Vitruvius Ten Books.126 As often
122 Vitruvius, Ten Books on Architecture, 1.1:7, Commen-
tary (I. D. Rowland), 136138; Vitruve, lArchitecture, I,
8386; H. Knell, op. cit., 2728, argues that the architects
character was important to Vitruvius because he wished to
improve the architects social and professional status.
123 Vitruvius, Ten Books on Architecture, 1.1:8, Commen-
tary (I. D. Rowland), 138.
124 Vitruvius, 1.1:9.
125 Vitruvius, 1.1:17.
126 Agreed and emphasized by scholars since the 15th cen-
tury.
noted, in his discussion of fundamental principles
he writes: Symmetry is the proportioned corre-
spondence of the elements of the work itself, a re-
sponse, in any given part, of the separate parts to
the appearance of the entire figure as a whole.127
On the design of temples he adds, The composi-
tion of a temple is based on symmetry [...] sym-
metry derives from proportion, which is analogia
in Greek. Proportion is the mutual calibration of
each element of the work and of the whole, from
which the proportional system is achieved.128 In
other words, each part of a building should be har-
moniously related, or proportioned, to each other
part and to the whole.
Vitruvius instructions on how to achieve the el-
egant effect upon which he insists consists almost
entirely of the relentless application of propor-
tions.129 He assumes that the reader is familiar with
all features of the buildings that are to be designed
and that these features need not be changed but only
slightly modified to adjust them to the appropriate
proportions: no rearrangement of the building com-
ponents, their configuration or their details is antic-
ipated. The application of proportions, rather than
any design procedures in the sense of current archi-
tectural practice are described in the Ten Books.
However, Vitruvius does not propose a clear,
structured, comprehensive system of proportions.
He does not explain how the proportions are or-
ganized or developed. Rather, he relates how to
determine architectural dimensions using propor-
tions step by step in practice.130 Even though some
of these instructions are apparently flawed in detail
and could be executed in the field only with diffi-
127 Vitruvius 1.2:4; in some translations the term propor-
tioned correspondence is replaced by other terms with a
similar meaning, for instance, proper agreement.
128 Vitruvius 3.1:1.
129 The emphasis upon proportions is underscored by
Wesenberg, Architektur, 109178; H. Geertman, Teoria e at-
tualita della progettistica architettonica di Vitruvio, in: Le
projet de Vitruve. Objet, destinataries et rception du De
architectura, Collection de l cole franaise de Rome 192,
Rome 1994, 2529, for arguments against the preeminence
of proportions in Vitruvius architectural theory.
130 Ibid., 730, for the relationship between Vitruvius in-
structions and the theoretical structure of his Ten Books; D.
Favro, op. cit., 145146, for Vitruvius straightforward, no
nonsense approach; J. J. Coulton, Modules and Measure-
ments in Ancient Design and Modern Scholarship, in: Mu-
nus non ingratum, 85, emphasizes that Vitruvius intended
the architect to follow his instructions step by step.
CHRISTIAN BASILICAS, PROPORTIONS, PYTHAGORAS AND VITRUVIUS
culty, if at all,131 Vitruvius obviously thinks of them
as being practical. The practical nature of his guide-
lines is emphasized throughout by phrases like ...
if one point of the compass is placed at the mid-
point of the capital...132 and ...draw five parts in
the center of the triglyph with the rule....133 In the
same practical vein, his proportions occur not only
in the design of buildings. In his instructions for
the production of concrete masonry, for instance,
the mixture of excavated sand and lime is 3:1, and
the mixture of river sand and lime is 2:1.134 In sun-
dials, ... in Athens, if a gnomon of whatever size
is divided into four parts, the shadow will occupy
three, in Rhodes the ratio will be 7:5....135 Vitru-
vius notes 62 such proportions in the production of
military catapults:136 for instance, the width of the
plates and the diameter of the end spring holes are
proportioned 2:3, the diameter and the length of the
claw 3:4.137 Here the size of the module is directly
derived from the function of the machine: Every
proportion of these instruments is derived from the
proposed length of the arrow that the instrument is
designed to shoot.138 In ballistae the size of the
spring hole diameter depends upon the weight of
the stone to be hurled: a two pound stone requires
a five digit opening (2:5) and a four pound stone
requires a 6 digit opening (2:3).139 Vitruvius does
not distinguish these ratios from those of buildings:
131 For the position that Vitruvius instructions are not
practical and cannot, in some instances be executed in the
field, B. Wesenberg, Die Bedeutung des Modulus in der
vitruvinischen Tempelarchitektur, in: Le projet de Vitruve,
96100; id., Beitrge zur Rekonstruktion greichischer Ar-
chitektur nach literarischen Quellen, Berlin 1983, 177181;
H. Knell, Vitruvius Metrologisches System, Diskussion zur
archaeologischen Baufforschung, 4. Bauplanung und Bau-
theorie der Antike (1984), 3337.
132 Vitruvius 4.3:5.
133 Vitruvius 3.5:7.
134 Vitruvius 2.5:1.
135 Vitruvius 9.7:2.
136 Vitruvius 10.10:210.10:5.
137 Vitruvius 10.10, 10.11; P. Fleury, La Mcanique de Vi-
truve, Caen 1993, passim and idem, Le De Architectura
et les traits de mcanique ancienne, in: Le projet de Vitruve,
187212, for the machines, their context in Antiquity, the
sources and Vitruvius intentions; B. Wesenberg, op. cit., 94,
for the practical nature of Vitruvius modular proportional
design of catapults and ballistae.
138 Vitruvius 10.10:2.
139 Vitruvius 10.11:3.
21
 all serve the same pragmatic purpose of establish-
ing precise relationships of dimensions, volumes,
weights, or shadows.
But Vitruvius proportions are not indispen-
sable tools in the design of all things, since they
are not used universally in his design instructions.
For instance, he gives concise dimensions in cur-
rent measuring units for sheep and goat pens, cat-
tle stalls and storage spaces of rural buildings,140
and for siege equipment and siege engines.141 He
provides neither proportions nor dimensions in
his instructions concerning the design of water
clocks,142 cranes and hoists,143 machines for water
circulation,144 water organs,145 and hodometers (for
measuring travel distances).146 No doubt he pro-
vides proportions and dimensions only when they
are available in his sources.
Repeatedly Vitruvius stresses that at least some
proportions are not absolute.147 He provides con-
siderable leeway in the design, for instance, of
basilicas: the widths of these sites should be less
than one-third but no more than one-half their
lengths, unless the nature of the site prevents this
and forces the builder to adopt another system of
proportions.148 Elsewhere, after providing propor-
tions for the design of private houses, he adds that
when the design is almost complete, ... is when
subtractions and additions are made to the propor-
tional system with the help of inventiveness and
judgment, in order that charms not unlike those of
true symmetry will be achieved.149
While these, and other adjustments of the pro-
posed proportions apply to civic and domestic
buildings, the proportions of temples are modi-
fied and changed by Vitruvius descriptions of ar-
chitectural refinements. For instance, The corner
columns, moreover, must be made thicker than the
140 Vitruvius, Ten Books on Architecture, 6.6:26.6:4, Com-
mentary (I. D. Rowland), fig. 95.
141 Vitruvius 10.13:47, 10.14:12, 10.15:26.
142 Vitruvius 9.8:215.
143 Vitruvius 10.2:114.
144 Vitruvius 10.410.7.
145 Vitruvius 10.8.
146 Vitruvius 10.9.
147 Vitruvius, Ten Books on Architecture, Commentary (I.
D. Rowland), 1516, emphasizes the flexibility demonstrat-
ed by Vitruvius instructions and provides examples.
148 Vitruvius 5.1:4.
149 Vitruvius 6.3:11.
22 H. BUCHWALD
others by one-fiftieth of their diameter, because
they are cut into by air on all sides and therefore
seem more slender to the viewer.150 Concerning
variations in the proportional dimensions of ar-
chitraves: For when the eyes glance is directed
higher and higher, it penetrates the density of the
air with greater difficulty...and reports back an un-
certain assessment of dimension to the senses.151
Elsewhere: Thus where the eye deceives us, rea-
soning must compensate.152 The reasons given
by Vitruvius for these modifications are optical or
visual, and depend upon the subjective reactions
of the viewer. This subjectivity, which is also evi-
dent in Vitruvius accounts of entasis, curvature
and column inclination,153 is an important and in-
tegral aspect of Vitruvius approach to proportions.
A subjective undercurrent is already apparent in
Vitruvius general discussion. In his introduction,
for instance, he states that one of the three major
considerations is attractiveness, which ...will be
upheld when the appearance of the work is pleas-
ing and elegant, and the proportions of its elements
have properly developed principles of symmetry.
(italic emphasis added.)154
Vitruvius relies upon tradition (the ancients)
for the proportions that he proposes. He writes, ...
the ancients, who established the houses of the im-
mortal gods, ordered the elements of those works so
that, in both their shape and their symmetries, fitting
dimensions of separate elements and of the work as
a whole might be created.155 He also states, No
temple can have any compositional system without
symmetry and proportion, unless, as it were, it has
an exact system of correspondence to the likeness of
a well-formed human being.156 According to Vitru-
vius the parts of the human body are harmoniously
proportioned by numeric ratios. He refers to at least
13 numeric proportions of the human body: for in-
stance, the height of the face and the length of the
hand are proportioned 1:1; the distance between the
fingertips of the outstretched arms and the height of
150 Vitruvius 3.3:13.
151 Vitruvius 3.5:9.
152 Vitruvius 3.3:11.
153 Vitruvius, Ten Books on Architecture, 3.3:13, 3.4:5,
3.5:4, Commentary (I. D. Rowland), 193202.
154 Vitruvius 1.3:2.
155 Vitruvius 3.1:9.
156 Vitruvius 3.1:1.
the body, 1:1; the height of the chest and the height
of the body, 1:4.157 Two of the ratios are interpreted
by Vitruvius as approximately inscribing the human
body into a circle and a square.158
These, and other similar statements have lead
some scholars to the conclusion that tradition and
the proportions of the human body explain why, ac-
cording to Vitruvius, proportions should be used in
the design of buildings.159 However, the reference to
the ancients explains who originated the propor-
tions and when, but not why, and Vitruvius does not
directly derive proportions of buildings from those
of the human body.160 Rather, the implication is that
buildings should be as well proportioned and as har-
monious as the human body. Moreover, Vitruvius
states elsewhere, And so, if Nature has composed
the human body so that in its proportions...161 Thus
according to Vitruvius proportions should be used
because they occur in Nature; Nature is responsible
for proportions in the human body, but also in mu-
sic: Nature, therefore, distinguished the intervals
of tones and half tones and tetrachords in the voice,
defined their terms by quantitative measures, and
established their qualities through certain distinct
modes.162 Nature could be understood here as an-
other way of saying, thats just the way the world
is, but Nature could also be thought of as a force
or being like the demiurge of Platonic philosophy,
and other interpretations may also be relevant.163
157 Vitruvius 3.1:7, 3.3:2, 3.3:3.
158
Vitruvius, Ten Books on Architecture, 3.1:3, Commen-
tary (I. D. Rowland), 188189, fig. 3738, notes that these
proportions of the human body reflect those of the canon
of the late 5th century Greek sculptor Polycleitus; P. Gros,
La gomtrie platonicienne de la notice vitruvienne sur
lhomme parfait, (De Architectura III, I, 23), Annali di
architettura 13 (2001), 1524; I. McEwen, Vitruvius, 156
183, places the statement into the context of literature, his-
tory, augury, and compasses and set squares used to lay out
buildings.
159 For instance, I. McEwen, op. cit., 197.
160 H. Koch, Nachleben, 27, notes that Vitruvius fails to
relate the proportions of the human body with those of the
column orders.
161 Vitruvius 3.1:4.
162 Vitruvius, Ten Books on Architecture, 5.4:4, Commen-
tary (I. D. Rowland), 243245, fig. 81, for a clear, brief ex-
planation of Greek musical theory which references Vitru-
vius and other sources.
163 Vitruvius, Ten Books on Architecture, Commentary (I.
D. Rowland), 151 (Correctness, 1.2:5) explains that, By
Nature Vitruvius really does mean nature; I. McEwen, op.
CHRISTIAN BASILICAS, PROPORTIONS, PYTHAGORAS AND VITRUVIUS
Vitruvius discussion of natures role in propor-
tions, and his emphasis upon proportions throughout
the Ten Books seems to echo Pythagorean theory.164
However, Vitruvius does not relate his proportions
to Pythagorean theory and his discussion of Py-
thagoras is not concerned with proportions. Rather,
the most extensive part of that discussion deals
with the Pythagorean triangle.165 Pythagoras or Py-
thagoreans are also mentioned in the context of the
cube, dice games, and literary composition.166 The
number of books into which Vitruvius divided On
Architecture may reflect the Pythagorean interpre-
tation of ten as a perfect number,167 and Vitruvius
discussion of perfect numbers could also reflect Py-
thagorean thought.168
While some of the reasons for employing pro-
portions in buildings noted at the outset of our
study are applicable to the architecture of Vitruvius
time, none of these reasons require an account of
proportions in the human body and in music: rather,
these passages in the Ten Books appear to imply a
Pythagorean connection. We could speculate that in
agreement with Pythagorean theory Vitruvius de-
scribed proportions in buildings, construction mate-
rials, machines, the human body and music because
cit., 4849, for a reliance upon Stoic philosophy; B. Wesen-
berg, Modulus, 98101; idem, Architektur, 13, with the in-
terpretation that Vitruvius intention that buildings comply
with the harmonies of nature are a kind of mimesis, an
echo of the naturalism prominent in the visual arts of the
period.
164 A. Kessissoglu, Die fnfte Vorrede in Vitruvius De Ar-
chitectura, Studien zur klassischen Philologie 68 (1993),
69, 8994, 97100, for Pythagorean sources and influences
on Vitruvius writing style, text organization and building
proportions; H. Knell, Architekturtheorie, 1415; Vitruve,
lArchitecture, III, lvilviii, 55.
165 Vitruvius 9, Preface: 67, and Commentary, 281, fig.
110.
166 Vitruvius 5.1:3; A. Kessissoglu, op. cit., 104, for Vitru-
vius discussion of dice games as a reference to the Pythago-
rean preference for the cube.
167 A. Kessissoglu, op. cit., 101102; I. McEwen, Vitru-
vius, 4245.
168 Vitruvius, Ten Books on Architecture, 3.1.53.1.7,
Commentary (I. D. Rowland), 189, for the derivation of
the perfect number ten from Pythagorean sources and the
tetractys, for the probable derivation of the perfect num-
ber six also from Pythagorean mathematicians, and for the
possibility that the perfect number 16 may be Vitruvius
own invention; A. Kessissoglu, op. cit., 100105, for Py-
thagorean elucidations of the numbers six and ten.
23
 proportions underlie the entire cosmos.169 But that
is not what Vitruvius writes.
Vitruvius may not have been aware of a possible
connection between his proportions and Pythagorean
philosophic speculations. Probably the Pythago-
rean implications of proportions in the Ten Books,
together with his proportions generally and much
of the other information he provides, were already
contained in the sources from which he extracted
his information, which were for the most part Hel-
lenistic.170 After naming numerous previous authors
169 Ibid., 97102, for possible Pythagorean and other
sources of Vitruvius analogy between the proportions of the
human body and buildings, and for the suggestion that Vit-
ruvius instructions concerning numeric proportions depend
upon Pythagorean sources.
170 B. Wesenberg, Architektur, especially 9598, 109, 163
178, 181, attributes Vitruvius ideal temple design to an un-
known architect who may have worked in Asia Minor, per-
haps at Pergamum, after the second quarter of the 2nd century
B.C; idem, Zu den Schriften griechischer Architekten, Dis-
kussion zur archaeologischen Bauforschung, 4. Bauplannung
und Bautheorie der Antike (1983), 3948, for the position
that early Greek and Hellenistic books by architects were
written and used during the project design phase, perhaps
to market the project, and that they were primarily techni-
cal; id., Griechisches und Rmisches in der vitruvianischen
Architektur: ein Beitrag zur Quellenfrage, in: Munus non
ingratum, 7684, for Greek and Roman architectural design
methods which are combined with Vitruvius own contribu-
tions; Vitruve, lArchitecture, IV, Introduction, xlilii, with
an emphasis upon sources in the Eastern provinces; Vitruve,
lArchitecture, VII, Introduction, xviiixxv, Table 1, for a
compilation of the many sources used or probably used by
Vitruvius; Vitruve, lArchitecture, III, especially xxxvixlii,
lxvlxxiv; Vitruvius, Ten Books on Architecture, Commen-
tary (I. D. Rowland), 5, 14, 1617, 138; Vitruv, Zehn Bcher,
68; A. Kessissoglu, op. cit., especially 915, 5253; M.
Kreeb, Hermogenes Quellen und Datierungsprobleme,
in: Hermogenes und die hochhellenische Architektur (eds.
W. Hoepfner E.-L. Schwandner), Mainz 1988, 104111;
A. Merrill, Notes on the Influence of Lucretius on Vitruvius,
TAPA 35 (1904), xv1xx1; W. Koenigs, Pytheos eine my-
tische Figurin der Antiken Baugeschichte, Diskussion zur
archaeologischen Bauforschung, 4. Bauplannung und Bau-
theorie der Antike (1983), 8994; J. J. Pollitt, Art in the Hel-
lenistic Age, Cambridge 1986, 242247, for Vitruvius Ten
Books in the context of his sources, and for arguments that
at least some architectural writing of the period was theo-
retical rather than technical; D. Favro, Rome, 68, for Vitru-
vius combination of Greek, Hellenistic and Italic sources as
a reflection of the eclectic spirit of the architecture of the
Augustan age; H. Knell, Architekturtheorie, 2, 59, 1617,
for Vitruvius use of Roman and Greek sources as a reflec-
tion of the immediate needs of the building boom in early
imperial Rome, and for the cultural and political context; F.
24 H. BUCHWALD
of works on architecture Vitruvius writes, Of their
treatises, I have noted what is useful, and brought
it all together in a single body, and all the more be-
cause I realized how many Greek books have been
published on the subject...171 When evaluating the
apparent lacuna in Vitruvius understanding of the
Pythagorean implications of his proportions, we
must remember that, as we have already observed,
Pythagoreanism reached its apex long before Vitru-
vius lived and was revived and expanded upon only
in the following centuries.
***
A comparison between Vitruvius instructions
concerning proportions and the tetractyc propor-
tions of our Christian basilicas provides new in-
sights into the processes involved in the design of
churches during the 4th to 6th century period. For in-
stance, according to Vitruvius the width and length
of a temple should be proportioned 1:2, and the
same proportion was used in Church EA at Sardis
and in a number of our other churches. Also, pro-
portions of the tetrad occur repeatedly, though by
no means exclusively in Vitruvius design instruc-
tions, as they do in our churches. More generally,
Vitruvius instructions on the design of buildings
are permeated with numeric proportions and thus
there can be no doubt that the extensive use of nu-
meric proportions in the design of some churches
of the 4th to 6th century period had deep roots in the
architectural practices of Antiquity.
Modules were used to establish dimensions
of temples by Vitruvius, and apparently also by
the builders and architects of our churches. But
the application of the modules differs decidedly.
Vitruvius divides the temple width by 111/2, 18 or
241/2 (depending upon the size of the building) to
obtain the module, while apparently in Church EA
at Sardis the width of the nave is the module.172 In
W. Schlikker, Hellenistische Vorstellungen von der Schnheit
des Bauwerks nach Vitruv, Schriften zur Kunst des altertums
1 (1940), 933, denies Vitruvius use of most of these sources
primarily because of his contention that only a single pri-
mary source underlies Vitruvius book.
171 Vitruvius 7, Preface: 14.
172 Vitruvius 3.3:7; B. Wesenberg, Modulus, 91104, for
use of the module by Vitruvius, and 28, for the mathematic
formula used; R. Falus, Sur la thorie de module de Vitruve,
Vitruvius instructions the module is used prima-
rily to determine the dimensions of the peristasis,
a feature which did not exist in early Christian ba-
silicas. Even though Vitruvius also uses the mod-
ule to determine other dimensions, in his instruc-
tions the dimensions of some building parts are
proportionally related neither to the module nor to
each other.173 In Church EA, by contrast, all ma-
jor dimensions are directly related to each other
by proportions and all may easily be determined
using the module.
Nevertheless, essentials of the procedures used
to design many of our Christian basilicas are very
similar to those described by Vitruvius: the com-
ponents of a well known building type are not
changed, but only modified so that their dimensions
fit the required size and prescribed proportions.
Thus in this respect the design of many Christian
churches during the 4th to 6th century period appar-
ently continued design procedures current in An-
tiquity many centuries earlier. If followed consci-
entiously, Vitruvius instructions for the design of
temples deny creativity, in the current sense, and
the same is true of the design of many early church-
es. Both procedures deny the creative essentials of
the design process familiar to many architects in re-
cent times, but also in Antiquity and Late Antiquity
(for instance in Basilica A at Philippi and the Tetra-
conch Church at Rusafa).
Compared with Vitruvius instructions the use
of a module and of proportions in many Christian
basilicas is not only much simpler but also more
consistent and more comprehensive: it was there-
fore much easier to use, it was more user friendly
than the cumbersome and in some respects incom-
plete system described by Vitruvius. This revised,
streamlined system of modules and proportions
was more atuned to the needs of the period be-
cause it was better suited to the efficient production
of buildings: it was particularly useful when new
churches were needed quickly and also when there
was a dearth of trained architects.
Employing a module and simple proportions
builders with only a rudimentary understanding
of architectural design could easily have laid out
ActaArchHung 31 (1979), 249270, with an emphasis upon
terminology; Cf. supra for the probable modular design of
some Christian basilicas.
173 For instance, B. Wesenberg, Architektur, 170171,
footnote 739, for contradictory cella proportions.
CHRISTIAN BASILICAS, PROPORTIONS, PYTHAGORAS AND VITRUVIUS
a church in the well-known form of an aisled ba-
silica. They need have known only the basic church
forms, the module and the proportions. Of course
churches could also be laid out without proportions,
and many of them were, but a simple system of
modules and proportions would have made deci-
sions concerning major dimensions easier to make
and could have facilitated the layout and construc-
tion of churches. On the other hand, as pointed out
above, there may also have been other reasons for
the use of modules and of tetractyc proportions in
the design of early Christian basilicas.
As we have learned, Vitruvius instructions in-
clude a number of architectural refinements which
modify the proposed proportional schemes to com-
pensate for visual phenomena. Such visual refine-
ments have not been identified, and probably do
not exist in early Christian basilicas. Indeed, the
reasons for architectural refinements which Vitruvi-
us provides depend upon subjective reactions, and
would probably have been counterproductive to the
rapid construction of the numerous Christian basili-
cas which had to be erected throughout the empire.
Decisions based upon subjective reactions would
have made the application of the streamlined
modular proportional system more difficult, more
time consuming and perhaps confusing.
We have concentrated upon two approaches to
obtain insights into the system of numeric propor-
tions identified in the design of some early Chris-
tian basilicas. One explores the implications of
Pythagorean philosophy, the other focuses upon
Vitruvius Ten Books on Architecture. However, be-
fore the use of numeric proportions in the design of
early churches can be more fully evaluated, other
possibilities must also be considered: for instance,
the tradition of proportions in the building practices
of Antiquity and Late Antiquity, and Christian at-
titudes to numbers and proportions. Moreover, the
possible use of tetractyc proportions in churches
of the 4th to 6th centuries which were not basilicas
and in buildings other than churches, as well as the
use of other types of proportions during the same
period must also be considered. Only after these,
and perhaps other approaches are explored can we
hope to come closer to a full understanding of the
proportions of our churches. I suspect, however,
that a full understanding will resemble the hazy
and complex forms of some impressionist paintings
more than the precise and simple images of many
Byzantine icons.
25
 , ,

-

. -
. -
-
IV VI , - .
( ) -
: 1:1, , VI . . ., -
1:2, 1:3, 1:4, 2:3 3:4. -
, - .
, , .
(), -
. , -
A , , . - . -
, De Architectura Libri
. . Decem Since Vitruvius
, , -
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26 H. BUCHWALD
UNKNOWN EARLY CHRISTIAN TOMBS
IN SHEFARAM IN PURSUIT OF A SOLUTION
TO AN ICONOGRAPHIC ENIGMA

Emma MaayanFanar

This text presents the unique sculptural decoration of five private rock-cut tombs in the modern Christian neigh-
borhood of Shefaram (western Lower Galilee), to the south of the ancient city. Despite their uniqueness, through
stylistic analysis and the choice of motifs represented, it is possible to date them to the 4th5th century. Their pro-
gram of decoration attests to the consolidation of the owners Christian identity.
Key words: Early Christian tombs, Shefaram, funerary art, Christian iconography

I
t started as a detective story. A few photographs 4 was left unfinished. Many legends surround the
sparked my interest in the Christian tombs ly- tombs. One of them tells of a sixth tomb, filled with
ing in the modern Christian neighborhood of gold. Its place still remains unknown.
Shefaram (western Lower Galilee), to the south of
the ancient city. The map supposedly showing the
way was wrong, and only the help of a local guy
who had played around the tombs as a child got me
there. Hardly anything is known about these tombs,
and they have never been seriously studied.1
The tombs are private rock-cut burials set in a
row, from east to west (and counted accordingly
from 1 to 5). Four of the five tombs have a simi-
lar plan of a courtyard before the burial room with
three arcosolia (one burial place each).2 Tomb no.

1 C. R. Conder H. H. Kitchener, ShefaAmr, Survey of

Western Palestine I (1881), 339343. B. Baggati, Ancient Fig. 1. Shefar'am, Tomb 3
Christian Villages of Galilee, SBF 37, Jerusalem 2001,
105114; id., Tradizione e Arte a ShefaAmr in Galilee,
in: La Terra Sancta 41 (1965), 180187; M. Aviam, Jews,
Pagans and Christians in the Galilee, Rochester 2004, The major uniqueness of the tombs is their
291295. carvings. Three of the five tombs (1, 3, 5) are dec-
2 M. Aviam, op. cit., 291. orated with sculptural carvings on the outside, and

UNKNOWN EARLY CHRISTIAN TOMBS IN SHEFARAM 27

 faade and the inner space of
tomb 5 were richly decorated.
The arch above the entrance
is decorated with two vines
with grapes, freely inhabited
by small birds (Fig. 3). The
vines themselves grow out
of two vases and meet at the
top, twined around a stylized
flower enclosed in the cir-
cle. Acanthus leaves protrude
from the upper corners of the
faade. A naturalistic feeling
is sensed both in leaves and
in birds. Above the entrance
is a small cross. The inscrip-
tion in Greek (almost illeg-
ible) is placed on both sides
of the entrance to the tomb:
Fig. 2. Shefar'am, Tomb 5 Lord Christ, save Sall [o?],

two (3 and 5) show a com-

bination of various symbols
that appear on either side of
the corridor leading to the en-
trance to the tomb, and on the
arched entrance itself (Figs. 1,
2). These two tombs are the
only Christian example found
so far in the area with such
extraordinary decoration. This
paper concentrates on them.
I shall suggest that although
both are deeply rooted in local
artistic traditions, they present
two different messages, and
they attest to the consolida-
tion of the owners Christian
identity. Fig. 3. Shefar'am, Tomb 5, faade
The uniqueness of the
tombs made it difficult to
date them properly, though stylistic comparisons and have pity on me and my children.4 The final
and the choice of motifs suggest the 4th early 5th letter of the name is illegible. The inscription on the
century as a possibility.3 The decorations show that
the tombs were not executed simultaneously and 4 The last letters of the owners name on the left are uncer-
were used for a certain period of time. First, the tain. Leah Di Segni proposed reading the name as Salw
or Sallou. The name is of Semitic origin, derived from
3 I discuss this subject in length in the article Word Incar- Aramaic-Hebrew Saul. Previously, the name was read as
nated in Stone. Iconography of the Early Christian Rock- Solomon or Samuel. In my opinion Leah Di Segnis pro-
cut Tombs in Shefaram, Iconographica 8 (2009), 1128. posal is more sound, cf. in: DACL III, 1265; R. P. J. Ger-
B. Baggati attributes these tombs to the 4th5th century; M. mer-Durand, pigraphie Chrtienne de Palestine, RB 2
Aviam proposes late 5th6th century date. (1893), 207. Karsten does not restore these letters in his

28 E. MAAYANFANAR
 by birds, of which just traces are now visible (Fig.
5). Traces of a vase with a pomegranate tree growing
out of it are visible on the inner side of the west-
ern arcosolia. Two birds flank the base of the tree.
The upper parts of the walls are carved with flower-
shaped rosettes and crosses inscribed in wreaths. On
the ceiling are four flower-shaped rosettes (Fig. 6).
The gentle, naturalistic style of the carvings, which
reflect enormous skill, leaves no room for doubt:
the carvings are contemporary with those from the
faade, and most probably made by the same hand.

Fig. 4. Shefar'am, Tomb 5, inner space, central arcosolia

right cannot be rechecked since several letters are

defaced.

Fig. 6. Shefar'am, Tomb 5, inner space, ceiling

Crosses with dots between their arms depicted

on rounded bosoms in high relief appear on the in-
ner walls of the arcosolia. The eastern arcosolia also
preserves the head of an animal in profile, perhaps
a bull, and traces of a bird (on the conjunction of
the wall and the ceiling), all likewise in high relief
(Fig. 7). The western one has a heraldic composition
of two peacocks flanking a large Latin cross mounted

Fig. 5. Shefar'am, Tomb 5, inner space (detail)

The inner space of the tomb is also carved. De-

spite very poor preservation, carvings apparently
covered all it walls, niches and ceiling. A central ar-
cosolia is framed with an architectural setting (Fig.
4). The entire space was carved with vines populated

reconstruction of the inscription. J. P. Van Karsten, Neuent-

deckte Grabkammern, ZDPV 12 (1889), 30. Fig. 7. Shefar'am, Tomb 5, inner space, eastern arcosolia

UNKNOWN EARLY CHRISTIAN TOMBS IN SHEFARAM 29

 on a shell. Two crosses with dots between their arms
depicted on rounded bosoms in the upper part of the
central arcosolia are also flanked by two peacocks
(barely visible). Although most of the motifs can be
found in pagan and early Christian art, no parallels
to such richness of design have yet been found.
The decorations on the corridor walls are sty-
listically different from both the faade and the in-
ner space of the tomb. A lion (lioness [?] on the
left) springing over a pomegranate tree toward the
entrance is depicted on both sides (Fig. 8). Facing
the opposite direction is a cub, and a bird is visible
only on the right side of the corridor. The animals
are detailed, although very schematic and flat. Is it
possible that the two designs were made at the same
time by two different hands? Or were the carvings
on corridor walls perhaps executed later? Since the
corridor carvings have an obvious compositional
relation to the faade decoration, it had to be ex-
ecuted first. But the two designs do not coexist in
harmony. To resolve the question of chronology, we
now turn to the description of tomb 3.
At first glance tomb 3 resembles tomb 5 in orna-
mentation, composition and choice of motifs (Fig.
9). However, careful observation reveals significant
differences. A cross with the addition of alpha and
omega above the entrance is given much greater
emphasis. The arch of the faade is decorated with
two vines growing from two vases, which meet at
the top to form a stylized flower-rosette of signifi-
cant size. Unlike the vines of the faade, on tomb
Fig. 9. Shefar'am, Tomb 3, faade
30 E. MAAYANFANAR
Fig. 8. Shefar'am, Tomb 5, courtyard, eastern wall
5 there are no birds. Also, the acanthus leaves have
been replaced by dolphins.
The corridor decorations are symmetrically ar-
ranged although they differ in details (Figs. 10,
11). The pomegranate tree surrounded by birds and
a fish, a huge face inserted into the wreath ending
with the stylized Hercules knot, and a lion (a li-
oness on the right) followed by a cub are assembled
on each wall. Only two of the cubs legs are still
visible on the right side. A small bird is depicted at
the left corner of the wreath facing the lions. The
lower part of the left corridor is decorated with a
garland with suspended leaves and pomegranates.
Differences in birds sizes, in faces execution, and
in gender of the lions suggest that the two sides of
the corridor, right and left,
are intended to bear different
meanings.
The faade and the corri-
dor carvings are executed in
the same style, very stylized
and flat, though still convey-
ing some sense of volume,
especially felt in the grapes
and the lions. The vases, de-
picted exactly on the join of
the faade and the corridor,
suggest that the whole com-
position was planned and
executed by a single hand. It
is contrasted with the three-
dimensional design of leaves
and grapes on the faade in
tomb 5, but seems to be very
close to the style of its corri-
dor carvings.
Fig. 10. Shefar'am, Tomb 3, courtyard, eastern wall
Comparison of the two tombs suggests that the
faade and the inside decoration of tomb 5 were
accomplished first, followed sometime later by the
complete decoration of tomb 3.5 At this stage the
faade decoration was copied from that of tomb
5, albeit much simplified and with reorganized
motifs that extended to the corridor walls. The
borders of the arch were emphasized. Birds were
taken out of the vines and placed on the sides of
the corridor, and dolphins substituted the acanthus
on top of the arch.
The whole decoration presents a clear Chris-
tian message, whose fundamental elements are
stressed by their being arranged around two sym-
bols, the cross with alpha and omega, and the
rosette above it. Perhaps because of the goal of
clarity the motifs spread from the faade into the
corridor. To these elements, already known, new
ones were added: faces enclossed into wreaths
and lions with cubs. Differences in sizes of birds,
faces execution and gender of lions suggest that
the two sides, right and left, were intended to bear
different meanings.
Using similar motifs, both tombs have differ-
ent messages which are shown by the whole ar-
rangement of motifs as well as by additional motifs
placed on the corridor walls of the tomb 3.
Tomb 5, the earlier one of the two, represents Par-
adise.6 All the trees, inhabited by birds, rosettes, palm
5 The decoration the corridors of tomb 5 could have been
inspired by those of tomb 3. They are similar stylistically
but not made by a same hand.
6 In early Jewish tradition Paradise is described as a garden
with fruit-trees (1 Enoch 32; 2 Enoch 89; y. Sanh. 27c, 32
Fig. 11. Shefar'am, Tomb 3, courtyard, western wall
branches and other motifs, are assembled together
similar to the numerous examples in early Christian
funeral art,7 but also quite similar to the Jewish and
pagan burial art which share the same vocabulary of
motifs. For example, the motif of a vine inhabited by
birds is attested in Hellenistic and Roman tombs, as
well as in Jewish and Christian funerary art. In Israel
it is found, for example, in a Phoenician rock-cut
tomb at Hanita, Upper Galilee; 3rd 4th century pagan
tombs in Ashkelon; the earliest Jewish painted tomb,
the Goliath family tomb according to the inscrip-
tion, discovered near Jericho and dated as early as to
1070 CE;8 the 3rd 4th century Birds cave on the
38). A symbolic function of trees is frequent in Jewish (1
Enoch 32) as well as Christian traditions (Matt. 3.10; Luke
3.9; Matt. 7.1520; Luke 6.4345). The ve trees of Para-
dise also occur in other Early Christian literature such as
a Dialogue between John and Jesus. A.L.A. Hogeterp, The
Gospel of Thomas and the Historical Jesus: The Case of
Eschatology, in: The Wisdom of Egypt. Jewish, Early Chris-
tian and Gnostic Essays in Honour of Gerard P. Luttikhui-
zen (ed. A. Hilhorst G. H. van Kooten), Leiden 2005, 396.
For additional Jewish and early Christian sources see P.
Figueras, Jewish and Christian Beliefs on Life after Death
in the Light of the Ossuary Decoration, PhD dissertation,
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem 1974, 130133.
7 T. Wujewski, Anatolian Sepulchral Stelae in Roman
Times, Poznan 1991, 23, 50. Christ calls himself a true
vine (John 15:15). Clement of Alexandria saw grapes as
both Christological and Eucharistic allegory (Paed. 2.1 sq.;
Strom. 1.9), R. M. Jensen, Understanding Early Christian
Art, London, New York 2000, 5961.
8 R. Hachlili, Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology in the
Land of Israel, Leiden 1988, 115118. The ornamentation
is probably of Greco-Roman inuence. The painting also in-
cludes a depiction of a wreath and traces of an unidentied
UNKNOWN EARLY CHRISTIAN TOMBS IN SHEFARAM 31

Fig. 12. Kibbutz Lohamei HaGetaot, painted tomb
Mount of Olives, in Jerusalem, either Jewish or pa-
gan.9 Another example is a late 4th early 5th century
painted Christian tomb discovered near Lohamei Ha-
Getaot (a kibbutz on the coast near Acre, about 20
km from Shefaram).10
There is no doubt that the owners of the tombs
in Shefaram were Christian. In tomb 5 the owners
religion is given away by numerous crosses located
on the walls of all three arcosolia. Close examina-
tion of the four rosettes on the ceiling shows that
the central rosette of the row of three is turned
into a cross.11 This may point to the transitional
brick construction. See full description and discussion in R.
Hachlili, A Jewish Funerary Wall Painting of the First Cen-
tury C.E., PEQ 117 (1985), 112127.
9 The identity of the owners of the cave is unknown, but
since it does not include human gures on the one hand and
Christians symbols on the other, it has been proposed, that
the owner was Jewish. A. Kloner, Birds Cave on the Mount
of Olives, Qadmoniot 78 (197475), 2730 (in Hebrew). T.
Michaeli, Wall-Paintings from Roman and Early Byzantine
Tombs in Israel, PhD. Thesis, Tel Aviv University 1997, I:
177197; II: pl. 138152 (in Hebrew). Michaeli suggests
that the owner of the cave was pagan. I: 197.
10 G. Foerster, A Painted Christian Tomb near Kibbutz Lo-
hamei Ha Getaot, in: The Antiquities of the Western Gali-
lee (ed. M. Yedaia M. Asher), Jerusalem 1986, 416429.
T. Michaeli, op. cit., I: 215254; II: pl. 161187.
11 M. Avi-Yonah states that in many examples a six-petal
rosette has been replaced by a cross. At Shefaram a change
in progress seems to be indicated, cf. M. Avi-Yonah, Ori-
32 E. MAAYANFANAR
character of the tomb, a likeli-
hood supported by almost the
mirrored depiction of a rosette
on both sides of the entrance,
the only difference being that
the eastern rosette has been
turned into a cross. It seems
possible, that the model used
for this tomb had a design that
was common to pagan, Jew-
ish and Christian funeral art
and involved rosettes, birds
and vines growing from the
vases. This combination was
understood by early Chris-
tians as the representation of
Paradise. In the course of the
work the purpose seemed to
change and the Christian el-
ement was strengthened, so
certain rosettes were made
into crosses. The rosette on the
ceiling transformed into a cross shows clearly that
the model was not Christian at first, and was altered
during the work to suit the new requirements. Prob-
ably at that point the niches were filled with crosses.
Compared with tomb 5, the carvings of tomb 3
are neatly arranged to express a very explicit Chris-
tian message. The motifs on the walls of the cor-
ridor are directed toward the middle of the faade,
on which a big rosette and a cross with alpha and
omega are represented.
The Lohamei Ha-Getaot tomb, already men-
tioned, is closest to tomb 3 in Shefaram for com-
parison (Figs. 12, 13). All of its four walls are
richly decorated. Motifs well known from the early
Christian stock, for instance, vases with growing
vines and perching birds, pomegranate trees, fish,
a cross with the letters alpha and omega, as well
as a depiction of the scene of Daniel in the Li-
ons Den, are comparable to motifs found in early
Christian funerary art in Rome, which emphasize
salvation and an eternal afterlife.
Many of the motifs which appear in this coastal
tomb are also present in the tomb at Shefaram.
Here, however, they are differently arranged, and
some motifs atypical of Christian funerary art ap-
ental Elements in the Art of Palestine in the Roman and
Byzantine Periods, in: Art in Ancient Palestine. Selected
Studies Published Originally in the Years 19301976, Jeru-
salem 1981, III: 97, 101104.
pear alongside the common
symbols.
One of the dominant mo-
tifs in Shefaram is two lions
on either side of the corridor
facing the entrances. Lion im-
agery is extremely common
throughout the Ancient Near
East,12 especially in funerary
art in Greece and Anatolia,
and much earlier in the Hittite
and Assyrian world.13 Lions
can be found decorating syna-
gogues and churches, though
they are rare in Early Chris-
tian funerary art. They appear
only in the scene of Daniel
in the Lions Den,14 or as a
lions head,15 which is a pure-
ly Roman motif. The appear- Fig. 13. Kibbutz Lohamei HaGetaot, painted tomb
ance of lions in the Shefaram
tombs is unusual, and their
like is found only in carvings and on sarcophagi in tails curving upward and their bodies and head in
the Jewish necropolis at Beth Shearim16 or on the profile; yet in certain cases the head may be enface,
stone burial doors at El Buqeia (Peqiin) in Upper as at Shefaram (e.g., lintel from H. Ammudim;18
Galilee attributed to the late Roman period.17 floor mosaics from Hammath Gader19). The motif
This fact raises several questions concerning of two lions flanking an object is so common in fu-
possible reasons for such an unusual choice. nerary contexts that some scholars suggest that it
Lions are a common and important motif in originated there.20
Jewish art. They may be depicted flanking a vase, Lions are clearly associated with the Torah
a tree, a faade, a menorah, etc. Most have their shrine, and appear thus in Beth Shearim necropo-
lis, catacomb 4a, room 7 at the side of the closed
12 B. A. Strawn, What is Stronger than a Lion? Leonine shrine and menorah (Fig. 14).21 Lions carved
Image and Metaphor in the Hebrew Bible and the Ancient in stone found on blocks connected to the Torah
Near East, Fribourg 2005. shrine come mostly from Galilee (e.g., Nabratein)22
13 D. K. Money, Lions of the Mountains: the Sarcophagi of and Golan synagogues.23 Also in synagogue mosa-
Balboura, AnatSt 40 (1990), 2954. ics lions appear on either side of the Temple faade
14 For a comprehensive catalogue of the scene in Early
18 The synagogue is dated to the late 3rd early 4th century,
Christian art see R. Srries, Daniel in der Lwengrube. Zur
Gesetzmigkeit frhchristlicher Ikonographie, Wiesbaden according to coins and pottery. R. Hachlili, Ancient Jewish
2005. Art and Archaeology, g. X, 4a; D. Chen, The Ancient Syna-
15 gogue at Horvat Ammudim: Design and Chronology, PEQ
E.g., Theodore Sarcophagus in S. Appolinare in Classe,
118 (1986), 135137.
Ravenna; M. Lawrence, The Sarcophagi of Ravenna, II, 19 R. Hachlili, Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology, g.
New York 1945, g. 10.
16 B. Mazar, Beth Shearim I, Report on the Excavations
X. 7b.
20 N. Avigad, Beth Shearim III, 1976:140; R. Hachlili, An-
during 193640, Jerusalem, 1973, pl. 32 (Catacomb 4, room
1); N. Avigad, Beth Shearim III. Catacombs 1223. Report cient Jewish Art and Archaeology, 321328.
21 B. Mazar, Beth Shearim I, pl. 32.
on the Excavations during 19538, Jerusalem 1976, pl. 40
(Catacomb 20, the lions sarcophagus; the hunt sarcoph- 22 E. M. Meyers, The Ark of Nabratein a First Glance,
agus); pl. 41 (Catacomb 20, the eagle sarcophagus). BibArch 44 (1981), 238239.
17 I. Moshe, Peqiin, Hadashot Archaeologiot, 115 (2003), 23 R. Hachlili, Late Antique Jewish Art from the Golan,
78 (in Hebrew). M. Aviam, Jews, Pagans and Christians in in: The Roman and Byzantine Near East: Some Recent Ar-
the Galilee, 299304, gs. 21.54, 55, 57. chaeological Research, Ann Arbor MI 1995, 186187.

UNKNOWN EARLY CHRISTIAN TOMBS IN SHEFARAM 33


Fig. 14. Beth Shearim, Catacomb 4a, room 7, right-hand sarcophagus
together with the menorah and other Temple im-
plements. In Jewish art the lion is the symbol of
Jacobs son Judah, the guardian and protector.24
They appear as symbols of power and are firmly
linked to Messianic and Temple symbolism.25 Is
it possible that the Shefaram artists deliberately
used a motif of special significance in the Jewish
world?
Perhaps the most puzzling motif is a face en-
closed in a wreath (tomb 3). The wreath alone is
most common in the funerary context. In antiq-
uity it appears as a symbol of victory and peace.
In the Hellenistic funerary context the wreath was
26
a symbol of immortality, echoing the tradition of
placing a wreath inside the cave during the funeral
ceremony, a tradition that found its way into Chris-
27
tian art. The wreath is also a very common motif
24 Genesis 49: Judah is a lions whelp: to the prey, my
son, thou art gone up: resting thou hast couched as a lion,
and as a lioness, who shall rouse him? The scepter shall not
be taken away from Judah, nor a ruler from his thigh, till he
come that is to be sent, and he shall be the expectation of
nations. The tribes of Judah and Dan were both likened to
the lion (Gen. 49:9; Deut. 33:22). The mother of the kings
of Judah was compared to a lioness and her sons to young
lions (Ezek. 19:29).
25 E. Revel Neher, LArch dAlliance, Iconographie et in-
terpretations dans lArt juif et Chrtien du IIe au Xe sicles,
Paris 1984.
26 T. Wujewski, Anatolian Sepulchral Stelae, 50.
27 T. F. Matthews, The Clash of Gods. A Reinterpretation of
Early Christian Art, Princeton 1999, 163167; T. Michaeli,
34 E. MAAYANFANAR
in Jewish art from the Second
Temple period on.28 In Galilee
and Golan synagogues it usu-
ally ends in a Hercules knot.
Various motifs can be inserted
into it: Jewish symbols (es-
pecially the menorah), a hu-
man head, a discus, a conch,
and even a lions head.29 A
face inserted into the wreath,
as found in Shefaram, does
not have exact parallels. Nev-
ertheless, schematic faces
(some inserted into concentric
circles or even a schematic
wreath) seem to be common
in carvings,30 in graffiti, and
on ceramic or glass vases.31
The Shefaram faces may
be reminiscent of the pagan
Medusa, as suggested by Aviam.32 Medusa fre-
quently appears in Jewish and Christian funerary
art, following the Roman tradition.33 Medusa in the
funerary context may carry apotropeic symbolism.
It might also be an emblem of life, victory over
death, life beyond the grave.34 Despite certain simi-
Wall-Paintings from Roman and Early Byzantine Tombs in
Israel, I: 170.
28 R. Hachlili, Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology, 318;
gs. VIII. 51a, b, d, e; 52a, b, e; 53a, b.
29 Ead., Late Antique Jewish Art from the Golan, 188; ead.,
Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology, 206, 318, gs. VIII.
4446, 49a, 51, 52ae.
30 E.g., entrance door to the western tomb, Catacomb 19,
Beth Shearim (Avigad, Beth Shearim III, pl. 27); frieze
fragment with mask from Chorazin (R. Hachlili, Ancient
Jewish Art and Archaeology, pl. 46).
31 The human head as an autonomous motif is very com-
mon in oriental art, as M. Avi-Yonah showed. See exam-
ples on pottery and glass from the Byzantine period in:
Cradle of Christianity, 197, 200. Stylistically, it seems that
Shefarams faces are more remote from classical tradition
and more stylized, being comparable to the sculptured faces
found on a Roman stone door from Dabburiye, or in the
caves of Beth Shearim. M. Avi-Yonah, Oriental Elements in
the Art of Palestine, I: 3234, pl. 7.
32 M. Aviam, Jews, Pagans and Christians in the Galilee,
293.
33 For example, on a local lead cofn a face with wide
open eyes is depicted inside two circles. M. Avi-Yonah,
Three Lead Cofns from Palestine, JHS 502 (1930), 301.
34 A. L. Frothingham, Medusa II. The Vegetation Gorgo-
neion, AJA 191 (1915), 22.
larities to Medusa, the distinction purposely made
between the two faces suggests that each has a dif-
ferent meaning. Additional circles are added to the
face on the right, which is depicted as smiling with
eyes wide open. The eyes of the face on the left are
closed.
The faces perhaps represent the sun and moon,
following the Roman tradition.35 The moon, usually
depicted as a crescent, has perhaps been changed
here into the full face to suit the symmetrical ar-
rangement. But the closest parallels to the Shefaram
faces enclosed in a wreath, which strengthens their
identification as sun and moon, come from the neo-
Punic stele period (2nd century B.C. to 3rd century
A.D.) in Tunisia.36 Here celestial deities are de-
picted as faces enclosed in wreaths. The depiction
varies from schematic to realistic. The moon, like
the sun, is sometimes depicted there as a full face
enclosed in a wreath.37
To understand the iconography of tomb 3 we
need to look closely at the motifs which it shares
with Jewish art, paying special attention to their
connection with other motifs and compositional ar-
rangement of all the carvings.
The lions at Shefaram seem to be taken from
the Jewish model at Beth Shearim, not from the
more usual Christian funeral symbolism. Their
Messianic symbolism in Jewish art seems to have
been well understood, and was perhaps placed in
a Christian context on account of the scripture in
Revelation: Look! The Lion from the tribe of
35 F. Cumont, After Life in Roman Paganism. Lectures De-
livered at Yale University of the Silliman Foundation, New
York 1959 (rst edition 1922), 99103. The moon was re-
garded a place where the soul goes after death. Jamblichus
and Neopythagoreans regarded the moon and the sun as the
Islands of the Blessed. Manicheans too regarded the moon
as a sort of stepping-place in the souls pilgrimage after life.
When the moon was full the souls ew to the sun, which
was the end of the pilgrimage. In this respect, the Manichean
doctrine drew from much earlier Syro-Punic conceptions (F.
Cummont, 93ff.). Also: T. Wujewski, op. cit., 1516.
36 E. F. Ghedini, Ancora sulle stele della Ghorfa: qualche
precisazione, in: L Africa romana. Atti del VII convegno di
studio Sassari, 1517 dicembre 1989, 233244.
37 Ibid., 243244, Pl. VII, VIII:1, 2; Catalogue of Punic
Stelae in the British Museum, NPu34, NPu40, NPu49 (NPu
42 wreath without leaves similar to Shefaram). This motif
does not exist on Punic stele but only on neo-Punic, which
belong to the Roman period and were made by Romanized
Africans (G. C. Picard, Roman Africa and Its Art, Apollo
(Jan. 1983, 7). This may suggest adaptation of a Roman mo-
tif to a well-known scene.
Judah, the Root of David, has been victorious so
that He may open the scroll and its seven seals
(Rev. 5:5).38 Here it may be connected to the Early
Christian symbolism of the lion as resurrection,
expressed in Physiologus.39
This new Messianic symbolism may be aug-
mented by that of two faces enclosed in concen-
tric circles framed by a wreath of glory, which, I
believe, signify the sun and the moon.40 Both are
connected to Christian symbolism, as expressed in
Christian interpretations of Old Testament verses
such as Isaiah 60:1920: Your sun will no longer
set, and your moon will not fade; for the Lord will
be your everlasting light, and the days of your sor-
row will be over.41 The compositional arrange-
ment of carvings in tomb 3 emphasizes the star and
the cross above the entrance.
Understanding the Messiah as a star or light is
based on a number of Biblical texts (Isaiah 9.1; the
star of Balaam; Psalms 72; 110). Daniel 2.22, He
reveals the deep and secret things: he knows what
is in the darkness, and the light dwells with him,
was one of the sources for interpreting the Messiah
38 The lion as a symbol of the Messiah appears from Gen-
esis (Jacobs blessing to Judah, Gen. 49:9) to Revelation:
See, the Lion of the tribe of Judah, the Root of David,
has conquered, so that he can open the scroll and its seven
seals (Rev. 5:5). In Physiologus Christ is called a spiritual
lion. Just as a lion breathes into the face of his stillborn cub,
and thereby brings it to life, so our God the Almighty, the
father of all, on the third day raised from the dead his Son,
rst-born before all creation, our Lord Jesus Christ. So Ja-
cob well said, Falling he slept like a lion and a whelp, who
will raise him? (Gen. 49:9). R. M. Grant, Early Christians
and Animals, London 1999, pp. 5253.
39 The real origin of Physiologus is uncertain. It was ac-
cepted that the book was written in Alexandria in the 2nd
century. Alan Scott recently challenged this attribution, pro-
viding evidence for the date later than the 2nd century, some
time after Origen, around the middle of the 3rd century. A.
Scott, The Date of the Physiologus, Vigiliae Christianae 52
(1998), 430441.
40 In the Testament of Naphtali, Judah and Levi are com-
pared to the moon and the sun. ...the sun and the moon
were standing still. [...] and Levi laid hold of the sun, and
Judah outstripped the others and seized the moon, and they
were both of them lifted up with them. And when Levi be-
came as a sun, lo, a certain young man gave to him twelve
branches of palm; and Judah was bright as the moon, and
under their feet were twelve rays (5:15). P. Figueras, Jew-
ish and Christian Beliefs on Life after Death, 134.
41 Also Habakkuk 3: Sun and moon stand still in [their]
lofty residence, at the ash of Your ying arrows, at the
brightness of Your shining spear.
UNKNOWN EARLY CHRISTIAN TOMBS IN SHEFARAM 35
 as light in both Jewish and Early Christian tradi-
tions.42 Identification of the star with Christ and the
cross is found in several Early Christian sources.43
It seems to represent Christ as everlasting light, or
in the words of Hyppolitus, a bright star, in whose
presence, the sun and moon were eclipsed.44
The cross below signifies the true Messiah:
Christ. This is even more emphasized due to the ap-
pearance of alpha and omega, the first and the last
letters of the Greek alphabet, which symbolize the
perfection of God, who dwells in all things (Rev-
elation 1:8; 21:6; 22:13).45 References to the sym-
bolical meaning of alpha and omega as God can
be found in the writings of the Early Greek Church
Fathers.46 According to Paulinus of Nola, alpha and
omega on each side of the cross do not just signify
the beginning and the end but appear as a symbol
of Christs victory over death.47
42 W. Horbury, Jewish Messianism and the Cult of Christ,
London 1998, 99.
43 B. Bagatti, The Church from the Circumcision, Jerusa-
lem 1971, 161162.
44 Hippolytus, PO27, 3, 57; B. Bagatti, op. cit., 161.
45 These two letters were probably the rst to appear in-
dependently, as a part of Christs monogram () symbol-
izing his eternal nature. Many visual examples of Christs
monogram anked by the Greek letters alpha and omega
exist. The letters anking the motif of the cross or the image
of Christ may correspond to the same tradition. Examples
can be found as early as the catacombs: the 4th century St.
Peter and Marcelines (Christ enthroned, anked by alpha
and omega) and the 4th5th century Cambodia (a bust of
Christ anked by alpha and omega).
46 E.g., Clement of Alexandria: ...the sensible forms are
vowels, which explains why the Lord was known as the
Alpha and Omega, the beginning and the end. The sign
AW is easily associated with Christ when one discovers a
numerical equivalence with the name of the dove, another
well-known Christian symbol. J. Drucker, The Alphabetic
Labyrinth, The Letters in History and Imagination, Lon-
don, 1995, p. 87. See also Origen: The rst and the last
is the Saviour... If there are letters of God, as there are in
reality, the saints knowing them afrm that they read them
on the heavenly Tables they are notional (letters) divided
into minute parts, namely, Alpha and so on down to Omega,
which is the Son of God. Who is also the beginning and the
End (PG 14, 823).
47 Both letters with their three strokes achieve their sepa-
rate shapes in a three-fold way, the creation of a single Mind
but triple Powers. Christ is for me both alpha and omega,
embracing alike the summits in the highest region of the sky
and the depth below. He has victoriously captured both hell
and heaven... defeating death and as victor restoring salva-
tion. Paulinus of Nola, Poem 19; The Poems of St. Paulinus
36 E. MAAYANFANAR
Clearly, only wealthy owners could afford such
extensive carvings. Further, material finds listed by
Karsten at the end of the 19th century, but unfortu-
nately lost since, included a gold earring and arm
bracelet as well as other pieces of jewelry.48 The
close connection of the carvings (especially in tomb
3) with Jewish art, especially that in Beth Shearim,
even suggests that the owners perhaps had Jewish
roots. The appearance of symbols used in both re-
ligions, such as vine, pomegranates and rosettes,
highlights the sense of dialog. The intensive use of
lions may be viewed as a challenge to Jewish mes-
sianic hopes.
The name Sallo inscribed on the faade of tomb
5 also points to Jewish roots of the owners. It is of
Semitic origin, derived from Aramaic-Hebrew Saul.
The name is very rare in Christian inscriptions,
though its variations (; ) are found, for
example, in the 5th century church at Evron, locat-
ed not far from Shefaram.49
Unlike tomb 5, which is of transitional char-
acter, tomb 3 has a set plan. Every detail has its
proper place, and relates to other motifs. Coming
from pagan and Jewish worlds, they are assembled
within prominent Christian symbols; all emphasize
the cross-structure decoration of the faade.
In my opinion, enough evidence exists to show
that at least tomb 3 depended on two sources. The
faade of tomb 5 served as the primary model, to
which local materials, especially from the Jewish
world, were added. The artist selected and reorgan-
ized them carefully and executed the whole work as
one unit, in local style. As for the tomb 5, the rich-
ness of the design, which has nothing comparable
in local art, especially in style, speaks in favor of a
model possibly from abroad that was redeveloped
according to the needs of the cave owner. The style
suggests a close relation to late antiquity. However,
at this point it is impossible to point to the exact
place of influence or date of execution.
of Nola (translation P. G. Walsh) in: Ancient Christian Writ-
ers, The Works of the Fathers in Translation (ed. J. Quasten
W. J. Burghardt T. C. Lawler), New York 1975, 153.
48 J. P. Van Karsten, Neuentdeckte Grabkammern, ZDPV,
12 (1889), 29.
49 V. Tzaferis, The Greek Inscriptions from the Early
Christian Church at Evron, Eretz Israel 19 (1987), 40*,
42*, 45*, 48*. The name is very rare in Christian inscrip-
tions (ibid., 53*, no. 16). A variant of this name Salo is
carved on one of the ossuaries from Jerusalem. S. C. Novel-
li, Segni e codici della gurazione altomedievale, Spoleto
1996, pl. 10.
 To conclude, the two tombs seem to stress two
different messages. The promise of Resurrection is
emphasized in tomb 5, by means of the Garden of
Eden replete with birds and fruit. The dominance of
the crosses stresses the importance of the motif as
signifying the Christian Paradise received through
baptism,50 but so does the iconography, still not
stabilized and kept inside, close to the dead. This
statement is expressed on the faade by a small
cross only. The inscription, lacking the name Je-
sus, stresses perhaps an ambivalent identity of the
owners.51
In tomb 3 messianic beliefs are stressed and the
idea of the Second Coming and adoration of the True
God, the One who rules above all and at the same
time the one who was sacrificed. All the symbols are
arranged so as to support the main idea. Here Chris-
50
H. S. Benjamins, Paradisiacal Life: The Story of Para-
dise in the Early Church in: Paradise Interpreted. Represen-
tations of Biblical Paradise in Judaism and Christianity (ed.
G. P. Luttikhuizen), Leiden 1999, 154155.
51 The combination of the two titles Christ and Lord ap-
pears in Acts 2:36. The title Kurios was most probably ap-
plied to the Messiah already in Jewish messianic tradition,
as suggested in Lam. 4.20; Ps. Sol. 17.32; Luke 2.11; W.
Horbury, Jewish Messianism and the Cult of Christ, London
1998, 143.
,
, .
, - -
. . -
. ,
.
. . 4 IV
. V .
. ,
(. 1, 3, .
5) (. 3 5) - -
.
tianity seems to be celebrated in a more advanced
form. Not the way of becoming Christian is stressed,
but Christ himself. The statement is clearly made on
the faade and in the corridor, and is highlighted by
Christian symbols, but also by the entire composi-
tional arrangement. The message in tomb 3 is inten-
tionally placed outside the cave, intimating a visual
dialogue with Jewish neighbors, the emphasis fall-
ing on the idea of resurrection through Christ.
Many questions concerning these tombs still re-
main open. Their exact date, style and sources of
their carvings need further investigation. Archaeo-
logical excavations in the area, which have never
been done, may help to solve some of the prob-
lems. For now, the tombs remain a unique example
of early Christian art in the area. They can be fully
understood only in the context of their immediate
surrounding. Their owners openly expressed their
faith through symbols whose complexity can be
fully understood only within their immediate Jew-
ish neighborhood. Until more evidence is found the
tombs will remain a mystery, just hinting at beliefs
about life and death held by the early Christians in
western Lower Galilee.
All photos in the paper:
Dror Maayan
UNKNOWN EARLY CHRISTIAN TOMBS IN SHEFARAM 37
 . 5 . ,
. .
. . 3
. 3
.
- .

38 E. MAAYANFANAR
LIVING ICON OF CHRIST: PHOTIOS
CHARACTERIZATION OF THE PATRIARCH
IN THE INTRODUCTION OF THE EISAGOGE
AND ITS SIGNIFICANCE

Vlada Stankovi

Photios definition of the patriarch in the Introduction of the Eisagoge is analyzed and placed in the broader his-
torical and ideological context. The argument is put forward that the patriarch consciously attempted to reverse
the postulate of Byzantine political theory, according to which the emperor is directly connected to Christ.
Key words: Photios, patriarch, icon, living icon, iconoclasm, Byzantium in the 9th century

B
yzantine legal texts, especially those origi-
nating from the middle Byzantine period,
even today remain a rather unexplored, even
neglected type of sources in the rapidly ramifying
Byzantine studies. Apart from law historians, who
are studying mainly one dimension of the texts
for which they are specialized, there is surpris-
ingly little interest among the rest of Byzantin-
ists for a thorough and interdisciplinary analysis
of the complex, usually lengthy legal texts, some-
times with quite problematic manuscript traditions,
which could enrich our knowledge about many as-
pects of Byzantine life, society and thought.1 The
1 The Peira of Eustathios Rhomaios is a good example
although it has been recognized as a first class histori-
cal source, as well as an important text for understanding
legal practices, the initial research impulse did not find the
adequate scholarly outcome, cf. Sp. Vryonis, The Peira as a
Source for the History of Byzantine Aristocratic Society in
the first half of the Eleventh Century, Near Eastern Numis-
matics. Studies in Honor of George Miles, Beyrouth 1974,
277284, and especially, N. Oikonomides, The Peira
of Eustathios Romaios: an Abortive Attempt to Innovate
in Byzantine Law, FM 7 (1986), 169192. A. Laiou, Ma-
riage, amour et parent Byzance aux XIeXIIIe sicles,
slowly growing number of critical editions of legal
texts from the 9th through the 11th century and the
poor state of the old editions on which we are still
obliged to rely, clearly testify to the negligence and
the lack of interest accompanying Byzantine legal
texts in Byzantine studies: the relatively short Book
of Eparch from the last year of Leo VIs reign edit-
ed by Johannes Koder in 1991, and the posthumous
edition of the Novellae of the emperors of the Mac-
edonian dynasty regarding the land, soldiers and the
pre-emption right, were until recently the only new,
modern editions, together with Andreas Schmincks
Paris 1992, uses excessively Byzantine legal texts, creating
the best historical synthesis based on Byzantine legal the-
ory and practices so far. The importance of Byzantine law
sources for a better understanding of Byzantine society was
recognized especially in two volumes published between
1985 and 1994, in the period that could be considered as
the high point of the multidisciplinary research of Byzantine
law and law books: Cupido legum (ed. L. Burgmann M.
Th. Fgen A. Schminck), Frankfurt am Main 1985 and
Law and Society in Byzantium: Ninth Twelfth Centuries
(ed. A. E. Laiou D. Simon), Washington DC 1995. The
most important articles from these two volumes will be re-
ferred to specifically further in the text.

LIVING ICON OF CHRIST: PHOTIOS CHARACTERIZATION OF THE PATRIARCH 39

 important study, which also comprises the editions
of the Prooimia of the middle Byzantine law books
and collections.2
And yet, some of these legal texts contain pre-
cious, sometimes unique information about the life,
thoughts, practices, or personalities who wrote, or
who are mentioned in them, about something that
we would today call a life style: the attitudes and
dealings of the Constantinopolitan elite and those
who were struggling to become its members in the
10th and the 11th centuries. The Peira of Eustathios
Romaios is especially indicative in this respect, and
it urgently deserves not only new, critical edition3
but also a series of studies on various subjects from
2 See the new edition of the Novels of Leo VI by Sp. Troia-
nos, ' . , - selves as people who directly, or indirectly through
, , , Athens their ancestors defeated the iconoclastic heresy. As
2007 (the old edition by P. Noilles A. Dain, Les Novelles
de Lon VI le Sage, Paris 1944, is still useful and used). Das
Eparchenbuch Leons des Weisen, Einfhrung, Edition, ber-
setzung und Indices von Johannes Koder, Wien 1991 (CFHB
33); N. Svoronos, Les Novelles des Empereurs Macdoniens
concernat la terre et les stratiotes, Introduction-diotion-
commentaires (dition posthume et index tablis par P. Gou-
naridis), Athnes 1994; A. Schminck, Studien zu mittelbyz-
antinischen Rechtsbchern (Forschungen zur byzantinischen
Rechtsgeschichte 13) Frankfurt am Main 1986. The Eisagoge,
except for its Prooimion published by A. Schminck, is still
available only in the old edition by J. and P. Zeps, in: Jus
Greacoromanum vol. II, Athens 1931, 240368. Many im-
portant, but shorter documents have been published and com-
mented in various volumes of the main periodical for Byz-
antine law history, Fontes Minores. On the Eisagoge, and
generally on the so called codification of Byzantine law un-
der the Macedonian dynasty, see now J. Signes Codoer F.
J. Andrs Santos, La Introduccin Al Derecho (Eisagoge) del
Patriarca Fozio, Madrid 2007. The authors did not analyzed
in detail the formulations and definitions of the emperor and
the patriarch which are the main focus of this paper Juan
Signes researched Byzantine legal practices and placed the
Eisagoge within it, as well as presented the broader social
and political context and Photios biography, while Andrs
Santos made an overall appraisal of the content from a juridi-
cal point of view. I am indebted to Juan Signes for friendly
discussing this subject with me in detail. See also, J. Signes
Codoer, The Corpus of Leos Novels. Some suggestions con-
cerning their date and promulgation, SubGr 8 (2009), 133,
a study that follows the argument from the cited book, with a
recent assessment of Leo VIs codification, and an overview
of the relevant bibliography.
3 Which is being prepared in Frankfurt am Main by Ludwig
Burgmann, but it is only in its initial phases, and it is uncer-
tain that the new edition will be ready in the foreseeable
future. I thank Andreas Schminck (Frankfurt am Main) for
many useful information, and also inspiring ideas Andreas
Schminck himself prepares a new edition of the Eisagoge.
40 V. STANKOVI
its rich content. This short paper will be dedicated,
however, to an analysis of the characterization and
description of the patriarch in the Eisagoge, formu-
lated by the patriarch Photios undoubtedly one of
the most significant and provocative personalities
in the whole of Byzantine history at the very end
of the reign of Basil I.
***
The Iconoclasm, the imperial heresy as it was
often referred to in the writings of the victorious
iconophiles, was finally defeated in 843. The victors,
nevertheless, continued to fight, with words more
than with deeds, against the somewhat imaginary
enemies of Orthodoxy, aspiring to promote them-
the offspring of a mighty Constantinopolitan family,
influential through generations in the imperial court
and especially in the chancery of the emperor, even
under the iconoclastic emperors, Photios was the
self-proclaimed Champion of Orthodoxy, as Cyril
Mango pointed out rightfully decades ago.4 Under-
lining many of Photios homilies and epistles is the
strong, propagandistic idea that his family suffered
under the heretic emperors, thus acquiring the status
of (semi-) martyrs for Orthodoxy, and that he per-
sonally led the restoration of icon veneration and
the revival of the old virtues.5 Supported by his pa-
tron at the imperial court, the Ceasar Bardas, who
promoted him as Patriarch of Constantinople in 858,
Photios used the best part of his first patriarchate
(858867) for connecting the revival of the venera-
tion of icons to his personal struggle. In the divided
Byzantine society after the perennial it may have
seemed only a generation earlier domination of the
iconoclasts, the victors seemed eager to preserve the
sharp division between the heretics (that is to say,
the losers), and themselves as the winners, and to
use their positions and newly gained authority and
power for their own benefit.
4 Especially in C. Mango, The Liquidation of Iconoclasm
and the Patriarch Photios, in: Iconoclasm (eds. A. Bryer
J. Herrin), Birmingham 1977 (reprinted in Byzantium and
Its Image, Variorum Reprints, London 1984, no. XIII).
5 Photii Homiliae [Fwtou `Omilai] (ed. B. Laourdas),
Thessalonike 1959, especially Homilies 17 and 18. Also,
Photius Epistulae et Amphilochia I (eds. B. Laourdas L.
G. Westerink), Leipzig 1983, Ep. 116/154. Translation and
commentary, C. Mango, The Homilies of Photius Patriarch
of Constantinople, Cambridge University Press 1958.
 The most prominent place, on the losing side,
belonged to none other than the emperor, and his
winning opponent could, therefore, only be the pa-
triarch of Constantinople personalized in Photios
himself. The qualitative division between the em-
peror and the patriarch was Photios strong and pro-
vocative political program, tacitly accepted if not
actively supported by the Caesar Bardas, too, who
could have considered the debasement of the impe-
rial image to be only to his advantage, in the practi-
cal politics of the post-iconoclastic Byzantium.
With the rise of Basil the Macedonian and his
takeover of the imperial throne in 867,6 Photios lost
not only his patriarchal throne and its accompany-
ing influence, but also ideologically perhaps more
importantly his position as the principal restorer
of Orthodoxy and icon veneration. Basil the Mac-
edonian, once alone in power, tried to use the path
established by Photios and the dominant ideologi-
cal and political framework created by him, to sup-
press the strong political figure of the patriarch in
whose loyalty he had reasons to doubt. Basil, actu-
ally, used his position as the sole emperor, the first
one who had no connection to the heretic emper-
ors of the Amorian dynasty, to proclaim once again
the beginning of the restoration of the true faith.
Basil devoted most of his building activities to this
goal, concentrating exclusively on the capital, where
competition for the position of the champion of Or-
thodoxy was in any case the fiercest. The Renova-
tion and rejuvenation of Constantinople, the entire
Empire, and the restoration of the earlier, traditional
values were correctly recognized as the main, con-
sciously chosen objectives of Basils policy.7
6 See the panic-stricken message Photios sent to the em-
peror Michael III begging him to return as quickly as pos-
sible to the capital, after the news about the Caesar Bardas
murder had reached him, Photius Epistulae et Amphilochia
I, Ep. 18/68 sq. The new emperor was keen to establish good
relations with Rome, which was an important part of his po-
litical agenda at the beginning of his sole rule understood
in the clearest sense from the disappointment of the pope
Stephen V once Basil reinstalled Photios as the patriarch in
877, V. Grumel, La lettre du pape tienne V lempereur
Basile Ier (Sinait. gr. 1117), REB 11 (1953), 129156. Im-
portance of Rome and the relations with the pope should not
be underestimated in the attitudes and the practical politics
of both the emperor and the patriarch.
7 C. Mango, Byzantine Architecture, New York 1976, 194
198; P. Magdalino, Observations on the Nea Ekklesia of Ba-
sil I, JB 37 (1987), 5165; . , Architecture, History and Historiography, PhD Dissertation,
, Princeton University 2008.
2003, 267279. Basils fight for the True faith is mirrored 9 A. Schminck, Studien, 1215.
LIVING ICON OF CHRIST: PHOTIOS CHARACTERIZATION OF THE PATRIARCH
Curiously enough, in the second decade of
Basils reign, his main helper in accomplishing
his objectives was none other than Photios, once
the emperor reestablished him as Patriarch in 877,
immediately after the death of the patriarch Igna-
tios.8 Photios was evidently the key figure of the
iconophile revival in the Byzantine capital, and his
ability to create ideologically clearly formulated
policies, on the one hand, and his web of social
contacts, on the other, led to a peculiar alliance
[symmachia] between the lay and spiritual power
in the time of his second patriarchate (877886),
which enabled the patriarch to express his highly
unusual attitudes in a unique manner which was
never to be repeated in Byzantine history in the
first handbook of Byzantine law after the icono-
clastic emperor Leo IIIs Ekloge.
We know today with some certainty that Basil
I issued the Eisagoge, his handbook on law, in the
last year of his reign, in 885/886, with the famous
introduction by Photios at its beginning.9 Equally
important, we can be quite confident that Basils
son, Leo VI, issued Procheiros Nomos at the very
beginning of his reign (886912), a manual very
similar in content to the Eisagoge, but with a cu-
rious, strongly ideological introductory message of
also in the emperors policy toward the baptism of the Jews,
whose forceful Christianization provoked a negative reac-
tion among some circles of the Byzantine metropolitans, ar-
ticulated particularly critically by Gregory, the metropolitan
of Nicaea, a close friend and ally of Patriarch Photios, G.
Dagron, Le trait de Grgoire de Nice sur le baptme des
Juifs, TM 11 (1991), 314357.
8 Made a eunuch after his fathers fall in 813, Ignatios
suceeded the patriarch Methodios as head of the church of
Constantinople in 847. As a member of the highest circle
of the Constantinopolitan elite, Ignatios was a significant
political figure in the capital, which is confirmed by his pos-
session of vast properties in the centre of Constantinople,
and across the Bosphorus in Hierea, regardless of whether
he inherited the land and buildings as a family legacy,
or as an imperial property, a question that still remains
unresolved. See the not quite convincing argument by E.
Malamut, Nouvelle hypothse sur lorigine de la maison im-
priale des Manganes, in: ,
Rethymnon 1986, 128 sq; cf. A. Ricci, The road from Bagh-
dad to Byzantium and the case of the Bryas Palace in Istan-
bul, in: Byzantium in the 9th century: Dead or Alive? (ed.
L. Brubaker), Aldershot 1998, 131150, and eadem, Rein-
terpretation of the Palace of Bryas: A Study in Byzantine
41
 the emperor, instead of Photios introduction, which
implicitly, but plainly, stressed the importance of
the patriarchs addition to the previous imperial law
book.10
For Photios was not an ordinary prelate, nor was
his relation with Basil I a simple one, especially
during the emperors last years. The patriarchs in-
fluence over the emperor is repeatedly stressed in
the late ninth and tenth century sources which are
not favourably disposed toward Photios ambition
and his politics, and that influence, even if over
exaggerated by Photios opponents, could explain
how the patriarchs political ideas found their way
in the imperial law.11 Photios characterization of
the patriarch as the dominant figure in the relation
between the secular and spiritual power was, un-
doubtedly, a curious intrusion in the long since es-
tablished legal tradition. For, while he repeated the
well established, quite traditional formulas in order
to define the emperor although carefully chosen
to present just one side of the imperial dignity and
the accompanying ideology he went more than a
step further in defining the patriarch.12
10 Not all scholars agree with the dating of the Prochiros
nomos at the very beginning of Leo VIs reign, probably in
the years 886/7, most notably J. Signes F. J. Andrs San-
tos, La Introduccion Al Derecho, 273, who argue for the pe-
riod between 870 and 879, and particularly for the year 872,
as the time of this law books edition. Similar, traditional
dating is found also in J. Van Bochove Th. Ernst, To Date
and Not To Date: On the Date and Status of Byzantine Law
Books, Gronningen 1996, which was not accessible to me.
Nevertheless, bearing in mind the entirety of Leo VIs activ-
ities, his ideological, political, and also spiritual aspirations,
and, not least important, his peculiar character, I am more
inclined to accept Andreas Schmincks proposition (886/7)
which places Prochiros nomos also in a comprehensible his-
torical and political context.
11 A dilemma explicitly posted by D. Simon, Legislation as
Both a World Order and a Legal Order, in: Law and Society
in Byzantium: Ninth Twelfth Centuries, 127, here 16 and
footnote 64.
12 For the idea of the emperor as the lawful ruler (ennomos
epistasia), cf. especially Eisagoge, 240242; H. Hunger,
Prooimion. Elemente der byzantinischen Kaiseridee in den
Arengen der Urkunden, Vienna 1964, 117122; G. Dagron,
Lawful Society and Legitimate Power: oo, o,
oo, , in: Law and Society in Byzantium: Ninth of Caesarea, but also by Eusebius and Epiphanius. Cf. John
Twelfth Centuries, 2751; . , Damascenes, Expositio fidei 8, Oratio I de imaginibus 9 and
, 6668, 252257. The originality of Photios 21, who defends visual depictions of Christ with the argu-
conceptions laid neither in the definition and description of
the emperor, nor in the idea of the division of spheres, pres-
ent in Byzantium for centuries, see e.g. Corpus Iuris Civilis,
Novellae (eds. R. Schoell G. Kroll), Berlin 1912, Novella
42 V. STANKOVI
According to Photios, the patriarch was the liv-
ing and soulful icon of Christ, who with his words
and deeds represents the truth.13 The strong connec-
tion between the patriarch and Christ undermined
Byzantine political theory, according to which the
emperor was directly bonded to Christ, as his rep-
resentative on Earth, but the likeness between the
patriarch and Christ, which Photios strongly un-
derscored, practically diminished the divine posi-
tion of the secular ruler. To claim that the patriarch
was the living and soulful icon of Christ, in an age
still very sensitive about the role and significance
of icons as the symbols of the archetypes depicted
on them, was nothing less than a assertion that the
patriarch of Constantinople was essentially a Christ
on Earth. For, while it was clear from the entire
Hellenic philosophical and spiritual tradition that
actually the emperor was the soulful icon of god,
the early Christian tradition introduced the idea of
the living icon, in connection with the mystery of
the Divine incarnation and salvation, stressed and
underlined further by John Damascenes in his ar-
gument against the iconoclasts.14 Photios combined
the two elements to create a magnificent and unique
picture of the patriarch, doubtlessly modeled on
himself personally, an image that was intended to
stress his prevalence over the emperor, but also and
by no means negligible, over the pope, Photios
great rival in the Old Rome.15
VI/ 3536, but only in the characterization of the patriarch,
to whom the absolute ideological supremacy was ascribed,
cf. G. Dagron, Empereur et prtre. tude sur le csaropa-
pisme byzantin, Paris 1996, 236242. Cf. also, N. Oikono-
mides, Leo VI and the Narthex Mosaic of Saint Sophia,
DOP 30 (1976), 151173; L. Burgman, Palatium canonibus
solutum. Vier Texte zum byzantinischen Kirchen und Verfas-
sungsrecht, in: Cupido legum, 1932; A. Schminck, Rota
tu volubilis. Kaisermacht und Patriarchenmacht in Mosai-
ken, in: Cupido legum, 211234.
13 Eisagoge, 242. Already the cardinal Hergenrther as-
sumed that Photios modeled the ideal of the patriarch in the
Eisagoge having in mind his own ambitions, J. Hergenrther
Photius, Patriarch von Constantinopel II, Regensburg 1868,
589; cf. J. Scharf, Quellenstudien zum Prooimion der Epan-
agoge, BZ 52 (1959), 6881, especially 7881.
14 The formulation living icon was especially used by Basil
ment that a icon of Christ is the living icon of the invisible
~ o otou o).
God (
15 In this sense also, J. Signes Codoer F. J. Andrs San-
tos, La Introduccion Al Derecho, 31.
 With his bold, unusual and provocative ideas,
which he managed to introduce in the imperial law
book, in the law that the emperor sanctioned by his
signature and his (divine!) authority, Photios tried
to reverse the concept of the world order, which
was deeply rooted both in the Hellenic tradition
and Byzantine political theory. The novelty of Pho-
tios statements, that presented in an obvious way
a comprehensive political program, should not be
underestimated, regardless of its rapid, almost im-
mediate rejection, in the changed circumstances
after the death of Basil I and the accession of his
son, Leo VI. The significance of Photios ideas, and
the phrases used to formulate them, was strongly
confirmed not only by the new emperor promptly
abandoning the postulates on which the political
weight of the Eisagoge lay, which was accompa-
nied by the final exile of the patriarch, but also in
the continuous effort by Leo VI to place the em-
peror in exactly the same position in which Photios
had tried to install the patriarch.16
16 Cf. J. Grosdidier de Matons, Trois tudes sur Lon VI,
TM 5 (1973), 181243, especially 213217; B. Flusin, Un
fragment indit de la Vie dEuthyme le Patriarche? TM 9
(1985), 119133.

,
, , ,
-
, - -
, ,
- , ,
. ,
( , ) - .
,
,
, . -
-
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I VI. .

LIVING ICON OF CHRIST: PHOTIOS CHARACTERIZATION OF THE PATRIARCH 43

MASKS, MARRIAGE AND THE BYZANTINE
MANDYLION: CLASSICAL INVERSIONS
IN THE TENTH-CENTURY NARRATIO DE
TRANSLATIONE CONSTANTINOPOLIM IMAGINIS
EDESSENAE1
Glenn Peers
This article argues the theatrical and matrimonial allusions in the tenth-century hagiography of the Byzantine
touch-relic of Christ: the Mandylion and its reception in the kings chamber invests the face of Christ with pow-
erful possibilities of real union with God.
Key words: Mandylion, touch-relics, devotion, Narratio, Abgar of Edesa, Constantine VII, marriage, masks,
translation
T
he Mandylion, the most famous East Chris-
tian and Byzantine touch-relic of Christ, im-
plicated all levels of devotion, theology and
art in the medieval eastern Mediterranean. Believed
to have been created when Christ dried his face on
a towel, it was a miraculous self-portrait, a delib-
erate act of surrogation. It recapitulated the Incar-
nation, it provided divine attendance in its models
wake, and it operated as the paradigmatic moment
of artistic practice for medieval Christians.2 The
1
I would like to express my thanks to colleagues who
have been generous in their advice: Anne MacClanan, Ju-
dith Herrin and Stephen A. White. Martha Newman and
Charles Barber read the essay and gave collegial criticism,
but thanks most of all to Herbert Kessler, best skeptic. Un-
less otherwise noted, all dates are Common Era.
2 The bibliography is vast for this object, and it is growing
steadily. Despite the risk of appearing to have neglected that
secondary literature, I refer the reader to my Sacred Shock:
Framing Visual Experience in Byzantium, Pennsylvania
State University Press 2004, for references to scholarly work
that has contributed to this essay. To understand some of the
complexities of the Mandylion, I recommend to interested
MASKS, MARRIAGE AND THE BYZANTINE MANDYLION: CLASSICAL INVERSIONS IN THE TENTH-CENTURY
relic is now lost, although two medieval copies sur-
vive, one in the Vatican and the other at the church
of San Bartolomeo degli Armeni in Genoa (Fig. 1).
Last noted in the loot taken to Paris after the tak-
ing of Constantinople in 1204, it has always been a
mysterious object. It was believed to have been sent
by Christ to King Abgar of Edessa (now Urfa in
southeastern Turkey) instead of coming himself; it
then was hidden in the city gate there, only uncov-
ered under the assault of a Persian army; venerated
by the local population, it was ransomed for prison-
ers after a Byzantine siege of the city and was taken
to Constantinople in 944 with the pomp of an im-
perial advent; and thereafter it had been a precious
relic of the imperial chapel and was seldom seen.
readers these works: G. Didi-Huberman, Devant limage.
Question pose aux fins dune histoire de lart, Paris 1990
(=Confronting Images: Questioning the Ends of a Certain
History of Art, Pennsylvania State University Press 2005);
M. J. Mondzain, Image, icne, conomie: les sources byz-
antines de limaginaire contemporain, Paris 1996 (=Image,
Icon, Economy: The Byzantine Origins of the Contemporary
Imaginary, Stanford University Press 2005).
45

Fig. 1. Genoa, San Bartolomeo degli Armeni, Mandylion, painting medieval, frame
ca.1300 (photo: PP. Barnabiti, Chiesa di San Bartolomeo degli Armeni)
The Mandylion was central to a Byzantine under-
standing of sacred history, for it permitted that cul-
ture to capture and to keep proximate a trace of that
uniquely dyophysite body. And because Byzan-
tine theologians and others had articulated theoreti-
cal positions for art during the Iconoclastic debates
of the eighth and ninth centuries, a fully intellec-
tualized climate for art theory developed within
which a deep and rich tradition for the Mandylion
could grow and flourish.
Many scholars have analyzed the iconographic,
theological and cultural context for the Mandylion
over its long history. In recent years, attention has
46 G. PEERS
shifted to examining its tradi-
tions in light of our own the-
oretised views of art and its
workings, and it has shown
felicitous common ground in
conceptual understandings of
Byzantine, modern and con-
temporary art. And yet as a
foundation stone of a Christian
art history, one might say, the
Mandylion resists single and
exclusive explanations. It is
simply too active an agent in
East Christian and Byzantine
self-conceptions to be reduced
to a single aspect or meaning.
This article attempts to add
another dimension to our un-
derstanding of Byzantine con-
ceptualizations of that unique
self-portrait, and it takes as its
starting point an assumption
that the face is the site of rich
text.3 It does not argue for the
position taken here as obviat-
ing other interpretations. Rath-
er it is one aspect of a prismatic
phenomenon, the histories of
the Holy Face. For Byzantines,
the depiction of that face, ac-
complished by Christ himself,
charged the act of face-to-face
in that context with devotional
urgency. Here in that space of
face before face, Christ and
his own creation sought union,
found complement and forged
new identity.4
3 Cf. S. Stewart, On Longing: Narratives of the Miniature,
the Gigantic, the Souvenir, the Collection, Baltimore Lon-
don 1984, 125131.
4 While I do not make specific reference to the divergent
theories of faciality available, my argument relies on the the-
oretical attention such work has directed at the face. See G.
Deleuze F. Guattari, Mille plateaux. Capitalisme et schi-
zophrnie 2, Paris 1980 (=A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism
and Schizophrenia, University of Minnesota Press 1987); E.
Levinas, Totalit et infini, essai sur lextriorit, La Haye
1961 (=Totality and Infinity. An Essay on Exteriority, Pitts-
burgh 1969). New theoretical work is clearly needed for this
central question in art history.
 That process just asserted is fundamentally con-
jugal, in the strict etymological sense of a joining
together, an assimilation that is at the heart of Byz-
antine viewing. In this article, I want to argue for
the process being conjugal in the common sense of
the word, too. I will make a case for a kind of mar-
riage being inscribed into the understanding of the
Mandylions work. The marriage is not carnal, of
course, but spiritual, and yet it does perform itself
through the bodies of the participants. In creating a
tension between body and spirit, matter and soul,
it gives a paradoxical bodiedness to transcendent
union of Christian to maker. And sexuality plays a
role in the description of that union, particularly in
the allusions to marriage and in the physical inten-
sity of those allusions.
In order to explore that tension further, I will
focus on one text, which is a fully self-aware and
highly learned account of the history of the Man-
dylion from its creation to its arrival at Constanti-
nople in 944.5 The text was very likely written by
the emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos (r.
94559, though technically co-emperor from 908),
who had a reputation for deep erudition and even
artistic abilities. His attachment to the Mandylion
was apparently strong, because the icon may have
well been the fulcrum he used to gain sole sov-
ereignty of the empire, and he is likely the regal
figure holding the Mandylion on the tenth-century
icon panel now at the Monastery of St. Catherine
at Mount Sinai. His learning and his devotion to
the Mandylion, however self-interested, have made
him the only choice for authorship of the Narra-
tio, but even if he were not directly responsible, the
context of energetic scholarship of the Christian
and classical past was well established at his court.
The circumstances for a sophisticated description
of this image-relic were clearly in place, and the
Narratio reveals those conditions in the care with
which it describes the history of the Mandylion and
in the divergences it makes from previous texts.
The Narratio shows the direct interventions of the
tenth-century writer and audience, for here the rich
embellishments are evidence of intellectual and
creative readings of a history of Christian faces that
took place at the court of Constantine VII.
When he was about to appear before [Abgar],
[Thaddaeus] placed that very likeness [emph-
5 Cf. Constantine Porphyrogennitos, Narratio de trans-
latione Constantinopolim imaginis Edessenae, in: PG vol.
113, cols. 421454.
MASKS, MARRIAGE AND THE BYZANTINE MANDYLION: CLASSICAL INVERSIONS IN THE TENTH-CENTURY
erian] on his own forehead and so came before
Abgar. Seeing him coming in from a distance,
[Abgar] saw a light shining from his face that
no eye could stand, which the portrait Thaddeus
was wearing produced. Abgar was dumbfound-
ed by the unbearable glow of the brightness,
and, as though forgetting the ailment he had and
the long paralysis of his limbs, he at once got
up from his bed and compelled himself to run.
In making his paralyzed limbs go to meet Thad-
deus, he felt the same feeling, though in a dif-
ferent way, as those who saw that face flashing
with lightning on Mount Tabor. And so, receiv-
ing the likeness from the apostle and placing it
reverently on his [Abgars] head, and applying
it to his lips, and not depriving the rest of the
parts of his body of such a touch, immediately
he felt all the parts of his body being marvelous-
ly strengthened and taking a turn for the better;
his leprosy cleansed and gone, but a trace of it
still remained on his forehead.6
The Narratio described the key moments of the
Mandylions creation that were based on earlier
versions, but also developed certain motifs in a way
not found in previous versions. The king of Edessa,
Abgar, sent a messenger to Christ in Jerusalem,
and he asked that Christ come to his kingdom to
escape his persecutions. Christ naturally refused,
but as recompense, he sent to Abgar a letter and a
portrait.7 The portraitist sent by Abgar had been un-
able to fulfill his brief, as Christ escaped the normal
means of portraiture. Christ then asked to wash his
face, and on the towel with which he dried it, he
left a direct impression of his face. This miraculous
object traveled to Edessa in the hands of the apostle
promised by Christ, Thaddeus or Addai. I will fo-
cus specifically on the moment of encounter among
faces, when Thaddeus brings the Mandylion before
6 Narratio, 1213, cols. 433C436A. A translation can be
found in I. Wilson, The Shroud of Turin: The Burial Cloth
of Jesus Christ?, New York 1978, 235251, here adapted
from 241. This last reference raises the quasi-historical is-
sue of the Shroud of Turin. For a scholarly treatment of the
Shroud, with further bibliography, cf. A. Friedlander, On
the Provenance of the Holy Shroud of Lirey/Turin: A Minor
Suggestion, JEH 573 (2006), 457477.
7 On the letter, cf. G. Peers, Magic, the Mandylion and
the Letter of Abgar: A Fourteenth-Century Amulet Roll in
Chicago and New York, in: Intorno al Sacro Volto: Genova,
Bisanzio e il Mediterraneo (XIXIV secolo), (eds. G. Wolf
C. D. Bozzo A. R. C. Masetti), Venice 2007, 163174.
47
 Abgar, for the encounter was a carefully framed
passage that described faces covered and uncov-
ered, meeting and melding, in ways intended to be
read, on one level, as Christian narrative but on an-
other, complex level, as a marriage, a wedding in-
verted in order to give dramatic force to conversion
to Christianity and union with God.
In the first place, this moment is a theatrical
encounter among faces. Thaddeus has arrived in
Edessa after an eventful journey north from Jeru-
salem, and he is apparently able to walk into the
kings chamber unannounced. Before he enters, he
puts the face of Christ over his own, and Abgar
sees a shining mask in the place of a normal face.
That moment is clearly indebted to earlier texts for
its stage setting, and the Transfiguration on Tabor is
the debt acknowledged overtly in the text.8 On one
level, that reference signals the transformed nature
of the apostle to the Edessans, a man literally divin-
ized by wearing another face. The unbearable qual-
ity of that vision, moreover, refers to the meeting
of God on Sinai by Moses and the unviewable face
of Moses when he descends from the Mount. Mo-
ses, however, needed to cover his face with a veil
in order for his person to be approached, whereas
Thaddeus performed the opposite act in assuming
the brilliant mask: his glowing face faced out.
The theatricality of the encounter was also under-
lined by Abgars reaction. Abgar dashed across the
roomstage seems better, when reading the fashion-
ing of this textual passagefrom his sickbed to em-
brace the image. The theatricality of the entrance,
that is before the mask of Thaddeus becomes Ab-
gars mirror of the beloved, needs to be taken literal-
ly, I believe. Resonance of theatrical performances is
present in the setting of the Narratios scene. Wear-
ing masks were part of theatrical performances in the
ancient world, naturally, but also in Byzantium, and
mask-wearing performers were not uncommon in
the Great Palace at Constantinople.9
Thaddeus stops at the threshold of the room,
stage right one might imagine, and Abgar goes to
8 Mathew, 17:113, Mark, 9:213, Luke, 9:2836.
9 M. Bernab, From Comedy to Psalm: Ancient Theatre
and Byzantine Illustration of the Psalter, supplemental vol-
ume of the Bulletin for the Institute of Classical Studies,
University of London (forthcoming); E. Bolognesi Recchi
Franceschini, The Iron Masks: The Persistence of Pagan
Festivals in Christian Byzantium, in: Bosphorus: Essays in
Honour of Cyril Mango (eds. S. Efthymiadis C. Rapp D.
Tsougarakis), ByzF 21 (1995), 117134.
48 G. PEERS
him. Pausing at the threshold, the apostle was re-
vealing Gods imminence in the city through this
new sign of his attendance, this mask, veil, like-
ness. He was bringing, in short, a new Palladium
for Edessa. Such uncanny occurrences testify in
ancient literature to especially powerful images.
When Diomedes and Odysseus took the Palladium
from Troy, the image of Athena showed her wrath
and revoked her protection of the city, and she
did so in no uncertain terms, for her countenance
flashed, she sweated and leapt from the ground.10
Two implications arise from this general compari-
son between the Mandylion and Troys Palladium.
The first is the nature of classical allusion embed-
ded in a text like this Narratio. Like most Byzan-
tine intellectuals, the author of the Narratio was
raised on and nourished by classical literature. One
of the accusations often leveled against Byzantine
culture is the derivative quality of its own litera-
ture, for it is so interlarded with classicisms as to
be scarcely more than florilegia. This accusation is
a longstanding prejudice, rather than a truly sympa-
thetic evaluation of Byzantine literature. Yet it has a
measure of truth, just the same, because Byzantine
writers took great delight in the emulation of classi-
cal authors and in embedding references and quota-
tions, however loosely remembered, in their texts.11
In that sense, Byzantine literature can only be read
with an understanding of the classical literature that
preceded it, but it cannot be appreciated without
understanding that those earlier texts were read and
used for a purpose. That purpose is often not what
we would expect. For instance, the patriarch Photius
(ca. 810 after 893) wrote a long set of prose sum-
maries of works he had read, and noteworthy was
his reading of Herodotus (484 ca. 425 B.C.E.),
who had not been writing of the valiant Greek city
states against the Persians, as it is normally for us,
but ratherin Photiuss readingof unlawful revolt
against a monarch.12 The second, then, is the mean-
ing of classical allusion here in the Narratio. The
10 Virgil, Aeneid, 2.172177; C. A. Faraone, Talismans
and Trojan Horses: Guardian Statues in Ancient Greek
Myth and Ritual, New York London 1992.
11 On this question cf. A. R. Littlewood, The Byzantine
Letter of Consolation in the Macedonian and Komnenian
Periods, DOP 53 (1999), 1941; id., Literature, in: Palgrave
Advances in Byzantine History (ed. J. Harris), New York
2005, 133146.
12 Photius, Bibliothque, 8 vols (ed. R. Henry), Paris
195977, vol. I, 5758.
passage may not be making specific allusion to the
Aeneid, but other examples could also be produced
from classical literature, and noteworthy is the way
in which the brilliant mask/shining self-portrait
makes its homecoming known, through a kind of
animation that elicits the melodramatic spirit of
Abgar. The Mandylion showed it was home at the
threshold, where apotropaic masks were often dis-
played, and it revealed its protective energy in its
transformation of Abgars illness. It manifested its
new identity as palladium of Edessa, for the story
later told of its role in repelling the Persians later,
and this identity remained no less urgent when it
came to Constantinople. In fact, that role was well
developed by the time the Mandylion arrived in the
capitol, and the Narratio only served to underline
its prowess as palladium by its inversion of such
stories as Athenas forsaking her city and her travel
with Aeneas to Rome. New Rome on the Bospho-
ros had its own, truer palladium, as the Narratio re-
vealed to attentive readers of that passage.
If the entrance of the gleaming mask can be un-
derstood as the entry of the new palladium to Edes-
sa, standing in for Constantinople here, it is also a
moment of intense yearning and satiation of desire
(Fig. 2). Abgar got up from his bed and ran head-
long at the shining apparition in the doorway; he
embraced the image like a desperate lover who had
Fig. 2. Genoa, San Bartolomeo degli Armeni, Detail of
frame of Mandylion, ca.1300 (photo: PP. Barnabiti, Chiesa
di San Bartolomeo degli Armeni)
MASKS, MARRIAGE AND THE BYZANTINE MANDYLION: CLASSICAL INVERSIONS IN THE TENTH-CENTURY
given up hope of seeing his beloved. The face worn
by Thaddeus is still a face when taken by Abgar,
and the king takes that face and puts it on his own,
inwardly faced one assumes, as he kisses and ca-
resses. The melodramatic appearance of the apostle
approximates the sentimentality of an unexpectedly
returning lover who arrives just in time to witness
the passing of a beloved one. Acknowledgement
and subversion of such conventions of ancient dra-
ma and novels were at the heart of how this passage
from the Narratio was intended to work in the eyes
of a sensitive reader.
Another level of allusion was at work in this
passage, and it drew on stories of reunions of lovers
in which images played a central role. Such stories
were a topos of ancient literature, for example, Lao-
damia who showed so much longing for the portrait
of her dead husband, Protesilaos, that the gods tem-
porarily released him from Hades. When he was
taken back to Hades, Laodamia killed herself. The
story was sometimes depicted in Roman art, and it
was known to Medieval Greek readers, too.13 But
this story was not the only one available that shared
the motifs of portraits and returned lovers, and the
passage in the Narratio belongs to this genre rather
than simply being a later adaptation of that type of
image-filled tale of longing and loss. On the one
hand, the Narratio passage gains strength from
the very inversion of that genre; it refers to it on
some level, but it also subverts the hopelessness of
those earlier stories with its consummated longing
in conversion and healing. On the other hand, the
tension between the spiritual longing of Abgar and
his physical expression of that desire creates a high
degree of bodiedness in this story. Having been
impersonated by Thaddeus, Christ becomes the re-
turned lover, like Protesilaos, who also leaves. Yet
Abgar could be sated. His body met his saviors
body, and it was transformed, healed and Christian-
ized, by that feverish pressing of Christ all over his
body.
The face was the site for creating new subjec-
tivities in this passage. Those three bodiesspecifi-
cally, the faces of Abgar, Thaddeus and Christthen
13 Pseudo-Apollodorus (second century), Epitome, 3.30,
Lucian (ca. 120 after 180), Dialogi Mortuorum, xxiii,
and Eustathius of Thessalonike (ca. 11151195/6), Hom. Il.
ii.701, 325; P. A. Holloway, Left Behind: Jesuss Consola-
tion of His Disciples in John 1317, ZNW, 961/2 (2005),
134; M. Bettini, The Portrait of the Lover, University of
California Press 1999, 914.
49
 were instruments of spiritual transfiguration, as the
Narratio makes explicit in its reference to Mount
Tabor. But it is the very sensuality of that transfigu-
ration that is so striking in this passage. The sexual
expression of spiritual transfiguration was inscribed
on the bodies present at the coming of the Man-
dylion to Edessa, and Abgars new, purified self
came from Christs face pressed to his own and all
over his body. Such physical metaphors were vivid
means of expressing especially important Christian
beliefs of union with God and the divinization of
body and soul promised in the Incarnation.14 For
example, Symeon the New Theologian (949?
1022) used an extremely sensual parable to com-
municate his ideas about the necessity of succumb-
ing to Gods will. In this parable, an extraordinarily
gracious emperor forgave a rebel commander, So
much does he love exceedingly that he is not sepa-
rated from him even in sleep, but lies together with
him embracing him on his bed, and covers him all
about with his own cloak, and places his face upon
all his members.15 The insistent invocation of face
as the means of transformation is worth noting, for
in both the Narratio and in Symeons parable, face
is the point of assimilation, of union of beloveds,
where God enters that Christian body, like an infant
within the womb.16
The scene of encounter of faces was also a
wedding, inverted but drawing part of its dramatic
power from that reference. The erotic content of
this description of union and transformation in the
Narratio is like the electric current that generates
light in the story, the luminescence of the mask in
the doorway that pulls Abgar off his bed to em-
brace and caress his just-recognized redeemer. The
first glimpse he had was blinding, for the veil worn
by Thaddeus hid both the bearer and the imperson-
ated Christ. But when the veil was removed and the
14
On this issue cf. S. G. Nichols, Rewriting Marriage in
the Middle Ages, Romanic Review 791 (1988), 4260, es-
pecially 5559.
15 Symeon the New Theologian, On the Mystical Life: The
Ethical Discourses. Vol. 1: The Church and the Last Things
(translation A. Golitzin), New York 1995, 150151. See
D. Krueger, Homoerotic Spectacle and the Monastic Body
in Symeon the New Theologian, in: Toward a Theology of
Eros: Transfiguring Passion at the Limits of Discipline (eds.
V. Burrus C. Keller), New York 2006; V. Burris, The Sex
Lives of Saints: An Erotics of Ancient Hagiography, Univer-
sity of Pennsylvania Press 2004.
16 Symeon the New Theologian, On the Mystical Life, 169.
50 G. PEERS
beloved discerned, the union occurred that made
Abgar Christian. The erotic content was generated
also, then, by the heat of an encounter that was very
like a marriage. Marriage was naturally a central
reality of life in the ancient and medieval worlds,
and beyond that banal assertion, it likewise played
a key role in imaginings of the relationship between
God and humanity, and between God and his crea-
tion more generally. Marriage worked as metaphor
certainly for Christians when they read passages
such as this one:
Thou shalt no more be termed Forsaken...
for the Lord delighteth in thee, and thy land
shall be married. For as a young man mar-
rieth a virgin, so shall thy sons marry thee:
and as the bridegroom rejoiceth over the
bride, so shall thy God rejoice over thee.17
But the passage in the Narratio is even more
specific in its manipulation of elements commonly
associated with marriage. These elements focused
once more on the faces of the threesome at Abgars
palace, and even more specifically of faces, which
was an essential part of marriage in the ancient
Greek and Byzantine worlds.18 These worlds com-
prised pagans and Christians, of course, but Jewish
practice also used veiling of the bride as a central
element in the process of marrying a man and a
woman.19 The marriage rite in Byzantium has been
less fully examined than it has been in the ancient
world, but veiling was still a central component, so
that that moment of unveiling in the Narratio was
likewise recognizable for its audience on that level
of experience.
The rite in ancient Greece was the anaka-
lypteria, the uncovering of the face of the bride
before her husband. When that moment occurred
is not clear from the sources, but the uncovering
was inevitably the point at which the bride was
made anew, into a wife and mother who has just
left girlhood behind. Ancient writers described the
17 Isaiah 62: 45.
18 For Byzantium, see L. Brhier, La civilisation byzan-
tine, Paris 1950, 89; P. Koukoules, Symbole eis to peri tou
gamou para tois vizantinois kephalaion, EEB 2 (1925),
141.
19 M. Myerowitz Levine, The Gendered Grammar of
Ancient Mediterranean Hair, in: Off with Her Head! The
Denial of Womens Identity in Myth, Religion and Culture
(eds. W. Doniger H. Eilberg-Schwartz), University of Cal-
ifornia Press 1995, 76130, especially 96102.
anakalypteria as the act of civilization, in fact the
very moment when humanity was raised above
beasts. They viewed it as the potent act that made
order out of chaos.20
In the sixth century B.C.E., the philosopher
Pherekydes of Syros wrote the most famous pas-
sage on the first anakalypteria, in which the veiling
and unveiling was not only an act of civilization,
but also the formative act of the world.21 The work
itself does not survive, but Clement of Alexandria
(ca. 150 ca. 215), for one, preserved a passage
in his Stromateis, or Miscellanies. Pherekydes de-
scribed that veiled act of creation in these terms,
Zas [sic] makes a veil [pharos] both big and
beautiful, and on it he embroiders Earth and Og-
enos, and the places where Ogenos dwells.22 This
20 L. Llewellyn-Jones, Aphrodites Tortoise: The Veiled
Woman of Ancient Greece, Swansea 2003; G. Ferrari, Fig-
ures of Speech: Men and Maidens in Ancient Greece, Chi-
cagoLondon 2002, 186190; J. H. Oakley R. H. Sinos,
The Wedding in Ancient Athens, University of Wisconsin
Press 1993; G. Sissa, Greek Virginity, Harvard University
Press 1990; J. H. Oakley, The Anakalypteria, AA 97 (1982),
113118.
21 H. Sadun Schibli, Pherekydes of Syros, Oxford, Claren-
don Press 1990, 5077.
22 Clment dAlexandrie, Stromateis, VI.2.9.4. For the
text: Les stromates: Stromate VI, Vol. 446 (ed. P. Descour-
tieux), Paris 1999, 78, ll. 1416, H. Sadun Schibli, op. cit.,
167, and H. Diels, Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker, Vol.
II, Berlin, Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 4th ed., 1922, 202.
On this passage: A. Carson, If Not, Winter: Fragments of
Sappho, New York 2002, 372; Men in the Off Hours, New
York 2000, 146, and A. Carson, Putting Her in Her Place:
Woman, Dirt, and Desire, in: Before Sexuality: The Con-
struction of Erotic Experience in the Ancient Greek World
(eds. D. M. Halperin J. J. Winkler F. I. Zeitlin), Princ-
eton University Press 1990, 160164; J. Scheid J. Sven-
bro, The Craft of Zeus: Myths of Weaving and Fabric, Har-
vard University Press 1996, 6365; J. Th. Kakridis, Homer
Revisited, Lund 1971, 108124. Nor was Pherekydes un-
known to the Byzantines. I am aware of these occurrences:
1) Diogenes Lartius (fl. third century), Peri bion dogma-
ton kai apophthegmaton ton en philosophia eudokimesan-
ton, I.119, who related the story of Pherekydess cosmog-
ony with Zeus and Ge. 2) Damascius (ca. 460-after 538),
Aporiai kai lyseis peri ton proton archon, III.2.3, who men-
tioned the eternal principles of Zas, Chronos and Chthonia.
3) Photius (ca. 810-after 893), Bibliothque, vol. II, 156,
ll. 212, and at vol. VIII, 179, ll. 57, where he mentioned
Pherekydes as the author of a genealogy and as a sufferer
of a rare disease of the foot. 4) Suidae Lexicon (ca. 1000?),
(ed. A. Adler), 5 vols., Leipzig, 192838; reprint, Stuttgart,
in aedibus B. G. Teubneri, 19671971, vol. II, 213, l. 29,
vol. IV, 262, l.17.
MASKS, MARRIAGE AND THE BYZANTINE MANDYLION: CLASSICAL INVERSIONS IN THE TENTH-CENTURY
passage survives in Clement, but another papyrus
fragment makes clear that Pherekydes was de-
scribing the marriage of Zeus and Chthonie, and
the first anakalypteria.23 For that reason, I trans-
late pharos as veil, when it could also mean man-
tle or chiton, each of which would also cover the
head and conceal the face; in this context, a veil is
evidently intended. In the event, the veil signifies
three things: the harmony of the cosmos that came
from this union, the civilizing effect of marriage
connoted in the anakalypteria ceremony, and the
craftsmanship of Zeus himself in the fashioning of
the veil.
The meeting of Thaddeus and Abgar was an
anakalypteria, with Christ as an active third agent
in the union effected by the arrival of Gods face. In
real terms, it stands in for a union of state and faith,
as this legend had long represented.24 Edessa was
a newly Christianized state, the first in the world,
if the legend is taken literally. The civilizing effect
is naturally part of that union, here too, and from a
Byzantine view, harmony of the cosmos was only
possible when fully Christianized. More specifi-
cally, the process of entry by the veiled apostle, his
greeting by an ardent convert, the removal of the
veil, and the embrace of convert and the object of
his desire are all elements consistent with an ana-
kalypteria. The last act before union of spouses,
and their congress, was the removal of the veil, and
the first face-to-face meeting was the initiation or
recapitulation of cosmic harmony and the founda-
tion of civilized life.
Gender of the participants was not a particular
issue, as the parable of Symeon reveals, for the
episode of quasi-marriage in Abgars palace was
only meaningful insofar as it expressed union of
a corporeal kind. The fact that the Narratio used
such visceral language is a sign of the intensity of
the moment and of the harmony of body and spirit
in this union with Gods face. The structures of
earlier narratives of anakalypteriai served to give
ironic counterpoint to the tenth-century Narratio,
to provide a framework familiar on some level to
readers and to subvert it with this Christian inver-
sion. In other devotional contexts in Byzantium,
veils of icons played an active role, and icons and
23 H. Sadun Schibli, op. cit., 165167.
24 A. Mirkovi, Prelude to Constantine: The Abgar Tradi-
tion in Early Christianity, Frankfurt New York 2005.
51
 faces could also meet at the liminal moment of
death.25
The role of Zeus as maker likewise corresponds
to Christ in his act of self-portraiture. The miracu-
lous impression of face to cloth that led to the rev-
elation of Christs visage for Abgar was an act of
making, naturally, akin to painting. It was distinct,
too, for the self-portrait was made without hands, a
paradox of fashioning that allowed a relic of Christs
body, which was otherwise impossible. The face
denied to the Israelites was shown to Christians,
despite the transcendence of that countenance. And
it was revealed by God as artist. Unlike Besaleel,
who made the Ark of the Covenant by Gods speci-
fications (Exodus, 25), the first Christian art was,
according to this legend, made by Christ himself,
like Zeus who was also the maker of the first art.
The metaphor of weaving was heavily invested in
Christian writings and beliefs, but Christ was not
the maker in the case of weaving. The Holy Spirit
could be the weaver when this metaphor was em-
ployed. It worked the loom, which was the Virgin
Mary, and Christs flesh was the veil fashioned
from this act.26
25 John Zonaras (died after 1159?), in Epitomae histori-
arium, XVIII.25.914, Corpus scriptorum historiae byz-
antinae, vol. 46 (ed. B. G. Niebuhr), Bonn 1897, 751752,
described the veil of the icon of Christ at Chalke healing
the emperor Alexius I (10811118); A. Weyl Carr, Threads
of Authority: The Virgin Marys Veil in the Middle Ages,
in: Robes and Honor: The Medieval World of Investiture
(ed. S. Gordon), New York 2001, 5993. On the icon
placed on the face of a dying person, cf. E. Alfred Wal-
lis Budge, Saint Michael the Archangel: Three Encomi-
ums, London 1894, translation 103*; L. Anne Hunt, For
the Salvation of a Womans Soul: An Icon of St. Michael
Described within a Medieval Coptic Context, in: Icon and
Word: The Power of Images in Byzantium. Studies Pre-
sented to Robin Cormack (eds. A. Eastmond L. James),
Burlington 2003, 210.
26 See N. P. Constas, Proclus of Constantinople and the
Cult of the Virgin in Late Antiquity. Homilies 15, Texts and
Translations, Leiden Boston 2003, 315358; M. Evangela-
tou, The Purple Thread of the Flesh: The Theological Con-
notations of a Narrative Iconographic Element in Byzantine
Images of the Annunciation, in: Icon and Word: The Power
of Images in Byzantium, 261279; B. Roggema, Hikayat
amthal wa-asmar...: King Parables in Melkite Apologetic
Literature, in: Studies on the Christian Arabic Heritage: in
Honour of Father Prof. Dr. Samir Khalil Samir S.I. at the
Occasion of his Sixty-Fifth Birthday (eds. R. Ebied H.
Teule), Leuven 2004, 113131.
52 G. PEERS
If not specifically a weaver like Zeus, Christ
was bodily implicated in processes similar in their
cosmic ramifications. Christ himself was in other
accounts a craftsman in a related area: dying. Dye
was a potent metaphor, too, for it could stand in for
the Holy Spirit infiltrating the body of the newly
baptized.27 And Christ was described in early apoc-
ryphal texts as a dyer who performed uncanny
feats of craftsmanship.28 The cause in Zeuss veil
is clear, as the god fashioned it himself, and in this
way he also gave cause to the design and order of
the universe.29 That cause was rationally brought
about and understood, and Zeus was distinct from
the object he created. The Mandylion was neither,
for it was produced in an unprecedented and unre-
producible way, and it had the miraculous identity
of its maker embedded in its objectness. As a face,
a synecdoche for the person, it behaved like that
being, with its unworldly ability to reveal its divin-
ity in its strangely glowing appearance, as well as
its materiality in its capacity as mask and veil and
portrait.
The passage from Pherekydes was not, in all
likelihood, a direct model for the writer of the Nar-
ratio, but it did exist in several versions. That phi-
losopher was known for his cosmography amongst
Byzantines, and such cosmologies were not uncom-
mon for ancient writers generally.30 And in any
case, the reading of the arrival of the Mandylion
in the Edessan palace as an anakalypteria does not
rest on a literal reading of the tenth-century text in
those terms. Like in the classical world, all men-
tions of veiling partook of some direct relation to
anakalypteria, even if that relation acted through
27 R. Charron L. Painchaud, God is a Dyer: The Back-
ground and Significance of a Puzzling Motif in the Coptic
Gospel According to Philip (CG II, 3), Le Muson 1141/2
(2001), 4150.
28 E. Hennecke, New Testament Apocrypha I (ed. W.
Schneemelcher), Philadelphia, Westminster Press 19635,
400401; P. Peeters, vangiles apocryphes. II. Lvangile
de lenfance, Paris 1914, 232246; W. E. Crum, Catalogue
of the Coptic Manuscripts in the Collection of the John Ry-
lands Library, ManchesterLondon 1909, 4344 [88]; M.
Pastoureau, Jsus chez le teinturier. Couleurs et teintures
dans lOccident mdival, Paris 1997.
29 H. Sadun Schibli, op. cit., 56.
30 On the last, see the magisterial overview of: R. Eisler,
Weltenmantel und Himmelszelt: Religionsgeschichtliche
Untersuchungen zur Urgeschichte des antiken Weltbildes, 2
vols., Munich 1910.
inversion, subversion or irony.31 A very striking in-
stance of this process is the death of Demosthenes
in 322 B.C.E. as described by Plutarch (45125), in
which Demosthenes veiled his head while he took
poison. The guards derided him for his effeminacy,
but when Demosthenes felt the poison working, he
uncovered himself and confronted his captors.32
Odysseus was another heroic figure that assumed
a veil during liminal passages in his return home,33
as Calypso, Nausicaa and Penelope all assumed the
veil at significant points in the Odyssey. The con-
trast between Odysseuss veiling and the natural
female veiling in the poem gave the heros act its
particular meaning in signaling his transition back
to the world of mortals. Other heroes of the ancient
world, like Achilles, Ajax, Oedipus and Socrates
for example, veiled themselves at critical junctures.
Covering the face, and uncovering it too, were po-
tent acts in the Greek world generally that connoted
uncertainty, transition, ambivalence, among other
meanings.
Multivalent, then, the act of men veiling their
faces had a long and well-known history before the
tenth century, and such multivalency was a compel-
ling element for the writer of the Narratio when he
needed a way to express indeterminacy of identity
amongst Christ, Thaddeus and Abgar, and the tran-
sition to a new state by one of the heroes, Abgar.
Moreover, the absorption of classical structures of
describing transition through veiling was an essential
part of the process. Absorbing and subverting clas-
sical structures in the story of the Christianization
of Edessa were compelling on the grounds of super-
cession of a pagan past and of demonstrated abili-
ties both to control and undermine the literature of
that past. This relationship of Byzantine to classical
literature, at once adversarial and indebted, must be
recognized in order to appreciate the tension within
31 See the studies of M. N. Nagler, Spontaneity and Tradi-
tion: A Study in the Oral Art of Homer, University of Cali-
fornia Press 1974, 4463; id., Towards a Generative View of
the Oral Formula, TAPA 98 (1967), 298307; L. Llewellyn-
Jones, op. cit.; D. L. Cairns, Anger and the Veil in Ancient
Greek Culture, Greece and Rome 48 (2001), 1832; id., The
Meaning of the Veil in Ancient Greek Culture, in: Womens
Dress in the Ancient World (ed. L. Llewellyn-Jones), Lon-
don 2002, 7393.
32 Demosthenes, 29.4.
33 D. Rhyan Kardulias, Odysseus in Inos Veil: Feminine
Headdress and the Hero in Odyssey 5, TAPA 131 (2001),
2351.
MASKS, MARRIAGE AND THE BYZANTINE MANDYLION: CLASSICAL INVERSIONS IN THE TENTH-CENTURY
which many Byzantine authors wrote. The Gospels
themselves reveal that debt and demonstrate their
divergence simultaneously, and Byzantine literature
likewise partook of that Oedipal love.34
The passage in the Narratio that described the
moment of entry of the face of Christ into a na-
tional history is concise in its presentation, but rich
and dense in its significances. It represents essen-
tial transitions in a Christian history, when the state
became reconciled to the message and person of
Christ, when ethnic investments in earliest Chris-
tian history crystallized, and when each person was
granted the ability to assimilate body and soul with
the Christian redeemer.35 All of these transitions
were proleptic, but that reworking of history, and
of Greek cultural and literary traditions, was im-
mensely relevant to the tenth-century court at Con-
stantinople. Indeed, the recognition of the face of
Christ in the Mandylion was a requisite of authority
in that context, for Constantine VII used his ability
to discern a face in the Mandylion as the sign of
legitimacy for taking sole rule of the empire. When
he saw that face, his adversaries could not. That
privileged vision, paralleling the first Christian
king, Abgar, allowed Constantine to move against
the sons of Romanos I Lekapenos (r. 920944) in
January 945 and finally gain total control of the
throne. The person of Abgar, in his assimilation to
Christ through his face-to-face conversion, was a
highly potent ideological precedent for Constantine.
Correctly understanding face in these instances was
a sign of divinely invested kingship, indeed a literal
34 Relevant here is the discussion in D. R. MacDonald,
The Homeric Epics and the Gospel of Mark, New Haven-
London 2000, 1519, concerning the Odyssean model for
Jesus as carpenter. And I have also tried to argue that clas-
sical texts were underlying Byzantine histories of their
art, in a similar way to the Mandylions constructed past,
perhaps. Cf. G. Peers, The Sosthenion near Constantino-
ple: John Malalas and Ancient Art, Byzantion 68 (1998),
110120.
35 For the ideological framework of the Mandylion for
Byzantines, cf. . Patlagean, Lentre de la Sainte Face
ddesse Constantinople en 944, in: La religion civique
lpoque mdivale et moderne (chrtient et islam) (ed.
A. Vauchez), Rome Paris 1995, 2135. For the Syriac
Christian devotion to Abgar, in particular: V. Ruggieri, La
Caria bizantina: topografia, archeologia ed arte, Rubbet-
tino 2005, 165188, and K. C. Inneme L. Van Rompay
E. Sobczynski, Deir al-Surian (Egypt): Its Wall-paintings,
Wall-texts, and Manuscripts, Hugoye, 22 (1999), http://syr-
com.cua.edu/Hugoye/Vol2No2/HV2N2Innemee.html.
53
 Mirror of Princes in that merging of identities *
that the Narratio so cleverly described. And more
broadly even, in centering its attention on the face Intermedialits: histoire et
thorie des arts, des lettres et des tech-
of Christ, the court committed to its new relic of
niques, vol. 8, Montral 2006, 1330.
Christ as a new palladium and as the unveiling of a
perfect place in history.

, :

Narratio de translatione Constantinopolim imaginis Edessenae

,
X
: . - . -
-
.
, - . -
- , -
, VII

. , .

54 G. PEERS
THE PERFORMANCE OF RELICS:
CONCEALMENT AND DESIRE
IN THE BYZANTINE STAGING OF LEIPSANA

Bissera V. Pentcheva

Focus is on the display of relics in Middle Byzantium, juxtaposing leipsana to icons. I argue that the image the-
ory, which evolved during Iconoclasm promoted the idea of eikon as deprived of holy presence; the icon instead
offered a material surface for the imprint of the sacred form. While deprived of divine presence/energy, the icon
was publicly displayed unveiled and open to optical and tactile access. By contrast, the relic offered presence,
sacred energy contained in matter, and as such it was guarded and removed from visual and tactile approach. Fi-
nally, this study reveals the dramatic change that ensued after the Fourth Crusade, when Byzantine relics entered
the West in a denuded state and became fully optically accessible, placed in crystal or glass containers. This is
the moment when the Byzantine relic became equated to the Byzantine icon.
Key words: leipsana, eikon, relics, icon, reliquary, display

D
uring the second period of Iconoclasm
(814843) Theodore Stoudites conceptual-
ized the icon as typos: an imprint of visual
characteristics (charakter) on matter (hyle). Ac-
cording to this new definition, the post-iconoclast
eikon lacked contact with the divine and as a re-
sult it did not contain energy. The Stoudite theory
equated graphe with typos disassociating icon
from the ancient Greek and Roman tradition of
naturalistic painting. Instead, the metal relief icon
rose as the ideal object.1 The icons produced after
Iconoclasm exemplified this new appreciation for
relief and mixed media. Frequently, these artistic
creations presented complex surfaces that in turn
changed appearances as the ambient conditions
shifted. Thus actual highlights and shadows, cre-
1 B. V. Pentcheva, The Performative Icon, ArtB 884
(2006), 63155. An extensive discussion of the icon-typos
image theory in: ead., The Sensual Icon: Space, Ritual, and
the Senses in Byzantium, Pennsylvania State University
Press 2010.
ated by moving diurnal light or candles, brought
about a sense of animation and vividness in the
bas-relief face without employing pictorial or
sculptural naturalism. Animation was the icons
performance: a spectacle of changing appear-
ances stirred by a stream of transient phenomenal
effects.2 By contrast, the relic in the period after
Iconoclasm was presence: energy contained in a
material form. As being and essence, the leipsa-
na were beyond performance of the phenomenal. I
will argue that the relic as essence was never fully
exposed in Byzantium. It was hidden, inaccessi-
ble, wrapped in layers of silk, metal revetments,
and iconized containers. In contrast to the post-
Iconoclast eikon, whose vividness arose from its
surfaces reflecting shifting phenomenal effects,
the spectacle of the relic was that of peeling the
2 Ead., The Sensual Icon, chapter 5 and ead., Moving
Eyes: Surface and Shadow in the Byzantine Mixed-Media
Relief Icon, RES. Anthropology and Aesthetics 53 (2009),
22234.

THE PERFORMANCE OF RELICS: CONCEALMENT AND DESIRE IN THE BYZANTINE STAGING OF LEIPSANA 55

Fig. 1. Metropolitan Museum of Art, Fieschi-Morgan staurotheke
material layers in order to arrive at the concealed
sacred energy. This essay explores the ritual dis-
play (unveiling) of elite relics in the court in the
tenth and eleventh centuries.
Concealing the True Cross
Holger Klein has demonstrated how the authen-
tic Byzantine reliquaries of the True Cross dating to
the post-iconoclast period have a sliding lid like the
Fieschi-Morgan or the Limburg staurothekai (Figs.
14); or are outfitted with wings, or display a com-
bination of both as for instance the reliquary from
Monopoli (Fig. 8).3
Material covers studded with jewels, inscrip-
tions, and icons separate the beholder from the relics
hidden inside. These frames show figural represen-
tations of the holy but bar access to the enshrined
sacred energy. The faithful are invited to peel these
layers of concealment, and thus participate in the
performance of discovering sacred presence. In
a sense, the process of opening the wings, sliding
the lids, and unwrapping the relics conjures up the
memory of St. Helenas experience of finding the
True Cross. The same ultimate moment is mimeti-
3 The Glory of Byzantium, 16263, no. 110; H. Klein,
Byzanz, der Westen und das, wahre Kreuz. Die Geschichte
einer Reliquie und ihrer knstlerischen Fassung in Byzanz
und im Abendland, Wiesbaden 2004, 14748.
56 B. V. PENTCHEVA
cally configured through the
material veils covering the
Byzantine containers of the
True Cross.
The sensorial unavailabi-
lity of the relic also issues
from the important role ex-
tramission played in Byzan-
tine visuality. Seeing was un-
derstood as touch. According
to this theory, the avid eye
sends optical rays that touch
the surfaces of objects, return,
and imprint the touch of the
accessed form on the surface
of memory. The optical rays
in a sense try to posses and
control matter.4 By barring
sight and touch with iconized
lids, the Byzantine display of
the relic secured control over
access.5 Leo the Deacon of-
fers a telling example of this Byzantine practice.
When the emperor Nikephoros II Phokas discov-
ered the keramion, he sent it off to Constantino-
ple in a bejeweled golden theke, protected from
direct sensual grasp. The relic was then deposited
in the Pharos chapel.6 Similarly the miniatures in
the Menologion of Basil II (Vat. Cod. Gr. 1613)
consistently present the carrying of relics in thek-
ai.7 The Byzantine practice of enshrining relics in
containers and removing them from sensual grasp
is not well recognized in modern scholarship. The
reason for this is because relics are not well dif-
ferentiated from their reliquaries. For instance, in
4 B. Pentcheva, The Performative Icon, 63155 and R.
Nelson, To say and to see: ekphrasis and vision in Byzan-
tium, in: Visuality before and beyond the Renaissance: See-
ing as Others Saw (ed. R. Nelson), Cambridge University
Press 2000, 14368.
5 For instance, almost all relics are in containers that have
lids or wings barring visual and haptic access, cf. Glory of
Byzantium, nos. 34, 35, 3740, 110, 111, 113, 11517, 119
23, 125, 230, 301.
6 Leo the Deacon, Historiae (ed. C. Hase), (CSHB, 5),
(Bonn: Impensis ed. Weber, 1828), 77, vv. 1011
7 Il Menologio di Basilio II (Cod. Vaticano Greco 1613)
(Codices e Vaticanis selecti, 8), Turin 1907, 204 (St. Clem-
ent); 306 (St. Dometianos); 341 (St. Timothy); 344 (Mar-
tyr Anastasios); 353 (John Chrysostomos); 355 (Ignatios of
Antioch); 391 (Prophet Zacharias); 406 (Forty Martyrs). For
these and other pictorial examples, cf. C. Walter, Art and
Ritual of the Byzantine Church, London 1982, 15051.
Fig. 2. Sliding lid of the Fieschi-Morgan staurotheke, obverse, enamel, scene of the Crucifixion, reverse side, niello, scenes
of the Annunciation, Nativity, Crucifixion and the Anastasis
his study of head relics, Rainer Rckert concluded
that Byzantine leipsana were always optically and
hapticly available.8 Metal bands attached to the
ends of the bone or positioned crosswise embracing
the skull left the bone always exposed. An inscrip-
tion and sometimes an icon secured the identity of
the bones (Fig. 9).9 Although such relics have mini-
mal mounting, they were not set on a transparent
display. This conclusion is supported by a series of
Greek and Latin sources, which are discussed later
on in this essay. Byzantine relics were wrapped in
8 R. Rckert, Zum Form der byzantinischen Reliquiare,
MnchJb 8 (1957), 736, especially 20, 27, 34; I. Kalavr-
ezou, Helping Hands for the Empire: Imperial Ceremonies
and the Cult of Relics in the Byzantine Court, in: Byzantine
Court Culture from 829 to 1204 (ed. H. Maguire), Washing-
ton, D.C. 1997, 5380, especially 6869.
9 See for instance the metal mounting of the digit of St.
Christopher at San Marco, cf. H. R. Hahnloser, Il tesoro di
San Marco, 2 vols., Florence 19651971, II, no. 32.
THE PERFORMANCE OF RELICS: CONCEALMENT AND DESIRE IN THE BYZANTINE STAGING OF LEIPSANA
silks and set in iconized containers of metal, wood,
or ivory. Hidden inside its thekai, the leipsana
were for the Byzantines an object of desire: a sa-
cred energy that was tantalizingly within reach yet
remained beyond sensual grasp.10 The Byzantines
practice of concealing relics thus resembled the
Latin pre1200 one, where bone-parts were hidden
in non-transparent containers.11 The ninth-century
Fieschi-Morgan reliquary offers an example of this
practice of removing leipsana from sensual grasp.12
10 In contrast to R. Rckert, op. cit., 20, 27, 34.
11 Ornamenta Ecclesiae. Kunst und Knstler der Romanik,
(ed. A. Legner), 3 vols, Schntgen Museum Kln 1985, III.
12 A. Kartsonis, Anastasis. The Making of an Image, Princ-
eton University Press 1986, 95125; The Glory of Byzan-
tium, 7475, no. 34 with bibliography. For the two similar
Western staurothekai in the Sancta Sanctorum in Rome, cf.
E. Thun, Image and Relic: Mediating the Sacred in Early
Medieval Rome (Analecta romana studi danci, 32), Rome
2002.
57
 The box has an interior divided into a cross-
shaped form (Fig. 1). A sliding lid covers the con-
tents of this interior. On it, an image of the Cruci-
fixion emerges. It functions as an iconic synthesis
framing what is kept hidden inside. Four more
scenes executed in silver niello appear on the re-
verse side of the same lid: the Annunciation, Na-
tivity of Christ, Crucifixion, and Anastasis (Fig. 2).
The narrative images explain further how divine en-
ergy is released in the world. The salvific economy
starts with the Incarnation and is completed with
the scene of the Anastasis. At the back of the con-
tainer one encounters the iconic copy of the Cross
(Fig. 3). In a similar way the tenth-century Limburg
staurotheke introduces the relics of the True Cross
by a series of figural frames (Figs. 47).13 A sliding
lid covers the outer box. An image of the Deesis ap-
pears in its center (Fig. 4). In removing the lid, one
encounters the leipsana forming the shape of the
cross (Fig. 56); they intersect an enameled interior
composed of cells (Fig. 5). These small compart-
ments contain hidden behind enamel lids relics of Fig. 3. Back side of the Fieschi-Morgan staurotheke
Christ, the Virgin and John the Baptist.14 An iconic

13 48 x 35 x 6 cm, weight, 11kg. B. Pentcheva, Containers
of Power: Eunuchs and Reliquaries in Byzantium, RES. An-
thropology and Aesthetics 51 (2007), 10920; H. Klein, Byz-
anz, der Westen und das wahre Kreuz, 10512; N. evcenko,
The Limburg Staurothek and its Relics, in: Thymiama ste
mneme tes Laskarinas Boura (eds. Maria Vassilaki et al.),
2 vols, Athens 1994, I, 28994; J. Koder, O commissioned the enamel container in the period
, in: 945959. A little later (968985), the proedros
Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos and His Age. Second In-
ternational Byzantine Conference, Athens 1989, 16584; L.
Bouras, O
, in: ibid., 397434; A. Schminck, In hoc signo vinces
Aspects du csaropaisme lpoque de Constantin VII decorated it further.15 The inscription at the back
Porphyrognte, in: ibid., 103116; A. Frolow, La relique de
la vraix croix. Recherches sur le dveloppement dune culte,
Paris 1961, 23337, no. 135. For the later history of the stau-
rotheke and how it was brought in 1208 by Heinrich von Ul-
men to the Augustinian nunnery at Stuben an der Mosel, cf.
H. W. Kuhn, Heinrich von Ulmen, der vierte Kreuzzug und
die Limburger Staurothek, Jahrbuch fr westdeutsche Landes-
geschichte 10 (1984), 67106.
14 Starting from the left row, these are: the swaddling
clothes of the son of God; the crown of thorns of the phil-
anthropic Christ and our God; the shroud of the immortal
Christ and God; the zone (girdle) of the Holy Virgin and
Theotokos brought from Zela. Then going to the upper
right: the cloth of our created God of all; the purple hi-
mation of the life-giving Son and Christ; the sponge of the
long-suffering Christ, our Savior; the zone of the Virgin
from the Chalkoprateia church; and finally the sacred hair of
John the Forerunner.
copy of the cross appears at the back of the box; it
grows as the Tree of Life, emerging from two lush
acanthus leaves (Fig. 7).
Emperors Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos
VII (914959) and his son Romanos II (959963)
and parakoimomenos Basil Lekapenos, the eu-
nuch and illegitimate son of Emperor Romanos I
Lekapenos, came in possession of this theke and
of the Cross reveals the significance of the mate-
rial covers (Fig. 3):
God stretched out his hands upon the wood, gush-
ing forth through it the energies of life.
Constantine and Romanos the emperors with a
frame [synthesei] of radiant stones and pearls
have displayed it full of wonder. Upon it Christ
formerly smashed the gates of Hell, giving new
life to the dead; And the crowned ones who have
now adorned it Crush with it the temerities of the
barbarians.16
15
B. Pentcheva, Containers of Power, 10920.
16 +

58 B. V. PENTCHEVA
 Fig. 4. Limburg an der Lahn, Limburg Fig. 5. Limburg an der Lahn, Limburg
Staurothek, box container, 48 x 35 x 6 cm, Staurothek, box container, 968985,
968985, enamel, gilded silver, lid interior, enamel, gilded silver

The energy of life, released from Christs body The person holding and exploring the container
at the Cross, is now held by the emperors, who win falls into a mis-en-abyme of frames, all predicat-
victories through this sacred source. In thanksgiv- ed on the form of the cross. Enticed by the sacred
ing for the power offered to them, Constantine energy concealed inside, the faithful are invited to
and his son Romanos have adorned the source (the pass through a series of frames: iconic, decorative,
pieces of the True Cross) with pearls and radiant and scriptural. The first encounter is the iconic, the
stones (Figs. 56). This decoration forms a frame, image of the Deesis presenting the body of Christ:
called in the inscription a synthesis.17 Etymologi- Christ as Judge and source of energy (Fig. 4). Once
cally the word synthesis refers to matter shaped by the sliding lid is removed, one sees a cross (Fig. 5).
human hands.18 The gems and gold present this tex- After lifting it up and turning it on its back side, one
ture molded by human hands: an artifact enshrining encounters the inscription, which draws attention to
inside sacred energy. Just like the jewels and gold the decorative frame as a means of experiencing the
form a synthesis (frame) for the relics of the Cross, energy contained in the sacred wood (Fig. 6). Then
so too the theke itself is understood as a frame. after closing up the sets of frames, and turning the
outer box on its reverse side, one sees the lushly
P growing Tree of Life, showing the vitality of the
relics energy (Fig. 7). This desire for a place in the
.
Edenic garden is stated in the inscription on the ex-



terior theke (Fig. 1):
(Line A: Upper frame)
. He did not have beauty (Is. 53.2), the one who
17 For a modern study of frame in Byzantine art without
was hanged on the wood [of the Cross]
a discussion of the Byzantine terms, cf. G. Peers, Sacred (Deut. 21.22)
Shock: Framing Visual Experience in Byzantium. Pennsyl-
vania State University Press 2004. (Right vertical side)
18 A Greek-English Lexikon (ed. H. G. Liddell R. Scott), although Christ surpassed [all] in beauty
Oxford 1996, with Suppl. 1968. (Ps. 44.2), in dying he lost his form

THE PERFORMANCE OF RELICS: CONCEALMENT AND DESIRE IN THE BYZANTINE STAGING OF LEIPSANA 59
 (Is. 53.2), but still he beautified my face dis- Fig. 6. Limburg an
torted by sin. der Lahn, Limburg
Straurothek, cross-
(Line B: Left vertical side)
reliquary, 94559, back
God though he was, he suffered in a human side with inscription,
body, eminently venerating him, wood, gilded-revetment,
the proedros Basil, beautified the container of pearls and gems
the wood,
(Bottom frame)
on which having been crucified [Christ] saved a glimpse of Paradise.
the entire creation.19 At the end of this trav-
el, time loses its linear
The inscription starts at the top left frame ex- trajectory, trapped in
tending across skirting the right corner and con- the cycle of eternity.
tinuing down the right long side. Then it picks up Space becomes a set
again from the top left down the left long side fin- of packaged transi-
ishing across the bottom frame. This sequence of tions from external to
verses spatially forms a synthesis of textual arms internal; from iconic to sensual and textual; from a
embracing the box.20 The epigram states that after transitory request to an eternal place in paradise.
having lost his youth and beauty, the human nature While the relic in Post-iconoclast Byzantium was
of Christ has died on the Cross. Yet, his divine na- carefully guarded because it was imbued with di-
ture preserves eternal beauty and offers Life be- vine energy, the icon being just the imprint of form,
yond death. Basil the eunuch asks for access to this was optically and hapticly available. This dichoto-
divine beauty/eternal life and offers in return an my between icons and relics was well maintained
adorned container of the cross.21 Different frames in the rituals. For instance, processions with icons
(syntheseis) invite the viewer on a journey through fully displayed the
space and time. One starts with the request of the images. In his tri-
proedors Basil for salvation recorded on the exte- umph of 971 the
rior of the sliding lid joined by the image of Christ emperor Tzimiskes
as Judge and moves to the time of the Crucifixion placed in full view
invoked by the inscription and the cross-shaped fig- the icon of the
ural composition. Once the lid is removed, the Cross Mother of God on
emerges in full view. The end of this journey is at the golden chariot
the back of the box, where the Tree of Life offers leading the proces-
sion.22 Similarly, in
19 + o , the early eleventh-

century account
,
about the Maria
Romaia icon, the
panel led the Tues-
o day procession to-
gether with the Ho- Fig. 7. Limburg an der Lahn,
. Limburg Staurothek, box
degetria.23 So too, container, 48 x 35 x 6 cm,
B. Pentcheva, Rumliche und akustische Prsenz in byz- the late eleventh- 968985, repouss silver, reverse
antinischen Epigrammen: Der Fall der Limburger Stau- century Latin text, side of outer box
rothek, in: Die kulturhistorische Bedeutung byzantinischer
Epigramme (eds. A. Rhoby W. Hrandner), Vienna 2008,
7583, especially 7677. 22 Leo the Deacon, Historiae, book 9, sect. 12, Bonn ed. 158.
20 E. Follieri, Lordine dei versi in alcuni epigrammi bi- Cf. also Skylitzes, Synopsis Historiarum (ed. I. Thurn), (CFHB,
zantini, Byzantion 34 (1964), 44767, especially 450, and 5), Berlin 1973, 310 (Emperor Tzimiskes, section 18).
B. Pentcheva, The Sensual Icon, chapter 6. 23 Commentarius de imagine Deiparae Mariae Romanae
21 Ibid.; ead., Rumliche und akustische Prsenz in byzan- (ed. E. von Dobschtz); id., Maria Romeia. Zwei umbeka-
tinischen Epigrammen, 7583. nnte Texte, BZ 12 (1903), 173214, especially 202.

60 B. V. PENTCHEVA
Fig. 8. Monopoli, Tesoro della Cattedrale, Staurotheke
known as Anonymous Tarragonensis (Tarrago-
na, Public Lib., MS. lat. 55, dated to the 1075
1098/9), describes the radiant display of Marian
icons:24
Preceding indeed this noble image of the Mother
of God are numerous
other icons from other churches, sacred and gold-
en, they are like maids
next to their mistress. [The Hodegetria] then fol-
lows the rest at the back,
and like a mistress she is recognized from all the
rest by her merciful face
and gesture.25
The icons were fully visible, their metal revet-
ments freed from veils glistened in the light of the
sun. Icons were transparently staged inviting the
eye.26 Relics, by contrast remained most of the time
in their thekai. For instance, the tenth-century Nar-
ratio of the leipsana of John the Baptist (BHG 840)
consistently tells us how the relic was paraded in
Constantinople in its container. All the eyes were
fixed on it.27 In only once instance, in the legen-
24 K. Ciggaar, Une description de Constantinople dans le
Tarragonensis 55, RB 53 (1995), 11740.
25 K. Ciggaar, op. cit., 127, vv. 36164 and my discussion
of this procession, B. Pentcheva, Icons and Power, 12943.
26 For the synaesthesis of the icon, cf. B. Pentcheva, The
Performative Icon, 63155 and ead., The Sensual Icon,
chapters 45.
27 Theodore Daphnophates (ed. V. V. Latyshev), PPSb 59
(1919).
THE PERFORMANCE OF RELICS: CONCEALMENT AND DESIRE IN THE BYZANTINE STAGING OF LEIPSANA
Fig. 9. Langres, Head relic of St. Mamas
dary account of pagan Antioch, the relics of John
the Baptist appeared outside their theke. This story
served to teach the reader why such practices should
not be permitted. A Christian virgin was sentenced
to be killed by a dragon. Her father went to the
sanctuary where the relic of the arm of John the
Baptist was kept. With a few gold coins he tricked
the guard away from his duty and bending over to
kiss the relic, the father tore from it with his teeth
a bone. This segment he then threw to the dragon,
and the monster choked on it. This legendary ac-
count demonstrates the tenth-century perception
of relics. If exposed, nothing could stop the crowd
from dismembering the leipsana.28 Yet, by keeping
it in a theke, its sacred energy was removed from
the sensorial grasp. Only on special occasions the
thekai were opened and the faithful gained fleet-
ing sensual access to sacred energy. This practice is
well exemplified by the ritual display of the Man-
dylion.29 It was an acheiropoietos (a-, without,
28 Id., sects. 1314, p. 2627. Cf. also, J. Wortley, Relics of
the Friends of Jesus at Constantinople, in: Byzance et les
reliques du Christ (eds. J. Durand B. Flusin) Paris 2004,
14357, especially 14553.
29 The Holy Face and the Paradox of Representation (eds.
H. Kessler G. Wolf), Villa Spelman Colloquia 6, Bologna
1998; H. Kessler, Il mandylion, in: Il Volto di Cristo, Milano
2000, 6777, 9192 with bibliography; Mandylion. Intorno
al Sacro Volto, da Bisanzio Genova (eds. Gerhard Wolf et
al.), Milano 2004; G. Wolf, Schleier und Spiegel: Traditionen
des Christusbildes und die Bildkonzepte der Renaissance,
Munich 2002, 2242; G. Peers, Sacred Shock, 11731. For
the textual tradition, cf. A. Cameron, The History of the Im-
age of Edessa. The Telling of a Story, in: Oceanos. Essays
61
 heir-, hand, poietos-, made), a material trace
left by Christ pressing a piece of cloth to his face
or by drops of blood and sweat at the time of his
Passion.30 As an imprint of Christs face on cloth,
the Mandylion was a hybrid object, combining the
properties of both relic and icon. Like the icon,
it was an imprint (typos). But this ektypoma was
made directly by the face of Christ, rather than by
means of an intaglio (). As such, the re- white linen cloth. Four bishops, if they happen to
sulting object was a leipsanon, imbued with sacred
energy. The Narratio de imagine Edessena, a text
commissioned by emperor Constantine VII Porphy-
rogennetos and commemorating the Mandylions
translatio to Constantinople in 944, maintains the
hybrid nature of this object; it calls it an eikon,
but describes how it was always removed from vis-
ual display, hence treated like a relic.31 During the
translatio procession a crippled man was healed.
His ankles became strong again and running on his
miraculously cured feet, he kissed the soros of the
icon.32 This information is significant for it shows
that the Mandylion was paraded not as an icon, un-
veiled, but as a relic, concealed in its theke.
The same act of concealment defines the liturgi-
cal ceremony with the Mandylion during Lent. A
treatise written in the third quarter of the tenth cen-
tury describes these rites as follows:
Presented to Ihor Sevcenko (Harvard Ukrainian Studies, 7),
Harvard University Press 1983, 8094; ead., The Mandylion
and Byzantine Iconoclasm, in: The Holy Face and the Para-
dox of Representation, 3354. The Edessa object acquired
the name Mandylion in the post-Iconoclast sources. The
name stems from the Arabic mandyl: a cloth used for wip-
ing face and hands, for drying perspiration, blowing nose,
drying tears, to cover food, pitchers and thus keep the food
clean and warm, cf. F. Rosenthal, A note on the mandil, in:
Four Essays on Art and Literature in Islam, Leiden 1971,
6399.
30 Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos, Narratio de imagine
Edessena, PG 113, cols. 42354, esp. cols. 429D33B, (edi-
tion and commentary in: E. von Dobschtz, Christusbilder,
Untersuchungen zur christlichen Legende, Leipzig 1899,
29**107**; English translation I. Wilson, The Shround of
Turin: The Burial Cloth of Jesus Christ, New York 1978,
23551, especially sects. 811, 23940. Cf. also, S. Eng-
berg, Romanos Lekapenos and the Mandylion of Edessa, in:
Byzance et les reliques du Christ, 12342.
31 Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos, Narratio de imag-
ine Edessena, in: E. von Dobschtz, Christusbilder, 29**
107** and I. Wilson, The Shround of Turin, 23551.
32 o and deprivation the multitude is purified in these
o o from Constantine
VII Porphyrogennetos, Narratio de imagine Edessena, PG
113, col. 449C; I. Wilson, op. cit., sects. 28, 249.
62 B. V. PENTCHEVA
The following is said about it [the Mandylion] in
the observation of the Great Sunday of Holy Fast
[the Feast of Orthodoxy], when the patriarch of
the city together with all clerical ranks and the lay
elite have gathered in the skeuophylakion (treas-
ury) of the Church [Hagia Sophia]; a throne is set
out, on which is placed the venerated acheirop-
oietos icon of Christ, which is covered with fine
be present, or presbyters instead, having lifted the
high throne set out from the skeuophylakion. The
patriarch leading the procession makes the sign of
the cross [he blesses]. On his sides honor is paid
with gilded scepters, followed by twelve ripidia or
fans set in a row, and after them the same number
[12] of censers with aromatics, and with them oil
lamps equal in number [12]. The patriarch makes
three stops in the course of the procession on pre-
determined places, where he blesses the whole
crowd and again resumes the procession.
And it happens in this way, the train proceeds un-
til it arrives at the sanctuary. The crowd following
utters loudly Kyrie eleison. After the holy and
immaculate icon is deposited in the sanctuary, the
priest again blesses the crowd of people with the
cross, which he holds fast in his hands, first to the
east, then to the right, then to the left. In carry-
ing it, [the Mandylion] together with the throne
on which it rests, they place it to the east opposite
the Holy altar on a second, smaller but taller table.
After the completion of the Holy Sacrament and
accomplishment of all sacred mysteries, only the
priest is allowed to approach, venerate, and kiss
the holy and immaculate icon and afterwards to
lift from it the white linen cloth and replace it in-
stead with a porphyry one. Then this most divine
throne is immediately raised by the same clergy
and brought to rest with the same celebration and
procession back in the skeuophylakion.
And the following; in the middle week of Holy
Fast, on Wednesday, only to the patriarch is con-
ceded the right to approach and open the theke,
in which it [the Mandylion] is deposited, and to
wipe [it] with a brand new sponge drenched in
water and distribute to the crowd that which had
been squeezed out from the sponge. With their
faces anointed with these [drops of water], they
[the faithful] took their fill from this consecration.
Such a procession and rite was accomplished only
during the days of Holy Fast, through self-denial
[ceremonies], and having received a clear-sighted-
ness of the soul more radiant than the mist brought
 from the sufferings [of Christ], and sacredly been Throughout the whole ritual the Mandylion is
led by holy and divine plans to enter perfection. kept in its theke, so public access to it is denied.
During the rest of the days of the yearly cycle, this
rite is suspended, because one should not approach poteqeshj ka aqij rcierej meq' oper n cers
the inaccessible closer, so that the draw of faith is katece timou stauro
not weakened by an easier access. t to lao pesfrgize plqoj kat te natolj
Since the old theke of the divine form [of the Man- dexi te ka enuma.
dylion] is covered with doors, so that it is not easy nteqen atn metafrontej meq' oper pwceto qr-
to see it whenever they [the faithful] want, but nou n th prj natolj
only on two days of the week, that is on Wednes- /
tj erj trapzhj trv bracutrv mn, yhlotrv
day and Friday, after the doors [of the theke] had d prospephgmnV
been opened and everybody invoked its [the Man- trapzV prosanetqesan ka d tj erj mustagwgaj
dylions] incomprehensible power by prayer, this piteloumnhj ka tn
concealed power is made visible before the entire qewn musthrwn pntwn xioumnwn, xn mnJ t
gathered crowd through these perforated and very rciere t gv ka crntw ekni
delicate iron slabs, which some call scepters. proseggzonti proskunen te ka spzesqai ka met
Yet, it was not permitted to anyone to get closer or toto arein p' atj
touch the form (morphoma) with his or her lips or tn pikeimnhn leukn qnhn ka porfurzousan
eyes. So that from this divine fear the faith grows tran peritiqnai.
and the honor paid to the thing honored is shown nteqen qeitatoj otos qrnoj p tn atn
to be more awesome and shuddering.33 erwn aqij armenoj met
tj moaj propompj ka prodou n t er pekom
33 2. lgeta ti toioton per atj j t prw- zeto skeuofulakJ.
tereuosV kuriak tj prthj 4. eq' otwj: t msV bdomdi tn gwn nhstein n
tn gwn nhstein bdomdoj to tj plewj tV` tetrtV tn mern
rcierwj met pantj to sugkecrhto mnJ t rciere esinai te ka tn
ratiko katalgou kato politiko lao n t tj qkhn n per pkeito dianogein.
kklhsaj skeuofulakJ Ka spggJ nepfw diabrcJ dati tathn
sunaqroizomnou prot...qeto mn qrnoj, pet...qeto d napomttein ka t
p' at to Cristo k to spggou poqlibmenon diadidnai pant t
ka qeo tima ka ceiropohtoj ekn qnV la, x oper tj yej
perikaluptomnh leuk. tssarej picrimenoi to keqen giasmo nepmplanto. ll'
d piskpwn e tcoien parenai ete presbteroi mn toiath
metwron tn qrnon propomp te ka telet kat mnaj tj tn gwn
arontej exasi to skeuofulakou to mn rcierwj nhsten teleto mraj,
proporeuomnou ka taj te d t gkratev tn polln kekaqarmnwn ka t
cers t to stauro shmeon piferomnou. kaq' tj yucj dioratikn
ktera d totou skptroij
thlaugsteron kekthmnwn tj k tn paqn pipros-
crusoj tim fwswto ka p totwn ipdej qoshj cloj ka di
leitourgika duokadeka
toto cersn sploij tn timwn faptomnwn ka
stoichdn dietttonto ka met tataj qumiatria
erj taj eraj ka qeaij
met rwmtwn tosata
goumnwn prosinai teletarcaij [...] ka peid qur
ka sn atoj lampdej sriqmoi to rcierwj
kat tinaj tpouj sin palai tj qeaj
fwrismnouj n t toiatV prodJ trton stamnou morfj periestlleto qkh, j m qeatn enai psin
ka tn lan t tp to te ka nka boloito,
stauro pisfragzontoj ka plin tj poreaj n dus tataij tj bdomdoj mraij, tetrdi t
parcomnou. fhmi ka paraskeu di tn
/
3. otwj tonun tj erj tathj propompj peperonhmnwn leptottwn sidrwn par' kenoij
piteloumnhj mcri to skptra nmasto tn
qusiasthrou katelmbanon, to sunepomnou lao toiotwn qurdwn napepetasmnwn, blpeto mn
to krie lhson par pantj to
pifqeggomnou. esw d tn dtwn tj qeaj ka sunelhluqtoj plqouj ka taj ecaj kastoj xi-
crntou eknoj leoto tn kenhj

THE PERFORMANCE OF RELICS: CONCEALMENT AND DESIRE IN THE BYZANTINE STAGING OF LEIPSANA 63
 Only the patriarch receives special dispensation to
approach, venerate, and kiss the Mandylion though
the white cloth and then to replace this linen with
a new porphyry veil. In the next stage, he is given
further access to see and touch the surface of the
eikon. He presses wet cloth to it and then offers the
drops of water to the congregation. Only secondary
relics, brandea, are given to the faithful.
The first two rituals directly engage the story
of the origins of the Mandylion. According to the
Narratio de imagine Edessena, it was created either
during Christs Passion by drops of bloody sweat
which fell on a cloth, or when Christ washed his
face and wiped it on a towel.34 The former [sweat
and blood] is evoked in the covering with white
and purple veils, while the latter [water] in the
ritual wiping with wet sponge and distribution of Fig. 10. Cistersian Cloister Rosires, Head relic of
drops. On Holy Wednesday and Holy Friday, the St. Akyndinos
doors of the theke are opened, and the morphoma is
revealed through the perforations of the metal grids
covering the Mandylion. Perhaps these metal cov- Affixed with hinges, these doors could be swiveled
ers resemble the ones used in staurothekai at Don- back and forth. The doors are kept shut by tiny pegs
auwrth and Svaneti.35 The Donauwrther has an in the form of nails. The latter can be pushed up
interior surface marked by a cross (Fig. 11). The or down, thus freeing the doors to swing open or
relic is set in a golden cross-shaped armature. At shut. The surface underneath could be seen through
the corners four tiny doors appear. All four have the tiny cross-shaped perforations of the doors.
perforated surfaces with a cross-shaped design.36 Here other relics are deposited. The partial display
of these relics only heightens the desire for access.
katlhpton dnamin, o mn d fet tini prosegg
The perforated metal grids of the Mandylion must
sai ll' od celesin mmasi to ero prosya- have tested the senses in a similar way.
sai morfmatoj, j nteqen to qeou fbou tn In the Byzantine liturgical rites, the Mandylion
pstin axontoj foberwtran ka friktwdestran tn was clearly staged as a relic, whose energy and es-
prj toj timmenon timn podeknusqai. sence had to be protected from the eyes and fingers
From E. von Dobschtz, Christusbilder, 107**114**, es- of the crowd. From the first week of Lent to the last
pecially 111**112**. I thank Albrecht Berger for his sug- days before Easter, the desire to see the Mandylion
gestion to translate the scepters with a perforated metal escalated teased by an ever-growing possibility for
grate. I also thank Alice-Mary Talbot for her help with access. But this desire always remained checked. Ac-
this passage; her suggestion was to translate scepters as
cording to the Anonymous Tarragonensis, when on
tiny metal nails, which would keep the doors shut. The
next sentence, however, makes it clear that these were per- a certain occasion the theke of the Mandylion was
forated metal plaques because they partially concealed the found open, a terrible earthquake struck the city. The
Mandylion. disaster did not stop until the doors of the theke were
34 Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos, Narratio de imag- closed.37 Although veils rolled back, doors opened,
ine Edessena, PG 113, cols. 429D33B; I. Wilson, op. cit.,
sects. 811, 23940. Western production from the thirteenth century. I am less
35 For bibliography and history of the Donauwrther stau- convinced this is the case, for the entire inner gold surface
rotheke, cf. H. Klein, Byzanz, der Westen und das wahre presents the same composition as the authentic Byzantine
Kreuz, 11724, 18491. Cf. also, id., Eastern Objects and theke at Svaneti and also because its decoration follows the
Western Desires: Relics and Reliquaries between Byzan- same Byzantine principle of syntheseis with variations of a
tium and the West, DOP 58 (2004), 283314, especially cross-pattern. H. Klein, Byzanz, der Westen und das wahre
29699. Kreuz, 189.
36 Klein hypothesizes that the doors and the entire met- 37 Hoc linteum preciosissimum domini Ihesu vultu et at-
al surface of the Donauwrter interior were examples of tactu insignitum maiori pre ceteris reliquiis in palatio vene-

64 B. V. PENTCHEVA
frames unfolded,
and drops bear-
ing the touch
of the Man-
dylions surface
penetrated the
crowd, complete
access of sight,
touch, and taste,
was never fully
granted. In bar-
ring ultimate
sensorial satura-
tion, the energy
of the Mandylion
remained in-
violate. The per-
formance of the Fig. 11. Staurotheke, Donauwrth,
Pdagogische Stifftung Cassianeum,
ache iropoietos 11th century (photo: Wolf-Christian
during the Great von der Mlbe, Pdagogische
Fast was that of Stifftung Cassianeum, Donauwrth)
a calculated par-
tial revealing.
This process of unveiling secured the belief in
the presence of divine energy. By covering the Man-
dylion with veils, pressing sponges to its surface, or
opening tiny slits through which to view it partially,
the liturgical rite invented material frames through
which to approach God. As an elusive intangible en-
tity, the Mandylion could only be grasped in the act
of wrapping, covering, and concealing it.38 In a sim-
ilar way, the relics of the True Cross were exposed
on Sept. 13th and 14th (Feast of the Elevation of
racione observatur, maiori diligentia tenetur ita ut semper sit
clausum aureo vase et obfirmatum diligentissime. Et cum
cetere omnes reliquie palicii cunctis quibusque temporibus
ostendantur fidelibus, istud linteum in quo continetur nostri
Redemptoris vultus figuratus nulli demonstratur, nulli aperi-
tur, nec ipsi Constantinopolitano imperatori. Quodam enim
tempore apertum habebatur illud vas ubi tam sancta res erat
et assiduo terremotu civitas omnis cepit concuti mortemque
propinquam omnibus minari. Intimatum est superna visio-
ne hoc tantum malum illi civitati non defuturum donec il-
lus linteamen quod in se figuram Domini continebat vultus
clausum occultaretur et ab humanis obtutibus absentaretur.
Factumque est. Clauso in vase aureo et diligenter reserato
sancto illo linteo, et terremotus cessavit et omnis malicia
celi quievit. Ex illo tempore nullus fuit ausus illud vas ape-
rire nec quid esset intus aspicere, credentibus omnibus atque
timentibus terremotu omnia concuti si ceperit illud aperiri.
From K. Ciggaar, op. cit., 120, vv. 5974.
38 On the dynamis (power) of the acheiropoietos issuing
from this play of concealment and revelation, cf. G. Wolf,
Schleier und Spiegel, xviiixxii, 2834, 20172.
THE PERFORMANCE OF RELICS: CONCEALMENT AND DESIRE IN THE BYZANTINE STAGING OF LEIPSANA
the Cross, September
14th). The patriarch
held the relic in his
hands and the clergy
approached to kiss
it. The faithful could
only see the object
at a distance, or kiss
it once it was laid
again in its theke.39
The Latin pilgrims
account known as
Anonymous Mercati
(written by an Eng-
lish pilgrim in the
period 10891120
Fig. 12. Staurotheke at Fonte using a Greek text
Avellana, 47 x 29.9 cm, 10th of the 10631081)
12th cent. Venetian remodelling
records the collection
turn of the 12th13th cent.
and authentic Byz-
antine presentation
of relics in eleventh-
century Constantinople.40 It confirms that Byzantine
leipsana were kept in thekai.41 He refers to these
39 B. Flusin, Les ceremonies de lExaltation de la Croix
Constantinople au XIe sicle daprs le Dresdensis A 104,
in: Byzance et les reliques du Christ, 6189 and also in the
same volume J. Durand, La relique impriale de la Vraie
Croix daprs le Typicon de Sainte-Sophie et la relique de la
Vraie Croix du trsor de Notre-Dame de Paris, 91105.
40 Anonymous Mercati, in: S. Mercati, Santuari e reliquie
Costantinopolitanae secondo il codice Ottoboniano latino
169 prima della conquista latina, Rendiconti. Atti della
Pontifica Accademia Romana di Archeologia 12 (1936),
13356 and K. Ciggaar, Une description de Constantinople
traduite par un plerin anglais, REB 34 (1976), 211267,
especially 221.
41 Plena sunt armaria et scrinia de reliquiis sanctorum
(sect. 1, vv. 3132, 246). Sanguis et lac sancti Panteleonis
martiris. Sunt autem in vasculo magno de cristallo cooperta
auro et sunt usque in hodiernum diem molle simul in vas-
culo quo est sursum lac et suptus sanguis. Et quando est fes-
tivitas sancti Pantaleonis martiris mutantur ad invicem. In
isto anno ascendet sanguis sursum et lac descendent suptus
et manet separatim. Similiter et in anno alio ascendet lac
sursum et descendet sanguis subtus. Et sic mutantur sem-
per in festivitate eius (sect. 3, vv. 611, 246). Et statuit eam
iuxta ostium gazophilacii [skeuophylacii] ubi sunt omnia sa-
cra vasa et thesaurus magnae aecclesiae similiter et omnia
predicta sanctuaria (sect. 3, vv. 1719, 246). Et in ipso ...
refugium est via usque ad forum ubi est <columna> sancti
Constantini. Suptus autem ipsius columnae sunt XII cophini
fragmentorum de V panibus. Erat autem porta tunc aperta
et intrabant omnes cum luminaribus et ibant suptus et ad-
65
 containers as scrinum, vasa, sarcophagus, cophinus,
armarium. The thekai protected the energy of the
leipsana inviolate. Some of the same information is
repeated in the later Anonymous Tarragonensis.42
Similarly, a few other pre1204 Latin sources speak
of the Byzantine practice of concealing leipsana in
thekai.43 Paul Riants extensive collection of Latin
sources gives over sixty cases of Byzantine leipsa-
na.44 His appendices also present numerous exam-
ples of relics kept in thekai. In these accounts many
of the relics were found in boxes referred to as: vas,
vasa, capsa, capsella, caxa, theke, theca, chirotheca,
discos, armariolo, tabula, tumba, and ancona.45 For
horabant ibidem et osculabantur panes. Pleni enim erant co-
phini de fragmentis (sect. 13, vv. 16, 255). In Hippodromio
propre est ecclesia sanctae Euphemiae virginis et martiris, et
sunt reliquiae eius ibi et caput. Est autem in sinistra parte al-
taris sarcophagum magnum marmoreum et sunt intus de rel-
iquiis sanctae Euphemiae et reliquiae multorum sanctorum,
qui fuerunt martirizati cum ea (sect. 15, vv. 14, 256). In ga-
zophilacio ipsius ecclesiae [Sanctorum Apostolorum] est in
scrino stola sancti Iohannis Oris planeta et pallium eius (sect.
29, 258). In gazophilacio [skeuophylacii] ergo ipsius monas-
terii [Sanctae Mariae quod vocatur Trixnta filia (this is the
monastery of the Theotokos Peribleptos, also known from
Crusader sources as the Trendaphyla] plena sunt armaria et
scrinia de reliquiis multorum sanctorum apostolorum, mar-
tyrum, confessorum, virginum [...] de sacris autem vasis et
imperialibus, quis potest enumerare pulchritudinem ipsius
aecclesiae? (sect. 51, 260), K. Ciggaar, op. cit., 21167.
42 Ibid., 12831, especially 120.
43 P. Riant, Exuviae sacrae constantinopolitanae (Ge-
neve, I. G. Fick Paris, E. Leroux, 1877, 1904, reprinted
2004), II: 20311 (Letter of Alexios I Komnenos to Robert
of Flanders in 1092); II:211 (William of Malmsebury, ca.
1120); II:21112 (Anonymous, ca. 1150); II:21316 (Nico-
laus Thingeyrensis in 1157); II:21617 (William of Tyre in
1171); II:216 (Anonymous, ca. 1190); II:23032 (Robert of
Clari in 1203); II:23334 (Nicolaus Hydruntinus, ca. 1207).
44 P. Riant, op. cit., I:25, 2829, 3940, 52, 1045, 125,
130, 13537, 140, 144, 149, 151, 154, 160, 172, 174, 181,
192; II:5, 8, 9, 18, 23, 2829, 57, 61, 63, 65, 66, 74, 76, 82,
8485, 87, 95, 96, 107, 114, 119, 126, 146, 148, 151, 154,
156, 164, 166, 169, 17172, 186, 190, 19394.
45 P. Riant, op. cit., II: 236 (Rigordus of 1208), crux
in vase aureo cum gemmis pretiosis ornato; alie reliquie
[...] in alio vase aureo; II:239 (Bonnefons, Historia Cor-
beiensis in 1660), ditavit duabus thecis, quarum quaeque,
in cruces figuram faberrime elaborata [...] ceterum cum
Corbeiensis basilica permulta lypsana, divitibus sane the-
cis contenta, adservet, omnium tamen principem locum
praedictae cruces, ex vivifico lingo conflatae, ipsis the-
cis inclusae, obtinent; II:247 (Chronicon S. Catherinae
de Monte of 1282), beatam Coronam in vase signato in
capella Sancti Marci cum diligentia deponunt; II:279
66 B. V. PENTCHEVA
instance, the relics of St. George and St. John the
Baptist were found in thekai in the Monastery of St.
George at the Mangana: As these two [vasae] were
opened [by a Crusader in 1204], he recognized that
one contained the head of St. George from the in-
scription Hagios Georgios, and the other verily
inscribed, Agios Ioannes Prodromos.46 Other rel-
ics were kept in thekai with inscriptions identifying
the names of the saints.47 Two Cluniacs, Damas-
cius, and Pontius, tried on three occasions to steal
the head of St. Clement in 1204. First they took the
wrong relics, then again on Holy Saturday they dis-
guised themselves as pilgrims and penetrated the
sanctuary, but the Byzantine monks watched them
carefully. Finally, the Cluniacs acquired the relics
from the Venetians who had already seized the pre-
cious remains from the Byzantine monastery:
Marcellus said that he knew some venerable rel-
ics of this saint; that is, the head of St. Clement.
And we exacted to know from him, why he was
so certain. He responded that he had seen the
anointed head (barreteam criseam), which is in-
serted in a golden-plated container (capsula), on
which was depicted the icon of St. Clement and
his proper name in Greek, o ayos Clementios,
which translates in Latin as St. Clement. The
monastery, in which the head of St. Clement is
kept, holds much power in this city [Constantino-
ple] and has the Greek name Trendaphila, which
in Latin translates as the Rose [the monastery
of the Theotokos Peribleptos].48
(Otto Sanblasianus d. 1223, Chronicon), indequem maxi-
mam partem vivifice Crucis aliarumque reliquiarum Do-
minicarum, cum multis sanctorum reliquiis, ornatis auro &
argento & lapidibus pretiosis, in patriam transtulit II:280
(Burcardus Biberacensis, Chronicon of 1226), multasque
reliquias sanctorum, auro & gemmis decoratas; II: 280
(Annales Colonienses Maximi of 1237), cum aliis precio-
sissimis reliquiis, in capite argenteo & deaurato; II:284
(Radulphus, Coggeshalae Abbas, chronicon anglicanum of
1228), sancta crux, ab antiquo tempore de Ligno domin-
ice cruces fecta, in quadam theca preciosa recondita.
46 [q]uibis apertis [vasis], in uno caput sancti Georgij ex
superscriptione Agyos Georgyos, in alio vero spuerscriptum
erat: Agyos Iohannes Aprodromos, Lectiones Ambianens-
es, ca. 1206 in P. Riant, op. cit., II:28.
47 Facta igitur collatione ipsarum reliquiarum cum literis
& sigillis quibus erat vas earum signatum, invenerunt omnia
esse vera, Lectiones Longipratenses, ca. 1206; P. Riant, op.
cit., II:18.
48 For the correct identification of the monastery, cf. Anon-
ymous Tarragonensis, sect. 51, K. Ciggaar, op. cit., 260.

Fig. 13. Trier, St. Matthias, Treasury, cross reliquary,
ca. 12301240 (photo: Rita Heyen; Amt fr kirchliche
Denkmalpflege, Trier)
[...] And with divine permission, of the two heads
of the saints, which were kept in a casket behind
the altar, he [Pontius] seized the head of St. Clem-
ent, hoping that this was indeed the head of St.
Clement. [...] On the day of Gods Passion, having
changed our clothing and having joined the visitors
on foot, like pilgrims, we arrived at the aforemen-
tioned monastery, not only to venerate, but better
to steal that head, which was deposited there. We
directed [our steps] towards the altar. When the
monks saw us, they ran after us, until they arrived
together with us at the casket [armariolo] and with
much earnestness of prayers, since the sanctuary
was already occupied [by us], they allowed us to
kiss [the relics] carefully watching our hands.49
49 Marcellus [...] dixit se scire honorabiles cuisdam sancti
reliquas, videlicet caput beati Clementis. Et nos sciscitati
sumus ab eo, quomode de his certus erat; & respondens, se
vidisse barreteam criseam, id est laminam auream insertam
capsule, in qua depicta erat imago sancti Clementi, & suum
proprium nomen grece scriptum, scilicet, o ayos Clemen-
tios, quod in latine dicitur sanctus Clemens. Est autem ab-
THE PERFORMANCE OF RELICS: CONCEALMENT AND DESIRE IN THE BYZANTINE STAGING OF LEIPSANA
The head of St. Clement was presented in a
gilded metal box with a medallion icon of the saint
at the top and a Greek identifying inscription.50 It
was originally deposited in a casket placed behind
the altar; this container also held the head of an-
other saint. During Holy Week, on Saturday, the big
container and the smaller theke were successively
opened and the relics were displayed on the altar.
The two Westerners pushed their way to the sanc-
tuary and under the close surveillance of the Byz-
antine monks kissed the holy relics. The Byzantine
rite suggests that relics were visually displayed
only on special occasions and access to them was
granted to few.
Another Byzantine staurotheke found its way
to the West in the aftermath of the Fourth Crusade.
Kept at Clairvaux, it was referred to as vas of the
True Cross, decorated with precious stones, emer-
alds, and enamels. A number of additional relics
were kept in it under the enamel lids, an arrange-
ment resembling the Limburg theke (Fig. 5).51
batial illa, in qua beati Clementis caput continebatur, magne
authoritatis in eadem civitate, que grece dicitur Trentafolia,
latine vero interpretatur Rosa. [...] Et ex Dei permissione,
de duobus capitibus sanctorum, que in armariolo retro altare
continebantur, beati Clementis caput attulit; consideravit
enim quod illud erat S. Clementis. [...] Illa vero passionis
dominice die, permutato habitu, & pedites visitantibus iunc-
ti, quasi peregrini ad predictam abbatiam devenimus, & non
solum ad adoradnum, sed potius ad furandum aliud caput
quod relictum fuerat, versus altare viam direximus; quod
videntes monachi multi post nos currentes, usque ad arma-
riolum nobisque pariter devenerunt, vixque multa precum
instantia, sanctuarium quod intus erat, manus mostras mira-
biliter observantes, osculari permiserunt, Rostangus Cluni-
acensis, Narratio exceptionis apud Cluniacum capitis beati
Clementis, ex ore Dalmacij de Serciaco, militis, excepta, ca.
1206, in: P. Riant, op. cit., I:13538.
50 The head of St. Akyndinos from the church of Kosmas
and Damianos in Constantinople, brought to the Cistersian
monastery at Rosires in France could give an example of
the lost leipsana of St. Clement, cf. G. Schlumberger, D-
couverte dune relique faiant partie des dpouilles de Con-
stantinople apportes en Occiddent la suite de la Croisade
de 1204, Bulletin Monumental 57 (1891), 111118 and R.
Rckert, Zr Form der byzantinischen Reliquiare, 910.
51 Quarto loco est vas argenteum, quod fieri fecit sancta
Helena, de predicto thesauro sumptum, & a domino Henrico
imperatore, per eumdem Hugonem Claramvallem missum,
opere greco mirabiliter & multum artificiose compositum,
in cuius parte anteriori, sub esmaldis de auro mirabiliter
fabrefactis, honorifice condita est, portio Dominice Crucis,
in cruce ex auro mirabiliter fabrefacta, in qua sunt quatuor
lapides praxini & duo alij lapides, in sex angulis, sex es-
67
 The Russian Anthony of Novgorod, who came to
Constantinople in the year 1200 and possibly stayed
there until 1204 or 1211, offers an extensive list of
relics and icons.52 Although he never describes in
any detail the presentation of Byzantine relics and
icons, he attests to the use of containers: the bones
and skulls of saints, decorated in metal and gems,
were kept in metal thekai (raka or srebrjanoi grob).53
In a few instances, the relics, such as the chains
of St. Peter or the locks of hair of John the Bap-
tist were kept embedded in an icon.54 The relics of
the Prophet Elijah were displayed for veneration on
the Feast Day of the saint.55 In the aftermath of the
Fourth crusade Byzantine leipsana arrived in great
numbers in the West. Being plundered, they were
often in a denuded state triggering the development
of new aesthetic of display at their new homes. For
instance, the skull of St. Mamas was despoiled of its
theke. The Canon of Langres from 1204 narrates:
When Constantinople was captured, the victorious
Latins exulted in the seized booty, for they came
upon much loot. But blind greed, which easily con-
vinces, so it held their victorious hands like cap-
tives, for not only did they violate the churches, but
even the very containers (vascula), in which the sa-
cred relics were deposited, they impudently broke
off, disgracefully extracting the gold and silver and
gems, upholding no value to the relics themselves.
[...] Among those [looted objects] the head of the
maldis miro opere decorati. In eadem parte anteriori con-
tinentur reliquie plures, scilicet: de ferro Lancee Domini,
de spinis Corone Domini, & alie reliquie, sub similibus es-
maldis in cellulis collocate; in parte vero posteriori eiusdem
vasis continentur reliquie sancti Georgij & aliorum plurimo-
rum sanctorum, in cellulis argenteis; & omnes reliquie, que
in voc vase continentur, litteris grecis exprimuntur, Inven-
tariis ecclesiarum Claravallis (Clairvaux) in 1504; P. Riant,
Exuviae sacrae constantinopolitanae II, 194.
52 Kniga Palomnik. Skazanie mest Svetih vo Carigrade An-
tonija Archiepiskopa Novgorodskago v 1200 godu (ed. Ch.
Loparev), PPSb 17 (1899).
53 Ibid., 24, 28, 32. All my references are from the first
recension of Anthonys text as published by Ch. Loparev.
For the meaning of the specific terms, I have used I. I. Sr-
eznevskiji, Materialy dlja slovarja drevnerusskogo jazyka,
Moscow 1893 (reprinted 1958).
54 Kniga Palomnik. Skazanie mest Svetih vo Carigrade,
5, 22.
55 Ibid., 31. Anthony also mentioned several processions
with relics without discussing the particular staging of the
ritual, 26 (head of St. Stephen the Younger), or. 37 (the rel-
ics of Sts. Euphemia and Paraskeve).
68 B. V. PENTCHEVA
glorious martyr was found; it was nude except for
a silver-strip around the circumference of the skull,
at the top extending in the form of a cross, holding
the entire form, in which the ancient Greek letters
were inscribed; they appear here as AGIOS MA-
MAS, which are translated as Saint Mamas.56
While the Byzantine relics were habitually held
in luxury containers, their shimmering thekai at-
tracted the Crusaders. As a result, relics such as the
skull of St. Mamas arrived in the West solely wear-
ing a thin metal frame bearing the Greek identify-
ing inscription (Fig. 9).57 Other leipsana of St. John
the Baptist, were wrapped in silk and kept in a cap-
sa were also stolen without their theke. When the
Latins broke into the church using the cover of the
night, they opened the container and stole the rel-
ics: [...] entering with his accomplices the church
from a window, he opened the container (capsa),
decorated with admirable craftsmanship, and ex-
tracting the body of the saint through the window,
he wrapped it in fine silk and secretly deposited it
in the monastery of the [Virgin Psychosostria].58
A new practice of presenting relics outside their
containers spread widely in the West in the early
56 Cum capta esset Constantinopolis, exultabant victores
Latini capta preda, sicut qui invenerant spolia multa. Sed
ceca cupiditas, que facile persaudet, ita manus eorum vic-
trices victas tenuit, ut non solum ecclesias violarent, immo
etiam vascula, in quibus sanctorum reliquie quiescebant, im-
pudenter effringerent; aurum inde & argentum & gemmas
turpiter evellentes, ipsas vero reliquias pro nihilo reputabant.
[...] Inter quas inventum est caput gloriosi martyris, nudum
quidem nisi quod circulus argenteus ipsi capiti circumductus
erat, & supra in modum crucis extensus totum comprehen-
debat, in quo erat scriptum antiquis literis grecis, que adhuc
ibi apparent: AGIOS MAMAS, quod interpretatur Sanctus
Mamas, Canon of Langres, Inventio capitis beati Mamantis
of 1204, in: P. Riant, op. cit., I, 2829.
57 J. Durand, Les reliques de saint Mamms au trsor de
la cathdrale de Langres, in: Mlanges Gilbert Dagron
(eds. V. Deroche et al.), Paris 2002, 181200. Cf. also, E.
Vauthier, Saint Mamms: patron de la cathdrale et du di-
ocse de Langres: histoire, culte, lgende, iconographie:
livre daccompagnement de lexposition, ralise lors du
8e centenaire de la cathdrale, dans la chapelle des Ann-
onciades Langres du 28 mai 1994 au 25 septembre 1994,
Langres1994.
58 Ingrediens cum illis ecclesiam per quamdam fenestram,
aperuit capsam, miro opere exornatam, & extrahens inde cor-
pus sancti per eamdem fenestram, involvit illum in sindone
munda, & reposuit latenter in monasterio Psychosostre,
Petrus Calo, Translatio S. Ionannis Alexandrini, Venice, 1310,
in: P. Riant, op. cit., I, 181.
thirteenth century. Chapter 62 of the Fourth Lateran
Council of 1215 presented a very strong ban against
it: From the fact that some expose for sale and ex-
hibit promiscuously the relics of saints, great injury
is sustained by the Christian religion. That this may
not occur hereafter, we ordain in the present decree
that in the future old relics may not be exhibited
outside of a vessel or exposed for sale.59 The in-
tensity of this decree only betrays the popularity of
the illegal practice. It is the unruliness of the plun-
dering and the vast quantities obtained that led to
ad hoc, denuded display of Byzantine relics in the
West.60 Similarly, when Byzantine staurothekai ar-
rived in the West, they were remodelled, their lids
or wings were dismantled, leaving a direct optical
access to the leipsana.61 This transformation of the
thekai annihilated the post-Iconoclast Byzantine
conceptual difference between relics (divine pres-
ence, therefore concealed) and icons (imprint of
form always set on display).
The staurotheke at Fonte Avellana offers a good
example of this change. It is a twelfth-century Byz-
antine container with a sliding lid (Fig. 12).62 When
it was brought to the West as loot from the Fourth
Crusade, its original lid was removed, leaving the
59
Quum ex eo, quod quidam sanctorum reliquias exponunt
venales, et eas passim ostendunt, Christanae religioni detrac-
tum sit saepius, ne in posterum detrahatur, praesenti decreto
statuimus, ut antiquae reliquiae amodo extra capsam nullate-
nus ostendantur, nec exponantur venales. Sacrorum concili-
orum nova et amplissima collectio, 53 vols. (ed. G. Mansi),
Paris-Leipzig, 190127, vol. 22, coll. 104950, English trans-
lation: www.medievalarthistory.co.uk/An_English_transla-
tion_of_the_canons_of_the_Fourth_Lateran_Council.html,
site visited June 29, 2006.
60 On the commodification of Byzantine relics, see H.
Klein, Eastern Objects and Western Desires, 283314. Gia
Toussaint has maintained that the Byzantines invented the
transparent display, but this hypothesis is not supported
by the extant textual or visual evidence, G. Touissant, Die
Sichtbarkeit des Gebeins im Reliquiar eine Folge der
Plnderung Konstantinopels, Hamburger Forschungen zur
Kunstgeschichte 5 (2005), 89106. Similarly, A. Weyl Carr
has arged that the skull (its front part) of St. John the Baptist
was set on display, yet her analysis omits the fact that the
leipsana were kept in a container (P. Riant, op. cit., II:28),
A. Weyl Carr, The face relics of John the Baptist in Byzan-
tium and the West, Gesta 462 (2007), 15977.
61 H. Klein, Byzanz, der Westen und das wahre Kreuz,
13137; id., Eastern Objects and Western Desires, 283
314.
62 H. Klein, Byzanz, der Westen und das wahre Kreuz,
13134 (Fonte Avellana staurotheke); 13437 (Esztergom).
Cf. also, Glory of Byzantium, 81, no. 40.
THE PERFORMANCE OF RELICS: CONCEALMENT AND DESIRE IN THE BYZANTINE STAGING OF LEIPSANA
relic fully visually exposed like an icon. This West-
ern remodeling marks a new attitude to the display
of relics: transparency. The Byzantine visual and
haptic concealment thus gave way to a complete
optical and tactile revealing of the relics in the
thirteenth-century West.63 Another example of this
transformed aesthetic is offered by a relic-container
made in the West ca. 12301240 in Trier for the
Benedictine monastery of St. Matthias (Fig. 13).64
It selectively copies the Limburg staurotheke,
but adjusts it to the new aesthetic of transparency.
From the start, the container is designed without
a sliding lid or wings. Thus it immediately gives
optical access to the relics of the True cross. Simi-
larly, the secondary relics deposited in small com-
partments, imitating the arrangement of the Lim-
burg staurotheke, now have transparent covers of
rock-crystal that allow constant visual contempla-
tion of the leipsana inside. This new Latin theke
thus abandons the Byzantine principle of succes-
sive concealment of relics and offers instead full
optical access.
The post-Iconoclast Byzantine division between
sensorially available icons versus sensually con-
cealed relics disintegrated in the thirteenth century.
The Fourth Crusade precipitated this change. A
mutated object emerged: the icon-relic. This trans-
formation is well attested in the post-1200 life of
Byzantine staurothekai in the West. Many of them
lost their lids or wings when they arrived as booty
in the West. Their remodeling was often done in
Venice.65 The leipsana of these boxes thus surfaced
in unhindered visual display. The remodeled con-
tainers simultaneously exposed the relics and the
63 H. Belting, The Image and Its Public: Form and Func-
tion of Early Passion Paintings, Berlin 1981 (English trans-
lation M. Bartusis R. Meyer); idem, Die Reaktion der
Kunst des 13. Jahrhunderts auf den Import von Reliquien
und Ikonen, in: Ornamenta Ecclesiae, III, 17383, and R.
Rckert, Zur Form der byzantinischen Reliquiare, 28. Cf.
also C. Diedrichs, Vom Galuben zum Sehen. Die Sichtbarkeit
der Reliquie im Reliquiar. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des
Sehens, Berlin 2001, 5, 159239; and the essays on pre-and
post-Fourth-Crusade display of relics in the West published
in Gesta 361 (1997).
64 P. Becker, Die Benediktinerabtei St. Eucharius-St. Mat-
thias in Trier (Germania sacra. Das Erzbistum Trier 8, Ber-
lin 1996; H. Klein, Eastern Objects and Western Desires,
3045; id., Byzanz, der Westen und das wahre Kreuz,
25458, with bibliography.
65 H. Klein, Byzanz, der Westen und das wahre Kreuz,
13137; id., Eastern Objects and Western Desires, 283314.
69
 icons. The Byzantine thekai were thus transformed
into icons.
Not surprisingly, the Western viewer started to
identify Byzantine thekai as icons (anconae, yconae).
A fifteenth-century document describes two Byzan-
tine reliquaries in Venice. The boxes were called
anconae, but from the description it becomes clear
that they resembled the Limburg staurotheke. They
were found in the treasury of San Marco in 1468.
Both were made of gilded silver and covered with
gem stones and enamels. The first box contained
a nail of the Crucifixion; the second relics of the
True Cross, leipsana of saints, and three of the stones
with which St. Stephen was martyred. All relics were
identified with Greek inscription. An epigram refer-
ring to Constantine and the True Cross on the Golgo-
tha was placed on the lid of the second box.66
Byzantium after Iconoclasm rose as the culture
of the container. This is at least what we encoun-
ter in terms of the ritual use of its most powerful
relics: the True Cross, the relics of the Virgin and
John the Baptist, the Mandylion. They were kept in
richly decorated thekai set in an elaborate material
frames. These containers remained closed most of
time. Only on special occasions, the veils, lids, and
doors were lifted in order to reveal for a fleeting
moment the sacred essence hidden inside. Not sur-
prisingly, the act of seeing and touching the relics
became mostly spiritual.
66 Per i signori procuratori della ghiesa de San Marco, mis-
sier Nicolo Marcello, missier Nicolo Tron, e missier Andrea
Contarini, fu trovado, nel santuario de quella ghiesa, do an-
conette de grandezza de un cubito, luna adornada de arzen-
to indorado, con figure & sancti, lavorade ad nido, le qual
son st trovade in una cassa antiquissima, quella ferrada con
tre chiave, le qual non se trovava esser in rerum natura,
stada ferrada z anni tresento, da l in suso, sicome st tro-
vada alla procuratoria. In una delle ancone un Chiodo de
quelli, con li quali Gies Christo nostro Signor f confitto
s la Croce, in quella onorificamente messo, con arzento
dorado adornado, in quella affirmado. In laltra ancona ve-
ramente del Legno della Croce, in forma di croce fatta,
per un palmo de longhezza, e per traverso per circa do terzi
de palmo, e la grosezza per circa un dedo. Le qual ancone
antiquitus sono condotte da Constantinopoli, e sopra luna e
laltra molte lettere greche letteral, le qual parla come de
sotto se dir [...]: Ut qualia facit fides Constantini patritij
tetrarche miranda arggenteum igitur hunc Golgotha ostendit
Golgothei hoc est Crucis locus). Et appresso de detta cassa
st trovado tre sassi cogolegni tiensi, che siano de quelli di
quail f lapid S. Stefano. Item s trov molti ossi de corpi
sancti, che non se intende de chi, from a Letter from 1468,
in: P. Riant, op. cit., II, 169.
70 B. V. PENTCHEVA
This perception emerges in the tenth-century
speech of Daphnophates about the right arm of
John the Baptist: [You, John] are present invis-
ibly among us today, present through your mira-
cle-working and holy hand appearing entire to the
worthy. Appearing fully visible to the pure of mind
and being fully present at all times in this holy
sanctuary.67 The text plays with the concepts of
presence and absence. The relics are the praesen-
tia of sacred energy, removed from sensual grasp.
Only the container is addressed to the avid senses,
displaying surfaces covered with images, texts, pre-
cious jewels, and cloths. Through these material
veils, the thekai simulate the energy of the relic
hidden inside. The performance of relics constitutes
the successive uncovering and unfolding of their
iconized containers.68 The physical inaccessibility
of the relic is constantly tested against the sensual
availability of the icon: presence versus absence;
remains () vs. imprint (); contained
energy versus exposed form. Relic and icon worked
in tandem, a pair suspended between presence and
absence, between inaccessible energy and sensual
experience of an iconized container.
The Mandylion exemplifies this interdepend-
ence of leipsana and icons. When it was brought to
the Palace in 944, it was deposited in a theke. The
latter was opened during Holy Week and even then
the Holy Face was only partially visible through the
perforated openings of the delicate metal grid. This
last metal plaque was fixed permanently, resisting
the desire of the crowd to possess the Mandylion
with their eyes and lips.
It has been noted that the moment the Man-
dylion entered the palace it disappeared from the
Byzantine visual and textual record.69 While this
statement is correct, the impetus behind its con-
67 Theodore Daphnophates (ed. V. V. Latyshev) PPSb 59
(1910), sect. 23, 38. English translation in: I. Kalavrezou,
Helping Hands for the Empire, Imperial Ceremonies and
the Cult of Relics at the Byzantine Court, 7.
68 None of my conclusions about the relationship between
relics and icons in Byzantium appear in K. Krause, Immag-
ine-reliquia: da Bisanzio allOccidente, in: Mandylion. In-
torno Sacro Volto, 20936. At this stage, I have not been
able to check L. James, Dry bones and painted pictures:
relics and icons in Byzantium, in: Vostocnokhristianskie re-
likvii (ed. A. Lidov), Moscow 2003, 4555.
69 A. Weyl Carr, Court Culture and Cult Icons in Middle
Byzantine Constantinople, in: Byzantine Court Culture, 81
99, especially 8889.
cealment is left unrecognized. In fact, it is this
withdrawal of the Mandylion from sensual con-
tact that defined it as a relic. The main access to
it came through its iconic substitutes. The icons of
the Mandylion offered a visual interface through
which the original the relic could be experi-
enced and contemplated.
At the dissipation of the most potent relics dur-
ing the capture of Constantinople in 1204, Byzanti-
um by necessity transformed into the culture of the
icon. The memory of its relics got invested in their
iconic substitutes: the unconcealed form offered to
the senses. The relic thus became subsumed into
the performance of the icon; the Mandylion by
its iconic copies. The signifier replaced the signi-
fied. This transformation is well exemplified by the
Holy Face kept in Genoa: an icon, which makes the
claim of being the Mandylion, while in fact it is
just its iconic simulacrum.70
70 The wood dates to the thirteenth century; Mandylion:
Intorno al Sacro Volto, 113. Cf. also C. Dufour Bozzo, Il
Sacro Volto di Genoa, Rome 1974.

:
LEIPSANA

(814843) :
typos:
(charakter) . ,
(hyle). , - -
- : -
- . , leipsana
. graphe .
typos-
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. - eikon,
.
, -
.
, -
, - .
- X
. XI .

THE PERFORMANCE OF RELICS: CONCEALMENT AND DESIRE IN THE BYZANTINE STAGING OF LEIPSANA 71


:
, ,
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.4 -

.1 2 . ,
, , 32 (1993), 35.
, , 3 ODB, I, 101 (A. Kazhdan A. Cutler A. M. Talbot),
274 (J. W. Nesbitt A. Kazhdan A. Cutler).
1 ODB, I, 101102 (A. Kazhdan A. Cutler A. M. Talbot). 4 Ibid. I, 101 (A. Kazhdan A. Cutler A. M. Talbot).

73
 -
,5 , , , , , -
.6 . VII ,
II
(685695, 705711) VIII . -
.7
,
-
(No,moj gewrgiko,j).8 .11 ,
-
, - .12
X .9
10 ,
. - , ,

5 , . I (), .
2002, 677678 (. ).
6 R. M. Grant, Early Christians and Animals, London . -
New York 20012, 1195. , -
7 -
,
: . . , - .13
, 1917, -
182184; . , B o o, V,
1952, 310325. -
8 . , , 1959 ,
(1998), 107108. , ,
9 -
. Cf. W. Ashburner, .14
The Farmers Law, JHS 30 (1910), 97108 (
); Idem, The Farmers Law, JHS 32 (1912), 6895 , -
( ); G. Vernadsky, Sur les origines de la loi ,
agraire byzantine, Byzantion 2 (1925), 181192; V. Gor-
tan, Zemljoradniki zakon, Mjesenik, Glasilo Pravnikog
-
drutva 66 (1940), 135140 (hrvatski prevod); F. Dlger, , , -
Ist der Nomos Georgikos ein Gesetz des Kaisers Justin- .15
ian II? Festschrift L. Wenger II (= MnchBeitr 35), 1945, -
1848; J. Malafosse, Les lois agraires lpoque byzantine, :
Recueil de lAcadmie de lgislation 19 (1949), 175; . .16
. , , -
- ,

1951, 103108 ( ); F. Dlger, Har- -
menopulos und der Nomos Georgikos, To Ko .17
Aooo, Thessalonike 1952, 152161; J. Karayanno-
pulos, Entstehung und Bedeutung des Nomos Georgikos, BZ . . , . . , .
51 (1958), 357373; N. Pantazopoulos, Peculiar Institutions . , 1984, 96128.
of Byzantine Law in the Georgikos Nomos, RESEE 9 (1971), 11 ODB, II, 778 (A. Kazhdan).
541547; A. E. Laiou, A note on the Farmers Law: Chapter
12 cf. L. Margeti, Ze-
67, Byzantion 41 (1971), 197204; . ,
, 1973, 135 mljoradniki zakon, 8587; , 925.
141 ( ); L. Margeti, Zemljoradniki zakon 13 ODB, II, 778 (A. Kazhdan).
(Nomos Georgikos), Zbornik Pravnog fakulteta Sveuilita 14 . , , 148149.
u Rijeci 3 (1982), 85122; , II (
15 ODB, II, 778 (A. Kazhdan).
VIIXII .), 1989, 222224 (. .
). 16 Ibid.
10 : - 17 . , :
, , , - , 2007, 7.

74 .
 XIV 46. 72. , qre,mma.24 -
, , . -
- ,
II ,
(12821321) , -
1299. .18 , - .25 ,
qre,mma
-
. 72.
1432. .19
-
,

-
. ,
- .26
-
. .27 -
(aivgi,dia),
(bou,j) (aivgidopro,bata),28
, (lu,koj). 23.
.29
, -
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-
.20 , , .
. , - (krio,j) 45. ,
-
: 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 36, 37, 38, 39, 41, , -
42, 43, 44, 45, 48, 50, 51 85.21 .30 , poi,mnh,
(?), 47. 55.
-
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(pro,vbata). , ,
, 30. () .31
(o;noj)
; : 36, 38, 39, 41, 43
, , , - 51.32 . 39

, .22 24 Id., 114 46, 122123 72.
. 38 49.23 , 25 -
, . Cf. L. Margeti, Zemljoradniki zakon, 91; -
, 114.
18 26 Cf. L. Margeti, Zemljoradniki zakon, 92; -
Id., 1516.
19 , 122123.
Id., 711.
27 ODB, III, 18871888 (A. Kazhdan).
20 , 105106 23.
28 . , , 47 .; ODB, II, 857 (A.
21 Id., 106 24, 106107 25, 107 26, 107 27,
Kazhdan J. W. Nesbitt).
107108 28, 108 29, 108 30, 110111 36, 111
29 . , , 47 . 67.
37, 111 38, 112 39, 112 41, 112113 42, 113
43, 113 44, 114 45, 115 48, 116 50, 116 30 , 114 45.
51, 128 85. 31 Id., 114 47, 117 55.
22 Id., 108 30. 32 Id., 110111 36, 111 38, 112 39, 112 41, 113
23 Id., 111 38, 115 49. 43, 116 51.

75
 , , -
, , -
. (lu,koj) , ,
.33
(coi,roj) 49. 23. 43. .44 ,
, (qhri,wn) -
, 42, 46. 55. .45
, -
.34
49. , 52. 54.
.35 45. - ,
, ,36 , -
u-j.37 ( 38, 50, 51, 53, 54, 85), -
, ,
- ( 78 79).46
.38 -
(ku,wn) 49. -
, 52, 54, 55, 75, 76, , -
77,39 . - , , , .47
77.
, - -
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.48 ,
.40 -
. -
, -
, -,
.41
, kth,noj - , -
, .49 , -
, : 40, 47, 71, 73, 74, 78
79.42 zw,on, -
, 53. .43
- ( , ,
. )
-
33 Id., 112 39. ,
34 Id., 115 49.
35 Id., 116 52, 117 54. ,50 .
36 Cf. 29. ,
37 , 114 45. ,
38 ODB, III, 19791980 (A. Kazhdan J. W. Nesbitt).
44 Id., 105106 23, 113 43.
39 , 115 49, 116 52, 117
45 Id., 112 42, 114 46, 117 55.
54, 117 55, 123124 75, 124 76, 125 77.
40 Id., 125 77. 46 ODB, II, 778 (A. Kazhdan)
41 ODB, I, 644 (A. Karpozilos A. Cutler). 47 L. Margeti, Zemljoradniki zakon, 113.
42 , 112 40, 114 47, 122 48 Ibid.
71, 123 73, 123 74, 125 78, 126 79. 49 Ibid.
43 Id., 117 53. 50 Id., 114.

76 .
 .51 -
,

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51 ODB, II, 948 (A. Kazhdan J. W. Nesbitt). , ,
52 . , , 35. ,
53 . . , , 1974, .
78. . A. McCabe, A Byzantine Encyclopaedia of
Horse Medicine. The Sources, Compilation, and Transmis- , -
sion of the Hippiatrica, Oxford 2007, 1301.
54 . . . , : .
( . , . ),
2010, 137.

77
 ANIMALS IN THE FARMERS LAW
Radivoj Radi
There is mention of animals in thirty nine out of eighty
five articles of the Farmers Law, an important, but
also very controversial source for the history of the
Early Byzantine village life. There are five domestic
animals mentioned by name cattle, sheep, donkey,
pig and dog and only wolf is mentioned of the wild
animals. This Legal Codex also mentions on several
occasions the various general terms for both domes-
tic and wild animals. It is interesting to note that the
Farmers Law bears no mention of the horses, mules
or goats. The frequency of mention of the animals in
this legal monument is not in proportion to the signifi-
78 .
cance and number of animals that existed in the Early
Byzantine village. On the contrary, it mostly focuses
around the offences and transgressions mentioned in
this Legal Codex, which have some direct or indirect
relations to animals. In other words, they are at times
mentioned as active participants, for example when
they ruin the crops, and at times as objects of certain
transgressions or victims of violence. The historical
source mentioned here relates to the Early Byzantine
village life, and therefore it should not come as a sur-
prise that it is more focused on the domestic than wild
animals.
IL MOSAICO DELLA DEISIS SUL PORTALE
DINGRESSO ALLA CHIESA DELLABBAZIA
DI SAN NILO A GROTTAFERRATA*

Valentino Pace

Il portale dingresso dellabbazia di San Nilo a Grottaferrata sovrastato da una grande immagine della Deisis,
realizzata intorno al 1100, al tempo della costruzione dellabbazia stessa. Comparandola con il reliquiario di San-
ta Prassede, opera bizantina, e con il mosaico atonita di Vatopedi, eseguito a cavallo dellXI e XII secolo, si
evidenziano immediatamente forti legami con il mondo bizantino. La figura di un monaco, molto probabilmente
ligumeno, si inserisce nella sacra composizione, occupando, se pur con la sua ridotta dimensione, lo spazio pri-
vilegiato fra Cristo e la Vergine. Proprio per la centralit della sua posizione si tratt di uninnovazione di non
poco conto. E inusuale anche la scelta cromatica dellabbigliamento di Cristo, in quanto i colori della cui tunica,
rosso e blu, sono utilizzati per creare un legame visivo tra le immagini del Madre e Figlio.
Parole chiave: Grottaferrata, Deisis, Arte bizantina, Mosaico, Iconografia, Colore, Maniera greca, Porte din-
gresso
1

I
l portale dingresso alla chiesa del monastero
criptense sovrastato da una grande immagine
della Deisis (Fig. 1), che a ciascun fedele avrebbe
immediatamente ricordato quel momento del Giudi-
zio divino cui sarebbe stato sottoposto dopo la sua
morte. E unimmagine che inusualmente specifica
una situazione particolare, poich al consueto gruppo
ternario che affianca al troneggiante Cristo-giudice
i due intercessori, Sua madre e il Battista, secon-
*
Sono lieto di pubblicare in questa sede che celebra il qua-
rantennio dellIstituto di Storia dellArte di Belgrado questo
mio breve saggio che scrissi 10 anni fa ed rimasto inedito
per traversie indipendenti dalla mia volont. Dopo di allora,
daltronde, nulla stato pubblicato in proposito, se si eccet-
tuano le poche righe ad esso dedicato da H. Kessler, Una
chiesa magnificamente ornata di pitture, in: San Nilo. Il
Monastero italo-bizantino di Grottaferrata. 10242004. Mil-
le anni di storia, spiritualit e cultura, a cura dellArchiman-
drita P. Emiliano Fabbricatore e delle Comunit Monastica,
Roma 2005, 7390.
do una tradizione allora gi secolare aggiunge
la figura di un monaco di cui, con tutta evidenza,
viene auspicata la salvezza eterna. Per la presen-
za deglintercessori ovvia limplicita fiducia nel
superamento di quel giudizio, che diviene certezza
nel momento in cui si riconosce che la otterr chi
segue linsegnamento di Cristo, giusto il testo del
versetto evangelico iscritto nel libro aperto da Lui
tenuto in mano: Io sono la porta. Chi passer tra-
mite questa porta sar salvato, potr entrare, uscire
e trovare pascoli (Giov., 10. 9).
Porta simbolica daccesso alla chiesa, anches-
sa ovviamente innalzata a luogo simbolico della sal-
vezza eterna, il Cristo-giudice, intronizzato, siede
eretto col gesto benedicente e guarda fisso davanti
a s, senza incontrare lo sguardo dei fedeli. La Ver-
gine, alla Sua destra, non Lo guarda, ma non guarda
neppure il Suo protetto n il fedele che si accosta
al portale, corroborando cos leffetto dastrazione

IL MOSAICO DELLA DEISIS SUL PORTALE DINGRESSO ALLA CHIESA DELLABBAZIA DI SAN NILO 79

Fig. 1. Grottaferrata, bbazia di San Nilo, Deisis sul portale dingresso alla chiesa
dinsieme, incrinato soltanto dalla direzione dello
sguardo del Battista, lunico, sembrerebbe, che di
lui si dia cura.
Cristo indossa una tunica di un denso color ros-
so, sul quale drappeggiato un pallio blu, colori
ripetuti nellabbigliamento della Madre, dalla veste
rossa e il maphorion blu, mentre il Battista indossa
invece un lunga tunica di un giallo paglierino su cui
drappeggiato un mantello su toni di verde.
Cristo seduto su un trono gemmato, il corpo
poggiato su un ampio cuscino che conseguentemen-
te si rigonfia ai lati. Sullo schienale si dispone una
trama di losanghe a suggerire un marmo incrostato
di tessere, come allora stava divenendo usuale con
i lavori dei marmorari romani. Lo impreziosiscono
la bordura e motivi ornamentali dangolo. La parte
bassa dello sfondo, decorata a crocette policrome
sulla chiara tessitura marmorea, deve a sua volta
intendersi malgrado lassenza di quelle che oggi
riterremmo le necessarie indicazioni prospettiche
come la rappresentazione del pavimento, sopra il
quale si estende lastratta superficie dorata che av-
volge di luce questa visione. Cos intesa le figure
vengono a trovarsi e a ponderare i loro corpi in uno
spazio fisico, e allo stesso tempo prezioso come si
conviene alla loro divinit e santit. Una doratura
appena diversa per tonalit , infine, quella che
circoscritta dalle perlinate circonferenze delle aure-
80 V. PACE
ole, delle quali solo quella di
Cristo reca, come conviene, il
signum crucis.1
In sostanza questo, cre-
do, il messaggio che il com-
mittente (verosimilmente il
monaco stesso qui rappre-
sentato) volle esporre allat-
tenzione di ogni fedele che
entrasse nelledificio. Quale
reazione poteva comunque
suscitare una tale immagine
al momento in cui essa fu
eseguita, quanto si poneva in
continuit, ovvero quanto era
innovativa ai suoi tempi in-
torno al 1100, come credo per
le argomentazioni in prece-
denza proposte, o, comunque,
al pi tardi nella prima met
del XII secolo?2
1 Pur se il mosaico non sia stato indenne da integrazioni ot-
tocentesche, esse non ne hanno modificato il tenore dimma-
gine. Glinterventi pi significativi al proposito furono quelli
sui volti deglintercessori e dellofferente, oltre che su parte
degli sfondi, implicando bocca, naso, occhio destro e parte del
sinistro (oltre alle mani) della Vergine; occhi e gran parte del-
la capigliatura (oltre a parte delle mani e una buona porzione
del manto) del Battista; lintero volto (oltre a piccole parti del
manto e del cero) dellofferente. Il mosaico venne restaurato
nel 1994 dalla C.B.C. (Conservazione Beni Culturali), per
conto della Soprintendenza ai BB. AA. e SS. di Roma, sotto la
direzione della dott. Alma M. Tantillo. A lei e alla restauratrice,
Maria Grazia Chilosi, sono grato per aver potuto ispezionare
lopera sullimpalcatura a conclusione dei lavori e per avermi
permesso di avvalermi delle pertinenti informazioni.
2 Per la storiografia specifica su questo mosaico criptense:
M. Andaloro, La decorazione pittorica medioevale e il suo
perduto contesto, in: Roma anno 1300, (a c. di A. M. Roma-
nini), Roma 1983, 253272; G. B. Ladner, Die Papstbild-
nisse des Altertums und des Mittelalters, Citt del Vaticano,
III, 1984, 99105; V. Pace, La chiesa abbaziale di Grotta-
ferrata e la sua decorazione nel medioevo, BollGrott XLI
(1987), 4787 (adesso ristampato in: V. Pace, Arte a Roma
nel Medioevo. Committenza, ideologia e cultura figurativa
in monumenti e libri, Napoli 2000, 417497; M. Andaloro,
Polarit bizantine, polarit romane nella pittura di Grotta-
ferrata, in: Italian Church Decoration of the Middle Ages
and Early Renaissance (a c. di W. Tronzo), Bologna 1989
(Villa Spelman Colloquia, vol.1), 126; S. Silvestro, Lin-
corniciatura della porta speciosa della chiesa abbaziale
di Grottaferrata, BollGrott XLVIIII (1994), 115140; H.
Kessler, op. cit., 7677. La datazione stilistica del mosaico
tramite il confronto che a suo tempo feci con i frammen-
 Come ho detto e come
tutti sappiamo, la formula-
zione di una Deisis a indica-
re lauspicio di una positiva
intercessione al momento del
giudizio, era a quella data
ben comprensibile, soprattut-
to nellambiente della chiesa
greca. Un latino, in particola-
re un romano avrebbe potuto
mostrare qualche sorpresa, se
non altro perch nelle chiese
della sua citt non ne ave-
va mai viste di simili allin-
gresso delle basiliche, ma,
se fosse stato un devoto di
s.Prassede si sarebbe potuto Fig. 2. Monastero di Vatopedi (Monte Athos), Katholikon. Mosaico sulla porta
ricordare del reliquiario del dingresso
Suo capo che, sul coperchio,
reca uno smalto di simile
composizione (Fig. 3).3 Non so quanta possibilit quanto lutilizzazione di una tale immagine fos-
avrebbe avuto di entrare nella cappella di s.Zeno se diffusa in quellambiente di religiosit greca
sul fianco destro della navatella di Santa Prasse- di cui daltronde lo stesso monastero criptense
de, ma se laveva avuta, si sarebbe anche ricorda- esponente primario.5 Il mosaico atonita di Vatopedi
to che, pure a mosaico, vi figuravano i medesimi (Fig. 2), anchesso eseguito al trapasso fra XI e XII
intercessori, collocati a fianco di una monofora secolo ci pu al proposito offrire un esempio per
dalla quale spiove la luce-simbolo di Cristo.4 Se molti versi significativo.6
il reliquiario di Santa Prassede era opera bizanti- Pur con labitudine alla Deisis, ci si pu comun-
na la chiesa in Suo onore era a sua volta officiata que chiedere se una certa sorpresa non labbia cau-
dal clero greco e gi solo questi due fatti indicano sata la scelta cromatica attuata per labbigliamento
di Cristo, per il colore rosso della Sua tunica che,
come si vede sin dal confronto stesso con lo smalto,
ti salernitani non mi pare pi cos cogente come credevo ma anche con il mosaico di Vatopedi, inusuale.
allora, ma resta comunque indicazione utile a rinsaldare i
disiecta membra dei mosaici del tempo, da Salerno a San
E ben possibile che qui il rosso voglia indicare la
Clemente. La sottostante incorniciatura marmorea, che ne porpora, ma per consonanza con la prevalente tra-
pu essere sincrona o, comunque, un a quo, peraltro essa dizione ci si sarebbe piuttosto aspettati una tunica
stessa di datazione discussa, che io seguito a ritenere di ve- doro o filettata doro su un fondo di un diverso
rosimile esecuzione anchessa intorno al 1100. Sulla que- tono di blu, come altre volte avviene, in smalti o
stione cronologica dellincorniciatura e della vicina urna (il mosaici. Oltretutto un tale colore ancor pi sot-
cd. fonte battesimale) v. anche F. Gandolfo, I puteali di
tolineato dalla sua abbondante visibilit, dovuta a
S. Bartolomeo allIsola e di Grottaferrata, in: Roma e la
Riforma gregoriana. Tradizioni e innovazioni artistiche (XI un drappeggio del sovrastante pallio che, ancora
XII secolo) (a c. di S. Romano J. Enckell Julliard), Roma una volta inusualmente, la lascia in vista da am-
2007, 165184. bedue le ginocchia in gi, cosicch mi sembra che
3 Splendori di Bisanzio, cat. della mostra (a c. di G. Mo-
rello), Milano 1990, 178 (scheda di R. Farioli Campanati, 5 J. M. Sansterre, Les moines grecs et orientaux Rome
con bibl.). La relazione iconografia dello smalto con il mo- aux poques byzantine et carolingienne, Bruxelles 1983.
saico di Grottaferrata stata osservata da S. Silvestro, op. 6 Il mosaico atonita venne ricordato, a proposito dellope-
cit., 122. ra criptense, da M. Andaloro, op. cit., 16. Per la sua foto a
4 V. Pace, Cristo-Luce a Santa Prassede, in: Per assiduum colori, oltre al commento critico, v. E. Tsigaridas, Ta psifi-
studium scientiae adipisci margaritam. Festgabe fr Ursula dota kai oi byzantines toichographies, in: Iera megisti moni
Nilgen zum 65. Geburtstag, St.Ottilien 1997, 185200 (ri- Batopaidiou. Paradose-Istoria-Techne, Agion Oros 1996,
stampato in: Arte a Roma nel Medioevo, 105123). 220340 (in particolare figg. 184187, 224230).

IL MOSAICO DELLA DEISIS SUL PORTALE DINGRESSO ALLA CHIESA DELLABBAZIA DI SAN NILO 81

Fig. 3. Citt del Vaticano, Musei, Reliquiario della testa di santa Prassede (Dal Tesoro allinizio, si inserisce nella
del Sancta Sanctorum)
ne risulti esplicita lintenzione del ribattito visivo e
cromatico delle immagini del Figlio e della Madre
(incidentalmente potrebbe a questo punto osservar-
si che questo uso del rosso e del blu nel mosaico
criptense costituisce uneccellente precedenza per
analoghe scelte sullabside torritiana di Santa Ma-
ria Maggiore, dove le si sono a tortocredute prova
dellinfluente ruolo del gotico francese).
I colori dellabbigliamento del Battista, in altri
casi tali da corroborarne la specularit del suo ruolo
rispetto alla Vergine, sono invece del tutto diversi.
Il manto su un tono di verde, la tunica ha una to-
nalit giallognola che suggerisce la sua consistenza
fibrosa: sono le medesime tonalit cromatiche su
cui si orienta il suo abbigliamento nel gi ricordato
mosaico di Vatopedi. A Roma, a Santa Prassede o
nella coeva Santa Maria in Domnica si era invece
preferito nobilitarlo con una veste dorata e clavata,7
mentre su alcuni smalti il manto blu era stato im-
preziosito da filiformi striature dorate, come per la
Vergine.8 Pu essere al proposito interessante os-
servare come a SantAngelo in Formis, non troppo
7 G. Matthiae, Mosaici medioevali delle chiese di Roma,
Roma 1967, figg. 200 e 145.
8 Ricordo per es. gli smalti di fine XI/inizi XII sec. che in-
corniciavano unicona georgiana, oggi al Metropolitan Mu-
seum, per i quali cf. Glory of Byzantium, 346347.
82 V. PACE
distante per cronologia e geo-
grafia, egli indossi un manto
di sorprendente color rosso.9
Ambedue glintercessori
implorano Cristo con il gesto
consueto delle braccia e delle
mani. A Sua volta Cristo be-
nedice congiungendo anulare
e mignolo al pollice, una for-
ma di benedizione non infre-
quente, utilizzata anche dal
Pantocrator di Cefal e altro-
ve, come anche negli smalti
qui ricordati, tale dunque da
poter essere considerata pro-
pria della gestualit liturgica
greca piuttosto che una va-
riante di quella latina.10
Un monaco, come detto
sacra composizione, occupan-
do, pur se con la sua ridotta
dimensione, lo spazio privi-
legiato fra Cristo e la Vergine. Proprio per questa
centralit della sua presenza dovette trattarsi, cre-
do, di uninnovazione di non poco conto.11 A Santa
Maria Antiqua, per citare un raro esempio di prece-
denza, peraltro inesperita poich gi da tempo ab-
bandonata, il committente si era pure fatto rappre-
sentare nel contesto di una Deisis, ma pur sempre
sul margine laterale. Rappresentato in piedi (e non
inginocchiato o prostrato) la sua sottomissione alla
divinit si esprime con la riduzione dimensionale e
9 Per una pur vaga idea delle scelte cromatiche cfr. almeno la
mediocre tav. a colori, con lintera parete di navata, in: G. M.
Iacobitti S. Abita, La Basilica benedettina di SantAngelo in
Formis, Napoli 1992.
10 V. Pace, La chiesa abbaziale di Grottaferrata e la sua
decorazione nel medioevo, BollGrott XLI (1987), 57, usai
una fraseologia imprecisa al proposito di questa formula ge-
stuale.
11 RBK I, Stuttgart 1966, coll. 11781186 (Th. von Bog-
yay); M. Andaloro, Note sui temi iconografici della Deisis
e dellHaghiosoritissa, RIASA, 17 (1970), 85153 (in parti-
colare 113114 per i tre esempi di Deisis al fondatore o al
donatore: oltre che a Grottaferrata a Santa Maria Antiqua
e nel rotolo barese dellExultet, in ambedue i casi peraltro
con diversa disposizione compositiva); I. Zervou Tognazzi,
. Interpretazione del termine e sua presenza nellico-
nografia bizantina, in: Costantinopoli e larte delle province
orientali (a c. di F. De Maffei C. Barsanti A. Guiglia
Guidobaldi), Roma 1990, 391416.
con i segni del suo comportamento: egli porta in-
fatti la mano sinistra al cuore e con la destra offre
un cero, cos come fa, per esempio, Beno de Rapi-
za nel pannello sottostante al celebre affresco ro-
mano con il Miracolo di s.Clemente.12 Chi egli sia
ha costituito materia di dissenso fra i pochi studiosi
che se ne sono occupati, chi persuaso che debba
trattarsi di un personaggio del tempo della consa-
crazione delledificio nel 1024, dunque ligumeno
s.Bartolomeo o papa Giovanni XIX, chi incline a
identificarlo con il pontefice Benedetto IX, perch
morto a Grottaferrata, chi pi genericamente pro-
penso a ritenerlo un monaco criptense.13 Premesso
che qualsiasi identificazione con uno dei personag-
12 Mancando una buona illustrazione del soggetto in que-
stione, rinvio allacquarello pubblicato da J. Wilpert, Die
rmischen Mosaiken und Malereien der kirchlichen Bau-
ten vom IV. bis XIII. Jahrhundert, Freiburg i.Bl., 1916, IV,
tav. 241.
13 G. B. Ladner, op. cit., riferisce le diverse opinioni.
gi storici appena menzionati implicherebbe una sfa-
satura cronologica comprensibile solo in un clima
commemorativo, alla luce del confronto con il
pannello di San Clemente lalternativa dellimma-
gine del donatore mi pare la pi plausibile.14
E peraltro necessario sottolineare che, se non
dovuta a lacune della superficie originaria, lassen-
za di una qualsiasi iscrizione identificatrice pu le-
gittimamente indurre a pensare che ligumeno-do-
natore abbia qui inteso sottolineare il suo ruolo,
piuttosto che la sua persona.
Cos facendo egli trasmetteva alla memoria dei
posteri e, dunque, ancora a noi, unesemplare, em-
blematica immagine dellauspicio di salvezza che
egli nutriva per s e per la sua comunit lungo i
secoli di vita di questo prestigioso cenobio.
14 V. Pace, La chiesa abbaziale, 5758, dove, non avendo
pensato allanaloga formulazione dimmagine di San Cle-
mente, mi ero invece dichiarato propenso ad accettarne il
valore commemorativo.

- (Sta. Prassede) -
. -
1100. .
. -
, ,
, 1100. .
- ,
. -
. -
. - , -
- .
- .
. -
, ,
, -
, .
. - ( , ) -
, , - -
- . ,
. ,
,

IL MOSAICO DELLA DEISIS SUL PORTALE DINGRESSO ALLA CHIESA DELLABBAZIA DI SAN NILO 83
 , , -
- -
, . .
,
,
, ,
. . -
- . , -
- -
.

. , - .

84 V. PACE
REVISITING THE FRESCOES OF THE CHURCH
OF THE KOSMOSOTEIRA AT PHERRAI (1152)

Nancy Patterson evenko

The Byzantine church of the Virgin Kosmosoteira exhibits odd elements in both its architecture and fresco pro-
gram. This article argues that some of the anomalies in the placement of the frescoes can be explained by assum-
ing that the church was originally designed to be sheathed throughout in marble up to the level of the cornice, but
that only the sanctuary area was completed in this fashion.
Key words: Komnenos, Isaac, sebastokrator, Bera (Pherrai), Annunciation, Saints, bishops, Constantinople, Ka-
lenderhane, Chora church

H
igh on a hill dominating the plain of the
Maritsa river delta, in the Thracian town of
Pherrai, stands a large frescoed church of the
th
12 century (Fig. 1). It has been convincingly identi-
fied as the church of the Virgin Kosmosoteira, known
to have been built around 1152 as part of a large mo-
nastic complex founded by Isaac Komnenos, exiled
son of the Byzantine emperor Alexios I, at a place
called near the mouth of the Maritsa river.1
1 On the church: cf. S. Sinos, Die Klosterkirche der Ko-
smosoteira in Bera (Vira), Munich 1985, with review by
R. Ousterhout, in: Speculum 63 (1988), 22931, and, most
recently, R. Ousterhout Ch. Bakirtzis, The Byzantine
Monuments of the Evros/Meri River Valley, Thessalonike
2007, 4885, with earlier bibliography. For the history of
the site cf. C. Asdracha, La rgion des Rhodopes aux XIIIe
et XIVe sicles. tude de gographie historique, Athens
1976, 12430; P. Soustal, Thrakien (Thrake, Rodope and
Haimimontos), Vienna 1991, 200201. The article by S. Si-
nos, H 47578. On Isaacs possible connection to works of the
manuscript illuminator known as the Kokkinobaphos mas-
, 7 (19871990), 22346 was ter cf. J. C. Anderson, The Seraglio Octateuch and the Kok-
unavailable to me.
Our information about Isaac and the Kosmo-
soteira is extensive.2 Details of his biography,
which was marked by unrelenting sedition against
his imperial relatives, his brother John II Kom-
nenos and his nephew Manuel I, are supplied by
Byzantine chroniclers; works of literature have
been ascribed to him, and evidence for his patron-
age of further works of architecture, and perhaps
of manuscript illumination as well, has been un-
covered.3 And we have a long text of which he is
surely the author, namely, the typikon or foundation
document for the monastery of the Virgin Kosmo-
2 On Isaac Komnenos cf. K. Barzos, H
, 2 vols., Thessalonike 1984, vol. 1, 23854; S.
Sinos, Kosmosoteira, 818.
3 On Isaacs involvement at Chora: cf. R. Ousterhout, The
Architecture of the Kariye Camii, Washington, D.C. 1987,
especially 2032, with reviews by C. Mango in: BZ 83
(1990), 12628 and N. P. evenko in: Speculum 65 (1990),
kinobaphos Master, DOP 36 (1982), 83114, especially 84.

REVISITING THE FRESCOES OF THE CHURCH OF THE KOSMOSOTEIRA AT PHERRAI (1152) 85

 Fig. 1. Pherrai, Church of the Virgin Kosmosoteira, exterior from the southeast (S. Mamaloukos)

soteira, begun in 1152.4 Though Isaac requested in site bears a flowery, if fragmentary, marble inscrip-
the typikon that elements of the tomb he had set up tion referring to a despotes and is thought to have
for himself at the church of Chora in Constantinople been his gravestone.6
be transferred to the Kosmosoteira, where he was to It is tempting to try to weave a personality out of
end his days, the tomb itself has not been found, and all this material, as has been done by Catia Galatari-
its location within the new church complex remains otou for his rough contemporary, the monk Neophy-
a matter of speculation.5 A marble slab found on the tos who lived at Paphos on Cyprus toward the end of
the 12th century.7 This article, however, has a more
4 The text was originally edited by L. Petit, Typikon du
monastre de la Kosmosotira prs dAenos (1152), IRAIK 29 (1984), 13540. On the location of the tomb cf. R. Oust-
13 (1908), 1775. A new edition, with modern Greek trans- erhout, Kariye Camii, 26; id., Master Builders of Byzantium,
lation, was made by G. . Papazoglou, u I Princeton 1999, 12225, and id., Byzantine funerary archi-
A tecture of the twelfth century, Drevnerusskoe iskusstvo. Rus
(1151/52), Komotini 1994, with review by I. D. Polemes and i strani vizantijskogo mira XII vek, St. Petersburg 2002,
I. E. Stephanes, , 917, especially 1315.
E 47 (1997), 27587. An English translation of the 6 C. Asdracha Ch. Bakirtzis, Inscriptions byzantines de
typikon, based on L. Petit, plus commentary, can be found Thrace (VIIIeXVe sicles). dition et commentaire histori-
in BMFD, vol. 2, 782858. The original manuscript of the que, A 35 (1980), 26163, pl. 66a; The Glory of Byzan-
typikon is lost; what survives is a copy of the late 16th cen- tium, no. 7.
tury in the monastery of St. Gerasimos on Kephallonia cf. 7 C. Galatariotou, The making of a saint: the life, times,
G. K. Papazoglou, , 2526. and sanctification of Neophytos the Recluse, Cambridge
5 Details of Isaacs proposed tomb with its grillwork, icons New York 1991; M. Panayotidi, Donor Portraits in 12th
and silverwork can be gleaned from this typikon. See N. P. century painting. Some examples, in: Byzantium Matters.
evenko, The Tomb of Isaak Komnenos at Pherrai, GOTR Choices, sensitivities, and modes of expression (Eleventh to

86 N. P. EVENKO
limited aim, namely to pursue some of the oddities
of the fresco decoration in this church and attempt to
find a satisfactory explanation for them.
The architectural anomalies of the Kosmo-
soteira church have been often remarked upon,
the most noticeable of these being the fact that the
main dome support at the west takes the form of
pairs of columns instead of piers (Fig. 2).8 There
are curious aspects to the frescoes as well (Fig.
3).9 Bishops on the north and south walls, painted
on a rather small scale as compared to the figures
between the windows above, bear scrolls that cite
passages from the silent prayers of the liturgy in the
precise order of the rite, so that the wall becomes
a virtual script for the liturgy.10 The fact that the
easternmost bishop on the north wall whose scroll
survives holds the text of the first antiphon prayer
(the second prayer of the liturgy), and the second,
third and fourth bishops the second and third anti-
phon prayers and the prayer of the Little Entrance
respectively, suggests that the line of celebrant
bishops actually started there on those side walls,
not in the apse round about the altar.11 The scene
of the Communion of the Apostles is found on the
south wall of the prothesis, instead of in the apse.
The standing prophets between the windows on the

Fifteenth centuries) (ed. C. Angelidi), Athens 2004, 14566,

especially 14651. Fig. 2. Pherrai, Church of the Virgin Kosmosoteira, naos
8 S. Sinos, Kosmosoteira, 89103. I. Iliadis, The Panagia looking northwest, the twin columns and the Angel of the
Kosmosoteira at Pherai (Vira): The Natural Lighting of the Annunciation (After R. Ousterhout Ch. Bakirtzis)
Katholikon, JB 55 (2005), 22946.
9 M. Panayotidi, The wall-paintings in the church of the
Virgin Kosmosoteira at Ferai (Vira) and stylistic trends in level above the warriors carry scrolls inscribed with
12th century painting, ByzF 14 (1989), 45981. For a dia- Old Testament readings in honor of the Virgin; these
gram of the frescoes cf. S. Sinos, Kosmosoteira, pl. 13. My texts start with the opening words of the liturgical
own Masters thesis, N. Patterson (evenko), The church of
readings found in Old Testament lectionaries even
the Kosmosoteira at Pherrai, Columbia University 1964,
includes a detailed study of the frescoes, made before they though this means the crucial Marian reference is
were cleaned, cf. M. Panayotidi, Donor Portraits, 14651. omitted on the short scroll.12 The scene of the An-
10 On the line of bishops and their scrolls cf. S. Sinos, op. nunciation is oddly placed, appearing on the span-
cit., 18892; Ch. Konstantinide, - drels of the western dome supports, not, as usual,
I - on the two eastern piers (Fig. 2). The dome of the
, ByzF 14 (1989), 30327; N. Patterson prothesis contains a figure of the archangel Michael
(evenko), The Church of the Kosmosoteira, 5476. holding a scroll instead of a globe.13
11 There is one bishop further to the east than the bishop
holding the first antiphon prayer; his scroll is illegible, but 12 S. Sinos, Kosmosoteira, 19799; N. Patterson (even-
presumably he would have held the opening prayer of the
liturgy, the prothesis prayer. He is appropriately located very ko), The Church of the Kosmosoteira, 90107. Above the
near the entrance to the prothesis chamber. The texts held prophets are busts of Old Testament patriarchs, cf. S. Sinos,
by the bishops on the south wall are no longer legible. Kon- op. cit., 199; N. Patterson (evenko), op. cit., 10817.
stantide also postulates that the line of bishops started only 13 Other aspects of this program have led to specific inter-
in the naos, but provides a different explanation for this than pretations such as that of Ch. Bakirtzis, Warrior Saints or
the one offered below. Portraits of Members of the Family of Alexios I Komnenos?,

REVISITING THE FRESCOES OF THE CHURCH OF THE KOSMOSOTEIRA AT PHERRAI (1152) 87

 Fig. 3. Pherrai, Church of the Virgin Kosmosoteira, naos looking northeast, the north wall and the entrance to the prothesis
(N. P. evenko)
Of particularly interest here is the apparent ex-
clusion from the bema and apse of the representa-
tions that would normally adorn these spaces, spe-
cifically the officiating bishops and the Communion
of the Apostles. Both have been displaced to other
parts of the church. Why were they excluded from
the sanctuary area?
The most likely explanation is that when the
frescoes came to be painted, something was already
occupying the apse walls. Examination of the ar-
chitectural features of this church has revealed its
close affiliation with contemporary Constantinopo-
litan monuments, among these its spacious dome
and the prominent rounded cross-arms with tiers
in: Mosaic. Festschrift for A. H. S. Megaw (ed. J. Herrin et
al.), Athens 2001, 8587, that the warrior saints that appear
in bust form between the windows above the bishops are in
fact imperial portraits in disguise; that of R. Ousterhout, Fu-
nerary architecture, 14, that the fresco of the Three Marys
at the Tomb marks the location of the princes tomb.
88 N. P. EVENKO
of large windows.14 The interior walls of church-
es of this plan and style in the capital were often
sheathed in marble up to the springing of the vaults,
from which they were divided by a carved marble
cornice or string course.15 Figural decoration seems
14 S. Sinos, op. cit., 21040. The dome, which is just over
7 m. in diameter, is comparable in size to the domes of the
Chora naos (7.45 m), the Pantokrator south church (7.5 m)
and Kalenderhane (7.70 m) in Constantinople.
15 R. Ousterhout, Master Builders, 23539. For further
photographs of marble revetment still in situ, cf. Th. F.
Mathews, The Byzantine Churches of Istanbul. A Photo-
graphic Survey, London 1976, pls. 1017, 1019 (Pan-
tokrator monastery, south church), 1810 (Kalenderhane);
C. L. Striker D. Kuban, Kalenderhane in Istanbul: the
buildings, their history, architecture, and decoration, Mainz
1997, 11719, pls. 1631. Whether or not the 12th century
naos and apse of the Chora church were revetted is not en-
tirely certain: according to R. Ousterhout, these areas were
adorned with painted plaster below, and mosaic above, the
cornice, and not revetted until the 14th century, cf. R. G.
Ousterhout, Kariye Camii, 30, 3942, 45; pls. 5051.
to have been restricted to the area above the cor-
nice, with the exception of a pair of large fresco or
mosaic icons installed on the western face of the
eastern piers. These icons were enclosed in elabo-
rate marble frames, such as those that still exist at
Kalenderhane in Istanbul, which rose to meet the
carved marble cornice (Fig. 4).16
I would like to suggest that the walls of the apse
and bema at the Kosmosoteira were also originally
covered by marble panels up to the level of the
cornice and the conch, and that the eastern piers
of the church were occupied by two framed icons.
The fresco decoration that we see today, I would
argue, was begun only after the apse had been re-
vetted: the usual painted apse themes had thus to
be displaced, the officiating bishops to the naos,
and the Communion of the Apostles to the pro-
thesis.17 The presence of two large framed icons
would have left no space on the eastern piers for a
painting of the Annunciation, which had therefore
to be moved to the opposite side of the main dome
area.18
Some passages in Isaacs typikon can be cit-
ed to strengthen the hypothesis. Isaac speaks of
the gleaming marbles and gold that adorn his
church.19 The only figural decoration he mentions
16 Kalenderhane, cf. Th. Mathews, The Byzantine Church-
es, pl. 1018; Nerezi cf. I. Sinkevi, The Church of St. Pan-
teleimon at Nerezi. Architecture, Programme, Patronage,
Wiesbaden 2000, figs. XXI, XXXIV. XLIX; Porta Panagia
at Pyli cf. N. Chatzidakis, Byzantine Mosaics, Athens 1994,
figs. 16264, p. 252. The two eastern piers of the Chora
church are adorned with tall framed icons of Christ and the
Virgin and Child executed in mosaic. Both icons date from
the 14th century, to the reconstruction undertaken by Theod-
ore Metochites. These icons may however reflect the origi-
nal 12th century decoration of the Chora.
17 For early examples of the Communion of the Apostles
appearing in the prothesis cf. S. E. J. Gerstel, Beholding the
Sacred Mysteries. Programs of the Byzantine Sanctuary,
SeattleLondon 1999, 4849. By the mid 12th century, how-
ever, the scene was generally located in the apse. S. Sinos,
op. cit., 88, 180 remarks on the churchs two levels divided
by the cornice and the painted marble daedo, and Ch. Kon-
stantinide, , 326, footnote 57, notes the pos- 34, p. 39 lines 75054; G. K. Papazoglou, , 70;
sibility of painted revetment in the apse.
18 The angel retains his customary position on the north
side and the Virgin her usual place to the south.
19 Since I arranged, with the help of God, for the church
to be adorned as far as possible with gleaming marbles and
gold ( )...: L. Petit fresco decoration as it exists in the church was not part of
79, p. 59, lines 154751, G. K. Papazoglou, u, p. 114; the original design, I see no reason to date it much later than
BMFD p. 835: ... to fulfill this plan of mine and have the
REVISITING THE FRESCOES OF THE CHURCH OF THE KOSMOSOTEIRA AT PHERRAI (1152)
is a mosaic image of the Koimesis over the en-
trance to the church, which appears to have been an
isolated panel affixed to the wall.20 And at several
reprises, he mentions two proskynesis icons of the
Virgin and Christ in the area of the templon, which
are most likely to have been pier icons.21
Many aspects of the decoration of this church
are in need of further study, and will be treated
elsewhere.22 In the meantime, the hypothesis pre-
sented here, of one form of decoration yielding to
marbles of my tomb taken up from the monastery of Chora
and to transport them to this newly established monastery
(just the way I transported the marbles for the church).. L.
Petit 89, p. 63 lines 168891; G. K. Papazoglou, ,
121; BMFD, 838.
20 The mosaic Dormition that is fixed over the door (
) should, at the
time of the feast, have illumination [that is] neither poor nor
contemptible..; L. Petit, Typikon, 65, p. 50 lines 119091;
G. K. Papazoglou, , 89; BMFD, 827. This was ap-
parently a single isolated panel similar to the one in this
very same location in the 14th century church at Chora.
21 ... after the dismissal of vespers, they [should] all as-
semble before the icon of the Mother of God, and perform
the trisagion every evening..; L. Petit, Typikon, 7, p. 22
lines 120136; G. K. Papazoglou, , 4243; BMFD
801; There should be four lamps lit in the very middle of
the church, and two candelabra with eight candleholders
should stand by the two icons set out for veneration (
), that is, in the two parts
of the church where my Supremely-good Christ, and the
Mother of God and Kosmosoteira, are respectively repre-
sented with great skill... I wish that by both of these icons
there be lit as well the triple lamps of silver, those which
I hung up nicely before them. Moreover, let all the little
candles be lit, along with these, as many as the bronze
lamna is able to hold, the one extending above and across
the entrance doors to the sanctuary. L. Petit, Typikon, 9,
pp. 2324 lines 16467 and 17376; G. K. Papazoglou,
, 4445; BMFD, 802; Therefore I wish for two
large candles to be kept always burning the whole year
[before] Christ the Absolute in Goodness, and [before] the
Mother of God that is, one at the [icon] of Christ set out
for veneration, one at that of the Mother of God (
)..;
L. Petit, Typikon, 12, p. 26 lines 28082; G. K. Papazo-
glou, , 51, BMFD, 805. Cf. also L. Petit, Typikon,
BMFD, 816.
22 These include the date of the frescoes (scholarly opin-
ions range from 1152 to as late as ca. 1200, cf. S. Sinos,
op. cit., 208210), and some intriguing connections with the
14th century decoration of Chora. Although I argue that the
the church structure itself.
89
 another, seems to accord well
enough with the nature of
this entire enterprise. An am-
bitious piece of architecture
based on the most prestigious
of contemporary Constantino-
politan churches, undertaken
by a once prominent member
of the imperial family now
in exile, it was executed in a
rural area without access to
the high quality building ma-
terials necessary to satisfy the
demands of the design. Ap-
parently the church was in-
tended to be sheathed in mar-
ble throughout, up to the level
of the cornice, but only the
apse was completed in this
manner. Frescoes below the
cornice were not part of the
original concept, but were in-
troduced, along with the rest
of the present painted pro- Fig. 4. Istanbul, Kalenderhane, interior looking north (After C. L. Striker Y. D. Kuban)
gram, after the apse had been
revetted and, for whatever
reason, the marble had run out. The huge walls of exterior that very consciously echoes Constantinopo-
the north and south cross arms, which at that point litan architectural forms, among them rounded cross
became available for fresco decoration, were frag- arms occupied almost entirely by large windows.
mented by the huge windows; narrative feast scenes But at Nerezi a resolution was found: the lower tiers
were painted in the naos vaults to be sure (some of windows, though left visible on the exterior of
fragments remain) but others were fitted into vari- both north and south cross arms, were blocked up
ous odd spaces in the rest of the church (spandrels, inside to allow for a continuous wall surface in the
little barrel vaults connecting the column pairs to interior of the church. On these surfaces were paint-
the walls, etc.) The proper hierarchy is maintained, ed the astonishing frescoes for which the church is
but the scale is off. justifiably famous today. At the Kosmosoteira, no
One senses a tension here between the tradition such accommodation was attempted, and the fresco
of large and impressive marble interiors with figura- painters, although themselves highly talented, had
tive compositions visible only high in the vaults, and to make do with the architecture they inherited. The
the new more intimate fresco programs being devel- tension between an ambitious Constantinopolitan
th
oped at eye level in the 12 century throughout the design and its local rendering that characterizes the
empire, especially in the Balkans. A similar uneasy Kosmosoteira is by no means inconsistent with what
situation seems to have arisen at the church of St. we know of the situation of its founder, the porphy-
Panteleimon at Nerezi (1164), another foundation in rogenitus Isaac Komnenos residing in in the
an area remote from the capital, involving a member years around 1152.
23
of the Comnenian family. This church too has an
Compare figs. V and 8 showing the exterior of the north
23 On the church, cf. I. Sinkevi, Nerezi, though this par- wall, with fig. X showing the uninterrupted interior of the
ticular development is not apparently discussed in the book. same wall.

90 N. P. EVENKO

(1152)

,
1152. -
() . -
,
. . -
- -

, , , ,
- .

REVISITING THE FRESCOES OF THE CHURCH OF THE KOSMOSOTEIRA AT PHERRAI (1152) 91

STUDENICA. ALL THINGS
CONSTANTINOPOLITAN

Jelena Erdeljan

This paper discusses the iconic image and visual identity of the church of the Virgin Evergetis at Studenica, its
identity as reliquary of the True Cross and repository of trademark Constantinopolitan Marian images of worship
and marble acheiropoitos eikon of the Incarnation, in the light of a new perspective of its origins determined by
the historic circumstances surrounding its founding and the nature of relations of its founder, Symeon Nemanja,
with the Archbishopric of Ohrid and the Byzantine court.
Key words: Studenica, Nemanja, St. Sava the Serbian, Archibishopric of Ohrid, Constantinople, New Jerusalem,
hierotopy, iconic image, marble

R
esults of recent (re)investigation of the cir-
cumstances surrounding the founding of the
monastery of Studenica and the raising of its
katholikon dedicated to the Virgin Evergetis indicate
the possibility of a new perspective of interpretation
of the primary i.e. original purpose for the raising of
this endowment of Stefan Nemanjas. They may, in
fact, suggest that the concept and function of Stu-
denica as the ultimate resting place of Nemanja,
center of dynastic cult and sacral focus of the inde-
pendent Nemanide state and autocephalous Serbian
church, was (chronologically) a secondary identity of
Studenica, one produced by Nemanjas son Rastko,
the monk Sava (as of 1219 the first archbishop of the
Serbian Orthodox Church), in circumstances either
immediately prior to Nemanjas passing away (1199)
or following that event and on the eve of the transla-
tion of his relics from Mt. Athos to Serbia (1207).1
1 J. Erdeljan, Studenica. A New Perspective?, in: Serbien
und Byzanz Tagungsband, Papers from the Symposium
Its primary origins and purpose, dating to 1186 and
the founding of the monastery, ultimately and cru-
cially, appear to be most closely associated with the
question of Nemanjas personal relations with high
ranking officials of the Byzantine Empire in the
central Balkans at the close of the 12th century, i.e.
determined by the complex nature and outcomes
of his political positioning within the Empire, and,
even more precisely, dependent on Nemanjas rela-
tions with the Bishopric of Ras.2
held at the University of Cologne in December 2009 (forth-
coming).
2 J. Kali, Lepoque de Studenica dans lhistoire serbe,
in: 1200. ,
(. . ), 1988, 2534, especially 3032. In
this text J. Kali writes about Nemanjas activities after the
year 1180, as well as those related to the building of Stu-
denica, and states that they were oposed to the interests of
the bishop of Ras and the Archbishopric of Ohrid but also
states that there is no evidence in the sources which would
testify clearly of the status and nature of Nemanjas rela-

STUDENICA. ALL THINGS CONSTANTINOPOLITAN 93

 Ultimately, this is the question of relations of
(a) Serbian clan ruler(s) with the Archbishopric of
Ohrid as the highest instance of Byzantine ecclesi-
astic jurisdiction in the central Balkans established
following the destruction of the so-called Macedo-
nian empire of Samuilo in 1018 by emperor Basil
II. At that time the bishopric see at Ras became one
of the most significant bishopric sees within the
newly extablished Archbishopric of Ohrid, the juris-
diction of which spread over all the lands that had
once been under the rule of Samuilo and his heirs.
In this way Byzantium (re)gained an instrument of
high leverage of power deep inside the Balkan hin-
terland, in an area that was soon to become the new
center of the Serbian state which was ecclesiastical-
ly dependent, subjugated to the bishops of Ras who
lived along the Serbian jupans and were in constant
contact with them. It was that particular aspect of
Byzantine presence and influence that additionally
forged strong ties between the jupans of Ras with
Constantinople, reminding them of their common
confession along with the acknowledgment of high-
est power of the Byzantine emperor which was an
inextricable part of inclusion in the same confession
and of belonging to the Byzantine church organiza-
tion. Under such circumstances, the Bishopric of
Ras was equally significant for the Byzantines as a
means of drawing the Serbian rulers and population
into their fold, including them in the ecclesiastical
and confessional sphere of the Orthodox church
and drawing them away from the growing influ-
ence of the Catholic bishoprics in Duklja and Zeta,
as it was for certain branches of the Serbian ruling
family (as exemplified by the clash between Desa
and Uro) who found their new stronghold under
the protection of the emperor and bishops of Ras in
an area removed from the original nucleus of their
tions with those institutions. She points out that Studenica
was raised on purpose at a distance from the center of the
Bishopric of Ras, i.e. the church of SS. Peter and Paul near
Novi Pazar, as a sort of counter axis. On that subject cf. also
ead., 4 . , op. cit., 201. For the source cf. G. Prinzing,
1219. , in:
. (. . ), 1979,
2753. However, in view of the text and the 12th century
written sources published recently by the same author, cf.
ead., XII 6 , () -
, 441 (2007), 197208, these issues, which we
shall discuss further on in the text, can now be obseved
from an entirely different angle and against a much broader
horizon.
94 J. ERDELJAN
patrimonial lands, an area that was soon to become
the center of the young Nemanide state.3
In the case of Nemanja, the basic governing
principles underlying the above described intercon-
nected and interest-based relations between Ser-
bian rulers, Byzantine emperors and high ranking
representatives of the Archbishopric of Ohrid, are
attested by contemporary 12th century sources and,
whats more, appear to have been the crucial ele-
ment in constructing his royal status and identity
and thus, logically, also his ktetorship. Moreover,
the key person in this matter was none other than
the archbishop of Ohrid himself, John (Adrian)
Komnenos (in office from 1140 to 1164) a mem-
ber of the innermost circle of the imperial house-
hold, nephew of emperor Alexios I and son of his
influential brother, protosebastos Isaac Komnenos,
thus first cousin of emperor John II and uncle of
emperor Manuel I.4 A close study of 12th century
sources, namely the Russian Lavrentijevski chrono-
graph, offers proof that archbishop John was a part
of the imperial entourage accompanying Manuel
I on his way to negotiations with the Hungarians
held in Belgrade in 1163 regarding the marriage ar-
rangement between the emperors daughter Maria
and Bela, brother of king Stephen III. According to
Kinnamos, and confirmed also in Serbian sources,
on his way to Belgrade the emperor, and his suite,
stopped at Ni5 where he met with Stefan Nemanja
of whose extraordinary prudence and humility he
had already heard and bestowed upon him some sort
of imperial office and a part of the imperial lands
in the region of Duboica.6 Crucial evidence of his
virtue was obviously supplied by the archbishop of
Ohrid, John Adrian Komnenos, who was, moreo-
ver, personally present at the meeting in Ni as part
of the royal embassy, and who had previously obvi-
ously been well aware of Nemanjas activities and
qualities, who was the officiating archiereos of the
3 . , o .
(11431180), 2010, 208, 264 sq.; . ,
XII , passim.
Wer war der bulgarische Bischof Adrian der Laurentinus-
Chronik sub anno 1164?, JbGOst 36 (1988), 552557.
5 . , op. cit., 201, with sources.
, in:
( .
), 1939, 169222, in particular 173; .
, op. cit., 204.
archdiocese within which Nemanja received his
second baptism in the cathedral church of SS. Peter
and Paul at Ras from the hand of bishop Leontios.7
This baptism could indeed be interpreted as more
than just an act of personal devotion but rather as
a sign of fealty to the Byzantine church and the in-
fluential archbishopric of Ohrid which resulted in
the endorsement of Nemanjas position as opposed
to that of his brothers and, ultimately, his domi-
nation over Serbian lands as grand jupanus. With
such support, under the auspices of the bishop of
Ni, an exponent of ecclesiastical hierarchy of the
Archbishopric of Ohrid, Nemanja accomplished his
ktetorial building activities in Toplica which, as we
know from Serbian sources, resulted in animosi-
ties and open war between him and his brothers,
obviously because they demonstrated his chosen,
elevated status in the eyes of the Byzantine ec-
clesiastic and, ultimately, imperial establishment.
The raising of the monastery of St. George at Ras
(Djurdjevi Stupovi) was, finally, not only a sym-
bol of Nemanjas triumph and a votive offering to
the holy patron with whose aid he was freed from
imprisonment into which he had been cast by his
brothers but, ultimately, also a signum of his stead-
fastness in remaining the Empires key man in the
region.8
In our opinion, the founding of Studenica was
likewise most deeply dependent on events resulting
from the above mentioned specific and mutually
significant relation between Nemanja and institu-
tions representing Byzantine power in the Balkans,
first and foremost the Archbishopric of Ohrid. It is
interesting to note that, chronologically, according
to the sources, i.e. the Vita of St. Symeon (Neman-
ja) composed by his son and heir, and as of 1217
the first crowned king of the Serbian Nemanide
state, Stefan Prvovenani, the founding and build-
ing of Studenica issued after, and in effect from
7 This second baptism could have taken place close to the
years 11581159, mentioned by Stefan Prvovenani in a
chapter of the Vita prior to the story of taking control over
the region of Rasina and Reke; . , op. cit.,
172; . , op. cit., 200. 11 B. Pentcheva, Visual Textuality: The Logos as Preg-
8 For new perspective on the meaning and visual iden-
tity of the church and monastery of St. George at Ras cf.
I. Stevovi, Historical and Artistic Time in the Architecture
of Medieval Serbia: 12th Century, in: Architecture of By-
zantium and Kievan Rus from 9th to 12th Centuries, (ed. D.
Jolshin), LIII (2010), 7787, especially, on the translation of the relic and the pec-
148163.
or as the result of, the Council held at Ras against
Bogumil heretics, called by Nemanja and held in
the presence of bishop Eusthatios of Ras, whom the
sources refer to as his own archiereos.9 It is also
highly significant to note that suppressing Bogumil
heresy ranked among top priorities in the diocese
of Ohrid already during the office of John Adrian
Komnenos.10 By calling together this council and
by the fierce slaying of the enemies of Orthodoxy
and Byzantine taxis which ensued, Nemanja would,
thus, be once again confirmed as a soldier of tue
faith, a holy warrior, a new St. George slaying
the dragon of heresy, displaying the very virtues for
which he was recommended by John Adrian Kom-
nenos to the emperor Manuel I. Therefore, it ap-
pears that Studenica could indeed have been found-
ed by Nemanja, in correlation with the interests of
the bishops of Ras with whom he had noticeably
good relations, as an axial point in establishing the
triumph of Orthodoxy against the Manichean here-
sy of the Bogumils on the territory of the Bishopric
of Ras.
Studenica began its life and received its initial
identity under one set of circumstances and was
finalized under an entirely different political and
ecclesiastic situation. Its intrinsic symbolism of
triumph of Orthodoxy functioned unmistakeably
in conveying its message in both sets of circum-
stances and was, whatsmore, easily and naturally
transposed from one phase of its history to the next.
The initial idea and act of raising a church dedi-
cated to the Virgin, thus materializing iconic proof
of the dogma of incarnation,11 was susequently
only amplified by the planting therein (1198 or
possibly earlier) of the Holy Wood,12 thus defining
Nemanjas lands, or the territory under his control,
and at the same time the Bishopric of Ras, as a true
Paradise with the lifegiving tree as its axis, a New
Jerusalem, while likening the ktetor to archetypal
imperial personages associated with inventio and
9 . , op. cit., 174.
10 . , op. cit., 206.
nant Body and Building, RES. Anthropology and Aesthetics
45 (2004), 225238.
12 . -,
, in: -
, , (. . ), 2000,
toral to Serbia, 81, with sources.
STUDENICA. ALL THINGS CONSTANTINOPOLITAN 95
 exaltatio Crucis, Constantine and Heraclius.13 This
identity was around the turn of the 13th century
easily employed as the basis of self-representation
and construction of identity of Nemanide dynastic
legitimity and continuity and as the nucleus from
which sprang the autocephalous Serbian church,
which became the new, natural and, whatsmore,
legitimate defender of True Faith, taking over that
position, even literally, from the Archbishopric of
Ohrid. Long after the establishing of the autocepha-
lous church Sava remained constant in maintaing
this line of domination of Orthodoxy and persever-
ing as a champion of the True Faith ultimately
presented in the Serbian version of the Synodicon
of Orthodoxy he composed and proclaimed at a
council held in ia in 1221.14
We thus turn to the other side of the coin, natu-
rally dependent and interconnected indelibly with
the first, that is the issue of the image of Studenica
as it appeared and as it functioned after the trans-
lation and laying therein of the body of Nemanja
(St. Symeon) by Sava in 1207, and, finally, as of
12081209 and the completion of its program, the
finalization of construction and wall paintings. The
issue addressed in this case is the issue of the image
of Studenica as the Tabernacle of the Serbian peo-
ple, a New Jerusalem.15 How, by what hierotopic
means was this achieved?
In the ideologically intoned work of Domentijan
(mid 13th century), Studenica is referred to directly
as the fruit of Nemanjas labor to create a God-cho-
sen and God-protected center of his state, a New
Jerusalem, for the gathering and salvation of his
people. Highly indicatively, in so doing, Domenti-
jan relies on the exact same phrases i.e. topoi used
already in the Vita of St. Symeon written by Stefan
Prvovenani: Sav um uperivi ka Vinjemu, bio je
kao neki neboparni orao, dran na zemlji eleznim
uzdama, a koji bi eleo, ako je mogue, da se is-
trgne i poleti na gore i da dodje do onoga besmrt-
noga izvora, i da vidi priee boastvenoga grada
vinjega Jerusalima, iji dostojni gradjanin po is-
tinitoj elji njegovog od Gospoda bi satvoren.16
From the point of view of Domentijan, and the
ideology of mid 13th century Nemanide state which
he voices, the raising of Studenica, the reasons for
which are presented in the above stated manner,
was the logical and ultimate apogee and outcome
of Nemanjas chosen status. In the same text of his
vita, composed by the mentioned author, the struc-
turing of such an elect identity of this ruler is based
on a pointed and sophisticated, learned use of epi-
thets and topoi associated with his persona and life
works which are drawn from the millenium long
tradition of Byzantine rhetoric and imperial enco-
mia. In that respect it is highly indicative that in the
Vita composed by Domentijan Nemanja is referred
to as the one of who was positioned in the East,
spreading i.e. rising from the East, a New Adam,
the first born of Jerusalem on High, the one whose
earliest ktetorship in Toplica (churches of St. Nicho-
las and the Virgin) is regarded as an act of Divine
Providence and equalled to that of the Lord build-
ing Jerusalem in order to gather in it the dispersed
Isreael.17 By relying on the topos of Oriens Augusti
and Anatoli tou Despotou, he is, therefore, desig-
nated as the new Sol Iustitiae, one vested in the man
whose name is Orient, i.e. a Christomimetic ruler
who is thus also sinanatolous with the Autocrator,
the sun which rises together and by the will of the
true Sun, the Logos, and triumphs over the demons
of the dark.18 Not only was he synchronically made
a New Constantine diacrhronically, i.e. at a level
which was politically highly important and contex-

13 On Nemanja as New Constantine, the development of 16 , , in:

New Constantine rhetoric in Serbian written sources, hagi- , ( . ,
ographies and charters, cf. . -, - . ), 1988, 255. This pas-
. , sages translates as: Having directed all his mind towards
1997, in particular 287302. On Heraclius and the the One on High, he was like a sky-scraping eagle, pinned
Exaltation of the Cross and the use of Heraclian imagery in on this earth by iron bonds, while desiring, if possible, to
medieval rulers ideology East and West cf. B. Baert, A He- break free and soar up and reach that eternal source and
ritage of Holy Wood, The Legend of the True Cross in Text witness the communion of the divine city of Jerusalem on
and Image, Leiden-Boston 2004. High, a worthy citizen of which, according to his own true
14 . , , in: I, desire, he had been made by the Lord. (translated from
315327, in particular 323324. Serbian by J. Erdeljan).
15 V. J. Djuri, Tabernacle du peuple serbe, in: 17 , op. cit., 242.

, (. . . ), 1988, 18 E. H. Kantorowicz, Oriens Augusti. Lever du Roi, DOP

2025. 17 (1963), 117177.

96 J. ERDELJAN
tualized, he was thus also made a New Manuel I
(Emmanuel), the emperor by whose benevolence
Nemanja literally rose (anatoli) to power, one who
was extolled in encomiastic by Theodore Prodro-
mos as Helios Basileus.19 In striving to gather Isra-
el in a Messicanic act and condition, Nemanja was
also following the ultimate goal and purpose of an
ideal Christian ruler, exempliefied above all others
by the Basileus ton Romaion, who strove to make
his land as heaven on earth in expectation of the
Second Coming, and, quite particularly, precisely
by Manuel I whose messianic profile was carefully
constructed by both his court rhetors and the em-
peror himself.20
Thus, given the (possible) circumstances sur-
rounding its founding and subsequent contextu-
alization as the nucleus of the Nemanide cult and
the dynasty, state and church of his descendents, it
appears as no surprise that Nemanjas foundation
at Studenica, chronologically last in line in Serbia
proper, but foremost in future impact, a monument
of triumph of True Faith and victory over the Bogu-
mils, a reliquary of the True Cross and ultimately a
(dynastic, Nemanide) New Jerusalem, should be as-
sociated with Constantinopolitan, and whats more,
imperial foundations and cults.21 To begin with, it
is dedicated to the Virgin Evergetis and is generi-
cally related, both ktetorially and liturgically, to the
monastery of the Theotokos Evergetis of Constan-
tinople. At the basis of this translatio is the typikon
of Studenica as well as monks from the Constan-
19 Ibid., 151152. On the court rhetors and encomiastic
texts addressed to emperor Manuel I cf. . ,
. -
, 2006, passim. and the corner stone of its royal legitimity, which,
20 Ibid., P. Magdalino, Introduction, in: New Constantines:
rhytm of imperial renewal in Byzantium, 4th13th centuries,
(ed. P. Magdalino), Aldershot 1994, 19.
21 Furthermore, relying on Constantinopolitan model(s)
was a conditio sine qua non not (only) of Serbian but ex-
amples from the Christian Oikoumene East and West around
1200, in creating New Jerusalems; B. Flusin, Les reliques
de la Sainte-Chapelle et leur pass imprial Constanti-
nople, in: Le tresor de la Sainte-Chapelle, Paris 2001, 20
31; A. Eastmond, Byzantine identity and relics of the True
Cross in the thirteenth century, in: culte, Paris 1961; P. J. Alexander, The Strength of Empire
(.-. . . ), 2003, 205 and Capital as Seen through Byzantine Eyes, Speculum 37
215; J. Erdeljan, Appropriation of Constantinopolitan iden-
tity in the late Middle Ages: the case of Trnovo and Bel-
grade, in: Proceedings of the 21st International Congress of
Byzantine Studies, Vol. III, Abstracts of Communications,
London 2006, 6768.
tinopolitan monastery of the Virgin Evergetis who
comprised the core of the brethren at Studenica
upon its founding. Moreover, ktetors rights over
the Evergetis were granted to Sava and Nemanja by
the Byzantine emperor himself.22 Studenica would
thus, in effect, become the New Evergetis which
would be fully functional and logical in establish-
ing it as a center of true orthodoxy, a monument of
triumph over the Bogumil heresy. Such a relation
with the leading Constantinopolitan monastic foun-
dation which is both high ranking in imperial ben-
efaction and the beacon of True Faith of the Studite
tradition and steadfastness, is the corner stone of
the translatio Constantinopoleos performed at Stu-
denica and presented with high impact by various
aspects of its visuality.
A tower of True Faith and focus of the dynastic
cult, the sacral contents of Studenica were a virtual
repository or display case, a treasure chest of all
things Constantinopolitan. The presence of defining
Constantinopolitan sacral contents and holy protec-
tors as crucial warrants of God chosen and God pro-
tected identity is demonstrated through relics and
trade-mark sacred images present at Studenica. We
have already mentioned that it was a reliquary of
the Holy Cross, the foremost relic of supernatural
protection of the capital of the Empire.23 the advent
of a particle of the Holy Wood, incorporated into a
personal pectoral, sent from Mt. Athos to Studenica
by Nemanja in 1198 and, in the words of Stefan
Prvovenani, reposited in a place already prepared
for it in the church of the Virgin.24 Studenica thus
effectively became a reliquary and a place of cult
of the Holy Cross to which the body of Nemanja
was introduced as the warrant of dynastic salvation
22 . . ,
, in: ,
1986, 6173; R. Jordan, The monastery of the The-
otokos Evergetis, its children and grandchildren, in: The
Theotokos Evergetis and eleventh-century monasticism (ed.
by M. Mullett A. Kirby), Belfast 1994, 215245.
23 N. Baynes, The Supernatural Defenders of Constantino-
ple, AnBoll LXVII (1949), 165177; A. Frolow, La relique
de la Vrai Croix, Recherches sur le dveloppement dun
(1962), 339357.
24 . -,
, 81; A. Eastmond, op. cit; D. Popovi, Relics and
Politics. The Serbian Approach, in:
, 161180.
STUDENICA. ALL THINGS CONSTANTINOPOLITAN 97
 in turn, was placed under the protection of the Holy
Wood. That act was the initial and key element of
a program which revolved around the True Cross.
This is explicitly communicated by the dominant
image of the Crucifixion covering practically the
entire surface of the western wall of the naos and
positioned in direct proximity to Nemanjas funer-
ary structure in the church of the Virgin.25
Moreover, it was also a repository of trademark
Constantinopolitan Marian images of worship. Im-
ages of most highly venerated and significant si-
gnoi of the Virgins blessings and protection over
her City26 assume a prominent place in the program
of fresco paintings of the church of the Virgin at
Studenica and the services performed in the church
as a whole and its particular micro-spaces. An im-
age of the Virgin Hodegetria was painted on the
southern wall of the narthex, above a tomb ascribed
to Nemanjas wife Ana or Anastasija, as she was
known after the royal couple had decided to take
monastic wows. Now seen in the layer of frescoes
dating from the 16th century, it was doubtlessly a
part of the original program of decoration.27 The
Blachernitissa is painted in the tympanon of the
doorway leading from the narthex to the naos.28 In
Studenica, certainly, as in all Eastern Christendom
following the close of the Iconoclastic controver-
sy, these images were instrumental in conveying
the perenniel truth of Orthodox dogma pertaining
to the Incarnation of the Logos, which in itself, in
the particular case of Studenica, given its primary
purpose, is a highly contextualized and historically
25 The program of Studenica, doubtlessly fashioned by
Sava, is thus similar in structure and a true precursor to
that which he accomplished nearly three decades later and
realized to its full potential in the church of the Savior at
ia, the seat of the archbishopric and the crowning church
of Serbian kings, an axis of true faith and a New Jerusa-
lem. On the program surrounding Nemanjas grave cf. .
, , 1992, 3541;
ead., .
, Mary played a significant part in the hierotopy of
. Studenica from the start. Whether they were part of
, 2006, 2740; ead., the first layer of frescoes, an intriuguing question in
Sacrae reliquiae ,
, 207232. 29 On the litanies including both the Hodegetria and the
26 B. Pentcheva, Icons and Power. The Mother of God in
Byzantium, The Pennsylvania State University Press 2006.
27 M. Tati-Djuri, Les icones de la Vierge a Studenica,
1200, 193203, in liography.
particular 197198.
28 Ibid., 198199.
98 J. ERDELJAN
engaged phenomenon. More than that, however,
it is the (micro) hierotopical positioning of such
imagery that is clearly suggestive not only of the
general Byzantine framework of their operation but
more specifically Constantinopolitan, even precise-
ly Komnenian contextualization. This is especially
true of the funerary context of the Virgin Hodegetria
painted over the tomb of Anastasija in the narthex
of Studenica. It calls to mind the specific appro-
priatioon and dynastic use of the cult and rites of
the supreme protectress of the capital and the Em-
pire by the Komnenian dynasty, as proscribed by
the typikon of their dynastic foundation and mauso-
leum, the monastery of the Pantokrator in Constan-
tinople.29 The same Constantinopolitan and Kom-
nenian background and allusiveness is true of the
Virgin Studenika painted on the western face of
the southwestern pilaster, above the abbots throne,
adjacent to the figure of St. Saba the Sanctified rep-
resented on the southern side of the same pilaster,
the namesake and supreme role model of Sava the
Serbian, and in close proximity to the ktetors com-
position. This image, from the hands of which the
abbots of Studenica symbolically received their of-
fice and insignia, is an appropriation of the Kyri-
otissa, the holy protectress of the imperial house
of the Komnenoi, represented in that vein as part
of their dynastic portrait on the southern gallery of
Hagia Sophia in Constantinople.30
Although the above mentioned highly venerated
images of the Mother of God, of trade-mark Con-
stantinopolitan identity and provenance, date from
that final stage of production of Studenicas visual
identity, which began with the arrival of Neman-
jas pectoral containing the relic of Holy Wood and
was rounded off in 12081209, it is highly prob-
able, having in mind the historical and dogmatic
circumstances surround the founding of the mon-
astery, its dedication and deep connections with the
capital of the Empire, that at least two (Hodegetria,
Blachernitissa) if not all three (iconic) signoi of
Blachernitissa and their connection to the monastery of
Christ Pantokrator in Constantinople see B. Pentcheva,
Icons and Power, 198 sq, with sources and extensive bib-
30 On the Kyriotissa as the iconographic type of the Virgin
of Studenica M. Tati-Djuri, op. cit., 199.
itself the very existence and traces of which have
so far been mentioned only in conservation reports
by Djurdje Bokovi, will be a matter of future in-
vestigation.31
Equally Constantinopolitan is the very material
of which the church was made. Studenicas specific
visual identity, defined by the trade-mark glistening
white marble facade, a novel and exceptional sight
in the broader milieu of its creation in the Balkans
around the year 1200, and unique in Serbian medi-
eval art, was, naturally, instrumental in creating and
conveying her particular statement. As a sign in its
own right, present before any of the many subse-
quently produced meanings had been read into it,
the marble nature of the church, or rather, the nature
and inherent symbolic meaning of the marble of
which the church was made, is deeply rooted in the
long and sophisticated tradition of Byzantine min-
erology and ekphrases of this precious material, im-
bued with knowledge inherited from the ancients.32
From the very beginning, the acheiropitos quali-
ties and symbolic meaning of marble as the mate-
rial of choice for the body of this particular struc-
ture, must have been highly communicative and
suggestive in conveying an image of the Virgin, not
made by human hand, of the very seal of shekinah,
the mystery of the dogma of incarnation,33 which
must have been an efficient sign of prevalence of
True Faith against (Bogumil) heresy. The gleaming
white stone of the marble church was certainly an
ultimate visualisation of the Virgin as Oros of God,
eptithets pertaining, very indicatively, to the high-
ly prominently positioned Blachernitissa painted
above the entrance to the naos, as one of the cen-
tral Marian images in the katholikon of Studenica.34
31 Dj. Bokovi, Studenica. Reflections sur sa genese et ses
racines, in: 1200.
, 125132. It is also interesting to note that there
is no trace of the Virgin Evergetis in the preserved fresco
decoration of the church dedicated to her in Studenica. M.
Tati-Djuri, op. cit., 193194, suggests that an icon of the
Evergetis of the Abramiotissa type could have been part of
the original iconostasis of the church.
32 A. Mottana, Storia della mineralogia antica. I. La min-
eralogia a Bisanzio nel XI secolo D.C.: I poteri insiti nelle
pietre secondo Michele Psello, Roma 2005; R. Webb, The
Aesthetics of Sacred Space: Narrative, Metaphor, and Motion
in Ekphraseis of Church Buildings, DOP 53 (1999), 5974.
33 B. Pentcheva, Visual Textuality, 229230.
34 On the iconographic type of Blachernitissa as visualisa-
tion of the concept of Virgin as Oros cf. M. Tati-Djuri, op.
Whats more, the very etymology of the toponym
of Studenica suggests the symbolic core identity of
marble that is the frozen, still Waters of the prime-
val Okeanos of All Creation35 which are associated
with both the cult of the Virgin and the True Cross.
Moreover, its identity in marble could clearly visu-
alize the effect of the Epiphany, or Christianization
in general through Baptism, when, at the submer-
sion of the Cross (or, originally, Christ himself in
the waters of the Jordan which is often seen in
apocrypha, both Jewish and Christian, and even
in the folk legends of the late Middle Ages among
the Slavs, as the stream or source of Okeanos) the
waters stand still and demons of the deep are de-
stroyed.36 In the case of Studenica, those could well
have been the wild beasts mentioned in the Vita
texts of Simeon Nemanja in the part refering to the
location at which the monastery was founded37 and,
which, in the given historical conditions surround-
ing that particular act, could be identified with the
Bogumil heretics over whom Nemanja celebrated
victory as a miles Dei battling against the forces
of the dark on behalf of the Bishopric of Ras and
Archbishopric of Ohrid.38
Such a contextualization of marble was based on
ancient and highly sophisticated readings of sym-
bolic qualities of this material present in Byzantine
mineralogy and employed in ekphrases of sacral
buildings, most prominently trade mark Constanti-
nopolitan landmarks such as Hagia Sophia and the
Virgin of Pharos. Marble, a more opaque cousin of
crystal, which, when polished, recovers its original
light in a surface slick, was regarded as a form of
ice, i.e. water, frozen by primordial cold suggest-
ing that light, the active principle of the Logos, was
frozen into its very fabric.39 In ancient times the
marble that regularly impersonated water was Car-
cit, 199200. On marble as visualisation of the Virgin Oros
epithet B. Pentcheva, Visual Textuality, 229.
35 F. Barry, Walking on Water: Cosmic Floors in Antiquity
and the Middle Ages, ArtB LXXXIX4, (2007), 627656, in
particular 635.
36 S. Cristoforetti, Il fiume, la luce e lalbero della Croce,
in: Lalbero della Croce, Supplemento, Studi sullOriente
Cristiano 72, Roma 2003, 2947.
37 , op. cit., speaks of the characteristics of the
location on which Studenica was built as derelict hunting
ground of the wild beasts (translated by J. Erdeljan).
38 Cf. supra.
39 F. Barry, op. cit., 635.
STUDENICA. ALL THINGS CONSTANTINOPOLITAN 99
 ystian from Euboea in Greece. Its marine veining
competed with the grey/green sea.40 By the sixth
century, however, it was Proconnesian marble, of
which the flooring of Hagia Sophia was made, for
example, as well as its fittings, the ambo for one,
that had largely supplanted Carystian in its power
to epitomize the sea. When quarrying the stone, the
Byzantines sought out the facets streaked with dove
grey seams.41 The aquatic symbolics of Proconne-
sian marble were augmented by anthropomorphic
readings, such as that by Michael the Deacon in
his ekphrasis on the ambo of Hagia Sophia.42 Curi-
ous and highly indicative in attempts to understand
the true purpose and meaning of marble facading
of Studenica are the physical similarities in color
and texture between Proconnesian marble and stone
from the Radoelo quarries of which the Serbian
church was made white marked by broad grayish-
blue bands. In Studenica, as in Constantinople, the
anthropomorphic allusion of this material, similat-
ing human flesh and veins, as well as the effect of
flashing of white marble, is used to visualize the
ultimate truth as the reflection of light of God, light
uncreated unto light uncreated, the Virgin through
which shines the True Light of the World which,
through the Cross as its signum, is the vexillum of
triumph over all evil and demons of the deep in
Studenica historically contextualized as the Bogu-
mil heretics.
Later, when under the auspices of St. Sava it
was augmented against the backdop of a change
in wold order around 1204, into a sacral center of
the Nemanide state, a New Jerusalem with a pro-
nounced dynastic function, could not Studenica, as
the Ark of the Covenant and New Jerusalem,43 have
been experienced as a new miracle founded by
Nemanja and conceptualized by Sava? Within the
new set of circumstances and new meanings in-
vested in Studenica following the watershed year
of 1204, the translation of Nemanjas body in 1207
and the establishing of his cult therein as the pivot
of Serbian identity of state and church, this peren-
nial symbolism of the refined, sophisticated mate-
rial, activated in synegy with the sacral contents of
40 Ibid., 632.
41
Ibid., 633.
42 C. MangoJ. Parker, A Twelfth-Century Description of
St. Sophia, DOP 14 (1960), 233145.
43 Cf. supra.
100 J. ERDELJAN
Studenica, could, in the eyes of the ktetors, Sava
above all, procure an image which was to suggest
that this Serbian New Jerusalem echoes the ulti-
mate universal Constantinopolitan new miracle
and example of New Jerusalem, the church of the
Virgin of Pharos, precisley for the purpose of dis-
playing the appropriation of dogmatic and ideologi-
cal ideas contained therein. It is a par excellance
Constantinopolitan means of visual representation
of the ultimate miracle of True Faith, the Resurrec-
tion, which indeed was experienced at the end of
the XII century as actually taking place within the
sacral space of the Pharos chapel, and of New Jeru-
salem status of this dynastic center.44
Contrary to common knowledge and traditional
interpretation as an influence of Romanesque ten-
dencies reaching Serbia by way of the Adriatic lit-
toral, the marble clad facades of the church of the
Virgin appear to be most Constantinopolitan of all.
In view of all of the above, we must say that the
widely accepted and (curiously) never questioned
theory of Studenica as a Byzantine style structure
clad in Romanesque marble garb no longer seems
plausible. Reexamined in this context, the context
of Studenica as a New Evergetis, New Constantino-
ple, a New Jerusalem, a reliquary of the True Cross,
an iconic image of the Incarnation the issue of
Studenicas marble facades assumes an entirely dif-
ferent purpose and meaning. Thus, its identity in
marble appeared not because of the technical prow-
ess of skilled sculptors and stone masons from the
Adriatic littoral (although we can not and should
not dispute and refute their participation in the ac-
tual building process) but as an embodiment of a
Byzantine concept of this material expounded and
lauded in tratises on minerology and ekphrases and,
in a sense of making historical allusions pregnant
with theological and ideological meaning, as a pos-
sible echo of the ultimate and in that vein multiply
copied new miracle and New Jerusalem of Con-
stantiople, the Pharos chapel.
44
On New Jerusalem symbolics of the imperial church of
the Virgin of the Pharos from the Great Palace of Constanti-
nople and the epithet of new miracle, referring to the mir-
acle of the Resurrection, ascribed to it by patriarch Photios
in his homily on the consecration of the imperial chapel see
. . , . -
-
, in: : -
, 2005,
79108.


- -
,
-
. -
, , - () XII
, , I.
,
-
, , -
, , ,
() - ,
.
- .

STUDENICA. ALL THINGS CONSTANTINOPOLITAN 101

APOCRYPHAL CYCLE OF THE VIRGIN
IN MEDIEVAL GEORGIAN MURALS
Preliminary Observations

Zaza Skhirtladze

The paper deals with the place held by the Virgin in Georgian medieval culture viewed through the prism of wall
paintings (tenth century late Middle Ages). The analysis shows that the local artists shared the iconography of
the Christian East, but the selection of topics and their relation to the whole programme of the murals display
semantic accents connected to specific realities.
Key words: Virgin, Apochrypha, Georgian Art, Iconography, Murals

T
he tradition connected with the image of the
Virgin has always borne the sign of excep-
tionality in Georgian spiritual culture. This is
largely due to the tradition according to which the
country was allotted to the Mother of God.1 Liter-
ary works recounting her life had been translated
at the early stage of development of local ecclesi-
astical literature.212 From that time onwards, up to
the seventeenth-eighteenth centuries, their various
versions had been translated or created, being pre-
served in numerous manuscripts.313
Interest of Georgians in the sources reflect-
11
ing the life of the Virgin and infancy of Christ
is also attested to by the local artistic tradition:
in the form of separate scenes or complete cy-
cles, this theme is attested in mural painting,414

1 K. Bezarashvili, Masalebi sakartvelos ghvtismshob- un Transitus pseudobasilien, AnBoll 92 (1974), 125263; A.

lisadmi tsilkhvdomilobis ideisatvis dzvel kartul mtserlobashi
(Materials Towards the Idea of Georgia as a Country Al-
lotted to the Holy Virgin in Old Georgian Literature), in:
A Collection of Works Dedicated to the Seventy-fifth Anni-
versary of Professor Levan Menabde, Tbilisi 2002, 124145
(with earlier bibliography).
2 The list of these works is cited in: K. Kekelidze, Dzveli
kartuli literaturis istoria (History of Old Georgian Litera-
ture), Tbilisi 1980, 441443. The majority of the Georgian
translations of the apocrypha are published. Cf. T. Chqonia,
Mariamis mimosvlis dzveli Kartuli targmani (Old Georgian
Translation of the Travels of the Virgin), Proceedings of the
Institute of Manuscripts, I, Tbilisi 1959, 5174; M. Van Es-
broeck, Apocryphes gorgiennes de la Dormition, AnBoll 91
(1973), 5575; id., Gnalogie de la Vierge en gorgien, VIIVIII da XI saukuneebis mokhatulobani (7th8th and 11th-
AnBoll 91, 347355; id., LAssomption de la Vierge dans
Shanidze, Ghvtismshoblis zetsad amaghlebistvis, Proceed-
ings of the Department of Old Georgian Language of Tbilisi
State University 19 (1976), 197200; id., Iakobis pirvelsa-
kharebis khanmeti fragmentebi (The Khanmeti Fragments of
the Protoevangelium of James), Proceedings of the Depart-
ment of Old Georgian Language of Tbilisi State University
20 (1977), 735.
3 K. Kekelidze, op. cit., 441443.
4 Among numerous cycles here the most important exam-
ples can be listed: Ateni Sioni, dated to the last third of the
eleventh century (Sh. Amiranashvili,
, Tbilisi 1957, 8389, pl. 6271;
T. Virsaladze, Atenis sionis mokhatuloba (Wall Paintings of
Ateni Sioni), Tbilisi 1984, 78, pl. 6482; id., Atenis sionis
centuries Murals of Ateni Sioni), in: id., Kartuli mkhatvrobis

APOCRYPHAL CYCLE OF THE VIRGIN IN MEDIEVAL GEORGIAN MURALS 103

 sculpture,5 chancel barrier reliefs,6 icon painting,7
metalwork,8 enamels,9 manuscript illumination.10
istoriidan (From the History of Georgian Painting), Tbilisi
2007, 161170, 176 ff); Qanchaeti of the end of the twelfth
century (unpublished; brief notes concerning the painting see
in: E. Privalova, , Tbilisi 1980, 206); , in: II International Symposium
Qintsvisi, commissioned by the Royal court at the turn of the
twelfth to the thirteenth century (Sh. Amiranashvili, Kartuli
khelovnebis istoria (History of Georgian Art), Tbilisi 1971,
272; M. Didebulidze, Qintsvisis tsm. nikolozis tadzris pert-
seruli ansamblis mkhatvruli sakhe. XIIXIII saukuneta mijnis
kartuli kedlis mkhatvrobis mimarteba bizantiur pertserastan
(Artistic Image of the Painted Ensemble of the Church of St.
Nicholas in Qintsvisi. Relationship of the Twelfth-thirteenth-
century Georgian Murals to Byzantine Painting), Abstract
of the PhD Thesis, Tbilisi 2006, 1516); Betania, created
under the Royal donorship at the beginning of the thirteenth
century (E. Privalova, Sur les peintures murales de Betania,
in: Larte georgiana dal IX al XIV secolo, Atti del Terzo
Symposio Internationale sullarte Georgiana, (ed. M. Stella
Calo Mariani), Galatina 1986, 153160; Timotesubani ca.
12051210 (E. Privalova, , 5154, astery), Sakartvelos Sidzveleni 45 (2003), 227236, Tsaishi
206208, figs. 6, 14), Bertubani royal foundation of the
early thirteenth century in the Gareja desert (G. Chubinash-
vili, , Tbilisi 1948, lo), Dzveli Sakartvelo III (1914), 164171.
5872; Z. Skhirtladze, Ghmrtismshoblis tskhovrebis apokrip-
uli tsikli bertubnis tadzris mokhatulobashi (The Apocryphal
Cycle of the Life of the Virgin in Bertubani Church Murals),
Matsne, Proceedings of the Georgian Academy of Sciences,
Series of History, Archaeology and Art History (1982), N2,
114133; N4, 164183); Akhtala thirteenth century (Sh.
Amiranashvili, Kartuli khelovnebis istoria, 261262, where
the murals are dated to the twelfth century, and A. Lidov,
Mural Paintings of Akhtala, Moscow 1991, 4247, pl. 2629,
with crucial errors, especially regarding the attribution of the
murals as well as the chronology of the frescoes and their
interpretation); north annex of the main church of Kobair
monastery of the mid-thirteenth century, cf. N. Thierry, Les
peintures de la Cathdrale de Kobair (Tachir), CahArch,
XIX (19801981), 119120, footnote 60; cf. Z. Skhirtladze,
Gamokvleva Kobairis tadzris mokhatulobis shesakheb (Study
of the Wall Paintings of Kobair Church), Proceedings of Tbi-
lisi State University 243 (1983), 175198; first layer murals
in the main church of Mghvimevi monastery of the 1280s (N.
Chikhladze, Mghvimevis ghmrtismshoblis eklesiis mtsire navis
mokhatuloba (Murals of the Small Nave in the Church of the
Virgin at Mghvimevi), MA Thesis, Tbilisi Academy of Arts,
Tbilisi 1983; L. Khuskivadze, Kartul eklesiata gviani shua
saukuneebis khalkhuri mokhatulobebi (Late Medieval Folk
Murals in Georgian Churches), Tbilisi 2003, 199200); first
layer murals in the church of St. Saba at Sapara monastery
of the end of the thirteenth century, G. Khutsishvili, Saparis
kedlis mkhatvroba (Sapara Murals), Tbilisi 1988, 40; Dirbi,
dated to the mid-fourteenth century, cf. G. Gagoshidze N.
Chikhladze, Dirbis ghmrtismshoblis midzinebis monasteri
(Monastery of the Dormition of the Virgin in Dirbi), Tbilisi
2006, 86, 88, 96124, fig. 24, pl. 23, 24, 3134, 4652,
5465; Zarzma of the second half of the fourteenth century,
104 Z. SKHIRTLADZE
E. Taqaishvili, ,
I, Tbilisi 1905, 4066; D. Gordeev, -
. ,
, -
, I (1923), 65; L. Evseeva, XIV
on Georgian Art, Tbilisi 1977, offprint, 1011); Tsalenjikha
13841396, I. Lordkipanidze, , Tbi-
lisi 1992, 4550, fig. 4, pl. 3336); Nekresi mid-sexteenth
century (unpublished, some notes on the dating of the murals
see: M. Vachnadze, Certain Specific Features of a Group of
16th-century Kakhetian Murals and their Chronology, in: II
International Symposium on Georgian Art, Tbilisi 1977, off-
print, 4; id., Lecole de peinture de Kakhetie du XVIe sicle
et ses rapports avec la peinture du Mont Athos, IV Interna-
tional Symposium on Georgian Art (Tbilisi 1983), offprint, 4,
78, 11); main church of Gelati monastery second half of
the sixteenth century, I. Mamaiashvili, Ghmrtismshoblis mits-
valebis tekstis ilustratsiebi gelatis monastris mtavari tadzris
mokhatulobashi (Illustrations of the Text of the Dormition of
the Virgin in the Murals of the Main Church of Gelati Mon-
16161619, E. Taqaishvili, Arkeologiuri mogzaurobidan
samegreloshi (From the Archaeological Travels in Samegre-
5 The relief on the western facade of Joisubani church of the
tenth century, cf. N. Aladashvili, Joisubnis reliepebi (The Re-
liefs of Joisubani), Sabchota Khelovneba 1978, N7, 6878.
6 The early eleventh-century chancel screen panels from the
church of the Dormition in Sapara Monastery at present at
the Sh. Amiranashvili Museum of Art, Georgian National
Museum, R. Shmerling,
, Tbilisi 1962, 123135, pl. 3.
7 Ubisi tryptich of the mid-fourteenth century, in Sh. Ami-
ranashvili Museum of Art, N. Burchuladze, Ubisis monastris
khatebi da kedlis mkhatvroba (The Ubisi Monastery Icons
and Wall Painting), Tbilisi 2006, 2940, fig. 23, pl. 214.
8 Icon of the Virgin from Zarzma Monastery of the begin-
ning of the eleventh century, G. Chubinashvili,
, Tbilisi 1959, p. 194212, fig. 203,
icon of the Virgin from Atsquri cathedral of the beginning
of the seventeenth century, N. Kondakov D. Bakradze,
, St.-Petersburg 1890, 26, fig. 11; T.
Saqvarelidze, XIVXIX saukuneebis kartuli okromchedloba
(14th19th-centuries Georgian Goldsmithery), I, Tbilisi 1987,
147, 179180 (note 259), pl. 85.
9 Icon of the Savior from Kortskheli monastery of the be-
ginning of the thirteenth century, L. Khuskivadze, -
, Tbilisi 1981, 149157, pl. XLVI.
10 MSS. of the National Centre of Manuscripts in Tbilisi,
A648 (beginning of the eleventh century), H1667 (twelfth
century), H2805 (thirteenth century), A30, A31 and
A32 (1681), H1452 (1674), H1755 (late seventeenth
century), H98 (1681) and several others, cf: H. Machavari-
ani, Georgian Manuscripts, Tbilisi 1970, pl. 29; G. Alibe-
gashvili,
 Monuments containing the apocryphal cycle of
the Virgin provide a vast material both in respect
of iconography and artistic execution. Study of old
Georgian versions of the life of the Virgin, as well
as survey of the iconography of images based on
them, might contribute to displaying the specific
rendering of this theme in Georgian art and reveal-
ing its links with the tradition of the Christian Or-
thodox world.
In earliest Georgian murals containing life story
subjects of the Virgin, this theme is included within
the common fabric of Christological cycle, be-
ing one of the main conceptual accents in the con-
text of the idea of Incarnation. Thus, an amazingly
vast programme of the chancel painting of Otkhta
Eklesia (turn of the 970980s) in the outhern his-
torical province of Georgia, Tao-Klarjeti (now in
North-Eastern Turkey)11 is marked by the concept
of establishment of the terrestrial Church and its
eternal triumph. Within the sequence of Christo-
logical scenes in the lower register, emphasised is
the indication of the Incarnation and manifestation
of the divine nature of Christ (Annunciation, Visita-
tion, Nativity, Presentation in the Temple, Baptism,
Transfiguration), as well as his Resurrection (Cruci-
fixion, Marys at the Tomb, Christ Appearing to the
Holy Women). Inclusion of the earthly history of
the Redeeming Sacrifice in this extremely loaded
apse programme can be comprehended in diverse
aspects. At the same time, here links of the Body
of Incarnated Logos with the Church can definitely
be discerned and in this respect, indication of the
Incarnation of the Word is essential.
The same picture is seen in the tenth-century
murals of the southern chapel of Sabereebi rock-
cut church N8 in Gareja desert.12 Annunciation on
the Eastern slope of the vault and Visitation on the
opposite western slope are the only subject scenes
of these murals, which apart from these comprise
the image of the Virgin Eleusa in the chancel and
a donor portrait on the western wall. Accordingly,
the idea of Incarnation is entirely dominant in this
small chapel, the main emphasis being put on the
image of the Virgin.

XI XIII ., Tbilisi
1973, 237254; G. Jgenti, From the History of Georgian
Religious Miniature of the 17th Century, in: Atti del Primo
Simposio Internationale sullarte Georgiana, Milano 1977,
p. 127134; F. Devdariani,
, Tbilisi 1990, 26, pl. X, XIV; Description of Geor-
gian Manuscripts, Collection A, vol. I1, Tbilisi 1974, 97
104; t. V, Tbilisi 1955, 7475; Collection H, vol. I, Tbilisi
1946, 7273; vol. III, Tbilisi 1948, 381391; vol. IV, Tbilisi
1950, 185186; vol. VI, Tbilisi 1953, 194195.
11 Cf. Sh. Amiranashvili, -
, 3637, 104105, where all the scenes
are not identified. The first attempt of identification of the
cycle scenes is given in N. Thierry's early publication, cf:
Notes d'un nouveau voyage en Gorgie Turque, Bedi Kartlisa,
Revue de Kartvelologie XXV (1968), 63); further on it was
somewhat clarified, cf: N. et M. Thierry, Peintures du Xe si-
cle en Gorgie Meridionale et leurs rapports avec la peinture
byzantine dAsie Mineure, CahArch XXIV (1975), 81, 84; cf.
also: W. Djobadze, Early Medieval Georgian Monasteries in Fig. 1. Ateni Sioni, south arm, Maryological Cycle, Scheme
Historic Tao, Klarjeti and aveti, Stuttgart 1992, 158170; (After T. Virsaladze)
Z. Skhirtladze, The Mother of All the Churches: Remarks on
the Iconographic Programme of the Apse Decoration of Dort
Kilise, CahArch XLIII (1995), 101116), T. Virsaladze, XXI 12 A. Volskaja,
saukuneebis zogierti tao-klarjuli mokhatuloba (Some Tenth- , in: ( -
Eleventh-century Georgian Murals of Tao-Klarjeti), in: id., , VIII) Tbilisi 1988, 136137, pl. XLVI; T.
Kartuli mkhatvrobis istoriidan (From the History of Geor- Shevjakova, -
gian Painting), Tbilisi 2007, 1748. , Tbilisi 1983, 1314, pl. 4547.

APOCRYPHAL CYCLE OF THE VIRGIN IN MEDIEVAL GEORGIAN MURALS 105

 In the murals of Ateni Sioni, executed under
the royal donorship in the second half of the elev-
enth century,13 the life cycle of the Virgin occupies
the whole southern apse (Fig. 1). Each of the three
upper registers bear four scenes arranged in the
following sequence: Refused Offerings, Joachim
Reproaching Anne, Annunciation to Anne, Annun-
ciation to Joachim, Meeting at the Golden Gate,
Nativity of the Virgin, First seven steps of Mary,
Presentation of the Virgin to the Temple, Annun-
ciation, Visitation, Testing of Mary by the Water of
Oath, Dream of Joseph (Fig. 2). The fourth, lower
register bears just two large compositions Nativ-
ity and Assumption of the Virgin.
Certain peculiarities of the Maryological cycle
in Ateni murals have long since claimed attention.14
For example, the arrangement of scenes and the
principle of narration show affinity with the narra-
tive cycles of Eastern Christendom, but the iconog-
raphy of scenes testifies to the links with the Byz-
antine tradition. And what is more important, eight
scenes of the infancy of the Virgin (represented in
the two upper registers) in Ateni are supplemented
by five scenes connected with the Manifestation in
Flesh of the Saviour. The integrity of the general
iconographic programme of the mural decoration of
Fig. 2. Ateni Sioni, Maryological Cycle, Dream of Joseph
this tetraconch type church is stressed by the fact
that the theme unfolding in the southern apse finds
its immediate continuation in its opposite, north- main church comprised donor portraits of Queen
ern apse: here the Christological cycle containing Tamar (11841210) and her son Giorgi-Lasha
twelve scenes begins with the Presentation of the (12101223).15 The iconographic programme of a
Virgin to the Temple and ends with the Pentecost. vast aisled church, in respect of the choice of im-
Absence of the major part of Christs infancy ages, is typical of its epoch. The idea of Paradise,
scenes, characteristic of monuments of early date the triumph of Christianity are given special em-
and later preserved mainly in Cappadocian murals phasis in its paintings, which fully accords with
only, provides an additional argument in favour of the political and cultural rise of the country at that
certain links of the iconographic sources of Ateni
Sioni murals with Byzantine tradition. 15 G. Chubinashvili, op. cit., 5783; T. Virsaladze, -
Among other Georgian murals containing the -
life cycle of the Virgin the painting in the main , in: II International Symposium on
church of Bertubani rock-cut monastery in the Georgian Art, offprint, 18; A. Volskaja, -
. , in:
Gareja desert is definitely distinguished (Fig. 3).
. . , 92105; id.,
These murals, similar to the frescoes in the refec- -, in: Studenica et
tory of the same monastery, were executed in the lart byzantin autour de lanne 1200, Belgrade 1988, 401
first quarter of the thirteenth century under the pa- 414; Z. Skhirtladze, Die Besonderheiten des kompositionel-
tronage of the Georgian royal court. Murals of the len Aufbaus der Wandmalerei der Hohlenkirche in Bertuba-
ni, in: IV International Symposium on Georgian Art, Tbilisi
1983, offprint; id., -
13 Cf. supra, footnote 3. . -
14 T. Virsaladze, XIII ., PhD Thesis, Tbilisi 1987; A.
, in: . Eastmond, Royal Imagery in Medieval Georgia, University
. , Moscow 1978, 84, 86, 89. Park, PA 1998, 169181.

106 Z. SKHIRTLADZE

Fig. 3. Bertubani, View of the interior of the church from east (Photo of the Expedition mainly Maryological cycle
of E. Taqaishvili, 1913)
time one of the advanced places it held in the
Christian East.
Dedication of the church to the Mother of God
is distinctly emphasised; in this respect, these mu-
rals show certain affinity with other contemporary
Georgian murals preserved in the churches dedi-
cated to the Virgin (Vardzia, Qintsvisi, Akhtala
etc.). At the same time, the murals of Bertubani
church are marked by one clear-cut peculiarity
the theme of the Virgin is amazingly emphasised
in its programme: with a relatively small number
of images, her vast life cycle is drawn in the fore-
ground, being uninterrupted by any other subject
scenes. Images closely linked with the former
the Virgin with the Child and the Melismos in the
chancel, Ascension of the Cross on the vault ex-
press a single idea: Incarnation of the Lord and His
Redeeming Sacrifice.
The cycle, placed in the upper part of the naos
walls as a kind of a single uninterrupted frieze, be-
gins in the eastern portion of the northern wall with
Rejected Offerings, followed by Anne and Joachim
Sadly Returning from the Temple, Annunciation to
Joachim, Annunciation to Anne (Figs. 45). Then
the scenes pass to the west, to a semicircular tym-
panum, where three compositions are arranged
symmetrically: Meeting at the Golden Gate, Nativ-
APOCRYPHAL CYCLE OF THE VIRGIN IN MEDIEVAL GEORGIAN MURALS
ity of the Virgin and Washing
of the Child. On the southern
wall the scenes were placed
as follows: Marriage of Mary
and Joseph, Presentation of
the Virgin to the Temple, An-
nunciation, Nativity.
Monuments of East Chris-
tian wall painting and Geor-
gian in particular, show sever-
al principles of illustration and
placement of the Maryological
cycle. It often occupies one of
the main places in the mu-
rals, but almost never occurs
as an independent, moreover,
the only theme forming mu-
ral decoration of the church.16
Bertubani, together with Sab-
ereebi and Dirbi, provides
an exceptional case, bearing
scenes, occupying the ma-
jor part of the naos painting.
Besides these, murals might
also be quoted of a small aisled rock-cut chapel of
Sts. Joachim and Anne in Kizil-ukur, the date of
which varies from the seventh to the beginning of
the tenth century.17 At the same time, whereas in
Sabereebi and Kizil-ukur the above-mentioned
peculiarity could be explained by its small dimen-
sions; in the vast interior of Bertubani church (as
well as in Dirbi) this is a result of strictly purpose-
ful solution: having ignored the majority of Chris-
tological cycle scenes (except the Annunciation and
Nativity) and having selected mainly Maryological
cycle scenes, the specific theological idea of the
murals was emphasised with special force.
On the whole, selection of Maryological cycle
scenes in Bertubani follows a usual, historical se-
16 J. Lafontaine-Dosogne, Iconographie de lenfance de la
Vierge dans lEmpire Byzantin et en Occident, vol. I, Brux-
elles 1964, 202207.
17 N. Thierry, Iconographie inedite en Cappadoce. Le cycle
de la Conception et lenfance de la Vierge a Kizil Tshoukour,
in: Akten des XI Internationalen byzantinisten Kongresses,
Mnchen 1960, 620623, pl. LXXXIILXXXVI; id., Haute
Moyen-ge en Cappadoce. Region de avuin, vol. II, Paris
1994, 210229, fig. 6468, pl. 108114. For a discussion of
the various datings, see: C. Jolivet-Levy, Les glises byz-
antines de Cappadoce. Le programme iconographique de
labside et de ses abards, Paris 1991, 4950.
107
 the fore, contributing to spe-
cial accentuation of the gen-
eral concept of murals.
Such a concept is remi-
niscent of those icons both
painted or chased where the
Virgin is represented in the
centre, while around it a cy-
cle is depicted in which the
subject scenes of her life are
given a considerable place.
Similar cases are found both
within the Byzantine world
and Georgia proper. In this
connection Zarzma and Ubisi
icons18 can be quoted.
An important conceptual
emphasis is the scene placed
in the centre of the western
wall the Nativity of the Vir-
gin, being one of the main ep-
isodes of the cycle, as well as
one of the significant feasts of
the Orthodox Church; by its
contents, it is first of all, con-
nected with the Manifestation
of the Lord, His Incarnation.
At the same time it should not
be accidental that in Bertu-
bani murals this most signifi-
Fig. 4. Bertubani, Murals of the vault and north wall, Scheme cant episode of the cycle does
topographically occupy one
of the central and well ob-
quence of events; however, the cycle is somewhat
servable places in the interior, thus being definitely
enlarged due to the addition of two scenes Annun-
accentuated in the ensemble.
ciation and Nativity. Generally, these compositions
are connected with the Christological cycle, but in Below this composition, in the centre of a nar-
Bertubani they directly follow the prior story of the row portion of the wall above the arch, i.e. straight
nativity and infancy of the Virgin and, accordingly, opposite the image of the Mother of God in the
are perceived as a continuation of Marys story. conch, represented is the figure of St. Nino, Apos-
tle of Georgia. 19 Certain symbolic interrelation of
Thus, in Bertubani murals the Maryological cycle
ends not by the Assumption, a subject traditional these images is doubtless: according to the legend,
for a narrative cycle (this scene is completely omit- the Virgin, whom Georgia was allotted to, appeared
ted), but the Nativity, i.e. at the end of the life story in a vision to St. Nino and gave her a cross made
of the Mother of God there appears the Incarnated
18 Cf. supra, footnotes 7 and 8.
Lord Jesus Christ. Images of the Virgin and the
Child represented in the sanctuary conch (after hav- 19 M. Tarchnischvili, Die Legende der heiligen Nino und

ing perceived the Nativity the sight is again directed
to them) acquire absolutely different sounding af-
ter the comprehension of the entire cycle the idea
of the Coming of the Lord is maximally pushed to
die Geschichte des georgischen Nationalbewusstseins, BZ
40 (1940), 4875; E. M. Synek, The Life of St. Nino: Geor-
gias Conversion to its Female Saint, in: Christianizing Peo-
ples and Converting Individuals (eds. I. Wood G. Arm-
strong), Turnhout 2000, 313.

108 Z. SKHIRTLADZE
of vine tree to Christianise
the country.20 The idea of the
country falling by lot to the
Virgin shown through such
link, becomes especially vivid
in Georgian literature and art
at the turn of the twelfth-thir-
teenth centuries at the time
when the country acquired
great power and began to
advance considerably in the
Caucasus and Christian East.
It is noteworthy that this idea
proper is outlined in the works
by Georgian authors in the
middle and second half of the
twelfth century (i.e. chrono-
logically close to Bertubani
murals) namely, the monk
Arseni,21 an anonymous au-
thor of one of the metaphras-
tic versions of the Life of St. Fig. 5. Bertubani, Maryological Cycle on the north wall (Photo of the Expedition of G.
Nino and Catholicos Nikolaoz Chubinashvili, 1948)
Gulaberisdze (11501178)
in his Sermon on the Life-
the sun unto the going down of the same the Lords
giving Pillar, Chiton of the Lord and the Univer-
name is to be praised (Psalm CXIII:3). This fact is
sal Church.22 Attention is focused in the work of
most likely to be explained not only by the tradition
the prelate of the Georgian Church on the fact of
of using this text in medieval Georgian mural paint-
Christianization of the country allotted to the Moth- ing; such a solution does well show the essence of
er of God by a woman; at the same time, the role the theological idea of the murals accentuation
of woman in the history of the Georgian nation is of the idea of the Manifestation of the Incarnated
highlighted. Saviour and his Glorification alongside such an en-
Alongside special accentuation of the theme of larged illustration of the Virgin theme proper.
the Virgin in the frescoes, the inscription on the tri- Based on the selection of the cycle scenes, their
umphal arch of the church, i.e. one of the main con- iconography, their arrangement in the interior, Ber-
ceptual accents of the murals, is based on the idea tubani murals, on the whole, follow the East Chris-
of Glorification of the Lord From the rising of tian artistic tradition (cf. Figs. 67). In this respect, a
number of cycles, showing certain affinity to them,
20 Dzveli kartuli agiograpiuli literaturis dzeglebi (Monu- comprise quite a vast circle of Byzantine monuments
ments of Old Georgian Hagiographic Literature) I, (ed. I. including murals of a large chronological span: Miro-
Abuladze), Tbilisi 1963, 63; For the English translation cf.
zh (mid-twelfth century),23 church of St. Clement in
O. Wardrop, The Life of St. Nino, Studia Biblica et Ecclesi-
astica, 51 (1900), 188. Ochrid (1378),24 Pelendri (fifteenth century),25 refec-
21 Tskhovreba tsmindisa ninosi, shedgenili didi arseni
23 M. Soboleva, -
kartlisa katolikosis mier (The Life of St. Nino, Compiled by
Arseni, Catholicos of Georgia), Tbilisi 1902, p. 352. , in: -
22 N. Gulaberisdze, Sakitkhavi suetis tskhovlelisai, kuar- . ,
Moscow 1968, 2021.
tisa sauploisa da katolike eklesiisa (Sermon on the Life-
24 R. Hamann-MacLean H. Hallensleben, Grundlegung zu
giving Pillar, Tunic of the Lord and the Universal Church)
(ed. V. Karbelashvili), Tbilisi 1908; M. Tarchnischvili, einer Geschichte der mittelalterlichen Monumentalmalerei in
Geschichte der kirchlichen georgischen Literatur, Vatican Serbien und Makedonien, Bd. I, Giessen 1963, pl. 2122.
1955, 235237. 25 J. Lafontaine-Dosogne, op. cit., 204.

APOCRYPHAL CYCLE OF THE VIRGIN IN MEDIEVAL GEORGIAN MURALS 109


Fig. 6. Bertubani, Rejection of the Offerings
tory of the Great Lavra on Mount Athos (1512).26 At
the same time, none of the above-cited monuments
provide direct analogies to Bertubani frescoes, due
to the peculiarities of the arrangement of the cycle: it
concerns inclusion of the scene of Joachim and Anne
Returning from the Temple, isolation of the episode
of Washing of the Child into a separate, independent
scene, depiction of a rare iconographic version of the
composition of Marriage27 (and before the Presenta-
tion to the Temple), as well as inclusion of the Nativ-
ity at the end of the cycle.
26 J. J. Yiannias, The wall paintings in the Trapeza of the
Great Lavra on Mount Athos: a study in Eastern Orthodox
refectory art (unpublished PhD dissertation), University of
Pittsburgh PA 1971, Ann Arbor MI, 1971.
27 The peculiar iconography of the scene must have pre-
conditioned the view put forward by J. Lafontaine-Dosogne
according to which Marriage was most unlikely to be rep-
resented in Bertubani; instead she suggested that two scenes
of the Presentation of the Virgin to the Temple were depict-
ed side by side, cf. J. Lafontaine-Dosogne, op. cit., 44, 129,
168, 174.
110 Z. SKHIRTLADZE
The western wall of the church, in a sequence
of the most venerated Church Fathers, bears an
image of St. Maximos the Confessor, the last pe-
riod of his activity being connected with Georgia,
where he was exiled and where he was buried af-
ter his death.28 St. Maximos is an author of one of
the vastest versions of the Life of the Virgin, which
was translated into Georgian by St. Euthymios the
Athonite at the turn of the tenth to eleventh cen-
tury (National Centre of Manuscripts in Tbilisi,
cod. A40).29 It seems most likely that alongside
other sources, the Maryological cycle represented
in Bertubani was inspired by St. Maximos s work,
which is known by the single Georgian translation
preserved in the only codex of the National Centre
of Manuscripts in Tbilisi (Cod. A40).30
Fig. 7. Bertubani, Annunciation to Joachim
Beginning from the first half of the thirteenth
century onwards, cases of inclusion of separate
scenes or vast cycles of the Virgin in the mural dec-
orations are found more frequently; in its turn, this
makes it possible to speak of a tendency firmly es-
28 K. Kekelidze,
, in: id., Etiudebi dzveli kartuli lit-
eraturis istoriidan (Studies in Old Georgian Literature) VII,
Tbilisi 1961, 1454. This question was dealt with earlier by
A. Briliantov, .
, VI1 (1917), 162.
29 K. Kekelidze, -
, in: id., Etiudebi dzveli kartuli literaturis
istoriidan (Studies in Old Georgian Literature) V (1957),
9699; id., Dzveli kartuli literaturis istoria, 195197.
30 Description of Georgian Manuscripts, Collection A, I ,
1
121122.
tablished in Georgian mural painting. It is quite ob-
vious that diverse approaches are discernible in such
an abundance of examples. Under the conditions of
generally standard iconography of the scenes, this
mainly concerns the place given to the theme and
scale of its illustration. In the majority of murals,
conformably to the system of church decoration and
general iconographic programme, finally established
by the eleventh century,31 two most important epi-
sodes of the life of the Virgin the Nativity of the
Virgin and Presentation of the Virgin to the Temple
(Qinstvisi church of St. Nicholas32) or only the sec-
ond of them (Kisoreti,33 the north annex of the main
church in the Kobair monastery34) are represented
among the Old and New Testament scenes. In other
cases, narration is far more detailed: in Nekresi it
comprises three scenes, in Timotesubani five,35 in
31 E. Kitzinger, Reflections of the Feast Cycle in Byzantine
Art, CahArch XXXVI (1974), 5253.
32 A similar relation is evident in the painting of the
Qintsvisi St. Nicholas church, built and painted in the
opening years of the thirteenth century by order of the royal
court. It is also adorned with the images of the supreme rul-
ers of the Georgian kingdom: king Giorgi III, queen Tamar,
and prince Giorgi-Lasha. In the multi-part, complex pro-
gramme, which was to reflect contemporary historical and
cultural realities, the theme of the Mother of God is one of
the essential accents. Along with the image of the Virgin
in the chancel conch, and her life cycle represented in the
upper part of the north cross-arm, the principal images of
the programme are the figure of St. Nino, represented in the
north face of the south-western pier (opposite to the main
entrance), with an inscription Saint Nino the Enlightener
(M. Didebulidze, op. cit., 18; Z. Skhirtladze, Tsminda nino
da dzveli kartuli sakhviti khelovneba (St. Nino and Old
Georgian Visual Art), in: Tsminda Nino, Tbilisi 2008, 333)
and Queen Tamars image in the royal portrait, on the north
wall of the northern cross-arm.
33 M. Didebulidze, Two Monuments of Georgian Medieval
Mural Painting in Upper Imereti (Kisoreti, Zenobani), in:
IV International Symposium on Georgian Art, offprint, 2.
34 Z. Skhirtladze, Gamokvleva Kobairis eklesiis mokhatu-
lobis shesakheb, 195196.
35
In Timotesubani murals the life cycle scenes of the Vir-
gin are placed in the upper part of the southern cross-arm,
on the slopes of the vault and in the semicircle of the tympa-
num. The first scene (on the eastern slope of the vault) has
almost completely vanished; however, according to the nar-
ration, Offering of Gifts or Refusal of Gifts are seen to be
depicted there. The narration is continued on the tympanum
by the scenes unfolded from left to right Annunciation to
Joachim, Annunciation to Anne and Nativity of the Virgin.
The final scene placed on the eastern slope of the vault has
APOCRYPHAL CYCLE OF THE VIRGIN IN MEDIEVAL GEORGIAN MURALS
Akhtala six,36 in Qanchaeti,37 Tsalenjikha38 and
vanished; however, based on the choice of the scenes and
the row of the cycle compositions the Presentation of the
Virgin to the Temple is most likely to have been represent-
ed there.
36 Similarly to Timotesubani, in Akhtala the life cycle of
the Mother of God is placed in the upper part of the cross-
arm (in the present case in the northern cross-arm). The
Nativity of the Virgin emerges as the central scene of the
cycle, holding the entire tympanum of the wall and echoing
the scene of the Nativity of Christ, represented opposite to
it, in the tympanum of the southern cross-arm. In the row
composed of three scenes, represented below the Nativity
of the Virgin, the sequence of events is not observed: a rare
scene of the cycle, Joachim reading the book of Twelve
Tribes is given in the western portion of the wall, next to
it in the middle Rejection of the Offerings, while in the
eastern part Benediction of the Priests is represented. The
final scene of the cycle Presentation of the Virgin to the
Temple is placed on the eastern slope of the vault of the
cross-arm (A. Lidov, op. cit., 4247). Presumably, one more
scene conjecturally the Offering of Gifts, or a composition
uniting the two episodes, the Annunciation of Joachim and
the Annunciation of Anne was depicted on the western slope
of the vault; the inconsistent presentation of the events in
the cycle must allow to make such an assumption.
37 E. Privalova, , 206. The scenes
surviving on the western wall and slopes of the vault, in
the upper register of the north cross-arm, as well as sepa-
rate fragments of images, point to the fact that, similarly to
the contemporary murals of the domed churches (Qintsvisi,
Timotesubani, Akhtala), the life cycle of the Virgin fully
covered this section. The Presentation of the Virgin to the
Temple and the Seven Steps of the Virgin below it have sur-
vived in relatively full form. The figure of the flying angel
on the western slope and the tree, remaining below it, allow
to presume that the scenes of the Annunciation to Joachim
and Annunciation to Anne must have been represented at
this place. The principal scene of the cycle (the Nativity of
the Virgin is not ruled out, similarly to other monuments)
may have been depicted in the upper semicircular section of
the northern wall. If the scenes, similarly to the vault, were
arranged in two registers, with two or three scenes running
below, then the cycle must have been comprised of seven or
eight episodes.
38 I. Lordkipanidze, op. cit., 4550, pl. 33, 35, 36. The life
cycle scenes of the Virgin are mainly grouped in the mid-
dle section of the southern and eastern walls of the south-
ern cross-arm occupying three registers. United in the cycle
are: Annunciation to Joachim, Annunciation to Anne, Na-
tivity of the Virgin, Joachim and Anne Caress Mary, First
seven Steps of the Virgin, Blessing of the Virgin by Priests=
Presentation of the Virgin to the Temple. According to Sh.
Amiranashvili, the cycle in Tsalenjikha, similarly to the
life cycle of St. Nicholas in the prothesis, is depicted using
book illumination as a prototype (Sh. Amiranashvili, Kartuli
khelovnebis istoria, 339).
111
 Gelati39 seven, in Tsaishi40 at least nine, and in theological programme of the church decoration to
Zarzma41 thirteen. What is more significant, all the history of the Incarnation.
these cycles are depicted in a special place within From the standpoint of the place of the life cycle
a multipartite monumental church decoration, oc- of the Virgin in the church decoration, as well as
cupying the vault and tympanum of the southern or of its conceptualization, the recently opened mu-
northern cross-arm, or major part of the cross-arm. rals of the principal church of the Dirbi monastery
In this case one can surely speak of an echo of the stands out for an original solution. For a long pe-
tendency revealed already in Ateni Sioni murals, riod of time, the Dirbi monastery remained one of
giving one of the significant places in the general the metochia of the Monastery of the Holy Cross
of Jerusalem in Georgia.42 Its principal church was
39 Represented are Rejection of the Offerings, Annuncia- built in the tenth century, and later was renovated
tion to Joachim, Annunciation to Anne, Meeting of Joachim several times. The appreciably damaged murals
and Anne, Birth of the Virgin, First Seven Steps of the Vir- are connected with the stages of renovation, which
gin, Presentation of the Virgin to the Temple. J. Lafontaine-
was carried out in the second half of the fourteenth
Dosogne supposed that this cycle must have followed earli-
er, probably twelfth-century models (J. Lafontaine-Dosogne, century.
op. cit., 211).
40 The main principal images expressive of the theologi- 42 N. Khutsishvili, Ierusalimis jvris monastris mitsatmplo-
cal concept of the Tsaishi cathedral painting are: the Virgin beloba sakartveloshi (Land Ownership of Jerusalem Mon-
Nicopoia with Child at her bosom, represented in the conch astery of the Holy Cross in Georgia), Tbilisi 2006, 2741;
of the chancel, The Virgin Platytera in the vault of the west- G. Gagoshidze N. Chikhladze, op. cit., 6265.
ern arm and a vast scene of the Crucifixion on the wall of
the western arm; its episode Drawing Lots for the Tunic is
specially singled out and brought down into the lunette of
the western door. Depiction of the Lords tunic a distin-
guished holy relic for Georgians at the top of the entrance
can obviously not be accidental (according to the tradition,
the Lords tunic, brought from Jerusalem to Georgia follow-
ing the Crucifixion, is buried at Svetitskhoveli, the foremost
church of the country). Among the themes assembled round
this principal axis the life cycle of the Virgin, represented
in the north arm, is one of the basic. Of once vast pictorial
narration, the following are identified beyond doubt: the na-
tivity of the Virgin, Choosing of Mary among the Jerusalem
Maidens, and the Annunciation at the Spring. The Descent
of the Holy Spirit, depicted on the slope of the arm vault,
with the figure of the Virgin and the Dormition, are the con-
cluding scenes of the cycle, one of the proncipal episodes
of which, the Presentation of the Virgin to the Temple, is
represented on the north wall of the chancel bema.
41 E. Taqaishvili, , 5557; the
Maryological cycle in Zarzma church occupies actually the
whole south cross-arm. Represented are Refused Offer-
ings, Meeting at the Golden Gate, Nativity of the Virgin,
Joachim and Anne Caress Mary, Blessing of the Virgin by
Priests, Presentation of the Virgin to the Temple, the Mira-
cle of the Sceptres, Marriage of Mary and Joseph, Josephs
Reproaches, Testing of Mary by the Water of Oath, Distri-
bution of the Purple to the Daughters of Jerusalem, Dream
of Joseph, The Bringing of the Veil to the Temple. Sh. Ami-
ranashvili noted that in many details, the iconography of the
scenes of the Virgin Cycle overlaps the same cycle repre-
sented on the lateral wings of the Ubisi icon. On this basis,
he asumed that both monuments must have rested on one
and the same primary source, Sh. Amiranashvili, Kartuli Fig. 8. Dirbi, Murals of the north wall, Scheme (After G.
khelovnebis istoria, 342 sq. Gagoshidze N. Chikhladze)

112 Z. SKHIRTLADZE
 The principal idea of the painting is glorifica-
tion of the Virgin as the vessel of the Lords Incar-
nation. The Mother of God and the Child, depicted
in the conch is echoed by the Mandylion the im-
age of the Incarnation, represented on the vault, as
well as the images of David and Solomon, the texts
of whose scrolls, attributes and symbols suggest-
ing the Incarnation of the Lord and future Salva-
tion. However, from the standpoint of the principal
idea, the apocryphal cycle of the Virgin the only
pictorial narration in the church decoration is
crucial in the unity of the images. The narrative,
formed of eleven scenes, to which two scenes of
the Dormition cycle are added conformably to the
trend established from the Paleologian epoch,43 run
in two registers along the upper part of the walls
and the slopes of the vault (Fig. 8). United in the
cycle are: Rejection of the Offerings, Annunciation
to Joachim, Annunciation to Anne, Nativity of the
Virgin, Joachim and Anne Caress Mary, First Sev-
en Steps of the Virgin, Blessing of the Virgin by
Priests, Zecharias in Prayer, Annunciation, Josephs
Reproaches (Figs. 910). Between the scenes the
Presentation of the Virgin to the Temple is specially
singled out in the upper arched section of the west-
ern wall and the Nativity of Christ below it.44
Fig. 9. Dirbi, Annunciation to Anne
The scenes of the cycle are largely based on the
iconographic schemes characteristic of the Paleolo-
gian period; at the same time, they are distinguished
for an original solution. Among such scenes the cal vision is still indicated in the frescoes. First of
most characteristic is the image of the Mother of all this refers to the distinctly large-sized votive
God, highlighting Her pregnancy in the scene image of St. George spearing Diocletian, placed
Joseph Reproaching an analogue can hardly be at a chosen place, from where it was perceived
found for this image, which not by hinting but by best, i.e. opposite the entrance, on the north wall.
unconcealed naturalism and refined skill represents Depiction of a rider vanquishing the enemy must
the image of the Virgin with distinguished lyricism have been a reflection of realities at the time of
and warmth.45 vicissitudes. At the same time, a composition unit-
Whereas local realities made for the theme of ing two themes next to it, in the upper section of
the Virgin being matchless at Bertubani (special the eastern part of the north wall also seems to be
highlighting of the idea of Georgia being allotted to significant and specially highlighted: the Dormi-
Her), at Dirbi such solution is accounted for by the tion and the Assumption of the Virgin a conclud-
general trend of enhancing the worship of the Virgin ing accent of the cycle and the overall painting.
in contemporary Orthodox art and by other artistic The scenes are represented one above another in
changes characteristic of the period.46 However, lo- such a way as to be perceived as a single seman-
tic unity, even though separated by register line.
43 J. Lafontaine-Dosogne, op. cit., 202203. In this connection attention is paid to the fact that
44 G. Gagoshidze N. Chikhladze, op. cit., 96 sq.
in the sources Dirbi is referred to as monastery
45 of the coffin.47 For its part, this naming may be
Ibid., 110. Cf. analogous image in the murals of Peri-
bleptos, Ohrid of the same period, cf. . , -
linked with the image of the empty coffin special-
XIV , 1980, 125126, ly singled out in the Assumption.
pl. 90.
46 G. Gagoshidze N. Chikhladze, op. cit., 131. 47 N. Khutsishvili, op. cit., 38.

APOCRYPHAL CYCLE OF THE VIRGIN IN MEDIEVAL GEORGIAN MURALS 113

 Monastery of the Holy Cross
in Jerusalem at that time, and
that the programme of its mu-
rals was to a certain extent,
drawn by its representative.
The same may be suggest-
ed by the inclusion among the
figures of the Church Fathers,
represented in the chancel, of
Jacob Adelphotheos (remem-
brance on 26 December, on
the feast day of the Council
of the Virgin). On the other
hand, this image directly re-
sponds to the life cycle of the
Virgin, for it was Jacob who
administrated the communion
to the Mother of God before
Her Dormition; he also was
the author of the Jerusalem
liturgy and first Bishop of
Fig. 10. Dirbi, Blessing of the Virgin by Priests Jerusalem. Accordingly, suffi-
cient preconditions must have
With respect to all this the centuries-old tradi- existed in the metochion of
tion of the relationship of Dirbi with the Holy Land
should be taken into account. For a long period of
time, down to the beginning of the twentieth cen-
tury, Dirbi remained the residence of the archiman-
drite of the Monastery of the Holy Cross in Jeru-
salem. The Georgians retrieved the monastery in
130548 and soon, in 1327 adorned it with murals.49
In this connection the question was posed whether
the special accentuation of the Virgins coffin was a
definite hint at the primary sanctuaries of Jerusalem,
to which Georgians possessed special rights, and
successful cases of their retrieval are well-known
precisely in the fourteenth century.50 Neither is it
ruled out that Dirbi became the metochion of the
48 E. Metreveli, Masalebi ierusalimis kartuli koloniis is-
toriistvis (Materials for the History of the Georgian Colony
in Jerusalem), Tbilisi 1962, 4448, 58.
49 T. Virsaladze,
, Tbilisi, 1973,
11; M. Didebulidze M. Janjalia, Ierusalimis jvris monas-
tris mokhatuloba (Murals of the Monastery of the Holy
Cross in Jerusalem), Academia 5 (2003), 2633.
50 L. Menabde, Dzveli kartuli mtserlobis kerebi (Centres
of Old Georgian Literature), Tbilisi 1980, 140141; N. Per-
adze, An Account of the Georgian Monks and Monasteries
in Palestine as revealed in the Writings of non-Georgian
Pilgrims, Georgica. A Journal of Georgian and Caucasian Fig. 11. Gelati, Bema of the chancel, south wall,
Studies, 45 (1937), 192 sq. Presentation of the Virgin to the Temple

114 Z. SKHIRTLADZE
the Jerusalem Monastery of
the Holy Cross for the depic-
tion of him.51
In the sequence of monu-
ments with the life cycle of the
Virgin the murals of Kirants,52
Sapara53 and Gelati54 churches
stand somewhat apart, where
the life cycle of the Virgin
(in the first two cases it com-
prises at least twelve scenes)
was represented in the bema,
thus being actually united
with the apsidal composition.
Such a solution does lead us
back to that early, pre-Icon-
oclastic period, when narra-
tion on the Incarnation of the
Logos was one of the major
parts of the chancel decora- Fig. 12. Gelati, south arm, Dormition
tion (Castelseprio and Perush-
titsa can be quoted).55 Murals
in the church of Sapara are noteworthy in another of the Nativity, Annunciation and Visitation;56 ac-
respect as well chancel barrier reliefs of the Dor- cordingly, one can speak of an existing practice of
mition church, located at the site before the large placing this theme within the limits of the chancel
domed church was erected, comprised the images and representing it around (or below) the major im-
ages of the painted decoration at a somewhat earlier
51 Such relation is apparent in the seventeenth-century date (the same is the case with painted and metal
painting of the chancel screen of the church of the Virgin icons, where the history of the Incarnation, includ-
of Bethehem of Maghalaant Eklesia, where the Assumption ing the story of the life of the Virgin, together with
of the Mother of God and the episode of handing the belt Christological cycle scenes, is depicted around the
to the Apostle Thomas are depicted: T. Gagoshidze, XVII s. central image of the Virgin and Child).
mokhatuloba Maghalaant Eklesiashi (17th-century Murals Connected with this peculiarity of the chancel
in Maghalaant Eklesia), Spektri 12 (1993), 124 sq.
52 For preliminary notes concerning certain aspects of the
decoration programme, a general approach estab-
lished in the course of the centuries in Georgia
murals cf. D. Gordeev, -
, and differing from the Byzantine reality (where
- 8 (1931), 37; id., the Maryological cycle was often placed in the
, - narthex) should find its explanation. As seen from
, III the preliminary examination, this was a tradition
(1929), 416; N. Thierry, Les Peintures de lglise de Kiranc, preserved for quite a long period, in which certain
in: IV International Symposium on Georgian Art, offprint; id.,
A propos de lglise de Kiranc. Rapport prliminaire, Bedi purposefulness is discernible. According to it, nar-
Kartlisa. Revue de Kartvelologie XLI (1983), 194228 ration on the Incarnation was begun just next to
however, the scenes of the life cycle of the Virgin are omitted. the image of His Eternal Glory; all these implied
Cf. Z. Skhirtladze, The Church of Kirants, Scientific Session quite an original arrangement of the accents meant
of the Faculty of Oriental Studies, Tbilisi State University, for possibly complete and distinct revealing of the
Abstracts, Tbilisi 1987, 21.
53 G. Khutsishvili, op. cit., 40.
Salvatory idea in the general theological concept
of the murals (the sequence of the narration from
54 Cf. supra, footnote 41.
the chancel to the naos and not from the narthex
55 A. Frolov, Lgise rouge de Perutica, Bulletin of the
to the naos and then to the chancel, as is the case
Byzantine Institute I (1946), 2942, pl. VIIIXIX; K. Weitz-
in Byzantium).
mann The Fresco Cycle of S. Maria di Castelseprio, Prin-
ceton, 1951; V. Lazarev, , in: id.,
, Moscow 1971, 6787. 56 R. Shmerling, op. cit., 123 sq.

APOCRYPHAL CYCLE OF THE VIRGIN IN MEDIEVAL GEORGIAN MURALS 115

 wall were executed in the reign of Giorgi III, King of
Imereti in 15751678.58
The row of scenes of the cycle of the Dormition,
based on a special apocryphal treatise, fails to follow
the chronological sequence of events. Conformably
to the tradition of doubling the Christological cycle,
namely the passions of Christ, established at the time
in Christian Orthodox art,59 the Annunciation of the
Dormition corresponds to its above-depicted Prayer
in the Gethsemane Garden, the Washing of Feet by
Mother of God to Christ Washing the Feet, while
the Supper of the Women to the Last Supper. At

Fig. 13. Gelati, south wall of the west arm, Mary Washing 58 Cf. I. Mamaiashvili, op. cit., 227236.
Feet 59 Cf. similar solutions in Zaum (Ohrid), and Graanica,
both of the fourteenth century, cf. . ,
XIV , 116, 117; . ,
Three sixteenth-seventeenth-centuries layers : ,
form the decoration of the main church of the Dor- 1988, 121124.
mition at Gelati monastery. Principal in the overall
ensemble created by the unity of these layers is the
image of the Mother of God, highlighted by all pos-
sible iconic means the Nicopea mosaic image of
the Early twelfth century in the conch of the chan-
cel57 is attended by a cycle of the infancy of the Vir-
gin, represented on both sides of the Ascension of
Christ in the vault of the bema, executed during the
reign of Bagrat III, king of Imereti (West Georgia)
in 15571565 (Rejection of the Offerings, Annuncia-
tion to Joachim, Annunciation to Anne, Meeting at
the Golden Gate, Nativity of the Virgin, Presenta-
tion of the Virgin to the Temple, Zecharias in Prayer)
(Fig. 11). To the same period belong two large scenes
of the Glory of the Virgin and the Dormition in the Fig. 14. Gelati, north wall of the west arm, Gathering
lower part of the south wall of the south cross-arm Round the Clouds of the Apostles
(Fig. 12), while the cycle of the Dormition of the
Mother of God, formed of seven scenes and placed
in the upper part of the western wall of the west-
ern cross-arm (Annunciation of the Dormition) and
in the upper section of the lateral walls of the same
arm (Mary Praying in Front of the Icon Not Made by
Hand, the Supper of the Holy Women, Mary Wash-
ing Feet, Apostle Jacob Offering Communion to the
Virgin to the south; Gathering Round the Clouds
of the Apostles, and Ascension of the Mother of God
to the north) (Figs. 1315), as well as two large
scenes from the Akathistos cycle on both sides of a
niche with the image of St. Romanos Melodos (iko-
ses VII and X) in the lower section of the western
57 L. Khuskivadze, Gelatis mozaika (The Mosaic of Ge- Fig. 15. Gelati, north wall of the west arm, Ascension of
lati), Tbilisi 2006, 17 sq. the Mother of God

116 Z. SKHIRTLADZE
first sight, there is no immediate link between the Two large scenes of the south cross-arm are
Gathering of the Apostles Around the Clouds and also connected with the Dormition cycle. Below
the Assumption of the Virgin and Judas Kiss and the Dormition of the Virgin, in the lower register
Christ in the presence of Ana and Caiaphas, yet the of the painting, the Mother of God is represented
hints in the text of the apocryphal work render this as seated on the couch with her hands folded on the
relation obvious to some extent.60 chest. To her right are Apostles and Virgins, to the
The gathering of the Apostles, as a consist- left the prophets. The composition is based on the
ent part of the Dormition of the Mother of God, apocrypha of the Dormition, where in anticipation
at least from the thirteenth century (Sopochani,61 of the Dormition, besides the Apostles, the story
Peribleptos in Ohrid,62 in Georgia Tsalenjikha and tells about the arrival of Old Testament prophets.65
Likhne63) was represented in the Gelati painting as In terms of their scale and solution the Visitation
an independent scene. This was presumably done of the Virgin before her Dormition and the Dormi-
to highlight the importance of this episode in the tion are one of most important accents in the over-
Dormition of the Virgin, with account of srtistic all ensemble. Completing the Christological cycle
trends of the period. The same may be said about in which the Mother of God takes part (The Annun-
the Assumption.64 At the same time it should be ciation, Nativity, Redemption, Lamentation), both
borne in mind that these episodes are not inserted compositions assume the significance of a general-
in the scene of the Dormition, depicted earlier on ized image of Glorification of the Virgin.
the south wall of the south cross-arm. This was the The interest in the illustration of the life cycle of
reason of their later incorporation in the Dormition the Virgin in Georgian art, namely, in mural paint-
cycle as separate episodes. ing, hardly changed at a later period (seventeenth-
eighteenth centuries) either. However, the abun-
60 M. Van Esbroeck, LAssomption de la Vierge, 146. dance of the material demands a special survey of
61 . . , , 1991, 5866, T. 7583. the epoch. Just one thing could be stressed in con-
62 Id., , 1974, clusion the material known to date testifies to the
1719, 186187, .XV. significance of the image of the Virgin in the whole
63 In both murals this episode is incorporated in the Dor- course of the centuries-old history of the spiritual
mition scene (for Tsalenjikha cf. I. Lordkipanidze, op. cit., culture of Christian Georgia. This image was eter-
5960; for Likhne, L. Shervashidze, - nally cast in the local mentality as a prefiguration
, 1980, 111
115, pl. 21.
of Eternal Descent of the Divine Bliss and Salva-
64 Only one more example is known in Georgian wall tion, a symbol of Intercession for Georgia before
painting of representing the Assumption of the Mother of the Lord.
God independently, namely in the mural of the chancel
screen of Maghalaant Eklesia (cf. footnote 52). 65 M. Van Esbroeck, LAssomption de la Vierge, 153.

APOCRYPHAL CYCLE OF THE VIRGIN IN MEDIEVAL GEORGIAN MURALS 117



. , -
- ( , , ,
) ,
, , - -
X ,
. ,
- ,
-
- .

118 Z. SKHIRTLADZE
A NEWLY-FOUND FRESCO OF THE VISITATION
IN THE CHAPEL OF SAINT JOHN THE BAPTIST
IN ASENOVGRAD

Biserka Penkova

This paper presents a newly discovered fresco of the Visitation from the church of St. John the Baptist (St. Jani)
in Asenovgrad (Stenimachos). Characteristics of style and iconography of this fresco indicate that it was painted
at the beginning of the 13th century. The placement of this composition in the altar, its independent position, as
well as its large dimensions, are quite unusual. This fresco proves that the artistic tradition in the area of the
monastery of Bachkovo, a leading center in the spiritual and cultural life of the region, maintained a high level of
achievement in different historical eras and regardless of the changing political circumstances.
Key words: 13th century, Asenovgrad (Stenimachos), byzantine fresco, Visitation

T
he romantic silhouette of the small medieval
church mounted on a narrow ledge on one of
the steep hills surrounding the town of Ase-
novgrad (Stenimachos) from the west catches the
eye of those who travel along the road leading to
the Bachkovo monastery. It has long been known
to both laymen and specialists. The local tradition
has it that the church is dedicated to St. John the
Baptist, a fact also confirmed by the image of this
same saint depicted in the shallow niche on the
southern wall next to the altar. Neither the site nor
the church itself has been archaeologically studied
on a regular basis and the researchers differ in their
opinion as to the dating of the church. The extant
historical sources provide no information which
could shed light on the period and circumstances
of the building of the chapel. All conclusions have
been reached on the basis of the particularity of the
church itself, because it is preserved in remarkably
good condition. A newly-found fresco not only es-
tablishes the time when the church was built, but
also enhances our knowledge of medieval painting
in the region.
Andre Grabar was one of the first specialists
who directed his attention to the church. In his first
overview of the medieval monuments in Bulgaria
he pointed out the main characteristics of its archi-
tecture and dated it to the 14th century.1 Nicola Ma-
vrodinov drew special attention to the flat two-step
niches on the facades and the altar pillars, and pro-
posed an earlier dating, probably the 13th century.2
Krustyo Miyatev also placed it within the chrono-
logical framework of the Second Bulgarian Empire
1 . ,
. 1. . 2. ,
1920. . (1921), 97164 (155156,
fig. 52, 53, 54).
2 . ,
XIV ,
1931, 1214.

A NEWLY-FOUND FRESCO OF THE VISITATION IN THE CHAPEL OF SAINT JOHN THE BAPTIST 119
 13th14th century.3 Architect
Stoil Stoilov, who has studied
the local building methods,
dated the temple to the 11th
12th century.4 The most de-
tailed study on the architecture
of the church was provided by
architect Stefan Boyadzhiev,
who also dated it to the Sec-
ond Bulgarian Empire.5
The church is single-nave,
with one apse, without an an-
techamber, and it has a two-
slope wooden roof.6 The walls
built in a Byzantine style
that is, layers of stones and
bricks, wielded together with
thick layers of mortar are
up to one meter thick. Origi-
nally, it had three entrances
of which the western is blank
today, while the northern is in- Fig. 1. Asenovgrad, Saint John the Baptist Chapel
accessible because of the steep
terrain.7 Nowadays, as might
typical of the church are the narrow, high windows
have been the case from the very beginning, used
in the upper parts of the walls and the apse.9 These
is the southern entrance which is accessible through
windows are grouped in pairs, the two eastern pairs
a narrow path. Shallow, two-step niches four on
providing light to the space round the altar, the other
the northern, southern, eastern wall and the apse and
four pairs lighting the nave. A. Grabar described the
three on the western wall form the facades.8 Very church as a single-nave basilica.10 The western
and the eastern facades bear traces of initial over-
3 . , - arching which makes certain authors believe that it
, 1965, 201. is a single-nave over-arched church with two-slope
4 . ,
roof.11 Architect St. Boyadziev, followed by archi-
, 1971, 27; . , tect Stoilov has reconstructed the church as a cross-
, - shaped dome basilica.12
, . 3 (2001), 2324. On the facades of the church the interior walls
5 . , . , -
have long been plastered up especially in the up-
, . 1 1969 (1971), 155167. per sections of the walls, there are traces of serious
6 Dimensions: length 8 meters, width 5,5 meters and height
repairs which make all reconstruction uncertain.13
approximately 5 meters.
7 Studies on the matter do not put in question the exist-
Demetrius in Patalenitza, St. John the Evangelist in the Ze-
ence of an entrance on the western side, but it seems that men monastery etc.
it is more probable that it did not exist in the beginning, 9 Because of these the church is known to the locals as
because the entrance, today sealed with stone and extended
the watchtower.
in height, is narrower compared to the symmetric shallow 10 A. , op. cit., 155.
niches on its sides. At our opinion, originally in use were
11 . ,
the entrances the entrances on the northern and the southern
side. Secondary evidence of this can be seen in the finding , 27.
of scattered burial bones and the blind archosolium in the 12 C. , op. cit., 8; . ,
western part of the nave. , 2324.
8 We shall note that that niches of that sort are typical for 13 The cross-dome theory is interesting, but the window
all Bulgarian churches from the period 11th12th century: the pairs do not match the position of the hypothetical dome.
old Boyana church, St. Archangles in the city of Rila, St. Still, the arch covering of the church is more probable.

120 B. PENKOVA
 ed on the St. Archangels hill,
dating back to the 12th century
in R. Morevas opinion, and
mentioned in Gregorii Bacu-
rianis Typicon.16 It is pos-
sible that in the 12th century
the stronghold was extended
to the north St. John the Bap-
tist church being part of it.
Both structures were in exist-
ence up to the 14th century.17
The fortresses were part of an
overall fortification system,
which included also the near-
by Asens fortress protecting
the road to Gregorii Bacu-
nianis monastery, known as
Bachkovo monastery,18 across
the Rhodopes mountains to
Fig. 2. Saint John the Baptist Chapel, Ground Plan Western Thrace.

The interior consist of a rectangular nave and ***

an altar separated by a thin wall with three narrow
During the repair and restoration works carried
high arched apertures, the middle of which is higher
out on the southern wall of the altar in 2002, under
than the others. It is not clear whether the wall was
a layer of inferior plaster from a later period, was
part of the original construction or it was erected
discovered the scene of The Visitation.19 The scene
during some of the temples reconstructions. The
is set within a wide frame and fills the whole wall
peculiar altar barrier is similar to that found in the
space. The mural is painted at about 1.80 m above
nearby church The Holy Virgin of Petrich in the
the floor level. There are no other traces of paint-
Asens Stronghold.14 On the northern and southern
ings in the altar space. The restorers describe the
walls, on either side of the altar barrier are located
plaster as a fine, one-layer, slaked lime, the tech-
two shallow arched niches, which were painted in
nique of the mural being tempera applied on dry
the 14th century.15 St. John the Baptist is depicted
wall.20 The artist restorers also believe the mural to
full size in the southern niche, and the northern one have burned which changed the pigments into their
bears remains of an image of the Holy Virgin. Be-
tween the northern wall and the door, on the north- 16
ern wall, there are large burial vaults, but no burial . -,
, -
has been found in it.
15 (1989), 210211.
The archaeological excavations carried out on 17 Ibid.
the territory of the modern town have revealed part 18 Concerning the sources mentioning Stenimachos refer to:
of the fortification system of a medieval settlement . , -
consisting of two fortresses, one of which is locat- , 20 (1994),
113128; . , -
14 . , op. cit., 5253. . , 1995, 246249.
15 19 . , -
Svetla Moskova compares them to the murals from
the same period in the Bachkovo ossuary, and claims their VV
source to be one studio. Cf. . , - , -
, , 2006, 79.
. 20 . ,
. - . , -
, . 9615 (forthcoming). , 2006, 9092.

A NEWLY-FOUND FRESCO OF THE VISITATION IN THE CHAPEL OF SAINT JOHN THE BAPTIST 121
 the graphic technique characteristic of the manner
of drawing Elizabeths countenance, as well as the
decorative elements in the architecture of the de-
picted buildings are generally characteristic of the
monuments from the 12th century. At the same time,
noticeable is certain pictorial and plastic approach
in painting the young faces, especially that of the
young female servant at the background, which
calls up associations with the classical Byzantine
tradition. The combination between the refined
Comnenian line and the new plasticity suggests an
earlier dating of the mural, namely, the end of 12th
the beginning of 13th century, the beginning of the
13th century being the more likely suggestion.
The visit of the Blessed Virgin Mary with Eliza-
beth is recorded in the Gospel of Luke (1:3956).
Three days after the Annunciation Mary left her
home to visit her close relative, Elizabeth, who was
also pregnant with John the Baptist. When Eliza-
beth heard the greeting of Mary, John jumped in-
side of her, and she was inspired by the Holy Spirit,
and she cried, Blessed are you among women and
blessed is the fruit of your womb (Luke 1:42). Thus

Fig. 3. Saint John the Baptist Chapel, the southern wall of

the of the altar

present day warm-red nuances.21 The only paper

published on the matter dates the mural to the end
of 14th or the beginning of the 15th century.22 The
iconography and the style of the painting, however,
as well as the historical and archaeological context
of the church in general, suggest an earlier dating.
The scene representing the meeting of the two
mothers-to-be is terse. The two women embrace
drawn to each other by a strong impulse against the
background of two high buildings. At the entrance
of the right building, behind a curtain, there stands a
young woman in light garment watching the event.
The buildings are imposing and characterized by
decorative elements. The composition is extended
in height; the scene is dominated by the verticals
of the figures and the buildings. The bodies have
markedly lengthened proportions. Noticeable is the
richly draped cloak of Elizabeth reminiscent of the
Late Comnenian style. The lengthened proportions,

21 Ibid. Fig. 4. Saint John the Baptist Chapel, The Visitation, the
22 . , , 79. end of 14th the beginning of the 15th century

122 B. PENKOVA
Elizabeth was the first human
to prophesy the fate of Mary
and the child she was going to
give birth to. The Gospel has
it that Mary remained with
Zachariah and Elizabeth for
about three months.
In the western tradition the
event and the scene are known
as Visitatio (paying a visit). In
some Byzantine sources it is
called(Saluta-
tion, Greeting). In the Boyana
church the scene bears the
inscription ,
which occurs rarely on the
monuments.23 The scene is so
inscribed also in the church of
the Zemen monastery.24
In the Byzantine art the
iconography of the scene re-
mained practically unchanged Fig. 5. Saint John the Baptist Chapel, The Visitation, detail
over the centuries.25 The
scene first appeared on one
of the sides of an early Christian sarcophagus in resented in the low register on the southern wall of
Capella Braccioforte in Ravenna (5th century).26 In the apse of Sts. Joachim and Anna chapel in St. So-
the mosaics in the basilica in Pore (Parenzo) dat- fia church in Kiev (middle of the 11th century),29 as
ing back to the 6th century, there appears the figure well as in some monuments representative for the
of the female servant watching the meeting of the Balkan region dating back to the 12th such as St.
two women behind a curtain.27 In the Gregory of George church in Kurbinovo,30 the churches Ayioi
Nazianzus homilies Paris. Gr. 510, fol. 3r (880 Anargyroi and St. Nikolaos Kasnitzis in Kastoria.31
883) the scene is already fully developed; the two While these latter shows somewhat more schematic
embracing women in the foreground, a building in type of composition, the Visitation from St. Nico-
the background the entrance of which is partitioned la in Manastir, Macedonia (1271), proves that the
by a curtain (a female servant often being depicted iconographical tradition characteristic of the capital
peering from the entrance or behind the curtain).28 was vivid in the monuments on the Balkans in the
The same scheme in a monumental version is rep- last quarter of the 13th century.32 Indicative is the
dynamic drape of Elizabeths garment, very similar
23 . , , 1924 (19782), to that found in the mural painting in St. John the
51. Baptist church.
24 A. Grabar, La peinture religieuse en Bulgarie, Paris The scene of the visit of Mary to Elizabeth does
1928, 205; . , . - not belong to the calendar of feasts nor is it often
, , , 1980, 5557. depicted in the Byzantine monuments. It usually
25 . , -
, , 29 , . 1, 2007, Fig.
1892 (20012), 131137. 181.
26 . , , - 30 L. Hadermann-Misguich, Kurbinovo. Les frescoes de
, 1914 (19952), 27, Fig. 7. Saint-Georges et la peinture byzantine du XIIe sicle, I,
27 Ibid., , . 70. Bruxelles 1975, 103109.
28 L. Brubaker, Vision and Meaning in Ninth-century Byz- 31 S. Pelekandou, Kastori, Qessalonkh 1953, 16.

antium: Image as Exegesis in the Homilies of Gregory of 32 . . -, ,

Nazianzus, Cambridge 1999, 1, Fig. 6. 1958, 57, Fig. 63.

A NEWLY-FOUND FRESCO OF THE VISITATION IN THE CHAPEL OF SAINT JOHN THE BAPTIST 123
 serves to develop and enhance the Gospel narra-
tive concerning the events after the Annunciation.
The Visitation is not celebrated, but it has impor-
tant dogmatic meaning. It is when the incarnated,
still unborn Christ, first appears being paid hom-
age to by the future John the Baptist, still in his
mothers womb (Luke 1:44). That is why the event
is interpreted as the Firs Appearance of God, while
the Visit itself is sometimes called the small An-
nunciation since Elizabeth was the first human to
call Mary Mother of God. This is a possible ex-
planation for the location of the scene in the altar
of the church in Asenovgrad it is meant to begin
the Christological cycle. Unfortunately, we know
nothing about the original murals, nor even if the
church was painted all over, or it was only the altar
that had paintings. Whatever the case, the fact that
the scene was placed in the altar, coupled with the
fact of its being set separately and having a large
size, is strange enough to make us search for a spe-
cial explanation.33
The kiss has different connotations in the Old
Testament, Gospels and Christian liturgy.34 The
kiss is the usual way of greeting someone, espe-
cially the kiss put on a persons hand. As a rule,
the kiss and the embrace are used between equals.
Ones father, mother, son, brother, relative, etc., are
usually welcomed with a kiss. On the other hand,
the kiss as a sign of Christian love is present in the
apostles epistles. In the emphasis laid on the kiss
at the moment the two women meet recognizable is
an anticipation of Judahs betrayal of Christ and the
kissing of the dead Christ at the lamentation. The
kiss might also be a sign of devotion, reminiscent
of the way in which the Christians, while praying,
touch with their lips the sacred objects and relics.
Typologically akin to the Visitation is the scene of
Conception where Joachim and Anna or Zacha-
riah and Elizabeth are depicted.
33 The visit of Mary to Elizabeth sometimes illustrates
the ikos 3 of the Akathist to the Holy Virgin. For instance,
in the gallery of Holy Virgin Perivleptos church in Ohrid
(13641365), or the icon Pohvala with Akathist from the
Cathedral of the Dormition in the Kremlin in Moskow, third
fourth of 14th century. Cf. . , 172173 (XVII.
V , 1980, 126, fig. 31; ).
V 36 Ibid. XXIII. ( , -
, 2007, catalogue 10.
34 , . Cf: 37 B. Miljkovi, O j
: http://www.agape-biblia.org/books/Book03/ (12. o. (Once again on the fragment of the fresco un Vato-
05. 2010).
124 B. PENKOVA
The Visitation could also be interpreted in con-
nection with the liturgical associations. The kiss has
a special place in liturgy. During the Liturgy of the
faithful, before the Symbol of the Faith is read, the
priests kiss the discos, the goblet and the throne, af-
ter which they kiss each other three times with the
Kiss of peace. This is an ancient ritual going back
to the apostles times (Rom. 16:1; Peter. 5:14) and
signifies the mutual conciliation between the priests
and the worshipers in the temple as prescribed by
the two major commandments: Love God and Love
thy neighbour. In Maxim the Confessors words,
the spiritual kiss, being addressed to all and every-
body, is the first image and plan of the forthcoming
unanimity; unanimity and reasonable identity, by
faith and love, between all humans, which will be
realized at the time of the future unspoken goods,
and through which the Word and God will be ex-
perienced by those who are worthy of experiencing
them. Since the mouth is a symbol of reason with
which everything touching it becomes the one the
way all reasonable creatures become the one with
everything else and are assimilated in the first and
the only Reason which is the source of all reason.35
The divine kiss that is, the Kiss of peace is con-
nected with all other components of the Liturgy be-
ing an expression of the agreement of thought, una-
nimity and love of everybody for everybody, and
especially of everybody for himself and for God.36
The Visitation can also be interpreted as the
first image of the Kiss of peace, the first expression
of love for the incarnated God. It is in this mystic
and symbolic sense that the scene under discussion
corresponds to the scene representing the Meeting
between the apostles Peter and Paul whose faces
touch in an embrace. The scene appears in the early
Byzantine monuments and is present, although it is
only rarely, during the Byzantine period. The frater-
nal kiss of the first apostles symbolizes their spir-
itual closeness, the unity of Christian Love.37
The St. John the Baptist church was most prob-
ably built at the turn of the 12th century or the very
beginning of the 13th century as part of the exten-
35 , , 1993,
).
o o o
pedi), 46 (2009), 107120.
sion of the Stenimachos fortification. It was most
probably meant as a tomb, as it could be judged
from the huge burial vaults on the northern walls.
There are no indications of whether the interior of
the church was painted completely or partly and at
what time it happened. The scene of the Visitation
painted in the altar belongs to the first period of
painting the church and attests to the mastery and
skill of the painters who have followed the classical
patterns, at the same time showing excellent sense
of plasticity. The mural proves that the artistic tra-
dition in the region, which was culturally dominat-
ed by the Bachkovo monastery, remained at a high
level in the different historical periods regardless of
the political realities.

. (. ) XIII . -
() , - , ,
. -
, .
.
, XIXII XIIIXIV . - , .
-
. - , ,
, -
XII XIII , .
.
, ,
,
. .
2002. ,
, , - -
- ,
. ,
- .

A NEWLY-FOUND FRESCO OF THE VISITATION IN THE CHAPEL OF SAINT JOHN THE BAPTIST 125
THE NATIVITY OF CHRIST AND
THE DESCENT INTO HADES AS PROGRAMME
COUNTERPARTS IN BYZANTINE
WALL PAINTING

Dragan Vojvodi

The paper deals with the origin, ideological basis and aspects of the widespread custom of connecting represen-
tations of the two most significant Christian feast days as counterparts in the programmes of wall-paintings in
mediaeval Orthodox churches. Attention is drawn to several different programmatic positions and programmatic
models in the frame of which the Nativity of Christ and the Descent into Hades were ideologically connected.
The conclusion is that the numerous texts of old church writers and poets offered a wide basis for establishing
profound, dogmatically and symbolically ramified links between the two scenes.
Key words: Byzantine wall painting, the Nativity of Christ, the Descent into Hades, programme counterparts,
Byzantine ecclesiastical writers and poets

T
he presentations of the Nativity of Christ
and the Descent into Hades as counterparts
on the southern and northern walls of the
altar in churches in the Orthodox Christian world
represent a fairly frequent although not integrally
interpreted phenomenon. By origin it must have
been connected with the central nave of basilicas
and small single-nave churches of the Middle Byz-
antine period, which had a wooden two-sloped roof
instead of a vault. The simple and well laid out
space within such structures allowed the painters
to establish an uninterrupted, circular flow in the
cycle of Great Feasts and, besides, in the most sa-
cred area of the church, to accentuate the presenta-
tions of the two most significant and most solemn
Christian feast days Christmas and Easter fac-
ing each other. The Annunciation meanwhile, as the
initial scene of the Dodekaorton was given a place
on the eastern wall, on each side of the altar conch.
The Dormition of the Virgin, as the epilogue of the
cycle, gradually acquired an established position
on the opposite, western side of the naos. Only the
scenes of the Transfiguration and the Ascension,
or the Descent of the Holy Spirit, were separated
from the circular flow of the cycle, on large, trian-
gular gables. This kind of programme model was
already more widely known by the end of the 12th
and the beginning of the 13th century,1 when it was
clearly separated from the other forms of the circu-
1
Cf. S. Pelekanidis M. Hatzidakis, Kastoria, Athens
1985, 89 (ig and iz); M. Michalidis, Les peintures mura-
les de lglise de Saint-Jean le Theologien Veria, in: Actes
du XVe CIB, II B, Athnes 1981, 469470, figs. 2, 79,
14; E. N. Tsigaridas, Les peintures murales de lAncienne
Mtropole de Vria, in:
(Mileeva dans lhistoire du peuple serbe) (. .
. ), 1987, 92; . , XIII
. (13th Cen-
tury Frescoes in the Parecclesion in the Tower of St. George
in Chilandar), 9 (1997), 3742; M. Borboudakis K.
Gallas K. Wessel, Byzantinisches Kreta, Mnchen 1983,

THE NATIVITY OF CHRIST AND THE DESCENT INTO HADES 127

 Fig. 1. The Church of St. Stephen in Kastoria, Representations on the north wall of the central nave (I. Sisiou)

lar system in the arrangement of the scenes. Nev- introducing episodes from the so-called auxiliary
ertheless, only much later, particularly in the 14th cycles the Christological and the Theotokological
and 15th century would it become very popular.2 We (Figs. 34). Still, even in such cases, the effort was
notice that in applying the said programme model, accomplished to retain in the altar, or in front of
the number of scenes in the cycle could be reduced it,3 the images of Christs Nativity and the Descent
only to presentations of a number of the Great into Hades as characteristic counterparts at the be-
Feasts (Figs. 12), just as it could be expanded by ginning and at the end of the series of scenes that
were painted on the lateral walls.4 In churches with
283 (example of a circular arrangement of scenes on the
vault of the church). 3 As counterparts, the Nativity of Christ and the Descent
2 Cf. A. Ksingopulos, , Atina 1957, into Hades were most often painted in front of the altar
93; S. Pelekanidis M. Hatzidakis, Kastoria, 108; . , in quite small churches, cf. M. Restle, Die byzantinische
(Lglise Wandmalerei in Kleinasien, Recklinghausen 1967, Band.
des Saints Constantin et Hlne Ohrid), 1971, 50 III, no. XLVIII; S. Boyd, Church of Panagia Amasgou,
51, sch. 14; . . Monagri, Cyprus, and its Wallpaintings, DOP 28 (1974),
, 1976, 3537; . , 292300; D. Mc Kenzie, Provincial Byzantine Painting in
XV (Lcole de peinture dOhrid au Attica: H. Kyriaki, Keratea, CahArch 30 (1982), 14; .
XVe sicle), 1980, 28, 38, 54, 65, 72, 90, 97, draw- , , 42, drawing 4;
ings 59, 1518, 3235, 4144, 4951, 6971, 7780; . . , (Lglise du Roi
, XIV (La pein- Studenica), 1987, 236240, 250251, sch. VIVII.
ture murale dOhrid au XIVe sicle), 1980, 142, 156, In that way, the two mentioned scenes are also positioned in
drawings 4144; . , the small cave church in Belaja near Deani (middle of the
(glise Sainte-Vierge sur le Vraji Ka- 14th century), which has quite a reduced programme still
men), 19 (1987), 97104, figs. 10, 19, 25, 28; unpublished.
. , 4 A kind of digression from the rules appears in a number
, 1994, 149, 171172; E. N. Tsigari-
das, of monuments in Macedonia, where, between the Annuncia-
, Thessaloniki 1999, 214215, 216, 305; . tion and the Nativity of Christ, is the presentation of the Vis-
-, itation on the easternmost section of the southern wall cf. S.
. (Medieval Art in Macedonia. Pelekanidis M. Hatzidakis, Kastoria, 2425, 52; L. Hader-
Frescoes and Icons), 2009, 493495, 502, 548, 549 mann-Misguich, Kurbinovo, Bruxelles 1975, 103109, sch.
552; H. Staneva R. Rousseva, The Church of St Demetrius 34; . . -, ,
in Boboshevo, Sofia 2009, 54, 60, 118119. Of course, it 1958, sch. I, no. 63; . ,
would be impossible to itemize all the existing examples , 170. In some other churches, however,
from the 14th15th century, and those from the 16th17th cen- the Nativity of Christ and the Descent into Hades retained
tury in particular. the role of counterparts, even though the said scene was

128 D. VOJVODI
Fig. 2. The Church of St. Stephen in Kastoria, Representations on the south wall of the central nave (I. Sisiou)

a simple spatial plan, the entire concept was easily of the inscribed cross (Fig. 5).6 However, the dis-
achieved and the programme model showed that it sected inner space of those buildings did not permit
was completely justified. the expression in full measure of all the features
However, it is important to note that the ele- of the circular system in arranging the scenes. The
ments of the described manner of arranging the regularity of the chronological course of the cycle
scenes of the Great Feasts were also sometimes could be significantly disrupted in churches with a
found in churches with a more complex architec- complex spatial structure. For instance, by draw-
tural structure. Even in such churches the presenta- ing out the Annunciation to the eastern pair of
tions of the Nativity of Christ and the Descent into columns in front of the altar,7 the initial scene of
Hades were painted one opposite the other on the the Dodekaorton acquired a more western position,
walls or the vault of the altar,5 or they were posi- that is to say, behind the presentations of the Great
tioned before it opposite each other on the eastern Feasts depicted in the altar the Nativity, the Res-
side of the vaults of the southern and northern arms urrection, and the Ascension of Christ. One also no-
tices that the continuity of the cycle in architectoni-
inserted among the Great Feasts. Cf. . .
cally compartmentalised churches would have been
, - rendered rather indistinguishable by the lack of
(Painter Michael in the Monastery of St. visibility of the whole surfaces of the painted walls
Prohor Pinjski), ZRVI 34 (1995), 127, 139.
5 The iconographic programmes in the churches of St. 6 K. M. Skawran, The Development of Middle Byzantine
George (Omorphokklisia) near Kastoria, St. Peter in Bi- Fresco Painting in Greece, Pretoria 1982, 182; A. and J.
jelo Polje, The Holy Virgin in Kuevite, or St. George Stylianou, The Painted Churches of Cyprus, London 1985,
in Reani can serve as examples of this kind of solution, 65, 68; N. Nikonanos, The Church of the Holy Apostles in
and it is quite possible that the same model was also ac- Thessaloniki, Thessaloniki 1986, 33, 38, 42; . -
cepted in the Omorphi Ekklisia in Athens, cf. A. Vasilaki- , ,
Karakacani, O toicografej tj mrfhj Ekklhsj 1967, 54, sch. VIIVIII, no. 19, 27 (in Macedonian with
stn Aqhna, Athens 1971, 14, 124); . , a French summary); . . . . .
, 180; B. Todi, Serbian medi- , , 1990, 146, 148150,
eval painting: age of King Milutin, Belgrade 1999, 341; The figs. 91, 96; . , .
Church of the Presentation of the Holly Virgin Kucheviste. (The Monastery of Lesnovo. History and Paint-
Drawings of the frescoes, Skopje 2008, 1819; S. Kissas, ing), 1998, 5253, 287, no. 88, 96.
Omorfokklhsa. Oi toicografej tou nao tou Agou 7 On this position of the Annunciation in the programme of
Gewrgou kont sthn Kastori, Beograd 2008, 2627, the Byzantine churches cf. J. D. Varalis, Parathrseij gi
no. 4748 (where the remains of the representation of the t qsh tou Eaggelismou st mnhmeiak zwgrafik
Nativity on the south side of the vault of the altar bay, kat t mesobuzantin perodo, DCAE 4/19 (1996
beneath the Ascension are not identified). 1997), 201220.

THE NATIVITY OF CHRIST AND THE DESCENT INTO HADES 129

 and vaults from any one particular position in the
church. Apart from that, the painters, because of the
unequal height of the bays in such churches were
often obliged, when creating the rows of scenes in
the cycle, to skip from one to the other zone of
the fresco painting. In the church of St. Achilleios
in Arilje, for example, the compartmentalisation of
the interior space is such that the scenes had to be
grouped in a particular manner, and one can only
speak provisionally about the continuous flow of
the Christological cycle. Nevertheless, even there,
the presentations of the Nativity and the Resur-
rection were painted one opposite the other on the
architecturally accentuated surfaces of the south-
Fig. 3. The Church of the Holy Virgin at Kuevite, Representations on the highest part of the north wall of the altar bay
(M. Markova)
130 D. VOJVODI
ern and northern walls of the altar bay.8 All of this
leads to thinking about the deeper ideological pre-
conditions of the considered programme model that
could have induced the painters to apply it even in
quite unsuitable conditions and influence the em-
phasis of the Nativity of Christ and his Descent into
Hades in the altar section both in simple and also in
architectonically quite complex churches.
The reasons for the programme emphasis
and the ideological inter-connection of the two
8 . ,
(Wall Paintings of the Church of Saint Achilleos in
Arilje), 2005, 6365, 217, 235236, 282283, sch.
12, no. II, XII.
scenes in the eastern section of Orthodox Chris-
tian churches is only partly explained in the said
fact that at issue were presentations of the great-
est among the Great Feasts Christmas and the
feast day above all feast days Easter.9 These
reasons were much more numerous and pro-
found. In the works of the Byzantine ecclesiasti-
cal writers and poets, the similarity which the said
feast days have in terms of their importance is
shown to be the result of the deep dogmatic and

9 Although this definition of the two feast days is the prod-
uct of classification in more recent times, it properly reflects
their importance and position in the hierarchy of the Byz-
antine liturgical year throughout the entire medieval period.
One can already judge the outstanding status of Easter, and
of Christmas too from the end of the IV century, on the ba-
sis of the texts of the Holy Fathers, such as Gregory the
Theologian (PG, t. 36, col. 624 A B C), Gregory of Nyssa
(PG, t. 46, col. 694 C), Epiphanios of Cyprus (PG, t. 43, col.
468 A), John Chrysostom, (PG, t. 48, col. 752 D), or Theod-
otos of Ankyra, cf. M. Aubineau, Une Homlie de Thodote
dAncyre sur la Nativit du Seigneur, OCP 26 (1960), 224.

Fig. 4. The Church of the Holy Virgin at Kuevite, Representations on the highest part of the south wall of the altar bay
(M. Markova)

THE NATIVITY OF CHRIST AND THE DESCENT INTO HADES 131

 Fig. 5. The Church of the Holy Virgin Hodegetria at Pe, Representations on the east side of the transept
(M. Nagorni)

132 D. VOJVODI
symbolic connection of the Nativity of Christ and
the Descent into Hades. The Holy Fathers of the
Church see the Resurrection of Christ the pledge
for the salvation of Man from mortality and decay
as the consequence and the principal aim of the
Incarnation of the Word. According to St. Atha-
nasius of Alexandria, the indisputable authority in
questions of the Incarnation of Christ, through the
Nativity the Immortal Word took to himself a body
which could die, in order that, since this participat-
ed in the Word who is above all, it might suffice
for death on behalf of all, and because of the Word
who was dwelling in it, it might remain incorrupt-
ible, and so corruption might cease from all men
by the grace of the resurrection.10 Since, death of
its very nature could not appear otherwise than in
a body, St. Athanasius explains additionally, the
Word put on a body so that in the body He might
find death and blot it out.11 Therefore, when His
flesh is born of Mary the Mother of God, He who
provides others with their birth into being is him-
self said to be born so that he may transfer our ori-
gin into himself; thus we are no longer merely earth
which returns to earth.12 The renowned Alexan-
drian effectively summarizes these thoughts with a
quotation from Holy Scripture: The Word [...] took
to himself a body which could die in order to [...]
destroy him who held the power of death, that is
the devil, and to deliver all those who through fear
of death had been all their lifetime subject to bond-
age (Heb. 2: 1415).13 Other Holy Fathers, such as
Basil the Great,14 Gregory the Theologian,15 Grego-
ry of Nyssa,16 or Cyril of Alexandria,17 Theodoret
10 PG, t. 25, col. 112 A; Athanasius, Contra Gentes and De
Incarnatione (ed. and translated R. W. Thomson), Oxford
1971, 154/155 (chap. 9); J. B. Berchem, LIncarnation dans
le plan divin daprs saint Athanase, EO 33 (1934), 323; K.
Anatolios, Athanasius, London-New York 2004, 4549.
11 PG, t. 25, col. 176 B (chap. 44).
12 Contra arian. Orat. III, 33; PG, t. 26, col. 393 BC396
A; K. Anatolios, Athanasius, 53.
13 PG, t. 25, col. 132 BC; Athanasius, Contra Gentes and
De Incarnatione, 185 (chap. 20). We recommend several
other characteristic quotations: PG, t. 26, col. 101 B, 120 B,
132 B C; 136 C, 145 B; PG, t. 26, col. 1161 BC.
14 PG, t. 32, col. 972.
15 PG, t. 35, col. 432 B436 A; PG, t. 36, col. 325 AD;
PG, t. 37, col. 459462; PG, t. 37, col. 465, 466, 464.
16 PG, t. 45, col. 473 D, 476 A.
17 St. Cyril stresses that God sent his Son, born of woman,
having assumed a body similar to ours, in order to ... jus-
THE NATIVITY OF CHRIST AND THE DESCENT INTO HADES
of Cyrrhus,18 and Patriarch Photios,19 also spoke of
the birth of Christ as the condition for the Resur-
rection, and about the Resurrection as the goal of
the Incarnation. Their interpretations have left trac-
es in the Divine Offices celebrating Christmas and
Easter. Hades reigns by sin, from Adam until you;
however, his shameless tyranny is being destroyed
by the body in which you were born, Saviour [...]
is sung at Vespers on December 24th (on the eve
of the Nativity of Christ).20 On the other hand,
during Vespers on Holy Saturday the sticheron is
sung: Today Hades cries out, groaning: I should
not have accepted the Man born of Mary; He came
and destroyed my power, He shattered the gates of
brass, as God, He raised the souls that I had held
captive.21
Pointing, therefore, to the profound dogmatic
connection between Christmas and Easter, the
Byzantine ecclesiastical writers and poets at the
same time extolled the particular role these two
events had in the oikonomia of salvation. They par-
ticularly stress that the meaning of Christmas and
Easter denoted the beginning and the fulfillment
of the oikonomia of human salvation precisely as
the painters gave the position of alpha and omega
to the presentations of the Nativity of Christ and
the Descent into Hades in the circular sequence
of scenes on the lateral walls of the church. When
tify the human nature in himself, release it from the chains
of death and crown it with immortality (PG, t. 76, col. 1365
A); ... for, if the Logos had not become incarnated, then the
state of death has not been annihilated nor has sin been de-
stroyed... (PG, t. 75, col. 1268 B1269 A). For St. Cyril, also
cf. PG, t. 75, col. 1352 B-C; t. 76, col. 197 BC, 209 AC.
18 The Lord came and took upon himself the form of a
servant not to resurrect his own body, but to earn resurrec-
tion for all men, cf. PG, t. 83, col. 760 C.
19 For verily, when Christ became flesh, was death swal-
lowed up in victory Homily XII. Holy Saturday, cf. The
Homilies of Photius, Patriarch of Constantinople (English
Translation, Introduction and Commentary by C. Mango),
Cambridge 1958, 218. On the interpretations of Patriarch
Photios, cf. more thoroughly further in the text.
20 Menaion for December, third quarter of 14th century, Li-
brary of the monastery of Deani, manuscript no. 38, fol.
153r.
21 Triodion from the year 1328, National Library of Ser-
bia, manuscript no. 645, fol. 291v, cf. et The Lenten Trio-
dion (translated from the original Greek by Mother Mary
and Archimandrite Kallistos Ware), LondonBoston 1978,
655656). There are very many similar examples in various
texts for the Orthodox Christian church services.
133
 Fig. 6. The Church of St. Barbara at Soanli (Cappadocia), The Nativity of Christ, west part of the north wall (After G. de
Jerphanion)
in his sermon on Holy Saturday, St. John the Da-
mascene speaks of Easter, he quite clearly express-
es this idea: Now, the principal thing is fulfilled
in the divine oikonomia of salvation (nun t thj
eaj okonomaj keflaion kperanetai);
now the crown is placed on the Incarnation of the
Lord, the Word; [...] and to us is born a light out of
the darkness and life is proceeding from the grave
and the Resurrection is rising out of Hades (ka x
dou phgzei nstasij).22 In the XI homily of
Patriarch Photios of Constantinople, also dedicated
to Holy Saturday, the famous orator states: Won-
drous too was the manger at Bethlehem which re-
ceived my Lord, wrapped in swaddling clothes af-
ter the manner of babes, as He had just emerged
from a virgins womb and entered human life. Yet
a far greater miracle does the tomb exhibit: for in
the former the mystery of Christs incarnation was
22 PG, t. 96, col. 601 C604 A, 628 C.
134 D. VOJVODI
taking its beginning, as the Godhead was already
being covered with flesh; in the later, however, is
accomplished the end, and the purpose of Gods
advent our perfection and re-creation is com-
pleted, gleaming brilliantly and illuminating with
the flash of the resurrection.23 It is understandable
therefore that Patriarch Photios, speaking about
Christs feast days in another homily, begins his
enumeration with the Saviours Nativity, and ends
it with the Resurrection.24 Similarly, Theodotos of
Ankyra sees the birth of Christ as the source of the
entire cycle of feast days (rmhtrion g pan-
tj kklou twn ortwn) that pour into the great
feast day of the Resurrection,25 while St. Gregory
the Theologian distinguishes four key points of the
23 The Homilies of Photius, 209210.
24 Ibid., 164165 (Homily IX. The Birth of the Virgin).
25 M. Aubineau, Une Homlie de Thodote dAncyre, 224
225, 233234, 235.
Fig. 7. The Church of St. Barbara at Soanli (Cappadocia), The Resurrection of Christ, east part of the north wall
(After G. de Jerphanion)
oikonomia of salvation, beginning with the Nativ-
ity, followed by the crucifixion and the interment
of Christ, while the Resurrection represents the end
and the accomplishment.26 Very similar interpreta-
tions are poetically shaped in the verses of the Oct-
oechos: We hymn You, O Christ, and glorify Your
divine condescension; You were born of a Virgin,
yet not parted from the Father; You suffered as a
man and willingly endured the cross; You rose from
the grave, as from a bridal chamber, that You might
save the world, O Lord, Glory to You! (Sunday,
Matins, sticheron, first voice part).27 The mystery
of the truth of salvation according to St. Gregory
of Nyssa, constitutes a somewhat larger number
of key elements but this theologian also places the
26
PG, t. 35, col. 432 B436 A.
27 Almost identical verses are sung during Vespers on Holy
Saturday (Lord, I call, sticheron, Tone 1).
THE NATIVITY OF CHRIST AND THE DESCENT INTO HADES
Saviours human birth at the beginning of the series,
only to close the circle with the Resurrection.28
Marked as the two crucial points at the begin-
ning and the end of the oikonomia of salvation, the
mysteries of the Nativity of Christ and the Resurrec-
tion in the works of the ecclesiastical writers were
directly linked not only on the basis of dogmatic
considerations but also very frequently through
building unique kinds of poetic and mystical paral-
lels. In that context, St. Gregory of Nyssa states:
Just as Mary, the Mother of God, escaping the
pains of childbirth, delivered by the will of God
28 PG, t. 45, col. 40 D. In his Paschal homily, Hesychios of
Jerusalem also indicates in a specific manner, the key points
in the cycle of salvation, cf. Hsychius de Jerusalem, Basile
de Sleucie, Jean de Bryte, Pseudo-Chrysostome, Lonce
de Constantinople, Homlies pascales (cinq homlies in-
dites) (ed. M. Aubineau), SC 187, Paris 1972, 122123, 129
footnote 4).
135
 Fig. 8. The Church of the Holy Apostles at Perachorio (Cyprus), Wall-paintings on the lateral sides of the nave (After A.
Megaw and E. Hawkins)
and the mercy of the Holy Spirit, the creator of the
ages, the Word, the God issuing from God, thus
the earth received the command to cast up from
its bowels, the Lord of the Israelites, releasing him
from the horror of death.29 In interpreting Mat-
thews Gospel, Ephrem the Syrian points to the
unusual mystical link between the Nativity and the
Resurrection of the Lord: He (the Christ) took the
body out from the tomb, although it was sealed,
and the seal of the tomb witnessed in favour of
the seal [of virginity] of the womb that had borne
Him; for it was when the virginity [of His mother]
was sealed that the Son emerged alive from within
her, for he was the First-Born in every way.30 We
also very often encounter this comparison and the
connection of the mysteries of the Nativity and the
Resurrection of the Saviour in the later ecclesiasti-
cal poets. Romanos the Melod in his Hymn on the
Resurrection thus sings: You were delivered, O
Lord, from the bowels of the Virgin, without seed,
leaving on her the signs of virginity, just as today,
29
PG, t. 46, col. 688 C; Homlies pascales, 92.
30 Saint Ephrems Commentary on Tatians Diatessaron
(An English Translation of Chester Beatty Syriac MS 709
with Introduction and Notes by C. McCarthy), Oxford 1993,
327 (21). Similar parallels are especially numerous in St.
Ephrems Eight Hymn for the Nativity of Christ. Besides
everything else, he develops in it a comparison between the
Nativity and the Resurrection of the Saviour, finally stress-
ing that they were two wrestlers that stopped the mouth
that slandered, cf. des glises de rite byzantin, II Les ftes, II, LAcathiste, la
, - 1900, Quinzaine de Pques, lAscension et la Pentecte, Monas-
5-, 139140. tre de Chevetogne 1948, 272.
136 D. VOJVODI
with your grave you have destroyed the realm of
the grave,31 and Epiphanios of Cyprus (7th centu-
ry) practically paraphrases the great Syrian.32 And,
at Matins on the day of the Resurrection, through
the troparion of the sixth song, he recalls the
profound connection of the two great mysteries:
Having preserved the seal undamaged, O Christ,
you have resurrected from the grave, you who did
not injure the bowels of the Virgin during your
birth.33 In that respect, an irmos, sung at Sunday
Matins, also deserves attention. It is worded like
this: The seamonster cast out Jonah unharmed as
it had received him, like a babe from the womb;
and when the Word came to dwell in the Virgin
and was made flesh, He came forth preserving her
incorrupt, for He himself was not subject to de-
cay (Ode six, second canon). The interesting and
inspiring comparison and the spirited connection
of Christs Nativity and the Resurrection can be
also found in the works of many other Orthodox
31 Romanos lMlode, Hymnes, Tome IV, SC 128, Paris
1967, 451.
32 For, just as Christ was born of a Virgin closed by the
seal of virginity, so, too, was Christ born again through the
unbroken seal of the tomb. Cf. A. Vaillant, L Homlie
dpiphane sur lensevelissement du Christ, Radovi Staros-
lovenskog instituta 3 (1958), 30.
33 Triodion from the year 1328, National Library of Serbia,
manuscript no. 645, fol. 307r; R. P. E. Mercenier, La prire
 said Epiphanios of Cyprus,
which was included in the Di-
vine Office on Holy Saturday,
merits particular attention. In
it, very vivid parallels are
drawn, which show the simi-
larities of the two mysteries
of salvation: The angel an-
nounced His birth to Mary,
the Mother of Christ, and the
angel announced His new
birth to Mary Magdalene; in
the night, Christ was born in
Bethlehem and again in the
night, on Sion, he was reborn
from the dead; Christ was
born in the stone cave, and
in the stone cave he was born
again; he was wrapped in a
linen cloth at birth and, here,
he was also bound in a linen
cloth; at birth he received
myrrh and at his funeral he
also received myrrh; in Beth-
lehem, his birth in a manger,
and, in a grave, like a man-
ger, his new birth [...].37
The quotation from Epiph-
anios homily is particularly
interesting because it shows
Fig. 9. The Church of Panagia tou Arakos in Lagoudera (Cyprus), general view from the author clearly aspired
the west with the representations of the Nativity and the Resurrection of Christ in the to present the Resurrection
first plan, west vault (After A. Nicolads) as a new or second birth of

Christian poets and orators, such as St. Proclos,34
St. Theodotos of Ankyra35 or the Blessed Hesychi-
os of Jerusalem.36 Nevertheless, the homily by the
34 PG, t. 65, col. 792 A; Homlies pascales, 134, n. 13.
35 Theodotos asks himself why Christ, who came forth out
of the earth, opening the graves, did not open his mothers
bowels at his own birth. In the interpretation of the Ankyran
theologian, Christs unique privilege to exist, as God, before
he was incarnated as a man, explains the special nature of
the Saviours birth, which left the virginity of the Mother
of God intact, and then of his Resurrection, which opened
all graves, cf. M. Aubineau, Une Homlie de Thodote
dAncyre, 225, 235236.
36 This man (Christ) was indeed, at first, hidden in the
bowels of the body (of the Mother of God), and then in the
bowels of the earth, there, blessing with that pregnancy those
who had been born, here, bestowing life with his Resurrec-
tion on those who had died, ... (Homlies pascales, 6667).
Using the word zwogonein (zwogonwn ), which calls to mind
the idea of birth, designating the giving of life to the dead,
Hesychios of Jerusalem, obviously, wanted to emphasise the
antithesis with the word gennasqai (gennwmnouj), and
thus indicate that this involved two births, at different levels
(ibidem, 93, n. 41).
37 A. Vaillant, L Homlie dpiphane, 2830. In one of the
homilies on Holy Saturday, Patriarch Photios offers a vivid
comparison of the Nativity and the Resurrection of Christ.
Among other things, he compares the peoples of the East
and the West, who hand over to the Saviour risen from the
dead their very bodies and souls, with the Magi from the
East, who offer gifts to the newborn Christ, and he says:
the songs of angels sounded over the manger while, by the
tomb, too, angels were present and caused amazement, The
Homilies of Photius, 210.

THE NATIVITY OF CHRIST AND THE DESCENT INTO HADES 137

 Fig. 10. The Church of Panagia tou Arakos in Lagoudera (Cyprus), The south side of the nave (After A. Nicolads)
Christ. This poetic identification of the Saviours
Resurrection with his Nativity already had its roots
in the biblical texts in the Epistle of the Apos-
tle Paul to the Colossians (1:18) and in St. Johns
Apocalypse (1:5) where Christ is mentioned as
the first-born from the dead (prwttokoj k
twn nekrwn). It was later accepted and varied by
authorities such as St. John Chrysostom,38 St. Gre-
gory the Theologian,39 St. Gregory of Nyssa,40 the
38 According to St. John Chrysostom, the Resurrection of
Christ can be called the birthday of all human nature. Cf.
PG, t. 51, col. 265.
39 PG, t. 36, col. 361.
40 The empire of life came and the empire of death was
annihilated; there appeared a second birth, a second life...;
the Grace of Christs Resurrection destroyed the pains of
death; it delivered the first-born from the dead; ... it crushed
138 D. VOJVODI
Blessed Hesychios of Jerusalem,41 or St. Ephrem
the Syrian.42 To them we can add the Blessed The-
odoret of Cyrrhus, for whom Christ was the first
to rise among the dead, because he first severed
the chains of death and emerged from its bowels
as newly-born.43 The Slav teacher, St. Kliment of
Ohrid in a sermon on the Epiphany distinguish-
es the three births of Christ: first in Bethlehem,
the steel lock of Hades. Cf. PG, t. 46, col. 605 C, 694 C (In
Christi resurrect. Orat. I).
41 With what words shall I pay tribute to the grave that
brought forth life, (...). Cf. Homlies pascales, 122123 (In
S. Pascha homilia II).
42 In one of his Hymns for the Nativity of Christ, St.
Ephrem acclaims: A sealed grave delivered You (O Christ).
Cf. , 140.
43 PG, t. 82, col. 600 D, 601 A.
Fig. 11. The Church of Panagia tou Arakos in Lagoudera (Cyprus), The north side of the nave (After A. Nicolads)
secondly in the River Jordan and thirdly when he
resurrected and became the first-born from the
dead.44 And in the Liturgy of St. Basil, in the
prayer before the blessing of the Holy Offerings, it
is mentioned that the Saviour was resurrected on
the third day, and [...] became [...] the first-born
from the dead.45 Christ is also called the first-
born from the dead in the VI song of the canon at
Matins on Holy Saturday.46
44 , , ,
1977, II, 243. St. Kliment, if this indeed is his work,
paraphrases St. Gregory the Theologian, who speaks in the
same manner about the three births of Christ, the Resurrec-
tion being the last of them, cf. PG, t. 36, col. 361.
45 F. E. Brightman, Liturgies Eastern and Western, I East-
ern Liturgies, Oxford 1967, 327.
46 Triodion from the year 1328, National Library of Serbia,
manuscript no. 645, fol. 286r.
THE NATIVITY OF CHRIST AND THE DESCENT INTO HADES
When one considers this broadly based, rich lit-
erary tradition in terms of its forms, stressing the
link between Christmas and the Resurrection of
Christ, the custom of the medieval painters to link
the scenes of the Nativity and the Resurrection, in
the frame of different programme models on the
walls of the Orthodox churches, becomes perfectly
understandable. In principle, the Descent into Hades
(entitled Anstasij) as the main, dogmatic rep-
resentation of Christs Resurrection47 had the abil-
ity to express all the symbolism connected with the
Saviour rising from the tomb. Sometimes, however,
Byzantine artists painted the representation of the
Holy Women at the Sepulchre of Christ beside the
Descent into Hades both placed opposite the Na-
47 Cf. A. Kartsonis, Anastasis. The Making of an Image,
Princeton 1986, passim.
139
 tivity in order to accentuate the various narrative
aspects of Christs Resurrection. In such cases, the
above mentioned dogmatic and poetical compari-
sons of the Nativity and the Resurrection of Christ
acquired a broader and more detailed visual basis.
The scene of the Holy Women at the Sepulchre of
Christ was regularly positioned before the Descent
into Hades as a final ideological accent directly op-
posite the Nativity (Figs. 34).48 Much more rarly,
the effort to position the pictures of Christmas and
Easter as programmatic counterparts produced dis-
ruption in the regular chronological course of the
opening Dodekaorton scenes, as it is a case in the
Church of St. Nicholas of the Roof in Kakopetria
(Cyprus).
Scenes of the Nativity and the Resurrection
could also be given a position far outside the al-
tar space and connected there. Such a manner of
juxtaposing or placing various ideologically linked
scenes opposite each other in different parts of
churches was essentially in keeping with the pro-
cedures of the Byzantine artists.49 In the Church of
St. Barbara in Soganle, (Cappadocia), the scenes of
the Nativity of Christ and the Descent into Hades
have enlarged dimensions and are positioned one
next to the other on the northern side of the vault
(Figs. 67).50 The great surfaces of the lateral walls
in the subdominal space of the Church of the Holy
Apostles at Perachorio on Cyprus, a church in
which the chronological arrangement of the themes
48 In order to retain that prominent position of the Anas-
tasis, Byzantine and post-Byzantine painters sometimes
placed the scenes of the Incredulity of St. Thomas and
Christs Post-Resurrection Appearance to the Holy Wom-
en before the Descent into Hades, too. Cf. M. Hatzidakis,
Kastoria, 108; E. N. Tsigaridas, Les peintures murales de
lAncienne Mtropole de Vria, 92; . ,
, 28, 38, 54, 65, 72, 90, 97, drawings
59, 1518, 3235, 4144, 4951, 6971, 7780; E. N.
Tsigaridas, Toicografej thj peridou twn Palaiolg-
wn, 214215, 305; The Church of the Presentation of the
Holly Virgin Kucheviste. Drawings, 1819; H. Staneva
R. Rousseva, The Church of St Demetrius in Boboshevo,
118119; N. Mitrevski, The Fresco painting in Pelagonia
from the middle of the 15th to the end of the 17th centuries,
Skopje 2009, 9497, 106, 116, 132135; sq.
49 For example, the cases of connecting the Nativity of
Christ and the Dormition of the Virgin in the programme of
Byzantine churches are well explained. Cf. H. Maguire, Art
and Eloquence in Byzantium, Princeton 1981, 5968.
50 N. Thierry, Le thme de la Descente du Christ aux En-
fers en Cappadoce, DCAE 4/17 (1994), 62.
140 D. VOJVODI
was not strictly applied, are painted with remark-
able scenes of the Nativity and the Descent into
Hades (damaged), as counterparts (Fig. 8),51 while
in the Church of Panagia tou Arakos in Lagoudera,
also on Cyprus, these two scenes are painted one
opposite the other on the vault of the western bay
(Figs. 911).52 Likewise, it is quite certain that the
counterpart of the big scene of Christs Nativity in
the conch of the southern arm of the transept in the
Basilica of the Nativity in Bethlehem was once the
presentation of the Anastasis, depicted in the conch
of the northern arm of the transept.53 In Mileeva,
the positioning of the two scenes opposite each
other was done in such a way that the Nativity was
painted on the upper part of the vast surface on the
northern wall beneath the dome of the church and
the Descent into Hades on the corresponding sur-
face of the southern wall.54 The highest zone on
the lateral walls in the central part of the naos in
the church in Gornji Kozjak, on the layer of paint-
ing which was done in the period of Serbian rule in
Macedonia, is decorated with scenes of the Nativity
and the Resurrection of Christ55 positioned oppo-
site each other. One could mention other examples.
Still, in the majority of well-known cases there was
a clearly visible effort by the creators of the icono-
graphic programmes to place the presentations of
Christmas and Easter facing each other in the east-
51 A. Megaw E. Hawkins, The Church of the Holy
Apostles at Perachorio, Cyprus, and Its Frescoes, DOP 16
(1962), 288289, sch. a.
52 A. and J. Stylianou, Cyprus, 164, 167, 182, 184, fig.
100, 102; A. Nicolads, Lglise de la Panagia Arakoitissa
Lagoudra, Chypre: Etude iconographique des fresques
de 1192, DOP 50 (1996), 74, fig. 18. In the central part of
that Cypriot church, the scenes of the Presentation of the
Virgin in the Temple and the Dormition of the Virgin are
intentionally opposed.
53 . . - . . ,
. XIV, XV XVI ,
PPSb XIXII (1903), 98, 224; A. Baumstark, Palestinensia.
Ein vorlufiger Bericht, RQ 20 (1906), 146; G. Khnel, Das
Ausschmckungsprogramm der Geburtsbasilika in Beth-
lehem. Byzanz und Abendland im Knigreich Jerusalem,
Boreas. Mnstersche Beitrge zur Archologie 10 (1987),
139, n. 26, Abb. 34; J. Folda, The Art of Crusaders in the
Holy Land 10981187, Cambridge 1995, 358.
54 . , , 1963, 19, 7677; .
, . (Mileeva. Les
dessins des fresques), 1992, 14, 16, 18.
55 . , , 139.
ernmost part of the church and with them to cover
the lateral walls or the vaults of the altar space. The
desire to find a place for the depictions of the Na-
tivity and the Descent into Hades in the altar can
even be seen in churches in which the distribution
of scenes was not circular. Thus, interestingly, in
the programme of the Church of Saint Marina at
Mournes on Crete, next to the scenes of the Na-
tivity and the Presentation of Christ in the Temple,
celebrating the Incarnation of the Saviour and his
sacrifice, one finds the Descent into Hades and the
Resurrection of Lazarus painted in the altar area, to
celebrate Christs victory over death.56
The endeavour to place the presentations of the
Nativity and the Resurrection of Christ opposite each
other in the very altar space of Orthodox Christian
churches had a fundamental, symbolical and liturgi-
cal justification. According to the ancient interpreters
of the symbolism of the Christian churches, such as
St. John Chrysostom, St. John the Faster (Nesteutes),
St. Germanos I of Constantinople, Pseudo Cyril,
Pseudo Sophronios, Pseudo Theodore of Andida and
St. Symeon of Thessalonike, the altar apse, the altar
table with the Holy Offerings and the ciborium, on
the one hand, represent the cave in Bethlehem and the
manger in which Christ was born and, on the other,
the cave on Golgotha, that is to say, the tomb from
which the Incarnated God was resurrected.57 There-
fore, the presentation of the Nativity of Christ and
his Descent into Hades opposite each other in the al-
tar could have stressed the symbolism that had been
linked with this sacred space for centuries. Meantime,
one should bear in mind that the said symbolism dis-
tinctly concerns the Eucharist, and so the presenta-
tions of Christmas and Easter the Holy Pascha
56 Cf. J. Albani, O toicografej tou naou thj Agiaj
Marnaj stn Mourn thj Krthj, DCAE 4/17 (1994),
211, 218, 222.
57 Cf. PG, t. 48, col. 753; t. 58, col. 79; t. 61, col. 204; t.
were perfectly appropriate to the iconography of the
most sacred space in the church. In that sense, one
should recall the teachings of St. John Chrysostom,
at least. According to this great theologian, we see
Christ, laid upon the altar, just as the three Magi
saw him lying in the manger.58 On the other hand,
the words in certain liturgical prayers indicate the
profound link of the Eucharist with Easter the
Holy Pascha. In one of them, for instance, it says:
Do this in remembrance of me: for as often as ye
eat this bread, and drink this cup, ye do shew my
death and confess my resurrection.59 Therefore, by
the transformation of the Holy Offerings into the
flesh and blood of Christ, the mystery of the Incar-
nation of the Saviour is repeated in the liturgy60 so
that those who partake of his flesh and blood will
be cleansed of sin and resurrected in Christ, pre-
paring themselves for admission to the Kingdom
of Heaven.61 Positioning the pictures of Christmas
and Easter as counterparts in the altar space of the
church expressed the teachings regarding the two
natures of Christ, which is also extremely important
for understanding the Eucharist. For, in the Middle
Ages it was the Nativity of Christ that was linked
with the humanity of the Saviour, and the Descent
into Hades with his divine nature and his extempo-
raneous birth in the bosom of His father.62 Thanks
to such a dogmatic and symbolic connection with
the sacrifice of the New Testament, the presenta-
tions of the Nativity and the Resurrection of Christ
58 Cf. PG, t. 48, col. 753; t. 61, col. 204; R. Bornert, Les
commentaires, 79.
59 F. E. Brightman, Liturgies, 328; id., The Orthodox Lit-
urgy, New York 1982, 126.
60 On the liturgical symbolism of the Nativity of Christ, its
connection with the Eucharist and the practice of illustrat-
ing the event in Bethlehem in the altars of Orthodox Chris-
tian churches, cf. Ch. Walter, Art and Ritual of Byzantine
Church, London 1982, 209210.
61 Cf. F. Cabrol, Descente du Christ aux Enfers daprs

155, 264 C, 348 AB; . , - la liturgie, in: DACL IV/I, 688 sq; A. de Meester, Descente
, aux Enfers dans les liturgies orientales, DACL IV/I, 694; O.
1884, 4; id., - Rouseau, La Descente aux Enfers dans le cadre des liturgies
, 1885, 307, 322, 325; idem, chrtiennes, La Maison-Dieu 43 (1955), 104123; C. An-
, 1894, 24, dronikof, Le cycle pascal. Le Sens des Ftes II, Paris1985,
63; F. E. Brightman, The Historia Mystagogica and Other 186193.
Greek Commentaries on the Byzantine Liturgy, JTS IX34 62 Cf. C. Meredith, The Illustration of Codex Ebnerianus,
(1908), 258; R. Bornert, Les commentaires byzantins de la JWCI 29 (1966), 420423; G. Galavaris The Illustrations of
divine liturgie, Paris 1966, 79; M. Altripp, Die Prothesis the Prefaces in byzantine Gospels, Wien 1979, 3435, 68;
und ihre Bildausstattung in Byzanz unter besonderer M. A. Aubineau, Les Homlies dHsychius de Jrusalem,
Bercksichtigung der Denkmler Griechenlands, Frankfurt Vol. I: Les homlies IIV, SubsHag 59 (1978), 112115;
am Main 1998, 3841. Romanos lMlod, Hymnes, t. IV, 556557.

THE NATIVITY OF CHRIST AND THE DESCENT INTO HADES 141

 could be included in a unified ideological ensem- time in the communication delivered in 1996 at the
ble with the presentations in the altar apse itself. In symposium dedicated to the church of St. Achilleios
this way, as part of the cycle of the Dodekaorton, in Arilje (Belgrade-Arilje), and published in the acts
those two scenes more firmly and clearly linked the of the symposium, cf. . ,
altar presentations with the rest of the thematic pro- .
- (Pro-
gramme in the naos of the church.
gramme iconografique dArilje. Choix et disposition
des scenes du cycle christologico-thotokologiques),
* In this paper the ideas and thesis have been in: : ,
elaborated and developed that I set forth for the first (. . ), 2002, 99106.

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142 D. VOJVODI
PER LUMINA VERA AD VERUM LUMEN:
THE ANAGOGICAL INTENTION
OF ABBOT SUGER

Steven J. Schloeder

The role of mystical theology on the development of Gothic architecture has been a topic of much debate over
the twentieth century, specifically on the question of what influence (if any) the 5th century theologian Dionysius
the Pseudo-Areopagite exerted on the intentions of Abbot Suger in the building of St.-Denis. With due respect to
all parties involved in the debate, this paper will examine the notion of anagogy both generally and specifically
in the thought of Dionysius, as well as the theological consideration of light as a manifestation of Divine Beauty
to offer a hermeneutical key to understanding Sugers intentions as expressed in his various writings and most
centrally in the inscription on the Great Doors at St.-Denis.
Key words: Abbot Suger, Dionysius the Pseudo-Areopagite, Gothic Architecture, Anagogy, Theological Aes-
thetics

T
he role of mystical theology on the develop-
ment of Gothic architecture has been a topic
of much debate over the twentieth century.
Centered on the person of Abbot Suger who in
the mid 12th century promoted what is generally
considered the first Gothic church in the rebuild-
ing of St.-Denis, the question of theological influ-
ences and theological intention has developed into
two clear camps: those who, following von Simson
and Panofsky, see a strong connection between the
architectural intentions of Suger and the mystical
theology of St. Dionysius (the pseudo Areopag-
ite); and those who, following their critics such as
Radding and Clarke, Crossly and Kidson, Rudolf,
Grant and others, downplay if not out rightly dis-
card the connection.
Von Simsons claim is thus:
... it can, I think, for once be shown how the ar-
tistic design [of St-Denis] was inspired by a defi-
nite metaphysical system [that of Dionysius], how
and in what manner an intellectual experience im-
pinged upon the creative process within the artists
mind. What renders this interpretation possible is
the fact that we know for certain the author who
had most influence upon Sugers thought, and in
whose work the abbot found the source for his
own philosophy of art.1
Panofskys understanding of the relationship is a
bit peculiar, that Suger adopted Dionysian mystical
theology more as a validation of his own inclina-
tions toward the material beauty, perhaps to defend
himself against the attacks of St. Bernard:
One can imagine the blissful enthusiasm with
which Suger must have absorbed these neo-Platon-
1 O. Von Simson, The Gothic Cathedral: Origins of Gothic
Architecture and the Medieval Concept of Order, Princeton
19883, 102.

PER LUMINA VERA AD VERUM LUMEN: THE ANAGOGICAL INTENTION OF ABBOT SUGER 143
 ic doctrines. In accepting what he took for the ipse
dixits of Saint Denis, he not only did homage to the
Patron Saint of his Abbey but also found the most
authoritative confirmation of his own innate belief
and propensities. Saint Denis seemed to sanction
Sugers conviction [...] Saint Denis himself seemed
to justify Sugers partiality to images and his insa-
tiable passion for everything lustrously beautiful,
for gold and enamel, for crystal and mosaic, for
pearls and precious stones of all descriptions...2
Panofsky is rather more pragmatic than von
Simson in his reading of Suger and the question of
Dioynsian influences, but nevertheless seems to al-
low that Suger was indeed working in a tradition of
anagogical contemplation that came down to him
from Hugh of St. Victor, John Scotus Eriugena, and
Maximus the Confessor back to Dionysius.3
On the other side are a host of architectural his-
torians who call into doubt the Dionysian influenc-
es on Suger, and by extension the Gothic enterprise,
generally preferring a more Augustinian approach.
Radding and Clark give a sort of half-hearted nod
to the possibility that Suger was influenced by Di-
onysius:
Suger may have asked the builder to maximize
the amount of light that entered the building, per-
haps even out of respect for the theology attributed
to Denis that stressed light as the link between the
material and the celestial worlds.4
Both Grant and Rudolf are dismissive of Sug-
ers intimacy with the Corpus areopagiticum.
Indeed, Rudolf suggests that, Suger was appar-
ently uncomfortable enough with his own overt
discussion of Pseudo-Dionysian mystical theol-
ogy in De Consecratione to avoid it in the later De
Administratione.5 In Rudolfs reading of Sugers
2 cerned in the span of a few years to eschew his spiritual and
E. Panofsky, Abbot Suger: On the Abbey Church of
St.-Denis and it Art Treasures, Princeton University Press
19792, 2435.
3 This lineage, and the various interpretations of Dionysius,
is a study beyond the scope of this paper. Cf. J. LeClercq,
Influence and noninfluence of Dionysius in the West Middle
Ages. In: Pseudo-Dionysius: The Complete Works (translat-
ed by C. Luibheid), New York 1987, 2532.
4 C. M. RaddingW. W. Clark, Medieval Architecture Me-
dieval Learning: Builders and Masters in the Age of Ro-
manesque and Gothic, New HavenYale 1992, 67.
5 Panofsky gives the earliest date of De Consecr. as 1144,
perhaps as late as 114647, and of De Admin. as begun in
114445 and finished in 114849. It seems improbable that
as a mature thinker in his mid 60s, Suger should be so con-
144 S. J. SCHLOEDER
intention, any appeal to Dionysius is, following
Panofsky, a defense against charges of the overt
materialism of his project, especially against the
earlier charges of St. Bernard. In this political and
apologetic reading of Suger, Rudolf reads what
amounts to no less than an attempted justification
of the entire program. Rudolf thinks that,
a close reading [of De Consecratione] reveals that
it is not the brightness of Pseudo-Dionysian light
mysticism that operates in the illuminating experi-
ence which is described, but rather the traditional
spiritual brightness of the events depicted in the
different lights or scenes on the door particu-
larly the assumption of material existence on the
part of Christ.6
In a similar vein, Grant thinks that Panofsky
was quite right to point to Sugers use of the Pseu-
do-Dionysius, but that he made too much of it. Her
reading of the door inscription, in what she calls a
straightforward case, is that it is a rehash of the old
chestnut about the quality of the workmanship sur-
passing the material7 and relegates the message to
the elaborate play of words denoting light.8 Grant
peculiarly sees Suger as an uncomplicated thinker
more concerned with church politics, only making
superficial play with problems which exercised his
contemporaries profoundly, and that he seems to
have realized that disquisitions on the great myster-
ies were best left to his contemporaries.9
Two writers of note have addressed the ques-
tion from the side of historiography. Crossley does
not directly speak to the question of Suger and Di-
onysius, but does call into question the respective
projects of von Simson and Panofsky in attempting
to locate Suger within a Dionysian tradition.10 Kid-
theological foundations. Rudolfs assertion is all the more
puzzling given that the overtly analogical text of doors is
recorded in the later De Admin, 142.
6 C. Rudolf, Artistic Change at St.-Denis: Abbot Sugers
Program and the Early Twelfth Century Controversy Over
Art, Princeton 1988, 52.
7 The reference to Ovids materiam superbat opus from
Metamorphoses, 2: 5 in Sugers De Admin. 33.
8 L. Grant, Abbot Suger of St.-Denis: Church and State in
Early Twelfth Century France, London 1998, 270.
9 Ibid., 2223.
10 P. Crossley, Medieval Architecture and Meaning: The
Limits of Iconography. Burlington Magazine 1031019
(1988), 116121.
son is much more direct and dismissive of Suger as
an intellectual, a theologian, or a mystic:11
There is not the slightest shred of evidence to
suggest that Suger ever made the sort of system-
atic study of the Pseudo Dionysius that would put
him into such distinguished company, or even that
he had any sympathy with or real understanding of
the neo-Platonic strand in Christian theology...12
He unashamedly glories in things that gleam and
shine. He would like to think that there is nothing
reprehensible about this, that it is compatible with
his religious vocation. But that is all. It was here,
behind the exuberant prose, that Panofsky thought
he could detect the Pseudo-Dionysiac symptoms
he was looking for. But unless one is convinced
beforehand that Suger was a committed initiate,
one will search his words in vain for the proof. It
simply is not there. Without the Pseudo-Dionysius
Suger loses much of his art historical glamour. He
ceases to be the commanding intellectual and re-
verts to a more conventional style of patronage.13
The conclusions to be drawn are as follows. Sug-
er was not in any serious sense a follower of the
Pseudo-Dionysius. He was an orthodox church-
man in a position of great power, and his primary
aim as a patron was to do honour to the saints of
his abbey. [...] As for the Pseudo-Dionysius, if he Fig. 1. St.-Denis, Exterior ( Steven J. Schloeder 2010)
had anything to do with twelfth-century religious
art, it was through the exegetical movement as-
sociated (among others) with the canons of St.- do sufficient justice to the sacramental world view
Victor, rather than St. Denis. This might provide that a 12th century monk and abbot, indeed any
the starting point for a further enquiry into Sugers pre-Enlightenment churchman, would have held. A
alleged role as one of the great innovators of medi- life cultivated in liturgy, sacred readings, theology,
eval iconography.14 ascetical practices, and regular prayer would have
In short, Kidson is calling the whole project into found consonance with a Dionysian intuition much
question based on his reading of Suger and find- more readily than we have today. The purpose of this
ing him incapable of producing a metaphysical present paper is to give some theological insight into
architecture, especially one based on the mystical the question of anagogy, working from the presump-
theology of Dionysius. This sentiment is echoed by tion that such an intuition which seems to be part of
Grant, who judges the Dionysian influence of the the warp and woof of the medieval and late classical
inscription of the doors at St.-Denis to be partial, Christian mind might be more opaque to those who
limited and unsurprising.15 would try to understand thinkers such as Suger.
I am not certain that either the von Simson-
Panofsky approach, or the critics of that approach,
Anagogy
11 P. Kidson, Panofsky, Suger and St.-Denis, JWCI 50
(1987), 117. Throughout the late Patristic period into the
12 Ibid., 6. middle ages, the common and unwavering intention
13 Ibid., 10. of church builders is the expression of the celestial
14 Ibid., 17. glory, which would enrapture the souls of the be-
15 L. Grant, op. cit., 24. lievers. We see this from the earliest recordings of

PER LUMINA VERA AD VERUM LUMEN: THE ANAGOGICAL INTENTION OF ABBOT SUGER 145
 the intentions of church builders, such as Eusebius we first see the use of anagoge in the writings of
oration on the dedication of the cathedral at Tyre.16 Ignatius of Antioch (d. 108), writing on the upward
As Paulus Silentarius was to write in his ode on the path of the Christian in the language of architec-
dedication of Hagia Sophia: ture, who calls the Christians:
But if he bring his foot across this threshold stones of the temple of the Father, prepared for
/ never more would he withdraw it; / Fain, with the building of God the Father, and drawn up on
wandering moist eyes, and ever turning head, to high by the instrument of Jesus Christ, which is the
stay / Since all satiety is driven away.17 cross, making use of the Holy Spirit as a rope, while
your faith was the means by which you ascended,
The enrapturing sense of Pauls description of and your love the way which led up to God.19
Hagia Sophia, the sense of the visitors participation
in something numinous, existentially satisfying, and
divinely beautiful, is one of the earliest instances of
what can be considered a phenomenology of ana-
gogical intention. In Eusebius earlier descriptions
of the Cathedral of Tyre there is a sort of analytical
language of correspondences drawn between the
ecclesiological and the architectural. However, in
Paulus the anagogical movement is an interior and
emotional sense, a movement of the soul toward
the divine through the engagement of the material
object. How can this be accounted for?
The anagogical relationship between the spir-
itual and material orders is first drawn by Jesus in
regards to his very person: He who has seen me
has seen the Father! (John 14:9) and I and the Fa-
ther are one! (John 10:30). Throughout scripture
the idea that Christ is the image (eikon) of God is
further elaborated in a privileged way (2 Cor 4:4,
Col 1:15). Rom 1:20 suggests that all knowledge of
God begins with consideration of the material order:
For since the creation of the world Gods invisible
qualities his eternal power and divine nature
have been clearly seen, being understood from what
has been made, so that men are without excuse.
With its scriptural authority thus established (at Fig. 2. St. Denis, Main Doors ( Steven J. Schloeder 2010)
least conceptually if only later named), the mos an-
agogicus, or the upward leading way, has a thread
in Christian thought that develops tentatively in the Toward the middle half of the second century
first several Christian centuries and which becomes we see intimations of an anagogic interpretation in
more defined in the 5th century as the thinking of salvation history in the Pascha of Melito of Sardis
the neo-Platonist Proclus informed Dionysius the (c. 168), in which he draws a sculptors analogy be-
Pseudo-Areopagite.18 In the early second century tween the models of the Old Testament and their
realization in the fullness of Christ. Melito contrasts
16 Eusebius, The History of the Church. 10.4 sq.
17 Paulus Silentiarius, Ode. Mysterienwesen. Mainz 1900. Cf. E. R. Dodds, Proclus: The
18 Proclus Elements of Theology is a systematic working Elements Theology, Oxford 19632, xxviixxix, and H-D.
out of Platos answer to the Parmenidian problem of the One Saffrey, New Objective Links between the Pseudo-Dionysius
and Many. Proclus influence on Dionysius and his epigones and Proclus, in: Neoplatonism and Christian Thought (ed.
was well established by H. Koch, Pseudo-Dionysius Are- D. J. OMeara), New York 1982.
opagita in seinen Beziehungen zum Neuplatonismus und 19 Ignatius of Antioch, Ephesians, 9.

146 S. J. SCHLOEDER
the Old Testament model as worthless with the
New Testament fulfillment as precious and mar-
velous. The small and perishable sketch, which
is analogously the material world, is but a prelimi-
nary sketch... of the future thing, which is the per-
fected spiritual reality. Out of these base materials
such as wax or clay or wood comes perfection
that is taller in height, stronger in power, beauti-
ful in form, and rich in its construction. Given the
symphonic presentation in Revelation 21, describ-
ing the descent of the Heavenly Jerusalem and the
temple imagery of the Church, Melito explicitly
draws these figures together to show how the earth-
ly temple and the terrestrial Jerusalem are but an-
ticipations (and therefore to be eventually discarded
when superseded as worthless) of their heavenly
fulfillment in Christ:
The temple below was precious, but it is worth-
less now because of the Christ above.
The Jerusalem below was precious, but it is worth-
less now because of the Jerusalem above.
While these passages lack the language of lu-
minance and radiance that we will see later
developed in Dionysius, Melitos use of precious
and marvelous language can be seen to perform
the same function to indicate the proper response
of awe before the glory of the heavenly realities.20
The mechanism of anagogy, and its necessity for
participation in the things of God, can be seen in
numerous writings of the Fathers, such as in this
passage from Gregory of Nazianzus (324389):
For in that Mount itself God is seen by men;
on the one hand through His own descent from
His lofty abode, on the other through His draw-
ing us up from our abasement on earth, that the
Incomprehensible may be in some degree, and as
far as is safe, comprehended by a mortal nature.
For in no other way is it possible for the dense-
ness of a material body and an imprisoned mind
to come into consciousness of God, except by His
assistance.21
We note in this passage the tension between the
cataphatic, revelatory elements (e.g., through his
own descent) and the apophatic incomprehensibil-
ity of God that always requires balance in anagogic
contemplation. Gregory uses the trope of Mount Si-
nai and what God revealed to Moses as the basis for
20 Melito of Sardis, On Pascha.
21 Gregory of Nazianzus, Orationes, 45.11.
PER LUMINA VERA AD VERUM LUMEN: THE ANAGOGICAL INTENTION OF ABBOT SUGER
understanding the need of divine assistance in the
anagogic method, but in the Fathers anagogy has
the much more general application that anagogy is,
in fact, a process that leads us from the material,
through the material, toward the spiritual.
Even in Augustine we see intimation of anagog-
ic necessity. Augustine considers spiritual illumi-
nation as necessary to take us from the miserable
servitude of the spirit, wherein we remain trapped
at the level of the sign, without which one is not
able to raise the eye of the mind above things that
are corporal and created to drink in eternal lights.22
Though phrased in the negative (non posse), the
sense of this passage is certainly anagogic: the hu-
man condition of taking signs for things (signa
pro rebus accipere) is a limitation to be overcome
so that through the corporal thing (supra creaturam
corpoream) we can come to participate in the eter-
nal illumination (aeternum lumen leuare).23
The Anagogic Theology
of Dionysius the Pseudo-Areopagite
The clearest, most forceful, and most influential
systematic presentation of anagogic contemplation
is found in the writings of a mysterious 5th century
theologian from Syria named Dionysius. While not
ever explicitly claiming to be the convert of Paul
on the Areopagus (Acts 17:34), Dionysius gives a
number of indications leading the reader toward
that understanding. He writes as if he received his
doctrine directly from St. Paul,24 and is writing to
Timothy, Gaius, Sosipater, Titus, Polycarp, and St.
John, all first century characters.25 Furthermore, he
claims both to have witnessed the eclipse that oc-
curred at the Crucifixion,26 and to have met with
James and Peter at what seems to be the Dormition
of the Virgin: we and he and many of our holy
22 Augustine, De Doct. Christ., 3.4.9.
23
Latin text as found in Corpus Christianorum, Series
Latina, vol. 32, p. 83.
24 Dionysius, Divine Names (=DN), 3.2, 7.1.
25 Dionysius, DN 1.1; Celestial Hierarchy (=CH), 1.1;
Ecclesiastical Hierarchy (=EH), 1.1; Ep. 1 and 2: Gaius was
Pauls disciple and the recipient of Johns third epistle (Acts
19: 29; Rom 16: 23, I John 1: 1); Ep. 6: Sosipater was Pauls
companion in Rom 16: 21; Ep. 7: Polycarp was Johns dis-
ciple martyred in 155; Ep. 9; Ep. 10.
26 Dionysius, Ep. 7.2.
147
 brothers met together for a vision of the mortal
body, that source of life, which bore God.27 He
seems to perpetrate these fictions to indicate the
authority and conformance of his teachings with re-
ceived tradition.
The writings of Dionysius came to prominence
in the West in the early 9th century, as a gift from
the Byzantine Emperor Michael II to King Louis
the Pious. While they were already known in the
West Pope Paul I had given Pepin the Short a
copy of the Corpus areopagiticum as a gift28 the
Abbot Hilduin of St.-Denis, Louis influential arch-
chaplain, rushed to the work and translated them
into Latin. Hilduin also wrote a biography of the
saint, Incipit passio sancto Dionysii,29 in which he
conflated the three Dennises: the Areopagite who
came to faith under Paul30 and who later was the
first bishop of Athens;31 Saint Denis of Paris, who
was the first bishop of Paris and the founding ab-
bot of St.-Denis; and the mysterious author of the
corpus areopagiticum.
Dionysius became a well established part of the
medieval western canon: among the translators and
commentators of the corpus are John Scotus Eriu-
gena, Richard and Hugh of St.-Victor, Peter Lom-
bard, Alexander of Hales, Robert Grosseteste, and
Vincent of Beauvais. The Corpus areopagiticum
belonged to a serious monks spiritual diet, and so
it is not surprising that the Benedictines Suger and
Abelard, the Augustinians of St.-Victor, Francis-
cans such as Alexander of Hales and St. Bonaven-
ture, and numerous Dominicans such as St. Albert
the Great, St. Thomas Aquinas, Jacob de Voragine,
Meister Eckhardt, John Tauler, and Henry Suso, all
found intense interest in these writings.
Both Dionysius fiction and Hilduins confla-
tion began to crumble in the 12th century, when Pe-
ter Abelard (by then an emasculated monk at St.-
Denis) noted that Bede asserted that Dionysius was
the Bishop of Corinth, and not of Athens. Abelard
did not so much call into question the author or au-
thority of the Areopagite, but the accuracy of Hil-
duins research. However, as Abelard recounts:
27 Dionysius, DN, 3.2.
28 O. Von Simson, op. cit., 104.
29 The Eastern Church has long and continues to reverence
St. Dionysius.
30 Acts 17:34
31 Per Eusebius, History, 3.4.
148 S. J. SCHLOEDER
One of the monks went so far as to ask me bra-
zenly which of the two, Bede or Hilduin, I consid-
ered the better authority on this point. I replied that
the authority of Bede, whose writings are held in
high esteem by the whole Latin Church, appeared
to me the better. Thereupon in a great rage they
began to cry out that at last I had openly proved
the hatred I had always felt for our monastery,
and that I was seeking to disgrace it in the eyes
of the whole kingdom, robbing it of the honour in
which it had particularly gloried, by thus denying
that the Areopagite was their patron saint. To this
I answered that I had never denied the fact, and
that I did not much care whether their patron was
the Areopagite or some one else, provided only he
had received his crown from God. Thereupon they
ran to the abbot and told him of the misdemeanour
with which they charged me.32
It would still take another 300 years before the
fiction was exposed by Lorenzo Valla, who first
raised doubts as to the authenticity of Dionysius
claim.33 Throughout the Renaissance and Reforma-
tion, scholars on both sides of the ecclesiastical split
supported and detracted the claims, and regardless
found the writings important for study and consid-
eration. Erasmus, Luther, Calvin, Pico della Miran-
dola, Marsilio Ficino, Cajetan, Baronius, and St.
Robert Bellarmine all weighed in on the claims, ei-
ther for or against. The matter was not put to rest
until the end of the 19th century by the independent
researches of Hugo Koch and of Joseph Stiglmayr.34
Regardless of this fiction, though undoubtedly
helped by it for a millennium, the teachings of Di-
onysius have had massive influence on later theolo-
gians well past the exposure of the deception.
The Dionysian system is an attempt to reconcile
the great question of how we as finite beings can
know God who is infinite and ineffable:
In the scriptures the Deity has benevolently
taught us that understanding and direct contempla-
32 Peter Abelard, Historia Calamitatum, 10.
33 The same Valla who exposed the Decretals of Isidore,
including the Donation of Constantine.
34 H. Koch, Der pseudepigraphische Charakter der diony-
sischen Schriften, in: Theologische Quartalscrift, Tubingen
1895, 353420; id., Proklus, als Quelle des Pseudo-Diony-
sius, Areop, in: Der Lehrer vom Bosen in Philologus (1895),
438454. Also J. Stiglmayr, Die Lehrer von den Sakrament-
en und der Kirche nach Pseudo-Dionysius, in: Zeitschrift
fr katolische Theologie (Innsbruck, 1898), 246303; and
Die Eschatologie des Pseudo-Dionysius, ibid., 121.

Fig. 3. St. Denis. Tympanum ( Steven J. Schloeder 2010)
tion of itself is inaccessible to beings, since it actu-
ally surpasses being. Many scripture writers will
tell you that the divinity is not only invisible and
incomprehensible, but also unsearchable and in-
scrutable since there is not a trace for anyone who
would reach through into the hidden depths of this
infinity. And yet, on the other hand, the Good is
not absolutely incommunicable to everything.
By itself it generously reveals a firm, transcend-
ent beam, granting enlightenment proportionate to
each being, and thereby draws sacred minds up-
ward to its permitted contemplation, to participa-
tion and to the state of becoming like it.35
We see in the passage the necessity of divine ac-
tion both to reveal (kataphasis) and to draw us up-
ward (anagoge). The touchstone of all revelation is
scripture, and so Dionysius cautions that we must
not dare to resort to words or conceptions concern-
ing that hidden divinity which transcends being,
apart from what the sacred scriptures have divinely
revealed.36 Understanding the human condition,
Dionysius sees that it is quite impossible that we
humans should, in any immaterial way, rise up to
imitate and to contemplate the heavenly hierarchies
35 Dionysius, DN, 1.2.
36 Dionysius, DN, 1.1.
PER LUMINA VERA AD VERUM LUMEN: THE ANAGOGICAL INTENTION OF ABBOT SUGER
without the aid of those mate-
rial means capable of guiding
us as our nature requires.37
Because of our materiality,
and because of the sense based
nature of our knowledge, the
truth we have to understand is
that we use letters, syllables,
phrases, written terms and
words in order to know and
communicate; in other words
we can only know and com-
municate through mediating
symbols and analogies both
the things of this earth and all
the more the things of God.38
As he explains, while still in
our material and mortal bod-
ies, it is necessary that we
use whatever appropriate
symbols we can for the things
of God. With these analogies
we are raised upward toward
the truth of the minds vision,
a truth which is simple and
one.39 Therefore, in providence and in concession
to the limited human state, the Transcendent is
clothed in terms of being, with shape and form of
things which have neither, and numerous symbols
are employed to convey the varied attributes of what
is an imageless and supra-natural simplicity.40
If scripture first adumbrated anagogy as a valid
and ordained way of knowing God through the con-
templation of the material order, Dionysius brought
it to its most forceful and mystical expression.
Maximus the Confessor, for instance, considers
Dionysius treatment of anagogy in Ecclesiastical
Hierarchy so thorough and elevated that he assures
his reader his own Mystagogia will not repeat
these same things nor will it proceed in the same
manner. Indeed, if the reader cannot grasp Diony-
sius treatment of the divine symbols, it would be
foolhardy and presumptuous for Maximus to try
further to explain. Such was the authority of Diony-
sius that we already saw above the venerable list
of theologians and commentators from St. Max-
37 Dionysius, CH, 1.3.
38 Dionysius, DN, 4.11.
39 Dionysius, DN, 1.4.
40 Dionysius, DN, 1.4.
149
 imus the Confessor to St. Robert Bellarmine who
would build on the corpus Areopagiticum to con-
sider problems of symbolic contemplation, asceti-
cal practice, the order of nature, ecclesiology, and
liturgy. Throughout the late classical and Middle
Ages the pressing questions were of the relation-
ship between the material and spiritual spheres, of
how God so ordained the cosmological order, and
how the human person was to employ the order of
creation in ones pursuit of God. In the sophisticated
and elegant language of St. Maximus the Confessor
there is an ultimate unity between the spiritual and
material:
The universe too is one, not split between its vis-
ible and invisible parts; on the contrary, by the
force of their reference to its own unity and indi-
visibility, it circumscribes their difference in char-
acter. It shows itself to be the same, in visible and
invisible mutually joined without confusion with
each other. Each is wholly fixed in the whole of
the other. As parts of the whole, both make up the
world, and as parts in whole, both are completed
and fulfilled in a single form.41
The perception of these two parts as one real-
ity is through the ascetical practice of the mos ana-
gogicus, which gives us the eyes to see:
For the whole spiritual world seems mystically
imprinted on the whole sensible world in symbolic
forms...and conversely the whole sensible world is
spiritually explained in the mind in the principles
which it contains. [...] Indeed, the symbolic con-
templation of intelligible things through the visible
is a spiritual understanding and insight of visible
things through the invisible. For it is necessary
that things which manifest each other bear a mu-
tual reflection in an altogether true and clear man-
ner and keep their relationship intact.42
Light in the Middle Ages
As we have noted, Erwin Panofsky and Otto
von Simson have both drawn out the influences
of Dionysius in the architectural expressions of
the Middle Ages. Both particularly note the qual-
ity of light first as a metaphysical principle, next
as a epistemological trope, and then as an architec-
41 Maximus the Confessor, Mystagogia, 2.
42 Maximus the Confessor, Mystagogia, 2.
150 S. J. SCHLOEDER
tural expression: where the divine Logos is con-
ceived as the true Light that shineth in darkness, by
which all things were made, and the enlighteneth
every man than cometh into this world.43 Follow-
ing Platos teaching in the Timaeus, in which Plato
sees light as naturally diffusive in such a way
that a point of light will produce instantaneously a
sphere of light ... unless some opaque object stands
in the way light becomes a significant metaphor
of spiritual illumination. Light, for Dionysius, is
the clearest analogy that can be drawn between the
undifferentiated unity of the Godhead and the par-
ticipation of differentiated things in their individual
being. Hence, it is a metaphysical principle that:
In a house the light from all the lamps is completely
interpenetrating, yet each is clearly distinct. There is
a distinction in unity and there is a unity in distinc-
tion. When there are many lamps in a house there is
nevertheless a single undifferentiated light and from
all of them comes the one undivided brightness. I
do not think that anyone would mark off the light
of one lamp from another in the atmosphere which
contains them all, nor could one light be seen sepa-
rately from all the others since all of them are com-
pletely mingled while being at the same time quite
distinctive. Indeed if someone were to carry one of
the lamps out of the house its own particular light
would leave without diminishing the light of the
other lamps or supplementing their brightness.44
We must note that for Dionysius the analogy
is drawn to illustrate the extent to which God, the
source of all being, pervades the universe. The anal-
ogy of light, as a participation of differentiation in
unity representing the participation of being in su-
pra-Being, is but one of many illustrations. Diony-
sius uses other images as well, predicated on the
Names of God, such as goodness, power, wisdom,
and truth. In these examples there is a general sense
brought to the medieval imagination that all things
participated in being as symbolic presentations of
heavenly realities as Eriugena suggests, all crea-
tion is a theophany revealing God.
However, the specific use of light imagery
brought to the medieval imagination the insight that
physical beauty was a participation in the divine
Beauty. In the medieval understanding of beauty
more appropriately a theology of beauty rather
43 O. Von Simson, op. cit., 52.
44 Dionysius, DN, 2.4.
Fig. 4. St.-Denis, Inscription ( Steven J. Schloeder 2010)
than what today we would call aesthetics one of
the three necessary and sufficient causes of beauty
was claritas or radiance. Though only later codi-
fied by St. Thomas into this tri-partite system (along
with proportio and integritas), the early definitions
of beauty often invoked the quality of light. Light is
even understood as participating in the other values
of proportion and integrity, such as Robert Grosse-
testes light is beautiful in itself, for its nature is
simple and all things are like it. Wherefore it is inte-
grated in the highest degree and most harmoniously
proportioned and equal to itself: for beauty is a har-
mony of proportions.45 Light, in fact, is a recurring
theme in Scholastic writings on divine beauty, and
their language is rich with allusion: lux pulchrificat,
quia sine luce omnia sunt turpia (Light beautifies,
because without light all things are ugly.),46 or
claritas est de ratione pulchritudinis (Clarity is the
order of beauty),47 or Pulchritudo [...] consistit [...]
in resplendentia formae (Beauty... consists... in the
resplendence of form).48
Rereading Sugers Inscription
in the Light of Dionysius
Because of the natural and theological corre-
spondence between physical light and spiritual il-
lumination, light is a central theme in the minds of
the medieval theologians. It is therefore reasonable
that such concerns found physical expression in the
architecture and art forms of the Middle Ages, es-
pecially through the monasteries where the conver-
45 Robert Grosseteste, Comment. In Hexaemeron.
46 St. Thomas, Comment. in Psalm., Ps 25: 5.
47 St. Thomas, Comment. in lib. de Divin. Nomin, lect. 6.
48 Albertus Magnus, De Pulchro et Bono.
PER LUMINA VERA AD VERUM LUMEN: THE ANAGOGICAL INTENTION OF ABBOT SUGER
gence of theological development and architectural
patronage is most apparent. No better example of
this happy convergence can be found that in the
writings and architectural intentions of Suger, the
abbot who commenced the rebuilding of the mo-
nastic church of St.-Denis in the 12th century. While
as we have noted, the exact degree of Dionysian
influence on Suger is a matter of debate among
scholars,49 the debate to date does not seem to have
accounted adequately for the true significance of
anagogy that seems to be underlining the matters
under discussion.
In the project of the design and furnishing of the
new abbey church, Suger seems adamant and in-
tent that the building should be a vehicle constant-
ly urging us onward from material things to the
immaterial.50 It was through the careful design,
wherein the architecture and theology combined to
produce the great effect, that the building would
shine with the wonderful and uninterrupted light of
the most luminous windows, pervading the interior
beauty51 The famed bronze doors at the entrance
summon the visitor to enter not only into the build-
ing, but into this contemplative mode of anagogy:
49 Cf. D. Coulters excellent Pseudo-Dionysius in the
Twelfth Century Latin West, on the ORB Online Encyclo-
pedia, at http://www.the-orb.net/encyclop/culture/philos/
coulter.html, accessed 24 April 2010. For other views, cf.
L. Grodecki, Les Vitraux allegoriques de Saint-Denis, in:
Art de France I (1961), 1946; C. Rudolf, Artistic Change
at St.-Denis: Abbot Sugers Program and the Early Twelfth
Century Controversy Over Art, Princeton 1988; L. Grant,
op. cit., 2224, 270271.
50 de materialibus ad immaterialia excitans in Suger, De
Admin., 34.
51 quo tota clarissimarum vitrearum luce mirabilis et
contina interiorem perlustrante pulchritudinem eniteret in
Suger, De Admin., 4.
151
 Portarum quisquis attollere quris honorem / Au- In Panofskys noble if florid attempt to make
rum nec sumptus, operis mirare laborem / Nobile clear and unambiguous sense of the inscription he
claret opus, sed opus quod nobile claret / Clari- treats the passage, and understandably so, as if it
fecit mentes, ut eant per lumina vera / Ad verum primarily concerned the doors that the viewer was
lumen, ubi Christus janua vera. / Quale sit intus beholding. Thus he writes of the glory of these
in his determinat aurea porta: / Mens hebes ad doors, the craftsmanship of the work; the noble
verum per materialia surgit / Et demersa prius hac work, and the manner [...] the golden door de-
visa luce resurgit. fines. Rudolf follows Panofsky in this encounter
Panofsky gives the following translation: with the figure of the doors, which for Rudolf in
his reading of Sugers project at St.-Denis as an
Whoever thou art, if thou seekest to extol the glory elaborate defense against Bernards polemics, sees
of these doors, Marvel not at the gold and the ex- the Aurum nec sumptus, operis mirare laborem
pense but at the craftsmanship of the work. Bright as a denial of materialism, counting heavily on
is the noble work; but, being nobly bright, the the claim of craftsmanship over material. In his
work should brighten the mind, so that they may bracketed gloss in the translation, Rudolf suggests
travel, through the true lights, to the True Light
The golden door indicates in what way it [the true
where Christ is the true door. In what manner it be
light, i.e., the divine] may be within these things
inherent in this world the golden door defines: The
[the lesser true lights, i.e., the artworks]. Rudolf,
dull mind rises to truth through that which is mate-
it should be noted, is positing a bifurcation between
rial and, in seeing this light, is resurrected from its
former submersion.
the Augustinian and Dionysian and is disclaiming a
significant Dionysian influence on Suger, and so he
Panofsky considers this inscription to be a con- treats the shiny doors as an Augustine signum, com-
densed statement of the whole theory of anagogi-
cal illumination, and gives a schematic reading of
the text, that the physical brightness of the work
of art will brighten the minds of the beholders by
a spiritual illumination. Panofsky focuses on the
materiality of the doors, arguing that the soul is in-
capable of attaining to truth without the aid of that
which is material. The doors, with their resplend-
ent relief panels showing scenes of the Passion and
Resurrection are for Panofsky the true, though
merely perceptible lights (lumina vera) through
which the soul is guided to the True Light (verum
lumen) which is Christ. By this mechanism, the
soul is thus raised, or rather resurrected (surgit,
resurgit), from terrestrial bondage even as Christ is
seen rising in the Resurrectio vel Ascensio depict-
ed on the doors.52
The lintel inscription is indeed complex and am-
biguous, with some difficult and problematic Latin
constructions such as clarifecit, per lumina vera ad
verum lumen, Quale sit intus in his, and demersa
prius. There are a number of recursive phrases that
cannot be dismissed as redundancies: namely, the
doubled nobile claret opus, the ambiguous per lu-
mina vera ad verum lumen, the connection between
Christus janua vera and aurea porta, and the trou-
blesome surgit ... resurgit.

52 E. Panofsky, op. cit., 2324. Fig. 5. St. Denis, Interior ( Steven J. Schloeder 2010)

152 S. J. SCHLOEDER
monly perceived as a modernly conceived symbol
of spiritual illumination, of the traditional spiritual
brightness of the events depicted in the different
lights or scenes on the door.
I do not deny that the inscription can be read
with some measure of internal coherency as speak-
ing chiefly of the doors after all, that is what
Suger was ostensibly describing. The common me-
dieval sensibility appears to have been profoundly
and uncritically drawn to material presentation
Durandus notes that the rare ostrich eggs and other
objects of wonder and admiration were displayed in
churches to draw people into churches and have
their minds the more affected.53 We can thus as-
sume that on a prima facie level, the great and shiny
bronze doors did just that. However, these recent
commentators on the door inscription seem to be
unaware of Augustines concern that, at the outset
you must be very careful lest you take figurative
expressions literally. This oversight is all the more
ironic for Rudolf, who denies the Dionysian sym-
bol in favor of the Augustinian sign, in that in this
same passage Augustine makes a strongly anagogi-
cal claim: There is a miserable servitude of the
spirit in this habit of taking signs for things, so that
one is not able to raise the eye of the mind above
things that are corporeal and created to drink in the
eternal light.54
If one considers that Sugers chief concern is the
doors, then it seems one is in danger of taking the
figurative too literally, and short-circuit the anagog-
ical process that Suger intends not merely for the
doors, nor even the church and all its furnishings,
but for the human soul seeking spiritual illumina-
tion. I will suggest an alternative reading, that ar-
gues for an even more Dionysian understanding of
anagogy that is fully compatible with the Augustin-
ian admonition to raise the eye of the mind above
things that are corporal...[toward] the eternal light.
Rather than thinking the inscription is a simple de-
scription of the doors as a symbol of Christ and an
exhortation to seek Christ, I will propose that the
inscription is a text that refers more directly to the
anagogical process whereby the contemplative and
faithful soul will find the illumination sought. The
doors are really, in Augustines language, a trope
for explaining the true engagement in Christ to
which these doors can only allude. In other words,
53 Durandus, De Rationale, 3.42.
54
Augustine, De Doct. Christ.
PER LUMINA VERA AD VERUM LUMEN: THE ANAGOGICAL INTENTION OF ABBOT SUGER
the problem is not that Panofsky made too much of
Dionysius, but that he failed to make enough of the
real message of the doors.
I would suggest the following considerations in
correctly interpreting this enigmatic inscription:
Portarum quisquis attollere quris honorem:
If one wants to honor the work of these
doors... We must first ask, what would have been
the real meaning and work of these doors in the
mind of Suger, but providing an entrance into the
life of grace? The door is a portal from one place to
another; a fortiori, a church door is a passage from
the pro-fanum to the sacred.
Aurum nec sumptus, operis mirare laborem.:
This is a problematic passage. How can Suger
be telling us to not be astonished by the gold or
expense, but at the craftsmanship of doors? Why
should the art of the doormaker or sculptor be so
significant? He mentions in de Administratione
that bronze casters and sculptors were selected for
the work, and that they dedicated great expense to
adorning this noble entry. However it seems the fo-
cus of the passage regarding the doors is the opus
Christi: the passion, resurrection and ascension of
the Savior. Would this not be the great work to be
marveled at? The opus is not the door, much less
the craftsmanship in making the door, but rather
very work of the soul engaged in the search for il-
lumination in Christ, moving toward Christ through
anagogic contemplation.
Nobile claret opus, sed opus quod nobile claret
Clarifecit mentes:
The noble work shines, but the work which
nobly shines made minds shine. This passage thus
confirms the reading of the opus labor as not the
door but the process.
ut eant per lumina vera Ad verum lumen:
That they may go through these truly shining
lights to the true light. Christs claim was I am the
light of the world (John 8:12). The soul engaged
in the opus clarifecit is moving across the thresh-
old into the domain of Christ. Moving through the
lumina vera which can refer either to (or simulta-
neously between) a real opening as the door, the
medallions (per Panofsky and Rudolf), the corporal
lights that illuminate the building, the true eyes
153
 of the believer,55 as well as windows or other things
that illuminate toward the source of all light.
ubi Christus janua vera. Quale sit intus in his
determinat aurea porta
Where Christ is the true door [that is, to the
Kingdom of God] the manner in which this happens
[the eant ... ad verum lumen] is inside the Golden
Door [that is, inside Christ]. In other words, the
doors can only bring one to the threshold. In or-
der for the souls to go through the portal to Christ,
Christ himself determines that mode of operation.
What is this operation?
Mens hebes ad verum per materialia surgit, Et
demersa prius hac visa luce resurgit.
The dull mind rises toward the truth through
material things. We see in this passage a double
rising: the first toward the truth, the second from a
prior state of submersion. What is the prior state
of submersion from which the mind resurrects? If
this first state includes the first condition, that of
the unenlightened soul being attracted toward the
truth through material things while not yet attaining
it, then the re-rising from seeing the light takes
on a specially Christic implication related to the au-
rea porta determinat.
I would suggest that Suger is bidding the pilgrim
who comes to the threshold of his basilica and so,
in a very loose translation, is asking: So in order
to truly honor these doors, do not focus on the ma-
terial brilliance of these noble doors, but attend to
the truly noble and resplendent Work, which is the
illumination of your souls. Pass through these shiny
doors to the source of Light. Christ is the True and
Golden Door, who will form you inside. Your minds
are attracted to reality by material things, and from
this base material state, will be resurrected in see-
ing the Light.56
55 This, despite Panofskys claim that that To interpret
the lumina ... as eyes ...is improbable in view of the con-
text which implies a rise to the immaterial through mate-
rial objects of the senses rather than through the organs
of the body. Yet, surely Suger would have known of Au-
gustines above-mentioned passage in which he refers to
the eye of the mind that is created to drink in eternal
light? Cf. E. Panofsky, op. cit., commentary footnote 46,
27 48, 4, p. 165.
56 I realize that the various voices and cases do not perfect-
ly agree in my translation, which is intended to give them
154 S. J. SCHLOEDER
I have spent some time on this question, since it
seems important for understanding what is at stake
in the understanding the anagogic approach to ma-
terial reality common to both the Augustinian and
Dionysisan influences in medieval thought. All of
the recursivity, ambiguity, polyvalency, and jarring
implications of this text might seem foreign and un-
congenial to the modern sensibilities of most read-
ers, and yet it is entirely consistent with theologi-
cal implications of both Augustinian and Dionysian
thought. I cannot claim this to be the reading of
this important and oft-commented upon inscription,
but it does raise a certain challenge to the recent
dismissals of Sugers theological acumen and Di-
onysian influence. One need not claim Suger to be
either a mystic (although he does give an intima-
tion of his own mystical experience), or a theolo-
gian (although he appears to be more capable than
several modern commentators credit him), to find
additional richness and understanding in his work
that can help the modern reader come to understand
better what was at stake for the medieval anagogi-
cal sensibility.
Only with such an appreciation can the words of
Suger be taken at face value when he writes of his
spiritual and emotional engagement through mate-
rial things:
Thus, when out of my delight in the beauty of
the house of God the loveliness of the many-
colored gems has called me away from external
cares, and worthy meditation has induced me to
reflect, transferring that which is material to that
which is immaterial, on the diversity of the sa-
cred virtues: then it seems to me that I see myself
dwelling, as it were, in some strange region of the
universe which neither exists entirely in the slime
of the earth nor entirely in the purity of Heaven;
and that, by the grace of God, I can be transported
from this inferior to that higher world in an ana-
gogical manner.57
For beyond Sugers interest in light and beau-
ty calling us into the contemplation of the Divine
Beauty, his careful program of architectural sym-
bolism also seeks to unite the earthly building with
the heavenly archetype. The medieval mind, as Eco
notes, was fascinated with universal allegory: per-
modern reader an understanding of the anagogic sensibility,
not a Latin lesson.
57 Suger, De Admin., 33.
ceiving the world as a divine work of art, of such
a kind that everything in it possesses moral, alle-
gorical, and anagogical meanings in addition to its
literal meaning.58 This is another aspect of Diony-
sian thought, channeled through Eriugena who saw
the world as a great theophany in which there
is nothing among visible and corporeal things
which does not signify something incorporeal and
intelligible.59 The discovery and expression of
correspondences between the spiritual and mate-
rial, which intrigued the medieval mind, gave rise
to numerous Bestiaries, Lapidaries, and Floridia,
all specula or mirrors that drew comparisons
between the two realms. As Huizinga comments,
Symbolism was very nearly the lifes breath of
medieval thought. The habit of seeing all things in
their meaningful interrelationships and their rela-
tionship to the eternal both muted the boundaries
between things and kept the world of thought alive
with radiant, glowing color.60 For the medievals,
this was not merely a matter of drawing casual
correspondences between diverse things, but rath-
er worked most profoundly when the qualities
shared by the symbol and the qualities shared by
the thing symbolized are regarded as being truly
essential.61
With this in mind, we can begin to sense the ex-
citement in the words of Suger, who could there-
by draw the obvious connection between his own
project and that of the great temple builder, Solo-
mon, since the true Author and supplier of Provi-
dence in both buildings was the Lord.62 He drew
a similar parallel between his own nova camera,
which he credits to the true builder Dionysius, to the
camera cli, and thereby asks that true architect to
help him enter into this earthly buildings heavenly
58
U. Eco, Art and beauty in the Middle Ages, New Haven
Yale University Press 1986, 56.
59 J. Scotus Eriugena. On the Division of Nature, 5.3.
60 J. Huizinga, The Autumn of the Middle Ages, Chicago
University Press 1996, 249.
61 Ibid., 236.
62 I used to compare the least to the greatest: Solomons
riches could not have sufficed for his Temple any more than
did ours for this work, had not the same Author of the same
work abundantly supplied His attendants. (Conferebam de
minimis ad maxima, non plus Solomonianas opes templo
quam nostras huic operi sufficere posse, nisi idem ejusdem
operis auctor ministratoribus copiose praepararet.) Suger,
De Consecr., II.
PER LUMINA VERA AD VERUM LUMEN: THE ANAGOGICAL INTENTION OF ABBOT SUGER
archetype.63 Nor did Suger hesitate to draw a simi-
lar parallel to Mount Zion, since he was intent on
building in the likeness of things Divine, that the
new building somehow reestablished to the joy of
the whole earth mount Zion ... the city of the great
King (exultationi univers terr mons Syon [...]
civitas Regis Magni).64 The whole building was, for
Suger, a series of correspondences between the re-
vealed archetypes of the Temple of Solomon estab-
lished on Mount Zion and the temple of the Holy
Spirit established in the Church. As he writes of the
precisely deliberated symbolism, and of its effect
ecclesiologically, spiritually, and anagogically:
The midst of the edifice ... was suddenly raised
aloft by twelve columns representing the number
of the Twelve Apostles and, secondarily, by as
many columns in the side-aisles signifying the
number of the Prophets, according to the Apostle
who buildeth spiritually.
In citing the passage from Ephesians 2, in which
St. Paul the Apostle who buildeth spiritually
develops the analogy of the Church to a great build-
ing, Suger deliberately augments the Scriptures
to point out that it is in Christ, in Whom all the
building whether spiritual or material groweth
unto one holy temple in the Lord. To emphasize
this relationship, and to draw parallels between the
building of the Church, the building in our souls of
a dwelling for God, and the building of the new ab-
bey church, he writes;
...we, too, are taught to be builded together for an
habitation of God through the Holy Spirit by our-
selves in a spiritual way, the more loftily and fitly
we strive to build in a material way.65
The evidence of Suger in the building of St-
Denis is important for the unique evidence that it
supplies in tracking the correspondences between
medieval thought and medieval architecture. These
correspondences were nothing new, and Suger
was neither the first nor last word on the topic.
The symbolic analogies drawn from scripture can
be seen previously in Eusebius accounting of the
63 Great Denis... Mayest thou, who hast built a new
dwelling for thyself through us, Cause us to be received in
the dwelling in Heaven (Magne Dionysi ... Quique novam
cameram per nos tibi constituisti, in camera cli nos facias
recipe) Suger, De Admin., 31.
64 Suger, De Consecr., 5.
65 Suger, De Consecr., 5.
155
 dedication ceremony of the Cathedral at Tyre,66 in
contemporary accounts of Hagia Sophia,67 and in
the writings of many of the Eastern Fathers such
as Maximus the Confessor.68 However, in no oth-
er case apart from Suger does the correspondence
between anagogic contemplation and architectural
intention come together with such force, intent, de-
liberation, or articulation.
The abbey church at St.-Denis was never in-
tended as an object for contemplation in isolation,
much less as ars gratia artis. Sugers project being
clearly anagogic was ordered toward the liturgical
66 Eusebius, History, 10. 34.
67 Cf. W. R. Lethaby, The Church of Sancta Sophia at
Constantinople, New York 1894.
68 St. Maximus the Confessor, Mystagogia.
celebration. No clearer evidence can we have of
his intention, or of the true goal of anagogic con-
templation, than in Sugers description of the con-
secration liturgy at the dedication of new church.
Through this glorious ritual, the working of God
uniformly conjoinest the material with the im-
material, the corporeal with the spiritual, the hu-
man with the Divine... For Suger, the end was no
less than the establishment of the kingdom of God
here on earth under the anagogic veil of the sacra-
ment, that through the celebration of the Eucharis-
tic mysteries, By these and similar visible bless-
ings, Thou invisibly restorest and miraculously
transformest the present state into the Heavenly
Kingdom.69
69 Suger, De Consecr., 7.

PER LUMINA VERA AD VERUM LUMEN:

- Administratione
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156 S. J. SCHLOEDER
GIOTTOS BYZANTIUM

Michael Viktor Schwarz

Hegel seems to me to be always wanting to say that things

which look different are really the same. Whereas my interest is
in showing that things which look the same are really different.
I was thinking of using as a motto for my book a quotation from
King Lear: Ill teach you differences.

(Wittgenstein to Drury)

Giotto himself certainly had no firm understanding of Byzantine art. Works now labelled Byzantine were known
to him, on the one hand, as images from Greece. These showed Christ, the Virgin, or scenes from biblical his-
tory and were regarded as authentic and authoritative. On the other hand, he came into contact with reactions to
the Late Byzantine art scene. Here he found ways of rendering bodies and objects to achieve a degree of physical
presence unprecedented in Italian painting. Like other western artists, Giotto took on both Greek image-types
and Palaeologan pictorial tools, but then adapted them to such an extent that the models are no longer recognis-
able as points of reference. In retrospect and in the context of a humanist or Hegelian view that sees the Renais-
sance or Modernity as the aim of history, the material used amalgamates to form a Byzantine background, from
which the painting of Giotto and his followers seemingly stood out.
Key words: Giotto, maniera graeca, Late Byzantine painting, Arena Chapel, Nativity scene, body-space repre-
sentation

P
etrarch invented the Middle Ages as an es-
sentially illegitimate phase between Antiquity
and his present, as an accident whose conse-
quences had been overcome by him and his con-
temporaries (later one spoke of humanism).1 Ex-
panding on this a century later, the goldsmith and
humanist Lorenzo Ghiberti perceived Byzantine, or
rather post-classical Greek art as being of limited
legitimacy. According to him, it was the Greeks
who filled the vacuum of artistic activity that de-
veloped in the Middle Ages; but as soon as a clas-
sically-inspired artistic production began in Italy,
which Ghiberti saw blossoming in his own time and
* For advice and criticism I would like to thank Lioba
Theis, for the translation into English Tim Juckes.
1 K. Stierle, Francesco Petrarca, Munich and Vienna
2003, 447.
works (later one spoke of the Renaissance), Byzan-
tine art with its characteristic rozeza (rawness)
simply got in the way: whilst the Greeks had
educated Cimabue, his supposed pupil Giotto was
epoch-making in his avoidance of these teachings.2
Ghibertis views were embellished and sharpened
a hundred years later by Vasari, only to be modi-
fied again after a further century had passed. Giulio
Mancini, art expert in Baroque Rome and a key fig-
ure in pre-academic art history, proposed that in the
Eastern Empire the artistic traditions of Antiquity
had survived the Dark Ages.3 He saw Byzantium
2 M. V. Schwarz, Die Mosaiken des Baptisteriums in Flo-
renz, Cologne 1997, 5658.
3 G. Bickendorf, Maniera greca Wahrnehmung und
Verdrngung der byzantinischen Kunst in der italienischen
Kunstliteratur seit Vasari, in: Okzident und Orient (ed. S.

GIOTTOS BYZANTIUM 157

 as a form of repository, preserving an art that un-
til Giottos times provided overpowering competi-
tion for the withering painting of the West. And so
the state of the discourse was almost reached that
was to be practised by academic art history into the
twentieth century, if not the present.4 This includes
the Byzantine question that arose in the nine-
teenth century, namely when and by what means
the forms cultivated or conserved in the eastern
Mediterranean impacted on the art of Western Eu-
rope.5 Nobody dealt with this as thoroughly as Otto
Demus in 1970, and yet his conclusions are aston-
ishingly close to Ghiberti: Byzantium showed west-
ern art the way, even without being able to follow
it herself.6 In short: the Byzantine impulse allowed
western art in Giottos studies of nature and An-
tiquity to find itself, as it were, and to adopt a
position far from everything that is, and was, Byz-
antine.
This interpretation is based on at least two
cognitive errors. The first is the attempt to bring
a thousand years artistic production in a dynamic
world region into a single concept that simultane-
ously seeks to characterise visual evidence, an ep-
och, an area and a centre. Anton Springer felt not
unreasonably reminded of the clich of Egyptian
culture that has established itself since Antiquity:
monolithic, static.7 The other cardinal error is the
influence thinking, criticised so illuminatingly by
Michael Baxandall as indestructible in art historical
discourse.8 According to this notion, Byzantium is
a transmitter: for whatever reason, it sends out from
time to time building personnel, relics, icons, and
thus forces its forms onto other cultures. If it is true
that the notion of influence originally comes from
astrology,9 then one could formulate the matter as
gel G. Wedekind), Istanbul 2002 (Sanat Tarihi Defterli
6), 113125.
4 Among other contributions cf. V. Pace, Le maniere gre-
che: modelli e ricezione, in: Medioevo: i modelli (ed. A. C.
Quintavalle), Milan 2002, 237250.
5 H. A. Klein, Byzanz, der Westen und das wahre Kreuz,
Wiesbaden 2004, 114.
6 O. Demus, Byzantine Art and the West, London 1970,
230.
7 N. Kondakoff, Histoire de lart byzantin, ParisLondon
1886, 12.
8 M. Baxandall, Patterns of Intention, University Park
1985, 5862.
9 C. Farago, Influence, Kritische Berichte 353 (2007),
5860.
158 M. V. SCHWARZ
follows: like a good or bad star, Byzantium bears
down on the art of Italy and Western Europe, its
effect varying according to the historical constel-
lation. Baxandall, in contrast, emphasises that in a
process of cultural dissemination, the truly active
role is taken generally by the receptor: it is the art-
ists and patrons that choose from various possibili-
ties not only Byzantine and, according to their
interests and needs, create products that do not nec-
essarily have all that much to do with the models
on which they draw. At the same time, the second-
ary products alter our perception of the primaries.
In other words: something appears spent and obso-
lete precisely because it has served as the starting
point for a modernisation.
Turning in this context to Giottos relationship
to Byzantine art, it is first of all necessary to set-
tle up with earlier art historical literature and to
emphasise: Cimabue may really have used Greek
forms (his art, which most likely already con-
tained much Venetian-Byzantine material from the
first half of the thirteenth century, was then done
up with contemporary Byzantine forms, as Hans
Belting put it),10 and he may even have come into
contact with Greek artists in Florence (with a
group that soon after 1270 modernised the mosa-
ics in the choir of the Baptistery).11 He was not,
however, Giottos teacher. Ghibertis assertion is
wishful thinking from the myths of early human-
ism.12 So the question of Cimabues orientation is
of little relevance for our knowledge of Giottos
art. In fact the very lively Roman culture of the
1290s seems to have been more important for the
young Giotto than the contemporary scene in Flor-
ence. In the sphere of the curia and the painters
and mosaicists active there, he adopted independ-
ent positions and his works began spectacularly to
stand apart from the standard creations surround-
ing him. Interestingly, forms and formulae from
the eastern Mediterranean were highly present in
Rome at this time, and together with models from
north-western Europe formed a counterweight to
10 H. Belting, Die Oberkirche von S. Francesco in Assisi,
Berlin 1977, 209: aufgembelt.
11 M. V. Schwarz, Mosaiken, 5694.
12 M. V. Schwarz P. Theis, Giottos Leben (Giottus Pictor
1), Vienna 2004, 15. M. V. Schwarz, Poesia e verit: una
biografia critica di Giotto, in: Giotto e il Trecento: Il pi
Sovrano Maestro stato in dipintura (ed. A. Tomei), Rome
Milan 2009, I saggi, 929.
the quasi-timeless classicism
of visual culture in the papal
metropolis.13
On the one hand, Roman
artists took their norms for
certain pictorial conceptions
from the East. One might
mention visual formulations
for the Death of the Virgin
and the Nativity.14 For the lat-
ter event no real pictorial type
had developed in the West
over the centuries: it was in-
stead the setting and person-
nel in the representations that
changed (interior space with
or without curtains; exterior
space, city, countryside or
nowhere in particular; partly
with or without shepherds
or mid-wives; Joseph some-
times busy with mother and Fig. 1. P. Cavallini, Nativity, Rome, S. Maria in Trastevere
child, sometimes resting). The
late-thirteenth-century Romans,
Rome,15 and the more sophisticated work in the
however, were united in their adoption of the model
nave clerestory of the Upper Church of S. Franc-
used by the Greeks and their neighbours since early
esco in Assisi a church that was erected and fur-
Christian times: a hill with a cave containing the
nished as a capella papalis.16 Two further works
manger, child, ox and donkey, before which lies
introduce variations. Firstly, Pietro Cavallinis
Mary; above the crest of the hill, half-figure angels,
mosaic for S. Maria in Trastevere, where a small
one of whom says the words of the annunciation house is placed in the foreground with the inscrip-
to the shepherds on the right; in the foreground, tion Taberna meritoria, from which a brown
Joseph crouching. As far as it is possible to say, the stream runs out (Fig. 1). The motif illustrates a
four surviving examples to have emerged from cu- legend (and this is summarised in hexameter be-
rial patronage and/or Roman artistic circles do not neath the picture), according to which on the day
represent variations on any particular archetype, but of Christs birth an oil spring rose at an invalids
rather follow a type that was regarded for some home in Trastevere and flowed into the Tiber.17 The
reason (and this will be discussed further below) second work is Jacopo Torritis mosaic for S. Maria
as binding. Maggiore another and more important Marian
Two frescoes repeat the type straightforwardly, church in the city where a sort of miniature tem-
namely the cruder picture in the sacristy of the ple is set within the cave above the manger (Fig. 2).
abbey church of Tre Fontane before the walls in This is clearly a reference to the Praesepe Oratory

13 R. Krautheimer, Rome: Profile of a City, 3121308,
Princeton 1980, 218228. V. Pace, Alle soglie del 1300:
Aspetti della pittura Romana fra Bisanzio e lOccidente, in:
Akten des 25. Kongresses fr Kunstgeschichte/sterreichi-
sches Nationalkomitee des Comit international dHistoire
de LArt (ed. H. Fillitz M. Pippal), Vol. 6, Vienna 1986,
125133.
14 For what follows, cf. M. V. Schwarz, Giottos Werke (Gi-
ottus Pictor 2), Vienna 2008, 7990, with further evidence.
15 M. Andaloro, La pittura medievale a Roma 3121431:
atlante, percorsi visivi, Vol. 1, Milan 2006, Fig. 20.
16 P. Theis, Die Oberkirche von S. Francesco in Assisi oder
De missa pontificali: Zur Ausstattung eines ppstlichen Sa-
kralraums, Rmische historische Mitteilungen 46 (2004),
125164.
17 P. Hetherington, Pietro Cavallini: A Study in the Art of
Late Medieval Rome, London 1979, 17. A. Tomei, Pietro
Cavallini, Milan 2000, 32.

GIOTTOS BYZANTIUM 159

 Giotto, however, the cave is only a shallow, barely
shadowed recession in the side of the hill. The man-
ger has moved outside, and ox and donkey stand not
in the depth of the cave, but instead almost between
us, the viewers, and the Christ child. Above Mary,
who is situated between the cave and the manger,
Giotto places a protective roof from fresh wood, as
simple as it is perfectly worked. The Christmas tra-
dition of the modern period claims that Christ was
born in a stable. This represents an idea that is no
more supported by canonical biblical accounts than
the claim of the Byzantine nativity image that he
was born in a cave which is at least supported by
the apocryphal gospels of James and the Pseudo-
Matthew, as well as the accounts of Bethlehem pil-
grims. The stable-belief probably flourished due to
Giottos pictorial invention and its lively reception
Fig. 2. J. Torriti, Nativity, Rome, S. Maria Maggiore in late medieval painting both north and south of
the Alps. Giottos wooden structure itself, however,
on the south side of the large basilica an equally
old and important element in the religious life of
the Romans. The chapel, which had likewise in the
1290s been remodelled by Arnolfo di Cambio and
decorated with a figural group, was regarded as the
birthplace of Christ, carried by angels from Bethle-
hem to Rome.18 From the entrance to the Praesepe,
one could probably have seen Torritis mosaic in
the rounded apse beneath the calotte, and thus com-
pared Arnolfos marble statues, which depicted the
Epiphany, with Torritis mosaic of the Nativity. In
any case both mosaicists, Torriti and Cavallini, with
their respective motifs, brought genius loci into
their representations of the birth of Christ, an event
that was thus characterised as distant and yet won-
derfully near.
Giottos Nativity in the Paduan Arena Chapel
came a decade after the Roman examples and bare-
ly five years after the painter had left the papal me- Fig. 3. Giotto, Nativity, Padua, Arena Chapel
tropolis (Fig. 3). Close inspection of the work soon
reveals its connections to the Byzantinising nativity
images already discussed. That goes for the cave
too: it finds itself exactly on the spot that would can be explained by a passage in the Italian edition
be expected from the Byzantine pictorial type. With of the Meditationes Vitae Christi, a literarily embel-
lished version of the biblical account that enjoyed
18 F. Pomarici, Il presepe di Santa Maria Maggiore: un rie- great popularity at the time. Whilst in the Latin
same, in: Arnolfo di Cambio e la sua epoca: costruire, scolpi- original of the Meditationes (mid-thirteenth cen-
re, dipingere, decorare (ed. V. Franchetti Pardo), Rome 2007, tury) Christ enters the world in the town of Bethle-
103116. S. Guido G. Mantella, Il presepe della basilica di hem, largely conforming with Luke, in the Italian-
Santa Maria Maggiore di Arnolfo di Cambio (1291), Vatican language edition of the late thirteenth century he
City 2005. S. F. Ostrow, Art and Spirituality in Counter-Ref-
is born in a cave, corresponding to the Apocrypha
ormation Rome: the Sistine and Pauline Chapels in S. Maria
Maggiore, Cambridge, MA 1996, 2362. (and perhaps also following the Byzantine nativ-

160 M. V. SCHWARZ
ity image already present in late-thirteenth-century
Rome). And furthermore: And Joseph, who was
a masterly carpenter, had most likely somehow
closed/covered the place (Et in quello luogo iosep
lo quale era maestro di legname forsi che vi chiuse
in alcun modo).19
Along with this sentence, the Praesepe Tem-
ple introduced by Torriti may also have been an
important stimulus for Giottos invention of the
Mary-roof, as too the tile-covered stall for ox and
donkey found in late classical and early medieval
versions of the Adoration of the Kings or Magi.
But Giottos woodwork veranda before the cave
could not be explained without the Italian text of
the Meditationes Vitae Christi. Unlike Cavallinis
Taberna Meritoria and Torritis Praesepe Temple,
the protective roof brings into the picture not gen-
ius loci, but rather contemporary perceptions of
the course of events. The carpenters work is the
product of an imagination centred on plausibility
and making present, which had been developed
particularly in the literature of the Franciscan ob-
servance and was to make a lasting impact on the
piety of the Latin church and late medieval culture.
Against the background of the questions raised in
the present essay, it is significant that it was the
Byzantine nativity image that Giotto took as a ba-
sis for this extension of the narrative. His motive
here may have been the bucolic subtext that one
discovers in the picture the hilly landscape, the
shepherds, the animals and with which Cavallini
in any case operated. This is shown by the intro-
duction of a flute-playing shepherd in S. Maria in
Trastevere. The modest needs of the shepherds
life entwine easily in the visual narrative with the
neediness of the Holy Family so often referred to
in meditation literature.
Another reason, however, could have been that
Giotto and his patron attributed authority and au-
thenticity to the image. Its appearance in the Roman
Marian churches, where the pictorial formula was
effectively blessed by papal teaching, would hardly
have been insignificant here. On the other hand,
it would not have escaped Giotto that the pictures
were new and products of fallible men, namely his
older competitors, if not teachers. Giottos attribu-
tion of authority and probably also the acceptance
of the pictorial type in Rome thus most likely in-
volved knowledge of the Byzantine background.
19 Paris, Bibliothque Nationale, Ms. Ital. 115, Fol. 18 v.
A well known source implying that Giottos
contemporaries wanted to see something special
in pictures from Greece is a sermon of the Do-
minican, Giordano da Rivalto, held in Florence on
6 January 1305, on the feast of Epiphany.20 The text
deals primarily with pictures of the crucified Christ,
as were believed to have been painted by St. Ni-
codemus, and pictures of the Mother of God made
by St. Luke, which had allegedly come to Italy
from Greece. The starting point for the discussion,
however, is the observation that not only the Gos-
pels but also pictures provide authorised accounts
of the Three Kings, namely the first paintings of
them, which came from Greece: because the paint-
ings are the book of lay people and indeed of all
people; originally they were all by saints (cio le
prime dipinture che vennero di Grecia di loro: onde
le dipinture sono libro de laici ed eziandio dogne
gente; perocch le pinture vennono tutte da santi
primamente). It does not seem unreasonable to
infer from this passage that a painted scene of the
Nativity, the model for which was of Greek prov-
enance, made a claim to contain visual truth.
The following thesis can be suggested: for Roman
painters around 1300, Giotto included, the Byzantine
Christmas image had particular development-poten-
tial because it was regarded as particularly authentic.
It offered a visual supplement to the somewhat un-
graphic narrative of Luke and reconciled the latter
with other accounts and information, not least of all
with the stories of pilgrims returning home from the
Holy Land: then, as now, visitors to Bethlehem were
shown a cave as Christs place of birth. Thus the im-
age was also suited to being enriched with further
meaningful information whether this was regarded
as proven, such as the oil spring at the Taberna Meri-
toria in Trastevere and the Praesepe on the Esquiline
Hill, or recognised as (plausible) speculation, as was
probably the case with Josephs craftsmanship and
its results in the cited passage of the Meditationes
Vitae Christi. As a whole, the Byzantine image was a
visual formulation that lent itself to bringing together
certainties, insights and considerations on the course
of the Saviours birth with an option of validity. If
Giottos image was in any way fundamentally differ-
20 G. da Rivalto, Prediche inedite del B. Giordano da Ri-
valto dellOrdine de predicatori (ed. E. Narducci), Bologna
1867, 170171. Cf. H. Belting, Die Reaktion der Kunst des
13. Jahrhunderts auf den Import von Reliquien und Ikonen,
in: Il medio oriente e loccidente nellarte del XIII secolo
(ed. H. Belting), Bologna 1982, 3553, especially 4347.
GIOTTOS BYZANTIUM 161

Fig. 4. P. Cavallini, Adoration of the Kings, Rome, S. Maria in Trastevere
ent from that of Cavallini and Torriti, then it was the
manner in which the cave, as well as the Byzantine
antetype as a whole, is barely recognisable hard to
identify even for viewers with experience of the east-
ern pictorial world (art historians included). In this
way the dividing line between the Byzantine formula
and its extension is blurred. In Giottos Christmas
image and thus in the western Christmas image of
the later Middle Ages and modern period, the Christ-
mas image from Greece disappears entirely, is as
good as swallowed up.
Another way in which Byzantine artistic practice
became visible in late-thirteenth-century Rome was
a side-effect of current experiments by Greek paint-
ers.21 Paglialoco (as Emperor Michael VIII Pal-
aiologos was called in Italy)22 had not only ended
Latin rule in Constantinople in 1261, recreated the
Byzantine Empire, and increased its stature so that
it was unignorable even in the (church-) political
landscape of western Europe, but his successes also
laid the social foundations for a flourishing of art
in the territories he ruled and in the surrounding re-
gions: in a gesture that one could certainly describe
21 For what follows, cf. M. V. Schwarz, Giottos Werke,
219254, with further evidence.
22 J. B. Holloway, Twice-told Tales: Brunetto Latino and
Dante Alighieri, New York 1993, 119 sq.
162 M. V. SCHWARZ
as a Renaissance gesture (in
any case in the sense of Pan-
ofskys renascences),23 the
artists there looked back to
the classicising production
from the turn of the millen-
nium and stressed at the same
time innovation and imagina-
tion.24 At the close of the thir-
teenth century some of this
became known in Rome, as
once again Cavallinis mosa-
ics in S. Maria in Trastevere
impressively show.
In the scene following the
Nativity, the Adoration of the
Kings, the building behind
Mary stands out a structure
without precursors in Rome
and in the whole of western
painting (Fig. 4): the diago-
nally positioned block with
its niche, the functionless
consoles that spring forward,
the projecting roof-piece running out to the side,
the miniature balustrade motifs which do not
combine to create plausible architecture and yet
which constitute space highly effectively. In the
following picture, the Presentation at the Temple,
the gaps behind the figures contain to the right a
structure with a -shaped groundplan, open to the
front and crowned by a miniature loggia, and to
the left a small diagonally disposed house with a
tall lower storey and reduced upper storey (Fig.
5). The two complexes help us to experience, in-
stead of a plain row of figures, an event on a form
of stage. All the mentioned buildings are late Byz-
antine architectural fictions and as such belong to
the most innovative elements of thirteenth-century
painting anywhere. The badly decimated stock of
late Byzantine production makes it difficult to put
forward examples from the decade of the Roman
pictures that is from the 1290s but one can
probably say that the preliminary stages of the
motifs developed by Cavallini are found in the
murals of Sopoani (Fig. 6), whilst the mosaics of
23 E. Panofsky, Renaissance and Renascences in Western
Art, Stockholm 1960.
24 S. Kalopissi-Verti, Patronage and Artistic Production in
Byzantium during the Palaiologan Period., in: Byzantium:
Faith and Power (12611557), 7697.
 It cannot have been long
after the mosaics in Trastevere
that the last painting campaign
on the nave clerestory of the
Upper Church in Assisi was
begun. Its ideological cen-
trepiece, the so-called Doc-
tors Vault above the entrance
bay, shows the Latin church
fathers (Fig. 9). This was the
first time that this group of
four holy authors played such
an elevated role in a pictorial
programme implying that
the work was attuned to the
wishes of Pope Boniface VIII
(12941303) as patron of the
church.27 Gregory, Jerome,
Ambrose and Augustine were
key figures of his pontificate.
Fig. 5. P. Cavallini, Presentation in the Temple, Rome, S. Maria in Trastevere
That the young Giotto can be
regarded as the artist respon-
sible for this part of the Assisi
the Chora Church represent the next developmen- frescoes (and not an anonymous Isaac Master) was
tal step, or the step after that (Fig. 7). Alongside long doubted, but the stylistic arguments have be-
the choice of motifs, what connects the images
in Sopoani and Constantinople is that the archi- 27 A. Schmarsow, Kompositionsgesetze der Franzlegende
tectural conglomerates appear as centrepieces of zu Assisi, Leipzig 1918, 105; X. B. de Montault, Le culte
systems; figures and landscape elements are add- des Docteurs de lEglise Rome, ArtChr 34 (1891), 275
ed in, so that long-drawn-out connections often 290, especially 276277; D. Steger, Die bildliche Darstel-
25
come into being. A glance at the murals in the lung der vier groen lateinischen Kirchenvter vor ihrer
Clemence Church in Ohrid, works of the painters Sanktionierung durch Papst Bonifaz VIII. im Jahr 1298, RQ
94 (1999), 209227.
Michael Astrapas and Euthychios of Saloniki from
12945, also shows:26 connecting, in fact picture-
filling sceneries of building works, which provide
the figures not only with coulisses, but with a real
environment (Fig. 8). This certainly resembles the
interaction of architecture and figures in Caval-
linis Epiphany image, whilst on the other hand
his Presentation image gives the impression that
the Roman cited the Byzantine architectures as
novelties and applied them without entirely realis-
ing their potential.

25 A. Stojakovi, La conception de lespace defini par

larchitecture peinte dans la peinture murale Serbe du
XIIIe sicle, in: Lart byzantin du XIIIe sicle: Symposium
de Sopoani (ed. V. J. Djuri), Belgrade 1967, 169178.
26 P. Miljkovi-Pepek, Deloto na zografite Mihailo i Euti-
hij, Skopje 1967; idem, Latelier artistique prominent de la
famille thessalonicienne dAstrapas de la fin du XIIIe et des
premires dcennies du XIVe sicle, in: 16. Internationaler
Byzantinistenkongress, 2. 2,5, Vienna 1982 (=JB 325),
491494. Fig. 6. Sopoani, Church of the Holy Trinity, St. Mark

GIOTTOS BYZANTIUM 163

 his master. Thus Beltings the-
sis that the bi-figurality must
go back to St. Gregory as au-
thor is hardly compelling.31
Anyone, however, having
become aware of the author
images in book painting and
seeking to explore this area
further, comes across a broad
tradition of bi-figural evan-
gelist images in Byzantine
manuscripts from the eleventh
century on. Mark and Luke
are often joined by the apos-
tles, Peter and Paul, who, ac-
cording to Irenaeus, inspired
their accounts. John is shown
as he dictates to the Deacon
Prochorus named in the Acts
of the Apostles. For Matthew
Fig. 7. Istanbul, Kariye Camii, Inner Narthex, Joseph Takes Leave of Mary there is no corresponding
tradition, but he nonetheless
occasionally receives a com-
come almost irrefutable since the restoration of a panion (who is not named).32
documented Giotto work, the cross in S. Maria No-
vella in Florence, which brought to light numerous 31 H. Belting, Die Oberkirche, 76.
previously imperceptible similarities in approach 32 G. Galavaris, The Illustrations of the Prefaces in Byz-
and detailing.28 antine Gospels, Vienna 1979; R. S. Nelson, The Iconogra-
In his design for the Doctors Vault, Giottos
strategy was to compete with the slightly older
Evangelists Vault by Cimabue, which decorated the
crossing of the Upper Church.29 The gold ground in
both works makes this clear. With two motifs, Gi-
otto surpassed the older decoration objectively and
so made apparent the rank of the Church Fathers in
the programme as a whole: on the one hand, the ap-
pearance of the authors is now bi-figural. For every
church father, there is, opposite him, a pupil or secre-
tary. As a source for this, one might put forward the
legend of Pope Gregory, who was observed by his
scribe as the Holy Ghost appeared to him in the form
of a dove; it is for this reason that Gregory texts are
often illustrated with bi-figural images.30 Gregorys
secretary in Assisi, however, prefers not to observe

28 M. Seidel, Il crocifixo grande che fece Giotto: Pro-

blemi stilistici, in: Giotto: La Croce di Santa Maria Novella
(ed. M. Ciatti M. Seidel), Florence 2001, 65157.
29 H. Belting, Die Oberkirche, 7376.
30 J. K. Eberlein, Miniatur und Arbeit, Frankfurt am Main Fig. 8. Ohrid, Church of St. Clement, Michael Astrapas
1995. and/or Euthychios, Annunciation

164 M. V. SCHWARZ
The bifigural evangelist im-
age was for a long time in
the East a tried and tested
augmentation of the regu-
lar mono-figural form. An
evangeliary in St. Petersburg
(Public Library, Cod. Gr.
101), which was illuminated
in the late thirteenth century,
belongs to the most beautiful
of the relevant manuscripts.33
The comparison of its author-
images with Giottos church
fathers makes plausible that
Giotto competed with the
vault frescoes in the crossing
by drawing on a particularly
sophisticated Greek gospels
manuscript. That such a work
really could have entered the
horizons of a painter active
for the curia certainly cannot
be ruled out after a phase of
such intensive ecumenical ef-
forts as preceded Bonifaces
pontificate.34
Equally striking as the bi-
figurality and equally effec-
tive as a competitive motif
are the exceedingly magnifi-
cent architectures in the Doc-
tors Vault. These certainly Fig. 9. Giotto, Doctors Vault, Assisi, S. Francesco, Upper Church (condition before
1997)
connect to the townscapes in
the Evangelists Vault, with
the help of which Cimabue
assigned certain world regions to his four saints.
But the buildings of the doctors no longer stand
for cities or regions, but rather characterise a fes-
tively elevated ambience similar to the archi-
tectures in the authors images of the Petersburg
manuscript and in other Byzantine evangelist por-
traits. To mention here are also the evangelists on

phy of Preface and Miniature in the Byzantine Gospel Book,

New York 1980.
33 V. Lazarev, Storia della pittura bizantina, Turin 1967,
281282; R. S. Nelson, Paris. Dr. 117 and the Beginning of
Palaelogan Illumination, WJKg 37 (1984), 121.
34 Cf. Niccol IV: un pontificato tra oriente ed occidente.
Atti del convegno internazionale di studi in occasione del Fig. 10. Giotto, St. Jerome and his Secretary, Assisi, S.
VII centenario del pontificato di Niccol IV (ed. E. Me- Francesco, Upper Church, Doctors Vault (condition before
nest), Spoleto 1991. 1997)

GIOTTOS BYZANTIUM 165

 the cupola pendentives of the monastery church of any case Cavallini did), but also applied them in
Sopoani (Fig. 6). The difference is that Giottos a creative and experimental way similar to his
buildings are explicitly raised towards the utopian. Byzantine colleagues, and, like them, he sought
At the same time the painter pointedly confirmed suggestive effects.
their presence by means of precisely designed and
elaborately decorated stereometric substructures,
which bind the painted with the real architecture
of the church. The living spaces of the doctors and
their helpers rest on piles of magnificent building
elements that climb up out of the vault spandrels.
Thus Giotto created a place at once present and
artificial, high above the heads of church-goers,
where writing desks look like ambones or altars,
seats like thrones or church apses, and book cup-
boards like palaces and where study and knowl-
edge mediated by God are somehow one and the
same.
The plan material for Giottos painted build-
ings comes from roughly the same stratum of
Byzantine architectural fiction as had been avail-
able to Cavallini.35 A further characteristic motif
to mention here are the curved balustrade-like ele-
ments, which are present in the Gregory and Jer-
ome images and common in Byzantine painting
around and after 1300 (Fig. 10). Unlike in Cav-
allinis mosaics, however, Giottos application of Fig. 11. Giotto, St. Augustines Secretary, Assisi, S.
the motifs leads to compelling spatial integration Francesco, Upper Church, Doctors Vault
of architecture and figures. Characteristic is the
way the secretary of St. Augustine presses forward
from an architectonic niche into the real space of The models are certainly not applied as citations.
the church and thus attains a presence previous- Byzantine decorative elements occur only occasion-
ly unknown in western painting (Fig. 11). At the ally, such as the characteristic buttons and rhombi
same time the built structures are given a vertical set on the smooth wall. The dominant impression is
dynamism by the converging pictorial format of made by Gothic motifs crocketed gables, tracery,
the vault webs, as is also found in Byzantine vault pointed arches and motifs from Roman cosmati
decoration. One thinks of the vaults with mosaic art spiral columns, opus sectile work, classical
scenes in the narthices of the Chora Church (Fig. architectural sculpture. What viewers particularly
7). The upper parts of the buildings in Assisi seem were intended to notice in the decoration are opus
partly to free themselves from the wall surface and Francigenum and opus Romanum, current French
hang down into the viewers space. Sometimes the and patriotically Roman forms, a combination that,
buildings also seek to penetrate the gold ground, to follow Peter Cornelius Claussen, can be regarded
so that the real space appears to be extended up- almost as the corporate design of the curia in the late
wards.36 Giotto, then, not only had models (as in thirteenth century.37 The application of late Byzan-
tine architectural fictions in Giotto and in the Doc-
35 In contrast to this, it was recently suggested that the tors Vault was thus not intended to be recognised as
background of the architectures was French Gothic: A. C.
Quintavalle, Giotto architetto, lantico e lle de France, in: 37 P. C. Claussen, Pietro di Oderisio und die Neuformu-
Giotto e il Trecento, 389435, especially 413. lierung des italienischen Grabmals zwischen opus roma-
36 The striking space-creating qualities of the buildings num und opus francigenum, in: Skulptur und Grabmal des
were often described in art historical writing. Cf. J. White, Sptmittelalters in Rom und Italien (ed. J. Garms A. M.
The Birth and Rebirth of Pictorial Space, London 1957, 31. Romanini), Vienna 1990, 173200.

166 M. V. SCHWARZ
 Fig. 12. N. Beatrizet, Copy after Giottos Navicella,
Engraving (Detail, reversed reproduction)
such, but rather the means to another end. Architec-
ture as a dynamic, space forming pictorial element:
a fascinating experiment that Giotto pursued inde-
pendently, the results of which he was clearly able to
bring to bear in a compelling pictorial narrative.
His last opportunity to this end in Rome arose
from the commission for the immense Navicella
mosaic in the atrium of St. Peters, which probably
came in 1298.38 After the completion of this, Gi-
otto returned to his home town Florence, only to
go on to Padua soon after. The work fell victim to
the remodelling of St. Peters Square in the early
seventeenth century, but is preserved in several
good copies. The best is an engraving from 1559 by
Nicolas Beatrizet, who also showed instructively
on the right-hand picture edge the building group
38 M. V. Schwarz P. Theis, Giottos Leben, II, b 5.
Fig. 13. P. Spinelli, Copy after Giottos Navicella,
Drawing (Detail, New York, Metropolitan Museum)
designated as Port in the titulus (Fig. 12). Altera-
tions to accord with modern representative conven-
tions must, however, be reckoned with, just as the
buildings appear gothicised in a copy of the early-
fifteenth century often attributed to Parri Spinelli
(Fig. 13).39 What is nonetheless apparent is that this
was no classicising architecture, as would have been
expected from the visual programme of the image
with its wealth of classical citations (including the
angler).40 Rather the multipartite ensemble, the log-
gias and complex fusion are suggestive of a design
created from late Byzantine architectural fictions.
The dramatic distinction between the perspectives of
the lower and the upper parts of the right-hand tower
39 H. Khren-Jansen, Giottos Navicella: Bildtradition Deu-
tung Rezeptionsgeschichte, Worms 1993, 224225.
40 M. V. Schwarz, Giottos Werke, pp. 272, 278280.
GIOTTOS BYZANTIUM 167
 is reminiscent of the buildings
of the Doctors Vault. At the
same time, however, this tower
seems to have been near to re-
ality in a way that corresponds
neither with the Doctors Vault
nor its Byzantine antetypes.
Reference can be made to the
scarped socle and the blind
arcading in the second sto-
rey, which recall the Torre dei
Conti (a.k.a. Torre Maggiore)
on the Forum, one of the defin-
ing profane buildings of medi-
eval Rome.41 Torriti applied
in a similar way motifs from
the Castel SantAngelo in the
Syon veduta in the Death of
the Virgin in S. Maria Mag-
giore. Before this, Cimabue
had portrayed the Torre dei
Conti, the Castel SantAngelo,
the Pantheon and other Roman
buildings, and brought them
together in the Ytalia vedu-
ta in the Evangelists Vault Fig. 14. Giotto, The Meeting at the Golden Gate, Padua, Arena Chapel
in Assisi.42 Whilst, however,
Cimabue wanted to represent
have now almost completely driven out the fantas-
Rome with Roman structures, and Torriti one fa-
tical (Fig. 14). A gate building almost exactly of
mous castle (in Jerusalem) with another (in Rome),
the Navicella is not about topography or symbolism, the type of the Porta del Populo in Rome appears
but presence: the empirical traits should authenticate before our eyes. What nonetheless remains from
the painted architecture as real and bound with the the hallmarks of late Byzantine architectural fiction
world of the viewer. are the dwarf galleries in the upper stories. That ar-
The further remodelling of architectural fic- chitecture is scaled down not necessarily in depth,
tions with traits of real architecture characterises but in height, is a characteristic equally typical of
the buildings in the works of Giotto and his pupils Giotto and his pupils in Assisi and elsewhere as for
from the first decade of the fourteenth century. The late Byzantine art. It makes clear that the impres-
figuration of the Golden Gate in the painting show- sion made on Giottos architectural imagination by
ing the Meeting of Joachim and Anna in the Arena the late Byzantine visual world was deep and last-
Chapel comes, in terms of motifs, from the port in ing, even if this can hardly still be recognised in
the Navicella mosaic, although the empirical traits his painted buildings in the Arena frescoes. In fact
most viewers and critics suspect mimetic impetus
41 A. M. Cusanno, Le fortificazioni medioevali a Roma: la behind Giottos architectural spaces and prospects,
Torre dei Conti e la Torre delle Milizie, Rome 1991. supported by more or less theory-led studies of op-
42 C. Frugoni, LYtalia di Cimabue nella basilica supe- tics and perspective. The former point is correct,
riore di Assisi: uno sguardo dal transetto alla navata, in: I believe, in the (very limited) sense that after the
Imago Urbis: limmagine della citt nella storia dItalia (ed. Navicella the painter enriched the models he used
F. Bocchi R. Smurra), Rome 2003, 3398; M. Andaloro, with citations from reality (as he had clothed them
Ancora una volta sull Ytalia di Cimabue, Arte medievale
21984 (1985), 143177. with Gothic and cosmati motifs in the Doctors

168 M. V. SCHWARZ
Vault). The latter point is certainly not correct
however hard scholars searched, and still search,
for proof:43 how open-mindedly experimental and
thus untheoretical the practice in Giottos spatial
laboratory was, is shown on the one hand in the
Arena Chapel (in the so-called corretti on the choir
arch) by the application of reverse perspective
(an often misused art-historical term from Oskar
Wulff),44 a means of representing depth which was
common in late Byzantine works but contradicted
all optical teachings; and, on the other, by the fail-
ure of optical teachings to play any role at all in
the tract on painting by Giottos third-generation
pupil Cennino Cennini, even though he almost pa-
raded formulations and techniques that went back
to Giotto.
Unlike the educational tradition since human-
ism would have it, Giotto certainly had no firm un-
derstanding of maniera graeca or Byzantium and
thus there was also nothing here that he could have
turned away from, ignored, avoided or overcome.
What he came across from the material today la-
belled Byzantine was firstly authoritative pic-
tures from Greece. One could either use them af-
firmatively and take them into ones own pictorial
world: this is what Giotto did in the Arena Chapel
Nativity, whereby in contrast to other painters of
his time he let the model become, as it were, in-
visible in his picture. Or one could adopt a critical
position and choose alternatives: again in contrast
to most of his contemporaries, Giotto proceeded
in this way with the particularly important subject
of the Crucifixion.45 Starting with the croce dip-
inta for S. Maria Novella, he referred to a Gothic
model unused in Italy, instead of the Byzantine
model already introduced to his public. The latter
was the Nicodemus Icon, which had probably been
43 For a preliminary sketch of the problem see: M. V.
Schwarz, Giotto, Munich 2009, 120126. The arguments
will be developed further in the third volume of my Giottus
Pictor series.
44 O. Wulff, Die umgekehrte Perspektive und die Nieder-
sicht, in: Kunstwissenschaftliche Beitrge A. Schmarsow
gewidmet, Leipzig 1907, 140. Cf. K. Doehlemann, Zur
Frage der sog. umgekehrten Perspektive, RepKunstw
33 (1910), 8587. The latter work should in fact have pre-
vented the ideological overloading of the concept by Pavel
Florensky and others.
45 M. V. Schwarz, Giottos Werke, 280298 and 468476.
developed most impressively by Giottos alleged
teacher Cimabue in his cross for S. Croce in Flor-
ence, and which would be discussed a few years
later by Giordano da Rivalto in his sermon.46 In
addition to this Giotto observed from far away
albeit not so far from Italy since the 1270s and 80s
the dawning of an art scene that drew on a great
tradition to produce much that was new. What par-
ticularly interested him here were offerings in the
field of body-space representation. With their help
he lent the subjects of his pictures, persons as well
as objects, enhanced presence. He was again not
the only painter who took this opportunity, but no
other extended the late Byzantine motif repertoire
in such a way, and no other sought such spectacular
effects. In this way Giotto adapted the motifs first
of all for the visual culture of curial Rome, only to
let them disappear later in Padua and subsequent
works into a newly developed, reality-analogous
pictorial world, which was to leave its mark on
the future of painting. Essentially the motifs disap-
peared within, behind and alongside Giottos con-
ceptions, similarly to the pictorial formula of the
Nativity.
If the painter himself had no concept of Byz-
antine art, then he does however seem to have in-
fluenced through his actions the formation of the
concept. Whilst of differing status, the materials
on which Giotto drew had in common that they
were absorbed into his works with significant con-
sequences consequences that were indeed of a
long-term nature. What had served Giotto prima-
rily as yardstick, model or stimulus, and had also
captivated his contemporaries, entered a twilight
of the outdated and unauthentic in the eyes of a
posterity fixated with Giottos products. As has
been said: concepts seem consumed and obsolete
particularly when they have served as starting
points for modernisations. A first theoretical ap-
proach, which probably responded to this irritation
(albeit in a misguided way), came from Cennino
Cennini around 1400: This Giotto changed paint-
ing back from the Greek to the Latin and brought
it to its modern state (Il quale Giotto rimut
larte del dipingere di greco in latino e ridusse al
46 M. V. Schwarz, Intensitt, Differenz, Authentizitt: Zwei
Florentiner Tafelkreuze im Vergleich, Rmisches Jahrbuch
der Bibliotheca Hertziana, 38 (2007/2008, 2010), 131150.
GIOTTOS BYZANTIUM 169
 moderno).47 The verb change back can best
be understood as the expression of a fundamental
doubt about the authenticity and relevance of Greek
forms. Giotto, so Cennino suggested, in taking on
and developing further these forms, had redeemed
them of their illegitimacy. In any case, in the end
47
M. V. Schwarz P. Theis, Giottos Leben, II, c 5.
one spoke of the rozeza dei Greci, of maniera
greca and of Byzantine.
Photograph Credits: 1, 2, 413
Institut fr Kunstgeschichte
der Universitt Wien, Fotothek;
4, 14 Musei Civici di Padova

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170 M. V. SCHWARZ
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J 171
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4 San Nicola di Bari e la sua basilica, culto, arte, tradizione , 21 (1990), 917, -
(a c. di G. Otranto), Milano 1987; O. Demus, The Church .
of San Marco in Venice, History, Architecture, Sculpture, 6 Id., . , ,
DOStudies VI, Washington 1960. 33 (1994), 3759.

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CONCEPTION ET RALISATION EN ARCHITECTURE MDIVALE:

EXEMPLES DE LARCHITECTURE DU MONDE BYZANTIN

Vojislav Kora

Lobjectif de ce texte est de montrer les diffrentes ensemble et facilite linterprtation des dtails dans
interprtations de lancienne architecture, ses sources lespace, de la structure et de formulaires.
et ses valeurs. Proccupations ont t plues que sil Dans linterprtation de larchitecture mdivale
ny a aucuns donnes fiables sur le temps de construc- taient utilises clasifications typologiques des monu-
tion et les circonstances dans lesquelles le travail ar- ments. Clasifications typologiques avait lieu logique
chitectural a t construit. Linterprtation du Richard dans les ralisations architecturales dune certaine p-
Kreutheimer de larchitecture mdivale a introduit le riode artistique. Dans la littrature, le terme utilis est
concept de liconographie de larchitecture mdivale une cole, ce qui inclut la prise en compte de nimpor-
modlise sur liconographie de la peinture dans son te quel programme dans les longues priodes. Le pro-

J 173
 gramme principal tait la raison pour la dfinition de
lcole. Par exemple, ltude dun historien minent mausole du patron. Solutions plus complexes dcou-
de lart franais Gabriel Millet. En particulier, ses in-
terprtations de lancienne architecture serbe. Utilisez
plus large du terme lcole cr une confusion, car
lcole pourrait inclure des btiments qui peuvent tre
classs dans les priodes plus large de larchitecture
mdivale.
Le temps et lespace taient les faons plus fiables
pour marquer les ralisations des groupes spcifiques
crs par le programme. Le texte prend galement
en considration les temples qui ont t construits en
dehors du flux actuels. Ce sont les glises avec les
174 .
reliques des saints, shrines ou construit comme une
lant les temples des modles de temps sur de longues
distances, Saint Donat (Sainte Trinit) de Zadar et
la Sainte Sofia de Bnvent. Une importance particu-
lire pour le dveloppement de lancienne architecture
serbe est lglise Saint Nicolas dans les environs de
Kurumlija.
Cette glise a t construite sur le modle de lglise
dans le monastre de Christ Pantocrator Constanti-
nople qui a galement servi de modle pour le monas-
tre des Saints-Archanges aux environs de Prizren, le
mausole du tsar serbe Duan.
TOWARDS NEW DIRECTIONS
OF INVESTIGATION OF LATE BYZANTINE
ARCHITECTURE. VISUALISATION OF TEXT
ON THE FACADES OF THE CHURCH
OF THE VIRGIN IN KRINA (CHIOS)

Ivan Stevovi

To sum up, what we are able to say about Byzantine building is

often limited by the questions we ask. If our analysis of a Byz-
antine church is restricted to typological analysis, or to the li-
turgical organization, or if it is simply presented as a backdrop
for historical events or in context of patronage, we have not
learned all we can from it. We should be able to read a building
just as we read a text, as a historical document, for it can tell
us much about the society that produced it.

(R. Ousterhout, 2000)

Instead of the long-present formalistic approach to Late Byzantine architecture, presented in the first part of the
text, based on the example of the church of the Virgin in Krina, this article offers a symbolical interpretation of
the motives found in its lunettes, showing the complexity of meaning of visual language used by contemporary
and, especially, later Byzantine master builders, in accordance with general transformations in articulation of
church exteriors.
Key words: Late Byzantine architecture, Virgin in Krina (Chios), historiography, facades, architectural symbolism

In historiography of Byzantine architecture, an appraisal of all the dimensions of the question

wherein the very word methodology is rarely
mentioned, while the subject itself is assesed or re-
viewed even less often, Robert Ousterhouts text,
the closing sentences of which are cited above,
presents valuable guidelines for necessary future
directions of studying this subject matter.1 Oriented
towards an attempt to observe the sacral building
within its original authentic setting, as well as with-
in the framework of the society that created the ur-
ban environments marked by the buildings in ques-
tion, its scope did not by definition have to include
1 R. Ousterhout, Contextualizing the Later Churches of
Constantinople: Suggested Methodologies and a Few Ex-
amples, DOP 54 (2000), 241250.
suggested by the title of this text. However, as is
usually the case with inspirational statements, they
can assume a life of their own, independent of the
authors intentions, especially in cases where as-
sumptions of producing such reactions among the
reading public are clearly present in the lines writ-
ten. At first, the echo of this conclusion calls for
two necessary notes. Namely, even though it is
indisputably correct that each individual building
should be read as a historical document, it is
functional, in regard of the basic premise, to ask
whether such selectiveness in approach might not,
almost undetectably, lead precisely towards some of
the number of listed one-dimensional projections.
Moreover, if we strive to learn more about the mi-

TOWARDS NEW DIRECTIONS OF INVESTIGATION OF LATE BYZANTINE ARCHITECTURE 175

 lieu which produced the building, the question is
what exactly are we going to learn by analyzing its
architecture on any of the suggested micro-levels,
topographic, historical or constructive.2 If the first
note pertains to the sphere of sensitivity of meth-
odological measuring instruments which, ulti-
mately, are operated indiviaually by each particular
researcher, the second is an indirect announcement
of a new quality in the sphere of interpretation
in view of the fact that, in historiography dedicated
to the Byzantine society, architecture has so far not
been observed from the proposed vantage points.3
Both are, however, united by the fact that the Byz-
antine church has its own, entirelly specific, multi-
layered historical source, within which the stratum
we call art is inherently present in and inextrica-
ble from any approach, including that which strives
reasonably to set down a documented relationship
between categories determined as work of archi-
tecture and society, since the totality of one re-
flects most directly the specific needs and achieve-
ments of the other. Society, to put it more simply,
was indeed a crucial factor, but not only in the act
of creating a work of architecture but also in the
work created with all its qualities, including those
pertaining to the artistic.4 At precisely that point of
examination, the contours of a phenomenon which,
paraphrasing Robert Nelsons formulation,5 could
2 Ibid., 242 sq.
3 Cf. M. Angold, Church and Society in Byzantium under
the Comneni, 10811261, Cambridge University Press 1995;
Ch. Bouras, Aspects of the Byzantine City, Eighth-Fifteenth
Centuries, 497528; Id., Master Craftsmen, Craftsmen and
Building Activities in Byzantium, 539554, in: EHB, vol. 2
(ed. A. E. Laiou), Dumbarton Oaks, Washington D.C. 2002;
A Social History of Byzantium (ed. J. Haldon), Chichester
2009. On the other hand, although not the only papers on
the subject, texts from the symposium Constantinople: The
Fabric of the City, DOP 54 (2000), certainly offer signifi-
cant incentive for future research of this phenomenon in By-
zantium, for which we also find useful new insights and in-
terpretations on Roman architecture and urbanism, cf. Roman
Urbanism. Beyond the Consumer City (ed. H. M. Parkins),
London-New York 1997; E. Thomas, Monumentality and the
Roman Empire. Architecture in the Antonine Age, Oxford
University Press 2007; L. Revell, Roman Imperialism and
the Local Identities, Cambridge University Press 2009.
4 Still most instructive remarks on the art of the Late Byz-
antine era are found in the text by A. Grabar, The Artistic
Climate in Byzantium During the Palaeologian Period, in:
The Kariye Djami, vol. 4 (ed. P. A. Underwood), Princeton
University Press 1975, 116.
5 Cf. R. S. Nelson, To Say and to See: Ekphrasis and Vi-
sion in Byzantium, in: Visuality Before and Beyond the
176 I. STEVOVI
be called the Late Byzantine architectural para-
dox, appear before the researcher. For if we permit
ourselves to change just one word of the mentioned
quotation, and read the syntagm historical docu-
ment as artistic document, when we step outside
the front door we shall, indeed, be completely lost,
but for reasons other than just those mentioned in
Osterhouts text.6
In the search for the causes of this uneasy feel-
ing and ways of overcoming it, the scholar, should
he reach firstly for adequate literature, will quickly
establish that not only is he not alone in this sensa-
tion but also that there are symptomatic occasional
calls for methodological alertness in the study of
Late Byzantine architecture, expressed either in di-
rect connection with the subject matter or in the
form of valuable general suggestions offered in
reviews of medieval art in general, or those focus-
ing on the relationship between history of art and
history of architecture or history of art and visual
culture.7 Naturally, it is the former which deserve
our most direct attention. Beginning with 1965
and through the fourth, revised edition of Early
Christian and Byzantine Architecture, Richard
Krautheimer persistently held on to sentences in
his text which recapitulated the views on the sub-
ject, demonstrating how Late Byzantine architec-
ture gained or lost in the rating it was given by its
researchers in most direct dependence of the visual
habits of historiographic times and contemporane-
ous architectural production. Thus, Late Byzantine
architecture which is colourful, richly silhouetted
and complicated received superlative reviews at
the close of the 19th century and during the first
three decades of the 20th century only for it to be
determined that these qualities had less meaning
to a generation which grew up with Le Corbusier
and the Bauhaus or their followers, resulting in a
marked underrating of Late Byzantine architec-
Renaissance (ed. R. S. Nelson), Cambridge University Press
2000, 143 sq.
6 R. Ousterhout, op. cit., 241. For reasons of prominence and
better visibility, historiographical citations are given in italics.
7 Cf. M. Trachtenberg, Some Observations on Recent
Architectural History, ArtB LXX2 (1988), 208241; H.
L. Kessler, On the State of Medieval Art History, ibidem
166187; R. S. Nelson, Living on the Byzantine Borders of
Western Art, Gesta 351 (1996), 311; A. A. Payne, Archi-
tectural History and History of Art: A Suspended Dialogue,
JSAH 583 (1999), 292299; D. Cherry, Art History Visual
Culture, ArtHist 274 (2004), 479493.
tural design.8 At that same time Vojislav Kora
concluded that la nouvelle historiographie compose
des aperus de larchitecture byzantine, galement
trop vastes et trop gnraliss en particulier quand
elle traite de sa priode tardive. Dans les histories
gnrales de lart byzantine il est soit clairment
nonc soit tacitement entendu que larchitecture
byzantine de cette epoque na pas de dveloppe-
ment vritable [...] demeurant ptrifie. Les prob-
lmes non rsolus...sont devenus des circles vicieux
que seule peut rsoudre [...] des conceptions nouv-
elle de son dveloppement. On dirait que le dernier
sicle de larchitecture byzantine [...] est encore
lobject dapprciations les moines adquates.9 A
decade and a half later, Hans Buchwald delivered
a lecture on style in Byzantine architecture, con-
cluding his first section with the following words:
occasional observations concerning stylistic quali-
ties make no attempt to develop a comprehensive
concept of Byzantine architectural style. On the
contrary, they usually remain fragmentary and are
often used to establish chronological sequences.
The following section, and this is highly significant
for this work, he opened with a proposal for a fu-
ture method which primarily had to begin with an
observations of monuments themselves. These ob-
servations must be synthesized into succint units. A
clear terminology of style must be developed so that
these syntheses can be discussed meaningfully.10 In
1991 Slobodan uri contriubuted to the problem
discussed by a statement published in the form of a
summary,11 and that same year Cyril Mango sum-
marized the model of the research conducted to
that date as the present trend [...] is towards an
extremely meticulous, archaeological analysis of
buildings, coupled with a certain reserve as regards
the big questions as they have been formulated
8 R. Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Archi-
tecture, The Pelican History of Art, Harmondsworth 19651;
19752, 440; 19793; 19864, 416.
9 V. Kora, Les origines de larchitecture de lcole de la
Morava, in: (LEcole de Art and Music (ed. A. R. Littlewood), Oxbow Monograph
la Morava et son temps) (ed. V. J. Djuri), Beograd 1972,
157.
10 Communication held in 1986, entitled The Concept
of Style in Byzantine Architecture, was published in: H.
Buchwald, Form, Style and Meaning in Byzantine Church
Architecture, Ashgate Variorum 1999, VII (111), 4.
11 S. uri, The Significance and Sources of Morava
SchoolArchitecture, XVIIIth International Congress of Byz-
antine Studies, Summaries of Communications I, Moscow
1991, 258.
TOWARDS NEW DIRECTIONS OF INVESTIGATION OF LATE BYZANTINE ARCHITECTURE
in the past. It may well be that the big questions
have to be put differently, yet it is by reference to
them that detailed studies of individual monuments
acquire their significance.12 Two texts by R. Os-
terhout followed, united in their critical approach
towards the inadequate, linear perception of the de-
velopment of Byzantine architecture practiced by
some of the scholars and appropriated from the sys-
tem of perceiving building practice of the medieval
West, as well as in their striving to recognize the
original within the general framework of building
activity after Justinian, often interpreted in histori-
ography with oversight of the fact that buildings...
are works of art, the result of creative process,13
whereby byzantine architecture may be best viewed
as a dynamic interplay between elements that were
necessary and fixed by religious usage and elements
that were variable and introduced by the architect
for other than purely functional reasons.14 Follow-
ing that, starting with the very title of the chapter, a
turn in interpreting Late Byzantine architecture was
heralded by S. uri, who emphasised especially
that the contemporaneous religious setting implied
the church building as a three-dimensional form
with its own exterior aesthetic characteristic, along
with all other types of contents of each individual
building, stating that our task [...] requires that we
look at individual components of such entities, not
only outside their original settings but often sub-
stantionally removed from each other in time and
space. Combining these elements mentally into a
new virtual entity, we can begin to appreciate the
vision expressed by the Byzantines in their church-
es.15 Finally, in 2005 R. Ousterhouts views on con-
stituent elements of originality were critically ex-
panded or problematized by Charalambos Bouras,
claiming that adherence to typology, comparison
12 C. Mango, Approaches to Byzantine Architecture, Mu-
qarnas 8 (1991), 43.
13 R. Ousterhout, Beyond Hagia Sophia: Originality in Byz-
antine Architecture, in: Originality in Byzantine Literature,
50 (1995), 167. It is useful and very instructive to compare
the viewpoints of R. Ousterhout with those presented in a
granted book published a year earlier by L. Rodley, Byzan-
tine Art and Architecture. An Introduction, Cambridge Uni-
versity Press 1994, 342346.
14 R. Ousterhout, An Apologia for Byzantine Architecture,
Gesta 351 (1996), 25. See also in idem, Master Builders of
Byzantium, Princeton University Press 1999, 2533.
15 S. uri, Religious Settings of the Late Byzantine
Sphere, in: Byzantium. Faith and Power (12611557), 65.
177
 of ground plans and the search for model in every
case [...] arrested any inclination to detect creativi-
ty, originality, or even improvisation. The excessive
importance attached to the role played by Constan-
tinople as the only artistic centre in the Middle and
Late Byzantine period is also unjustified, and is due
once more to the one-sided nature of the literary
sources of the period.16
One call for tracing new directions of investi-
gation could be seen as an exclusive farsighted
viewpoint of one scholar whereas two, made in an
interval of fifteen years, reflect the maturing of an
awareness of a method gradually showing signs of
exhaustion, while as much as three, the number cur-
rently explicitly present in the cited quotations, are
an indisputable sign of an identifiable crisis in the
general conceptual approach to the entire matter.
The big questions, as they were formulated by C.
Mango, inherently belong to big issues, and there
is no need for words to prove that Late Byzantine
architecture has, per se, always had that status.
However, the following lines reflect the reasons
why the outlines of the Late Byzantine architec-
tural paradox are gradually turning into clear cut
contours. Namely, the following quotations are to
be found on the very same pages as those previ-
ously cited. In the first two editions of Krautheim-
ers book, we find the following sentences in direct
sequence quite possibly because of the visual hab-
its thus engendered, we now underrate the quality
of Late Byzantine architectural design. But it does
seem that late Byzantine building is rarely original.
Planning and design have their roots in the tradi-
tion of Middle Byzantine times, often as far back
as the early tenth century; parekklesia, nartex gal-
leries surmounted by twin domes, reapled eaves
lines, brick patterns, chirch plans. Nor does it seem
that the overall level of Byzantine building between
1200 and 1450 [...] is always of the highest. The
decoration is overplayed and the constituent forms
are of an undeniable sameness. And never is Late
Byzantine architecture monumental and never is it
great. So, it is to us no more than an epilogue, a
terminating chapter, albeit often attractive and at
times exciting.17 In the last edition, instead of rarely
original it is said that Late Byzantine builders de-
pended heavily on the tradition, overplayed deco-
ration has turned into decoration becomes a major
16 Ch. Bouras, Originality in Byzantine Architecture, TM
15 (2005) (Mlanges Jean-Pierre Sodini), 100.
17 R. Krautheimer, op. cit., 1975, 440.
178 I. STEVOVI
concern; the vocabulary rich and varied, while no
more than an epilogue, a terminating chapter has
been replaced by an epilogue though it is, Late Byz-
antine architecture reveals surprising vitality.18 In
all editions, however, the note regarding the overall
level which is not always the highest has remained,
as has the composition of the text, divided into two
units, Early Paleologian Architecture and High
Paleologian Architecture, the titles of which are
too strikingly similar to an identical periodisa-
tion of Gothic architecture for it to be pure coin-
cidence.19 On the other hand, the emphasis placed
on the observation of monuments as the key pre-
condition of the new method resulted in views on
Late Byzantine architecture (Style IV) which are
basically identical to Krautheimers, while the justi-
fied instence on clear terminology was, albeit with
a small parenthesis,20 was reduced to the syntagm
nostalgic eclecticism as the stylistic common de-
nominator or the architecture of the epoch.21 Still,
if the mentioned authors had any doubts regarding
the nature, currents of formation and values of Late
Byzantine architectural production, they were en-
tirely dispersed at the very peak of historiography,
in a book that actually promoted the historical ap-
proach to the study of the subject. In all editions
of the renowned Byzantine Architecture it has
been recorded that the house of the Palaeologi has
given its name to the last phase of Byzantine his-
tory and art. The Palaeologian renaissance is a
term that has often been used and may have some
justification in painting; it is hardly aplicable to
architecture. In the relatively short period between
1261 and about 1330 [...] some attractive structures
were erected in Constantinople and Thessalonica,
but they perpetuated the traditions of Middle Byz-
antine period without any attempt at reviving Early
Christian, let alone antique, forms.22 At precisely
this point a paradox appears in full view. The logi-
cal result of the sum of all quoted passages appears
18 Ibid., 1986, 416.
19
Ibid., 1975, 440 sq.; ibid., 1986, 416 sq.
20 H. Buchwald, Western Asia Minor as a Generator of Ar-
chitectural Forms in the Byzantine Period, Provincial Back-
Wash or Dynamic Centre of Production?, JB 34 (1984)=
Form, Style and Meaning, V, 229.
21 Id., The Concept of Style, 9. The phrase nostalgic ec-
lecticism was already drawn attention to by S. uri, Re-
ligious Settings, 65.
22 C. Mango, Byzantine Architecture, Milan 1974; Lon-
don 1979. Quoted after the edition published in London
1986, 148.
to be a major contradiction contained in the search
for new methods of investigating a subject matter
which is, at the very same time, despite the vari-
ous euphemisms, being practically unisonly denied
any idyosyncracy whatsoever. We thus come to the
first big question of Late Byzantine architecture
which can freely be put as does it exist at all as a
unique, idiosyncratic entity by any of is traits, or is
it just a sequence of somewhat interconnected but
basically mutually independent, smaller archi-
tectures, united only by their decorative nature,
their indebtedness to tradition and the most general
chronological framwork of the epoch.
Although it arises mainly from the above ex-
pounded sedimentary confusion in historiography,
the question mentioned still has its own, clear, ob-
jective historical dimension, resulting from the real-
ities of the Late Byzantine world and from what has
survived of that world to this day in architecture.
However true it may seem at first glance that the
architectural production of the capital is at times as-
signed too much significance,23 the reasons behind
that are found in the fact that the greatest and most
long lasting unknowns are connected precisely to
that particular building practice, for it is very well
known that the lacuna in actual and documented
knowledge on the architecture of Constantnople
starts with the year 1204, continues on through
the reign of Michael VIII and, with an intermis-
sion of only a couple of decades during which the
monuments we know of today were built, lasts to
the official end of Byzantine history. This is the
picture we are presented with today, but surely not
the reality of the day which can be positively de-
termined, at least for the period of the reign of the
first Palaiologan emperor.24 That picture, however,
causes a chain reaction both in our appraisal of the
surviving buildings in the capital and in the percep-
tion of activities in other center, introducing a sys-
temmatic uncertainty to any attempt of producing
a more comprehensive assessment of Late Byzan-
tine architecture as a whole. For when after all the
investigation one casts a glance at the preserved
monuments in the capital a hesitation still remains
whether in their day those buildings represented the
architectural apogee within the framework of an
23
Cf. Ch. Bouras, Originality.
24 Cf. A.-M. Talbot, The Restoration of Constantinople un-
der Michael VIII, DOP 47 (1993), 243261; cf. also V. Ki-
donopoulos, Bauten in Constantinopel 12041328. Verfall
und Zerstrung Restaurirring, Umbau und Neumbau von
Profan und Sakralbauten, Wiesbaden 1994.
TOWARDS NEW DIRECTIONS OF INVESTIGATION OF LATE BYZANTINE ARCHITECTURE
all-encompassing renaissance, were they the off-
spring delivered after the fundamental principles of
that creative process had already turned into stand-
ard routine, or was their emergence actually the last
note stuct in an accord of an active architectural
practice. The fact that the chronological framework
of their creation is relatively precisely determined
does not, however, reveal much about the currents
of development and paths of communication within
their artistic i.e. architectural time, and the only
approach which makes what meagre available reli-
able information there is even foggier is their intro-
duction into the surgical theatre of so-called univer-
sally applicable models of examination which, as
has long since been demonstrated, ultimately lead
to model-solutions.25 Judging by the mentioned
historiographic turbulences, it appears that the ar-
chitecture of the late epoch has long been subjected
to just that type of procedure. In other words, after
it had been established that the sacral architecture
of the day had in its nucleus its own idyosyncratic
type of church building, the pertaining, much too
long dominant approach to Byzantine architecture
which emphasized what is static rather than what
is dynamic,26 along with the use of the term style
perceived as an index of rightness of artistic per-
fection and thus also peculiarity,27 introduced to
historiography the problem of originality of Late
Byzantine architecture, as much generalized as
normatively connotated, which was, moreover, in-
stantly resolved from the perspective of six century
long hindsight. As a logical outcome of modes of
constructing model-problems the tribunal of his-
toriography has, with just one single explicit excep-
tion, decided to put the approach which had been
accorded the greatest attention, summed up by the
call for any study to begin with observations of
monuments themselves, as far away from the focus
of detailed analysis as possible. Namely, there is
just one single synthetic work in which statements
on decoration (which) becomes a major concern,
on application of rich faade articulation,28 and at-
25 For the phenomena of model-problems and model-
solutions in general, cf. Th. Cuhn, The Structure of Scien-
tific Revolutions, Chicago 1970 (= Struktura naunih rev-
olucija, Beograd 1974, 95 sq.).
26 R. Ousterhout, An Apologia, 23.
27 Cf. J. Biaostocki, Historia sztuki wrd nauk human-
istycznych (= Povijest umjetnosti i humanistike znanosti,
Zagreb 1986, 50 sq.).
28 H. Buchwald, The Concept of Style, 9.
179
 tractive structures or surface ornamentation,29 have
been transposed into a clear and far-reaching no-
tion that the pronounced role of decoration, painted
and sculpted, had a certain effect, so that one could
say that (in the Late Byzantine epoch) architecture
began to be conceived of integrally, in an attempt
on the part of the master builders to establish an
equality in value of the interior and the exterior
space.30
When placed side by side, this and the passage
quoted at the beginning of this text, immediately
after its title, converge precisely at the level of so-
ciety, the different milieus which strove to create
works of architecture which by any and all param-
eters they found to be appropriate, all within the
framework of a given epoch. Therefore, questions
of Late Byzantine architecture can by no means be
resolved within the scope of an extremely abstract
and at the same time very binding concept of origi-
nality but rather by examining them from the point
of view of another, much more appropriate con-
cept, that of diversity.31 Diversity immediately they were made to be observed.35 In those very
brings up the question of continuity; as a problem,
however, it does not appear in historical reality but
only in the construction of models of research be-
cause continuity does not preclude peculiarity, and
peculiarity, of architectural dialects in this case,
does in no way disturb the overall structure of the
discourse of Late Byzantine architecture. In other
words, despite their small numbers, inadequate
state of preservation and pretty uncertain chronol-
ogy, there is no reason to deny that solutions char-
acteristic of the architecture of the late epoch are
also to be seen on buildings raised in Constantino-
ple during the 11th and 12th centuries, or after 1204
in regions under the rule of the Lascarids.32 The
essence of the problem, however, is contained in
the question of both the sources and the intents by
29 R. Ousterhout, Master Builders, 194 sq.
30 . - , (Nouvel as-
(Architecture of Byzantine World), 1996, pect darchitecture byzantine lepoque de sa dernire ren-
364; similar in tone are the remarks of the same authors in
. , 2004, Immutability of Byzantine Architecture, 4/20 1998
207212; . - (1999), 105110; R. Ousterhout, Symbole der Macht. Mitte-
, 2006, 509512. lalterische Heraldik zwischen Ost und West, in: Lateinisch-
31 Cf. A. Cutler, Originality as a Cultural Phenomenon, in:
Originality in Byzantine Literature, 203.
32 H. Buchwald, The Concept of Style, 9; Id., Lascarid Ar-
chitecture, JB 28 (1979)= Form, Style and Meaning, VI,
passim; idem, Western Asia Minor, 230 sq; R. Ousterhout,
op. cit., 195197.
180 I. STEVOVI
which the gradual albeit evident change in syntax
of buildings as historical/artistic text appeared
and with what sort of intended meaning.
Naturally, understanding the text as a fundamen-
tal precondition implies the mastering of the mean-
ing of each individual word and because of the fact
that in architecture these words are expressed by
different signs, interpreting those signs constitutes
the first step in the feat of divulging both the proc-
ess of constucting and the meaning of the text in its
entirety.33 Although it is the research of this particu-
lar period that has, in certain cases, already yielded
valuable incentives,34 the conceptual re-orientation
of direction of study of Late Byzantine architec-
ture represents a subject matter the framework and
interpretative horizons of which outstretch by far
both the present results and the scope of this text.
The initial relevant methodological instrument,
however, is by no means novel; it is contained in
all the implications of Dubys seasoned statement
that it is difficult [...] speak of works of art because
words lies the key to solution and also the nucleus
of all historiographic hesitancies, for how should
we actually observe the facades of Late Byzantine
churches so that we could truly see and understand
what their contemporaries saw and understood and
we would like to decipher today?
The example of three motifs more or less
present on the exteriors of walls of churches
raised in different epochs, the continuity of use
of which can be observed from much older times,
appears to offer an instructive stimulus for a dif-
ferent mode of their viewing altogether, as much
as for a more detailed analysis of the process by
33 Cf. W. Whyte, How do Buildings Mean? Some Issues
of Interpretation in the History of Architecture, History and
Theory 45 (2006), 153177 (with references).
34 R. Ousterhout, The Byzantine Heart, 17
(1986), 3644; . ,
aissance), XXIX (1997), 8188; ead., On the
griechisch-arabische Begegnungen. Kulturelle Diversitt im
Mittelmeerraum des Sptmittelalters (Hrsg. von M. Mersch
U. Ritzerfeld), Berlin 2009, 91109.
35 G. Duby, Le Temps des cathedrals. Lart et la socit
9801420, Paris 1976 (quoted after Vreme katedrala. Umet-
nost i drutvo 9801420, Beograd 1989, 7).
Fig. 1. Chios, Virgin Krina, south facade, detail (M. Vournous)
which text as a category in its own right was
transposed into a means of architectural visual dis-
course in order for that very form to subsequently
have the function of remembrance of the written
word.
At the close of the 12th or during the first dec-
ades of the following century both lunettes under the
dome of the Church of the Virgin in Krina on Chios
(Fig. 1) were filled with a number of different mo-
tifs, meander [...] below the spring line and above it
the centres of these lunettes are decorated by large
quatrefoils with recessed centers which are flanked
by a chevron on both sides.36 With a note regarding
36 H. Buchwald, Lascarid Architecture, 275. Opinions
of researchers of the church vary regarding its dating: H.
Buchwald, op. cit., 292, is of the opinion that it was built
in the period 1225-about 1240 (perhaps immediately after
1225); on the other hand, a several decades earlier dating,
end of XII century, has been suggested by Ch. Pennas, Some
TOWARDS NEW DIRECTIONS OF INVESTIGATION OF LATE BYZANTINE ARCHITECTURE
the term chevron, originating from the glossary
of Romanesque architecture, which would be better
replaced by opus spicatum,37 and an additional note
that a) the quatrefoil is encircled by smaller radially
arranged bricks which furter emphasise its shape
and b) that bricks of various dimensions above
the zone of opus spicatum are positioned verti-
Aristocratic Founders: the Foundation of Panaghia Krena
on Chios, in: Women and Byzantine Monasticism (ed. J. Y.
Perreault), Athens 1991, 6165 (with references), and later
also by R. Ousterhout, Master Builders, 198.
37 For chevron cf. J. Fleming H. Honour N. Pevsner,
The Penguin Dictionary of Architecture, Harmondsworth
19914, 91; for opus spicatum cf. J.-P. Adam, Roman Build-
ing. Materials and Techniques, London New York 2005,
288 sq. The photograph published in this article was taken
by colleague Manolis Vournous, with the invaluable assist-
ance of Stavros Mamaloukos, Michalis Kappas and Nektar-
ios Zarras. I take this opportunity to offer my most sincere
gratitude to all four of them.
181
 cally, this description truly
reflects the intention to note
a series of individual particu-
lars. Should, however, the
particulars be viewed on the
whole, the desciption could
assume an entirely different
tone: around the quatrefoil,
filled with bricks positioned
exclusively horizontally and
laid out so that some appear
to the observer in full view
while the other can be seen
only in part, disappearing
under its lower sides, the ver-
tically positioned brickwork
and the opus spicatum are ar-
ranged in a manner indicating
the directions of spreading of
that which is found within the
recessed quatrefoil, one of
Fig. 2. Trabzon, Hagia Sophia, south porch, detail (photo in public domain)
which also leads in the direc-
tion of a meander. The sum of
individual motifs thus takes
very diversified, the quatrefoil is found in many
up the characteristics and relations typical of an
Byzantine illuminated manuscripts,41 and is repre-
image, and that contention calls for providing evi-
sents a motif commonly found in mosaics and in
dence and material to substantiate the allegation.
wall paintings,42 or in the repertoire of actual me-
In its basic form or its many modifications, the
quatrefoil motif has been present in every type of dieval sculpted decoration.43 Apart from the lateral
artistic creation since Antiquity.38 It lent its shape
to a great number of Early Christian baptisty 277293; L. Trk, Transfigurations of Hellenism. Aspects
piscinae,39 and the tetraconch, drawn from a quatre- of Late Antique Art in Egypt AD 250700, Leiden Boston
foil, was often the ground plan of both Early Chris- 2005, 304 sq (Abu Mena); C. Maranci, Byzantium through
40
tian and later medieval sacral structures. Visually Armenian Eyes: Cultural Appropriation and the Church
of Zuartnoc, Gesta 402 (2001), 105124; A. Frantz,
38 Cf. G. L. Brett, Formal Ornament on Late Roman and
The Church of the Holy Apostles, The Athenian Agora 20
(1977); Th. F. Matthews C. Mango, Observations on the
Early Byzantine Silver, PBSR 15 (1939), 3341; K. M. D. Church of Panagia Kamariotissa on Heybeliada (Chalke),
Dunbabin, Mosaics of the Greek and Roman World, Cam- Istanbul with a Note on Panagia Kamariotissa and Some
bridge University Press 1999, 294298 (with references). Imperial Foundations of the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries
39 Cf. A. Khatchatrian, Les baptistres palochrtiens:
in Constantinople, DOP 27 (1973), 115132.
plans, notices et bibliographie, Paris 1962, passim. It seems 41 Cf. H. Buchtal, Toward a History of Palaeologian Il-
especially significant that one of the first piscinae by the
lumination, in: The Place of Book Illumination in Byzantine
church of the Holy Sepulchre was precisely of this shape,
Art, Princeton University Press 1975, 156 (figs. 16, 17), 160
cf. A. J. Wharton, The Baptistery of the Holy Sepulcher in
(fig. 23); R. S. Nelson, Palaeologian Illuminated Ornament
Jerusalem and the Politics of Sacred Landscape, DOP 46
(1992), 313325. and the Arabesque, WJKg XLI (1988), 151 sq.
42 Among the many examples cf. N. Chatzidakis, Hosios
40 We list only the most significant examples: W. Eugene
Kleinbauer, The Origin and Functions of the Aisled Tetra- Loukas, Byzantine Art in Greece, Athens 1991, 12 (fig.
conch Churches in Syria and Northern Mesopotamia, DOP 2); O. Demus, The Mosaics of San Marco in Venice, Vol.
27 (1973), 89114; id., Aedita in Turribus: The Super- I: Plates, Chicago London 1984, 147; id., Vol. II: Plates,
structure of the Early Christian Church of S. Lorenzo in 312. See also examples and pertaining bibliography in: On
Milan, Gesta 151/2 (1976), 19 (with references); id., The Water in Byzantium, Athens 2000.
Double-Shell Tetraconch Building at Perge in Pamphylia 43 M. R. Rickard, The Iconography of the Virgin Portal at
and the Origin of the Architectural Genus, DOP 41 (1987), Amiens, Gesta 222 (1983), 147157; J. L. Ward, Disguised

182 I. STEVOVI

Fig. 3. Lesnovo monastery, south facade, detail (J. iri)
facades of the Virgin in Krina, in the architecture of
the period in question it also appears at the center
of the lunette of the south porch of St. Sophia in
Trebizond (Fig. 2) and on a similar position on the
north side of the church of St. John Aleitourgetos
in Mesembria, while on the monastery church of
Lesnovo it appears in the upper zone of the south
facade (Fig. 3).44 The composition of the whole en-
tity, however, fashioned in the manner it appears in
on the Chios church, is not be found anywhere else
which may speak of the originality of its ktetors
and builders but certainly testifies of the limitations
of taxonomy, a tool often used in the encounter of
historiography on Late Byzantine architecture with
those of its contents which were not expressed in
Symbolism as Enactive Symbolism in Van Eycks Paintings,
Artibus et Historiae 1529 (1994), 22 (fig. 12).
44 Cf. A. Eastmond, Narratives of the Fall: Structure and
Meaning in the Genesis Frieze at Hagia Sophia, Trebi-
zond, DOP 53 (1999), 220 and fig. 2; id., Art and Iden-
tity in Thirtheenth-Century Byzantium: Hagia Sophia and
the Empire of Trebizond, Ashgate Variorum 2004, 61 sq;
T. Tarandjieva, The Church of St. Jonhn Aleitourgetos in
Nesebr and its Architectural Origins, UMI 3204538, Ann
Arbor, MI (2006), 62, 124, 148; . , - the Middle Ages, Princeton University Press 2006, 413 sq.
XIV 48 Cf. R. Krautheimer, Introduction to an Iconography of
(Les Monuments de lArchitecture Serbe du XIV e Sicle
dans la Region de Povardarje), 2003, 160, Pl. 6. wood, The Fountain of Life in Manuscripts of the Gospels,
and fig. 14.
TOWARDS NEW DIRECTIONS OF INVESTIGATION OF LATE BYZANTINE ARCHITECTURE
codes of the narrative, in the
present sense of the term. For
the whole is, obviously, made
up of primarily geometric
motifs but its meaning is not
the result of the simple sum
of some abstract mathemati-
cal construction,45 but rather
contained in the allusive level
of communication of the indi-
vidual elements which, being
simultaneously organized in
mutual semantic interaction,
can clarify or occlude other
elements in the same picture
or sentence.46
The quatrefoil is one of a
number of quadripartite sche-
mata used extensively in the
Middle Ages as a basis upon
which the structure of multi-
ple visual exegesis is built. In
this process the importance of
the image is underlined as di-
dactic and even mystical aid.47 The multifold, multi-
faceted symbolism of the quatrefoil, one indicating
cosmic harmony and perfection (of paradise or the
Heavenly City) contained within divina quaternitas,
as well as anthropomorphic allusions, could convey
a number of meanings. Of course, its primary shape
indicates the cross, while the applied usage of such
forms as baptismal fonts, church ground plans,
fountains, vessels containing water, indicates the
sacrament of baptism.48 This is further visibly un-
derpinned in the case of the quatrefoil of Krina by
45 O. Grabar, The Mediation of Ornament, Princeton Uni-
versity Press 1992, 121.
46 A. Cutler, The Image of the Word in Byzantium and Is-
lam: An Essay in Art Historical Geodesy, in: Interpreting
Christian Art: Reflections on Christian Art (ed. H. J. Hornik
M. C. Parsons), Mercer University Press 2003, 82.
47 A. C. Esmeijer, Divina Quaternitas: A Preliminary Study
in the Method and Application of Visual Exegesis, Amster-
dam 1978; see also the shape and inscription on the phylac-
tery from the Hermitage, analyzed by H. L. Kessler, Turning
a Blind Eye: Medieval Art and the Dynamics of Contempla-
tion, in: The Minds Eye: Art and Theological Argument in
Medieval Architecture, JWCI 5 (1942), 2033; P. A. Under-
DOP 5 (1950), 43138.
183
 the mentioned horizontal bricks laid out inside the
recessed field of the form thereby suggesting wa-
ter contained within a vessel of quatrefoil form.49
Whatsmore, at the deepest level of visual exegesis
this sign is indicative also of the ur-icon of baptism,
the very moment of Epiphany whereby the waters
(of Jordan) became sanctified by the immersion of
the Logos and thus transformed into living water,
a spring of water welling up to eternal life (John
4:914).50 Although there is a well-known negative
connotation to water in Christian interpretation,
seen as the sea of this world, or the sea of sin, it
49 Cf. the mosaic at Daphne (supra), and examples of the
so-called wallpaper method on Islamic mosaics and archi-
tecture analyzed by O. Grabar, op. cit., 139 sq.
50 Cf. S. Cristoforetti, Il fiume, la luce e lalbero della Cro-
ce, in: Lalbero della Croce, Supplemento, Studi sullOrien-
te Cristiano, 72, (a c. di R. Favaro), Roma 2003, 2947.
Fig. 4. Amykles, St. Nicholas, Christ and the Samaritan
Woman (After On Water in Byzantium)
184 I. STEVOVI
is certain that imagery such as the motif seen on the
facade of Krina is clearly a visualization of the exe-
gesis, such as that of St. Ambrose, which speaks of
water as an image of the teachings of the Church.51
It is interesting to note that in depicting the Par-
able of Christ and the Samaritan woman, which
speaks of the gift of the Spirit received through
baptism and the gospel of Christ as living water,
the well of Jacob, at the site of which the scene
takes place, in the example from the famous 11th
century hexaptych icon from Mount Sinai depicting
the various types of the Virgin, scenes from the life
of Christ and the menologion, takes on a quatrefoil
form.52 The same is also true of the scene in fresco
from church of St. Nicholas at Amykles (Laconia)
(Fig. 4).53 On the other hand, in Lesnovo, for ex-
ample, the disposition of this motif laid out in the
brickwork and stone of the lateral facade is corre-
spondent with the placement of the same scene on
the inner surface of the wall, in close proximity.54
The motif of life-giving, healing water contained
within a well or vessel of quatrefoil shape is found
not only in the scene of Christs conversation with
the Samaritan woman, but also in scenes of Christs
miracle of healing the blind, as in Iviron codex no.
5 (fol. 405r.)55 (Fig. 5), or, indeed, in scenes of the
Annunciation to Anne, as proven by the example
from Daphne (Fig. 6).56 The elaborate quatrefoil
fountain, depicted as having been made of lavish
marble and porphyry, overflowing with streams of
water collected in a basin and surrounded by lush
vegetation, is a sophisticated allegory prefigur-
ing the birth of Mary, and ultimately the incarnate
Logos, as the channel in which the living waters
of the spirit, as prophesied already by the prophet
Ezekiel (I will pour out upon you, God says there,
clean waters and will put my spirit in the midst of
you., Ez. 36, 2527), are brought to the surface for
the faithful to drink. In the context of the church in
51 L. Drewer, Fisherman and Fish Pond: From the Sea of
Sin to the Living Waters, ArtB 634 (1981), 533547, espe-
cially 534535.
52 G. Galavaris, An Eleventh Century Hexaptych of the
Saint Catherines Monastery at Mount Sinai, Venice Ath-
ens 2009, 33.
53 On Water in Byzantium, 77, 108.
54 . , . -
(he Monastery of Lesnovo), 1998, 52, 91.
55 On Water in Byzantium, 93, 109.
56 Idem., 76, 108.

Fig. 5. Iviron monastery, cod. 5, fol 405r. (After On Water in Byzantium)
Fig. 6. Daphni monastery, Annunciation to Anne, detail
(After On Water in Byzantium)
TOWARDS NEW DIRECTIONS OF INVESTIGATION OF LATE BYZANTINE ARCHITECTURE
Krina, dedicated to the Virgin,
narrowed down with regard to
its dedication, the reading
of the quatrefoil could, thus,
most likely, be regarded as
part of the feat of constructing
and conveying visual exegesis
related to the Mother of God
and her role in the oikodo-
moia of Salvation. Within this
scope, the quatrefoil filled
with the aquatic motif could
have been interpreted as the
Source of Life, the vessel of
the Logos, the Zoodochos
Pege, whereby the water de-
picted within the vessel could
indicate the Logos, the living
water, contained within the
womb of Mary, Emmanuel.
Taking this examination of
visual exegesis a step further,
one could also see the opus spicatum in association
with the quatrefoil motif on either side of which
it is laid out, as reminiscent of the ancient Early
Christian motif of 57 combined with the sign
of the vessel containing life-giving water, as visual-
ization of the Logos contained within the Virgin, an
image of Chora tou Achoretou, as Mary is referred
to in the Akathistos hymn,58 a schemata identical in
symbolic meaning to the miraculous image of the
usual miracle at Blachernae and deeply imbued
with eucharistic connotations.59
Part of this broader picture is also the meander,
a motif of equally antique origin but incomparably
more commonly present in Byzantine art.60 In clas-
sifications of the very diverse variations of mean-
ders which can be seen on the facades of Byzan-
57 Cf. the example of crossed fish on the mosaic of the
Large basilica from Heraklea Lynkestis, in H. Maguire,
Earth and Ocean. The Terrestrial World in Early Byzantine
Art, The Pennsylvania State University Press 1987, fig. 48.
58 L. M. Peltomaa, The Image of the Virgin Mary in the
Akathistos Hymn, Leiden-Boston 2001, passim (with refer-
ences).
59 On the iconography of the icon of the usual miracle at
Blachernae cf. B. Pentcheva, Icons and Power, The Mother
of God in Byzantium, The Pennsylvania State University
Press 2006, 145165.
60 Extensive bibliography on the motif and its symbolism
from Antiquity to the Renaissance is given by E. Thomas,
Monumentality and the Roman Empire, 320.
185
 tine churches, starting with several basic forms to
the highly complex and at first hardly detectable
constructions,61 it has been concluded that the
motif developped from a directional meander,
flowing from left to right, which was modified in
time and also turned into a nondirectional mean-
der, possibly to aid easier execution in brick, al-
though other factors could have contributed to this
developement as well.62 Investigation along those
lines should certainly be further pusued and relat-
ed not only to other, highly significant, insights,63
but primarily in view of the fact that the striking
variations in the execution and disposition of the
motif on the facades, even when seen on the same
monument, must certainly have generis sui deeper
reasons stemming from the sphere of ideas.64 Get-
ting back to Krina, it is necessary to underline that,
apart from being obviously correlated with the
quatrefoil by virtue of the opus spicatum, the me-
ander is produced in a manner which, like in the
case of the contents of the quatrefoil, tucks the inseparably connected, for the latter also signifies a
bricks on either of its lateral ends under the pro-
truding moulding of the inner arch, suggesting to
the beholder that the band is actually not broken
off at that point but that it reappears, in an identi-
cal manner, construed without beginning or end
in the uppermost zone of the apse. The wealth of
external shapes of Krina accounts for this construc-
tion twist the reasons for the employ of which are
61 Cf. . . , - The Byzantine Monuments of the Evros/Meri River Valley,
12 , 2002, 472473 and 82 Thessaloniki 2007, 2627; V. N. Papadopoulou, Byzantine
(figs. 68, 69), 84 (71), 87 (75), 225 (252), 260 (298), 332
(386), 389 (412), 402 (423), 410 (438). Strikingly differ-
ent from all the examples from present day Greece is, for
example, the meander on the apse of the south church of
the monastery of Constantine Lips, the existence of which
is practically just noted by V. Marinis, The Monastery tou
Libos. Architecture, Sculpture and Liturgical Planning in
Middle and Late Byzantine Constantinople, UMI 3182324,
Ann Arbor MI (2004), 118119.
62 Classification made by H. Buchwald, Sardis Church E
a Preliminary Report, JB 26 (1977) = Form, Style and
Meaning, III, 283 sq, and adopted without further detailed
analysis by J. Trkulja, Aesthetic and Symbolism of Late Byz-
antine Church Faades, 12041453, UMI 3129125, Ann
Arbor, MI (2004), 6568.
63 Cf. P. Reed Doob, The Idea of the Labyrinth: from Clas-
sical Antiquity through Middle Ages, Cornell University
Press 1990.
64 Compare the mentioned motif on the apse of the south
church of the monastery of Constantine Lips with the con-
temporaneous motif on the outer wall of the diaconicon of
the same building.
186 I. STEVOVI
most clearly deciphered on facades of numerous
churches where the meander stretches continuously
along the lateral walls and the external face of the
holiest part of the building. As in Krina, the meander
is almost always found on the uppermost parts of the
walls,65 at times even on domes,66 and where it, al-
beit seldomly, appears in the lower zones, it is found
on the facades of the main apse or one of the lateral
units of the altar space.67 Since early Christian times
its meaning has been associated wth the topos of the
labyrinth,68 which in medieval times becomes the
ambience of homo viator whose soul sails through
the temptations and riddles of the terrestrial world
in search of its true spiritual essence, guided by the
words of Christ All scripture [is] given by inspi-
ration of God, and [is] profitable for doctrine, for
reproof, for correction, for instruction in righteous-
ness: That the man of God may be perfect, throughly
furnished unto all good works. (2 Tim. 3,1617).69
Thus, the act of travelling and the act of writing are
traversing of space of a kind and the only way one
can even attempt to become aware of the limitations
of mans perceptions of the divine.70 Positioned in
65 Cf. examples listed in footnote 61.
66 H. Buchwald, Sardis Church E, 283 sq.
67 R. Ousterhout, The Byzantine Church at Enez: Prob-
lems in Twelfth-Century Architecture, JB 35 (1985), 264
and fig. 6; the same also in R. Ousterhout Ch. Bakirtzis,
Arta and its Monuments, Athens 2007, 6263 (figs. 6770),
125 (fig. 145). For the meander on the church of the Holy
Apostles in Thessaloniki cf. M. L. Rautman, The Church of
the Holy Apostles in Thessaloniki: a Study in Early Palaeo-
logian Architecture, UMI 8417210, Ann Arbor, MI (1984),
281 sq.
68 P. Reed Doob, op. cit., passim; on connecting the laby-
rinth with divine and royal prerogatives since Greek antiq-
uity cf. in particular P. Borgeaud, The Open Entrance to the
Closed Palace of the King: the Greek Labyrinth in Context,
History of Religions 141 (1974), 127.
69 Cf. G. Ladner, Homo Viator: Medieval Ideas on Aliena-
tion and Order, Speculum 422 (1967), 233259; cf. also
P. Dinzelbacher, The Way to the Other World in Medieval
Literature and Art, Folclore 971 (1986), 7087; P. Reed
Doob, op. cit, passsim.
70 O. Grabar, op. cit, 64; on the act of writing as travel-
ling R. Webb, The Aesthetic of Sacred Space: Narrative,
Metaphor and Motion in Ekphraseis of Church Buildings,
DOP 53 (1999), 5974, 67 sq; B. Pentcheva, Visual Textu-
ality: the Logos as Pregnant Body and Building, RES:
Antrophology and Aesthetics 45 (2004), 225238.
Fig. 7. Istanbul, Christ in Chora, inner nartex, southern wall and detail of Deisis (I. Stevovi)

liminal spaces connecting the lower and the upper
zones of the church, the meander represented a syn-
desmos between the material and spiritual realm.
In all, the visual exegesis of this complex image,
including the quatrefoil, opus spicatum and mean-
der, could thus be associative of the salvific role of
the Virgin and the sacrament of Baptism, both of
which receive an even deeper meaning in the case
of the Virgin at Krina, a church raised for funer-
ary purposes.71 It is also a schemata representative
of the act of writing, of materializing of the Word
Logos and its spreading through the teachings of
the Church.72 It is the Word at once spreading out
and drawing in from the world those thirsting for
the source of living water or the fish that pass
through the paths of the sea (Ps. 8,9).73 Let us
note here that the bathing vessel which received the
newly born Christ in the scene of the Birth of Christ
from Hosios Loukas, in which the horizontal stips
of silver-blue tesserae representing water, reminis-
cent in form of the bricklaying inside the recessed
inner shell of the quatrefoil at Krina, assume a visu-
ally prominent role suggesting a liturgical, sacra-
mental meaning announcing Baptism, is decorat-
ed with a meander motif.74 On the other hand, in

71 ing on true text, offer interpretations or raise a series of

Ch. Pennas, op. cit., passim.
questions relevant to this particular issue, in: Art and Text
72 Cf. . . ,
in Byzantine Culture (ed. L. James), Cambridge University
, 1977 (= Press 2007.
, 1982, 204232); O. Grabar, loc. 73 It is by relying on this quotation from the Psalms that
cit; H. L. Kessler, Seeing Medieval Art, University of To-
ronto Press 2004, 87 sq, 151 sq; cf. also R. S. Nelson, Let- Paulinus of Nola, in his letter to the Bishop of Bordeaux,
ters and Language/Ornament and Identity in Byzantium and refers to himself receiving the sacrament of baptism from
Islam, in: The Experience of Islamic Art on the Margins of the hands of that ecclesiastic, L. Drewer, op. cit, 535, with
Islam (ed. I. A. Bierman), University of California, Los An- sources.
geles 2005, 6188, as well as texts which, although focus- 74 N. Chatzidakis, op. cit., 28 (fig. 13).

TOWARDS NEW DIRECTIONS OF INVESTIGATION OF LATE BYZANTINE ARCHITECTURE 187

 the scene of Moses at the Well in the church of San
Marco in Venice the font is precisely of quatrefoil
shape, just as in the visually somewhat more elabo-
rate rendering of Christ and the Samaritan Woman
in the same church.75 Considering the connotations
of Moses miracles with water as prefigurations of
Baptism, i.e. redemption of sin, this particular form
could be indicative not only of the specific and spe-
cial significance of fonts represented as quatre-
foils but also of the reasons behind the choice of
the same motif as the central image of the lunette of
the porch of the church of St. Sophia at Trebizond
which is decorated with a frieze depicting the cycle
of Creation.76
In closing, and in the context of interpretation
of the quatrefoil motif expounded above, it ap-
pears highly significant to point out that this im-
age assumes a prominent, intriguing and as yet lit-
tle studied place in the program of decoration of
the Constantinopolitan church of Christ in Chora.
It appears in the marble revetment surrounding the
passageway connecting the inner narthex with the
parekklesion raised by Theodore Metochites (Fig.
7). The two quatrefoils on either side of the opening
in the southern wall of the esonarthex are produced
as a result of carefully and meticulously planned
and executed laying down of finely cut marble pan-
els whereby the veining of the stone is arrayed in a
manner creating the motif. Whatsmore, the arrange-
ment of the marble slabs in the zones above and be-
low the quatrefoils and filling out the entire space
of the inner narthex, indeed, spilling out through-
out the entire interior of the church, produces an
undulating pattern of aquatic association. In effect,
the program of the marble revetment of the Chora
relies on the same imagery as that of the brickwork
faade of Krina. Having in mind the dedication
of the church to Christ amidst a monastery dedi-
cated to the Virgin, on the one hand, and the funer-
ary function of the parekklesion on the other, it is
also inspiring to ponder on the possibility that such
a choice of imagery was made for the purpose of
visual exegesis of the idea of the incarnation of the
Logos, the role of the Virgin in the oikodomoia of
salvation and the idea of baptism as prefiguration
75 Cf. footnote 42.
76 A. Eastmond, Narratives of the Fall, passim, describes
the cycle of scenes in detail but notes only in passing the
existence of the quatrefoil in the guise of a window. The
quatrefoil appears by Adam and Eve also on the paintings of
Van Eyck, cf. J. L. Ward, op. cit., 25 and footnote 43.
188 I. STEVOVI
of the death of the corporeal body and the birth to
eternal life. Future investigation of the overall pro-
gram of the marble revetment of the Chora, cer-
tainly in relation to its mosaics and frescoes, should
offer deeper insight into this question.77
To conclude: however limiting the many ques-
tions raised and conclusions brought about so far
were in the feat of understanding Late Byzantine
architecture, it is just as true that we should be able
to read a building, just as they, its contemporaries,
did. Although the compositions in the lunettes of the
Chios church remained unique in their multilayered
meaning and conceptually accomplished message,
speaking from the point of view of the construction
of form they represent the sum of all the particulari-
ties of sacral architecture of the day in general. If
in the late epoch, as stated once, painting became
independent,78 architecture, judging by elementary
logic, reached the very same status. The response
of the builders, formed gradually and initiated, be-
yond doubt, in the preceding period, was primarily
artistic, based on an overall redefining of the posi-
tion of traditional architectural, visual elements and
their mutual relations, and creating new formations
in which the individual motif, treated as a recep-
tive focus which functions both in its own right
and as an organic part of the entity of the organ-
ism of the building, played the crucial role creat-
ing, ultimately, an incomparable visual effect of the
facades foremostly oriented towards accentuating
77 In the extensive bibliography on the monument, includ-
ing the the book by M. Greenhalagh, Marble Past, Monu-
mental Present. Building with Antiquities in the Mediaeval
Mediterranean, Leiden-Boston 2009, special research of
the motifs found in the marble revetment and their mean-
ing have never been carried out. More particular attention
to the matter is found only in R. G. Ousterhout, The Archi-
tecture of the Kariye Camii in Istanbul, DOStudies XXV,
Washington, D.C. 1984, 6667 and in particular fig. 113.
Most relevant for the question of dedication of the church
and reasons for particularities of its painted program of
decoration are still texts by id., The Virgin of the Chora:
An Image and Its Contexts, in: The Sacred Image East and
West (ed. R. Ousterhout L. Brubaker), University of Il-
linois Press 1995, 91109; id., Temporal Structuring in the
Chora Parekkelesion, Gesta 341 (1995), 6376. For now,
it seems relevant to note that the complex meander, with the
swastika motif at its center, running above the Deesis by
the passage leading to the parekklesion is of the right to left
direction, that is it originates preciely from the direction
of the marble quatrefoils, cf. R. G. Ousterhout, The Archi-
tecture of the Kariye Camii, fig. 110.
78 H. Buchwald, The Concept of Style, 9.
movement, a dynamic interplay realized by tridi-
mensional modelling, directions of distribution of
geometric or geometricized motifs, polichromatic
masonry in various opus and materials, optical il-
lusion.79 At the same time, the entire repertoire of
such architectural expression was the product of
further practical elaboration of the fundamental
idea of the Logos incarnated in the temple; the late
Byzantine builder thus became an illuminator of a
sort, quite like the author the the famous, brilliantly
analyzed miniature of the Homilies of Gregory of
Naziansus (Sinai, Cod. Gr. 339, fol. 4v),80 and his
construction a complex transmitter of visual codes
which, depending surely on the level of education
of each individual, in the mind of the beholder,
in other words in the minds of the constituents of
Byzantine society, were identified as mental im-
ages of various contents and depth of meaning.81
79 Although chronologically related to a considerably ear-
lier period, the study by F. Barry, Walking on Water: Cosmic
Floors in Antiquity and the Middle Ages, ArtB LXXXIX4
(2007), 627656 (with extensive bibliography and sources)
is highly significant for this frame of thought. On optical
illusion found in the often used motif of chequer field in
Late Byzanitne architecture cf. I. Stevovi, Late Byzantine
Architectural Church Decoration as an Iconic Vision of
Heavenly Jerusalem: the case of Kaleni, in: New Jerusa-
lems: Translation of Sacred Spaces in Christian Culture (ed.
A. Lidov), Moscow 2009, 585606.
80 B. Pentcheva, op. cit., 235 sq.
81 Cf. R. S. Nelson, op. cit., 151 sq, and in general M.
Carruthers, The Poet as Master Builder: Composition and
Early
Christian and Byzantine Architecture,
o.
, -
-
, ,
, -
, - -
TOWARDS NEW DIRECTIONS OF INVESTIGATION OF LATE BYZANTINE ARCHITECTURE
Therefore, the lunettes of the Virgin of Krina, from
the point of view of the purpose of the message,
can not be taken as any sort of standard for it is
precisely the presence or absence of any individual
constituent of the code that dictated the semantic
change of all others.82 In a word, future research of
Late Byzantine architecture will definitely have to
step out of any attempts of classification, it will de-
finitively have to truly face the society, also as a re-
ceptor of the works produced, and to open its eyes
to what that society saw in those works, the study
of which, it appears, will methodologically be quite
reminiscent of the activities of the wise men once
gathered at Bletchley Park.
Locational Memory in the Middle Ages, New Literary His-
tory 244 (1993), 881904; ead., Mental Images, Memory
Storage, and Composition in the High Middle Ages, Das
Mittelalter 13 (2008), 6379; A. Cutler, op. cit., 92; B.
Pentcheva, op. cit., 238. See also M. H. Caviness, Images
of Divine Order and the Third Mode of Seeing, Gesta 222
(1983), 99120, as well as significant insights relevant for
future research presented in texts by N. Isar, Chorography
(Chra, Chors)-a Performative Paradigm of Creation of
Sacred Space in Byzantium, in: Hierotopy. The Creation
of Sacred Spaces in Byzantium and Medieval Russia (ed.
A. Lidov), Moscow 2006, 5982; ead., Chra: Tracing the
Presence, Review of European Studies 11 (2009), 3955;
ead., Chorography-A Space for Choreographic Inscrip-
tion, Bulletin of the Transilvania University of Braov 251
(2009), 263268.
82 A. Cutler, op. cit., 82.
189
 , , -
, ,
, de facto . -
, - . ,
, , -
,
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,
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190 I. STEVOVI
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-
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,
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.1 - 2 Y. D. Varalis, Prothesis and Diakonikon: Searching the

, - Original Concept of the Subsidiary Spaces of the Byzantine

Sanctuary, in: Ierotopia. Sozdanie sakralnih prostranstv
-
v Vizantii i Drevnei Rusi (sost. A. Lidov), Moskva 2006,
282298,
, , .
3 -
1 F. Karayianni S. Mamaloukos, Parateresis ste
diamorphose tou diakonikou kata te mese kai ten ystere ,
Vyzantine periodo, XAE 30 (2009), 95102, - . , -
o , , in: .
, , (. . ), 2000, 8393;
(). id., Cave and Church. An Eastern Christian Hierotopical

: 191
 ; (3) -
, -,
.
. -

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125354. .5
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(2) ,

Synthesis, in: Ierotopia, 216236; id., Monastic Cells in Me-

dieval Serbian Church Towers. Survival of an Early Byzan-
tine Monastic Concept and Its Meaning, in: Sofia. Sbornik
statei po iskusstvu Vizantii i Drevnei Rusi v chest A. I.
Komecha, Moskva 2006, 491512; id., Byzantine Aspects of . 2. , ,
Church Towers in Norman Sicily, in: Giorgio di Antiochia. ( . )
Larte de la pollitica in Sicilia nel XII secolo tra Bisanzio
el Islam, Palermo 2009, 6585.

-

, , 18. 2003. .
4 , , -
(. . ), 1988, 277278. (. 1
5 , op. cit., 8384. 2). -

192 .
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1998, 189202, 195 sq; . -,
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, 173187, 175176,
6 S. Mamaloukos, To katholiko tes Mones Vatopediou. Isto- ( -
ria kai architektonike, Athina 2001, 114 222. ).
7 . , , 9 . -, XIII
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, in:
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, 1969, 179196;
-
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; . , op. cit., 2540,
. .
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, 5 (1958), 149172, je
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- 14 G. N. Logvin, Sofiia Kiievska, Kiiev 1971, . 5, .

12, 38, 40, 46 50.

15
, . -, ,
, (. 13 (1977), 326. R. Ousterhout, The
Virgin of the Chora: An Image and Its Contexts, in: The
8 9). -
Sacred Image, East and West (ed. R. Ousterhout), Urbana
, and Chicago 1995, 91109.
, 16 R. Ousterhout, op. cit., 9698.

196 .
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55 . 1938. (. 11).
,
17 . -, , 5; V. , -
A. Stylianou and J. H. Stylianou, The Painted Churches of -
Cyprus. Treasures of Byzantine Art, London 1985, 488.

: 197
 -
,
,
locus sanctum, -

XIV .

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: 199
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***
(. . . ), 1995, 78.
22 Ibid., 79. -
23 . ,
XIII XIV
, in: ,
-
301306; , id., , 28
(20002001), 5586, 7073.

200 .
 -

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24 S. uri, Architecture in the Balkans from Diocletian to

Sleyman the Magnificent, London 2010, 366, . 18. , , (. )
.
, -
X ,
.
25 Ibid., 336, N. aneva-Deevska, Tsrkovnata arkhitek-
.

tura na prvata blgarskata drzhava, Sofia 1984, 153154,
.
,

: 201


,

-.
-
,

XII . -
,
1120. ,
,
II (. 19).27
-
, 1080. .
, , 1320,
-
,

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, , ( . ) -
, ,
.28 1120. -
. -
, -
-
-
, ,
. , 1,6 x , -
(. ) ,
2,2 m, , IX ,
, , ,
. ,
, cf. Architettura medievale Armena (ed.
T. B. Fratadocchi et al.), Rome 1968, 126.

() ,
.26 , ,
X , cf. E. Utudjian, Les monuments armniens du IVe
26 - sicle au XVIIe sicle, Paris 1967, . 84, 103, 126.
- : . (.
. , ) , 976991;
, -
1071, 1281, . -
. , , (Tigrana Honentsa) , 1215. , cf.
- A. Alpago-Novello A. Manoukian, Armenian Architecture,
, - IVthXVIIIth centuries, Milano 1981, 2829 (), 2930
(), 35 39 (-. ).
VIII XIII
-
. -
,
(.
.
) ,
,
VIII . -
-,
(1,1 x 1,6 m) , -
.
-
27 R. Ousterhout, The Architecture of the Kariye Camii in
, cf. R.
Mepisashvili V. Tsintsadze, The Arts of Ancient Georgia, Istanbul, Washington D.C. 1987, 2032, 2628.
Leipzig 1979, 124. , 28 Ibid., 465.

202 .
, ,
3 x 3 m , , 843. , -
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904. , , -
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) -
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, 30 S. uri, Architecture in the Balkans, 279280.

31 . -
, . , -
,
. 1159. 1183, . -

, .
- -
.
. , , .
, , - , -
(. 20).29 , : ,
;
;
29 V. Ruggieri, Byzantine Religious Architecture (582 , .
867): Its History and Structural Elements, OCA 237, Rome -
1991, 2589, . -

: 203
 ,
.32

(yli), -
,
-
.
. , -
,
867. 877. ,
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-

.
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(. 21).33 , ,
: (3,5 x
2,2 m), ( cc. 1,2 m), . 21. , ,
, ( . )
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-
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(cc. 0,25 m)
- ,
. (1,25 x 2,4 -
m), - .

(. 22). , - ,
0,9 m, - .
, .

; R. Cormack, Writing in Gold.

Byzantine Society and Its Icons, London 1985, 22936.
32
cf. S. uri, Proskynetaria Icons, Saints Tombs, and the
Development of the Iconostasis, in: Ikonostas. Proishozh-
denie Razvitie Simvolika (sost. A. M. Lidov), Moskva
2000, 134160.
33 ,
,
, -
-
,
867. ., cf. A. Ricci, The road from Baghdad
to Byzantium and the case of the Bryas palace in Istanbul,
in: Byzantium in the Ninth Century: Dead or Alive? (ed. L.
Brubaker), Aldershot 1998, 131149, ,
ead., Reinterpretation of the Palace of Bryas: A Study in
Byzantine Architecture, History and Historiography, PhD . 22. , ,
Diss., Princeton University 2008, , , ,
. ( . )

204 .

,
.
-
. ,
(cc. 2,6 m cc. 0,80 m
) (.
24). ,
-
-
.
,
,
cc. 1,4 m. ,
, -
. -
icons chapel. -
, ,
. 23. , , , .
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- . a a, . a a
, . e ,
.
(. 25, ). ,
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), . . -

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(. 23).34 ,
,
, -
-
1261. .35

34 C. L. Striker Y. D. Kuban, Kalenderhane in Istanbul.

The Buildings, Their History, Architecture, and Decoration,
Mainz 1997, 87, 144149. ...since the ensamble in the dia-
conicon appears, from what survives of it, to form a single,
homogeneous redecoration, it would be instructive, were
it possible, to understand both its programmatic coherence
and how the program was adapted to the idiosyncratic ar-
rangement of rooms, and, in terms of this, the probable litur-
gical use of the diaconicon complex. The limitations of the
evidence prevents this, however. . 24. , ,
35 Ibid., 149. , ( . . . . )

: 205

,
,

-
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,

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icons chapel

-

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.37 -

-

. 25. , , Icons Chapel, () .
, . , () . , . ,
. , ( . . . . ) -
-
.

, - 36 Ibid., 1489.
, - 37 S. Brooks, Sculpture and the Late Byzantine Tomb, in:
Byzantium. Faith and Power (12611557), 95103, . 4.2
. , 4.11.

206 .
 , -
. ,
-
. , ,
icons chapel,

-
.40 ,

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, ,
icons chapel,
-
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. 26. , .
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.

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chapel) -
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. .39 ?
, -
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. -
,

. - -
.
,
38 C. L. Striker Y. D. Kuban, op. cit., 146, fig. 90H. 40 C. L. Striker Y. D. Kuban, op. cit., 145146, . 90E
39 . 26, supra. F, 90G.

: 207

. Melismos chapel,
(.
27).41
, -
.
-
. -
. ,
.
,
.

.


.
-
,
-
1261. , -
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-
Melismos chapel, ( . .
. . )
.
-

. -
. -
,
, -
-
-
41 Ibid., 148, . 90J. .

208 .
DIACONICON AS A MONASTIC CELL: THE QUESTION OF SPECIAL
FUNCTIONAL INTENTIONS IN MONASTIC CHURCH ARCHITECTURE
OF SERBIA AND BYZANTIUM
Slobodan uri
A recently published article discusses the role of the
diaconicon in Late Byzantine church architecture and
considers the variety of solutions a result of different
new functional needs along with the definitive dis-
appearance of its original function of the diaconicon
in Early Byzantine times. Suggested new needs
include separate chapels for the accommodation of
special liturgical needs, as well as rooms for the safe-
keeping of precious church objects (skeuphylakia).
The article presented here explores another, hitherto
unnoticed possible role of the diaconicon that of a
monastic cell expressly created for a monk of special
status, who usually also figures as the patron of the
given monastery.
The first part of the article examines the important
literary, architectural and art evidence in medieval
Serbia, between the late twelfth and mid-fourteenth
century. The presence of distinctive rooms, referred
to as diaconicons, accessible through a single door
from the church sanctuary is noted as a recurring pat-
tern in a number of prominent monastic churches. The
diaconicon of the Moraa Monastery church, dating
from 12512, is one of the most important examples,
accessible through a single door from the altar area of
the church. Its walls are decorated with well preserved
frescoes illustrating the life of Prophet Elijah, with a
particular emphasis placed on his monastic character.
This, along with the Virgin of the Sign, the scene
of the Annunciation, and the Deisis, bespeak a dis-
tinctly monastic character of this space that appears
specially adapted for the function of a solitary cell,
possibly planned for the church founder. Several other
important Serbian monastic church foundations at
Pridvorica, Sopoani, Arilje, Staro Nagoriino, Banja,
church of the Mother of God in Pe, church of the
Mother of God in Kuevite, as well as the church of
the Christ Pantokrator in Deani most built under
royal patronage, from the second half of the thirteenth
through the first half of the fourteenth century re-
veal similar characteristics.
: 209
The development of Serbian diaconicon-cells un-
doubtedly had its roots in the Byzantine world, where
preserved and newly discovered ninth and tenth-
century examples illustrate that the popularity of the
concept which, though possibly even older, must have
been on the rise following the end of Iconoclasm. Of
particular relevance is the appearance of churches
with distinctive single-door diaconicons evident in
monastic churches in the environs of Constantinople.
Of particular significance here are the eleventh-cen-
tury church of Panagia Kamariotissa, on the island
of Chalke (modern Heybeliada) and the church of
Archangel Michael in the monastery of Satyros, in the
present-day town of Kkyal, an Asian suburb of Is-
tanbul. In Byzantine times, this was a monastery of
prime significance, built between 867 and 877 by the
future Patriarch Ignatios. Son of Byzantine Emperor
Michael III, Ignatios used his wealth freely to make
a major statement with the building of his monastery,
whose church was equipped so as to provide a place
for his monastic seclusion and his eventual burial.
The custom of accommodating wealthy patrons with
an option for joining the monastic ranks and retiring
in their own monastery with special privileges reap-
peared in Constantinople immediately after its re-con-
quest in 1261. The re-adaptation of the church of the
Mother of God Kyriotissa immediately following the
re-conquest, was substantially focused on the remod-
eling of the diaconicon area of the earlier church. Its
final spatial disposition, and above all its idiosyncratic
iconographic program, reveal a distinctive, highly
specialized monastic functional intent. Securing salva-
tion in afterlife, a general Christian objective, became
particularly pronounced during the last centuries of
Byzantine statehood. The wealthy patrons led the way
in this quest; the urgency of their desires providing
new avenues for the expression of growing functional
complexities and appropriate design responses for
their accommodation during the tumultuous era of the
imploding Byzantine world.


M.

-
. -
1204. ,
. -
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, in: -
-
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,

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, .4 -
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( . .
)
2 . . ,
(14501830), . 2, 1997, 399401,
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3 ,
. ,
: . , ,
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. . , - , , ,
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4 . , 5 . , , 28
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212 . M.
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6
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-

,9
. . .

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213
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- -
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, , , , ...
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,
, -
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, - 11 . , ,

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12 L. Mirkovi, Die Ikonen der griechischen Maler in Ju-
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214 . M.
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.13

. .
: ,
() () () () () , -
(). [] [ (. 4).
() ] () ,14
[]()[]() [](). - ,
, , .
-
. .
ad hoc -
, -
. - .
, ,
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215
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. - , ,
XIII .15 .
, , -
. -
, .20
, ,
, , -
. -
, , - . -
, , -
, , -
- .
(. 5): , ,
:
+[ ()] + + .21 -
(+ + +) ,
-
16 ,
. - .22 -
. ,17
, , . -
,18 , - .23 -
. ,
- .
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.
, , , , -
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.19 ,
[][.] - -
. , , - .
. - .

15 .
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(), ,
,
-
,
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16 ,
. , , 20
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. . 23 Ibid., 96100, . 78.

216 . M.

-
.24


-
-
.25

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(. 6).26 .
-


() (). -


. -
,
-
.


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.

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- .
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, -
.27
24 . . , ,
1975, 64, . 1718. 27 : . , -
25 Ibid., . 1920,
,
. , 172
26 Ibid., XXXVIXXXVII. (2004), 95117.

217
 -
. - .
, , .
- ,

, . -
-
(1315/6).30 -
,28
,
( .
). .31 -
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(1388/89).32
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. ,
,33 -
:29
, -
+ () <>. , .
. -
, ,
- , , -
- .
. , , . ,
? -

30 J-M. Spieser, Inventaires en vue dun recueil des ins-
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218 . M.
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,
,
.35
1403.
-
,
-
:36
,
() -
()
(. 7). . 7. ,
- ( . )

.
. , .
37
, ,
- , -
. .

. - -
1461/62. ,40

, , .
. . -
- (1583),
, -
,38 , -
. (. 8),41
- .42
, -

, -
, 1421/2.39
, .
XV

- -
. -
XV (1493).43 -
34 Ibid., . 1516, 1819, 2430.
35 40 . , op. cit., 93104.
41 , -
.
,
36 . , . -
.
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39 V. Popovska-Korobar, Icons from the Museum of Macedo- 43 . , .
nia, Skopje 2004, 217218, . , 1980, 17.

219

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1480. ,44

.
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,

. , ,



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,

-
.

. . 8. ,
- ( . .
)
-
.45 -
, , .
. . -
. ,
. , (. 9).
, -
, . ,
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44 - - -
, , -
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45 A. Rhoby, Byzantinische Epigramme auf Fresken und

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220 . M.

.

-

,
,
.52
. 9. , . , (. )

-
. -

, .

, -

.

XVI , .48
.
-
. -

. ,
, .49

-
.
-
,
-
. -


.50 (.
10),
+ () ()() - . 10. , ,
, , ,51 .
(. )
48 . , , 61100.
49 Ibid., 7880, . 1112, . 9.
50 - .
, - . -
, . , , ,
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19 , 25 (2004), 4344.
51 ,
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, , , 213214.
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221
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, -
.
XV -
.
,
- , .
, . XIV -
XVI , , 55 -
- .56
. , -
,
, .
. - -
, - -
,
(15221545). . -
.53 1535.57

-
XVI . .
22. - -
1541.54 . -

55
, - . , .
. . -
( 14 16 .), 2010,
(. 11). 6384.
56 . ,
53 -

, in: -
-
. , 2010, 7980.
, - 57 P. Mylonas, La trapze de la Grande Lavra au Mont
. Athos, CahArch 35 (1987), 143157 . . -
54 . , , 41 ,
(2004), 507523. (1017 ), 2010, 8496.

222 . M.
,
,
-



.

, -
,
.
-


.58
-
-

.59
1634. - . 12. , , .
, , (. )
-


,60 . , ,
(1546/47).62
,61
. . -
-
, -
.
58 cf. - (. 12):63
. ( -
. . ), 2003; . , ()
()
, 2009. () .
59 . ,
16 , - ( ,
..., 2, 1974, 93
98 (= 27 (2007), 267276). )
60 . ,
, -
, , 1996, 213. ,
,
, ,64
.
62 , -
, , , -
, (
) .
. 63 . , -
61 . , -
, 135137, 312. . 10, 349, . 47, . . -
(- , .
, , ) 64 cf. J. Plesters, Ultramarine
Blue, Natural and Articial, Studies in Conservation 11
, . (1966), 6291; L. James, Light and Colour in Byzantine

223
 - -
. -
, , , . 67

(), .65
, , - , -
XVI . . ,
- ,
,66 .
, a
. - .
je -
- (. 11) -
. - :68 -
, [... / ... ]
[...].
. ,

(. -
, -
, , .),
.
, , ,
. (), (),
Art, Oxford 1996, 2936. (),69
D. Thompson, - , . [...]
( . . ), 1998,
().70
152186.
65

. . , -
(. , .).
(1017 ), 29, , , : [
: ---/--- ](), -
() / , -
()() - ,
, . -
. - , -

,

. XVI
-
. , , 67 . , , 512514.
-
68 Ibid., 512513.
. , (),
69 -
. , cf. . , .
. ,
, , in: 19331978,
, 1982, 93. -
, , cf. F.
. , Miklosich, Lexicon palaeoslovenico-graeco-latinum, Wien
- 1977, 196, 197, 255.
70 . , op. cit., 512. -
comun ()
. Cf. . , - .
11001669, . , (), -
1982, 325 ( ). , ,
66 . , - . ()
11001669, . , 1985, 75 . Cf. Slovnk jazyka staroslovnskho, 25, Praha
( ). 1973, 41 F. Miklosich, op. cit., 565.

224 . M.
 ,
.71 , -
- , -
, -
. . ,
,
, .
. , ,
- -

,
? XIII
XVI .
.75
- , ,
, - , .76
.72 -
-
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(
), ) ( , , ,
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... ( ), .73
- .


(, -
. -
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-

,

, .
.
, ,
, * -
.
, -
- ( 1416. 2010) :
, (
- ,
, 2010, 8). ,
.74 . -
. , . . -
71 . . , ,
(14501830), 1997, 177 (1, 2), 397 .
399. ,
75 -
,
.
-
72 . . , ,
, .
3839; . , - 76 -
16 , 8 -
1453. XIX
, 29 (2009), 581588.
, cf. . ,
73 . , op.cit., 583586.
. ,
74 . - in: .
, 2003, . 7174. , 101126.

225
 ATELIERS HTROGLOTTES ET PEINTRES BILINGUES
George M. Velenis
Nous examinons le phnomne des peintres bilingues
et de ses ateliers auxquels participent des artistes hel-
lnophones et slavophones de la rgion balkanique.
Le critre principal de notre approche fut lcriture
des inscriptions ddicatoires, des inscriptions artisti-
ques ainsi que de celles avec lesquelles on identifie
les compositions en combinaison avec les traits stylis-
tiques de leur peinture.
En rgle, chez les uvres des artistes de la mme
langue, les compositions et les inscriptions qui les
accompagnent constituent des produits du mme ate-
lier. Les dviations existent et concernent certains
textes ecclsiastiques longs, alors que dans certains
cas rares, cest le peintre principal ou le calligraphe
le plus adroit qui est engag crire la plus grande
partie des textes pigraphiques. Encore plus rare
est le cas de lexcution de lensemble des inscrip-
tions par le deuxime peintre, comme il parat tre
lglise piscopale de Kalambaka prs de Mtores
en Thessalie.
226 . M.
Lexistence des artistes htroglottes constitue un ph-
nomne bien distinct aprs la prise de Constantino-
ple par les Franques en 1204. Ds le dbut du XIIIe
sicle et jusquau premier quart du XIVe sicle, les
ateliers mixtes sorganisent ad hoc avec des peintres
hellnophones en tte et complmentairement avec
des artistes slavophones, des calligraphes en principe,
qui assument la responsabilit dcrire les inscriptions
cyrilliques; si ceux-ci sont galement des peintres, ils
participent avec ses deux fonctions.
Vers la moiti du XIVe sicle, font leur apparition des
ateliers avec des artistes bilingues en tte qui se mul-
tiplient dans le temps. Il sagit dun phnomne qui
arrive son apoge au XVe sicle et qui savre tre
reprsent par des groupes des artistes qui ont laiss
leur propre signature dans la peinture byzantine et
plus tard dans lart de la pninsule balkanique.
Prenant comme point de dpart ltude des ateliers
mixtes, nous discutons aussi le cas de la prsence
dun membre sourd dans latelier du peintre Zorzi au
monastre de Doussiko en Thessalie.
LES PORTRAITS DES PREMIERS PALEOLOGUES
DANS LE NARTHEX DE LA VIERGE
PERIBLEPTOS (ST-CLEMENT) A OCHRID.
UNE HYPOTHESE

Cvetan Grozdanov

Dcouverte dun stichre de Nol dans le narthex de lglise de la Vierge Pribleptos (St-Clment) Ochrid.
Prsene de churs savanant au pied de la Vierge et du Christ. Chur des grands archiprtres comprenant Ba-
sile le Grand, Jean Chrysostome, Grgoire le Thologien et Athanase le Grand, suivi dun groupe de souverains
conduits par saint Constantin et sainte Hlne. Portraits des premiers Palologues: Andronic II, son pouse lim-
pratrice Irne de Montferrat, son pre Michel VIII Palologue, son fils et coempereur Michel IX et, fermant la
marche, la figure dune princesse qui pourrait tre Anne de Hongrie, premire pouse dAndronic II. Relations
entre larchevch dOchrid et Andronic II lpoque des archevques Macaire et Grgoire Ier. Portrait de Pro-
gon Zgur sur un bas-relief ( prsent dans la collection du muse dOchrid). Reprsentation des souverains dans
le stichre de Nol attribu Jean Damascne.
Mots cls: les Palologues, la Vierge Pribleptos, Jean Damascne, le stichre de Nol, Ochrid, Progon Zgur

N
ous avons dj avanc par le pass lide Lidentification mme de cette illustration, tout
que la composition au registre infrieur du comme celle de son pendant ia, remonte aux
narthex de la Vierge Pribleptos (St-Cl- toutes premires annes du XXme sicle, notam-
ment) Ochrid illustrant le stichre de Nol de ment grce aux tudes antrieures de cette com-
Jean Damascne pourrait inclure, du ct gauche, position complexe dans le cadre de la peinture de
venant la suite dun groupe darchevques, une miniatures.2 Toutefois, ltat de conservation des
srie de portraits reprsentant les premiers Palolo- fresques, autrefois trs noircies, navait alors gure
gues, contemporains de la dcoration de cette gli- permis G. Millet que la ralisation dune esquisse,
se.1 Ces figures, disposes au pied du trne de la certes trs utile, mais nayant pu reprendre chaque
Vierge, ne sont pas accompagnes dinscriptions, dtail des figures.3 De faon similaire, N. P. Kon-
de sorte quon a longtemps vu en elles un groupe dakov, qui a travaill sur Ochrid en 1900, dplore
de souverains anonymes se rjouissant de la nais-
sance du Christ. 2 N. Pokrovskij, Evangelie v pamjatnikah ikonografii prei-
muestvenno vizantjskih i russkih, St.-Peterburg 1892, 89.
1 . , . - 3 G. Millet, Byzance et non lOrient, Revue archologique,
, , 441 4me srie tome XII (1908), 188; . ,
(2007), 321322. , 1912, 7983; G. Millet, Recherches

LES PORTRAITS DES PREMIERS PALEOLOGUES DANS LE NARTHEX DE LA VIERGE PERIBLEPTOS 227

Fig. 1. Ochrid, Vierge Pribleptos, illustration du stichre de Nol
dans son ouvrage sur la Macdoine limpossibilit
de photographier ces fresques couvertes de suie et
de cire.4
Aprs le nettoyage des peintures murales de
lglise de la Vierge Pribleptos vers le milieu du
XXme sicle il a t possible den publier une do-
cumentation photographique trs complte,5 mais
seul V. J. Djuri a abord une tude plus appro-
fondie de lillustration du stichre de Nol dans le
cadre de son travail sur lapparition et lvolution
de cette image entre la fin du XIIIe et le XVIme
sicle.6
sur liconographie de lvangile aux XIVe, XVe et XVIe si-
cles, Paris 1916, 164165.
4 N. P. Kondakov, Makedonija. Arheologieskoe puteestvie,
Sankt Peterburg 1909, 243244.
5 G. Millet A. Frolow, La peinture du Moyen ge en You-
goslavie (Serbie, Macdoine et Montngro), III, Paris 1962,
Pl. 14; H. Hallensleben, Die Malerschule des Konigs Mi-
lutin, Giessen 1963, 5152; P. Miljkovi-Pepek, Deloto na
zografite Mihailo i Eutihij, Spje 1967, 50; D. rnakov,
Sveti Kliment u hridu, Beograd 1967, ill. 1213; R. Ha-
mann-MacLean H. Hallensleben, Die Monumentalmalerei
in Serbien und Makedonien vom 11. bis zum frhen Jah-
rhundert, Giessen 1976, 189190, Taf. 48a.
6 V. J. Djuri, Portrety v izobraenijah rodestvenskih sti-
hir, in: Vizantija, junye Slavjane i drevnaja Rus, zapadnaja
Evropa, Moskva 1973, 244255; M. A. Orlova, O formiro-
vanii ikonografii rodestvenskoj stihiry to ti prinesem,
228 C. GROZDANOV
Stant pench sur cette
mme question, A. Xyngol-
poulos a estim que la com-
position dOchrid tait la plus
ancienne illustration connue
du stichre de Nol et que sa
ralisation, due Michel et
Eutychios de Thessalonique,
a fortement influ sur la pein-
ture de larchevch dOchrid
et en Serbie.7 Cependant, la
publication de la fresque il-
lustrant ce mme stichre
dans lglise de la Vierge des
Blachernes, Arta, a amen
considrer une origine plus
ancienne pour la cration de
cette image. Bien que ntant
quapproximativement date
de la seconde moiti du XIIIe
sicle,8 la peinture de cette
glise conventuelle suggre
en effet clairement, par ses
lments dnotant un style prpalologue, une ge-
nse et un dveloppement de cette composition an-
trieurs limage visible Ochrid.
La composition de la Pribleptos prsente
une conception symtrique sarticulant de part et
dautre dun axe vertical sabaissant du segment de
lumire divine au sommet de limage jusquau pied
dune grande figure de la Vierge sur le trne, te-
nant le Christ enfant sur ses genoux. La plus grande
partie du texte du stichre de Nol est inscrite en
plusieurs segments rpartis dans la zone suprieure
de limage, respectivement ct des anges dont le
chant exprime leur admiration la nouvelle de la
naissance du Christ, des mages qui apportent leurs
prsents et des bergers qui manifestent leur mer-
veillement, alors quimmdiatement au-dessous
Hriste..., Drevnerusskoe iskusstvo, Balkany, Rus, St.-Pe-
terburg 1995, 128130.
7 A. Xyngopolos, Thessalonique et la peinture Macdo-
nienne, Athnes 1955, 5051, fig. 7; id., Les fresques de
lglise des Saints-Aptres Thessalonique, in: Art et so-
cit a Byzance sous les Palologues, Venise 1971, 87.
8 M. Achimastou-Potamianou, The Byzantine Wall Pain-
tings of Vlacherna Monastery (area of Arta), Actes du
XVe Congrs International dtudes Byzantines, Ath-
nes, Septembre 1976, A 1981, II, A, 114; B. N.
, ,
2002, 7986.
deux on reconnat de chaque ct les personnifica- sent Ochrid et le choix de ceux qui sont entrs
tions de la Terre et du Dsert qui offre, pour lune, dans limage a t exclusivement dict par lusage
une grotte et, pour la seconde, une crche. consacr dans lart ecclsiastique oriental.10
Dans la partie infrieure de limage, deux Ce qui retiendra plus particulirement notre
churs, manifestant leur joie et leur gratitude, attention dans le prsent travail tient lidenti-
savancent respectivement de part et dautre du fication, dans le chur de gauche, des figures de
trne. Au-dessus de celui de gauche, compos dar- souverains venant la suite des archiprtres. Les
chiprtres et dempereurs, est inscrit le dbut mme peintres nont inscrit aucun nom au-dessus de leurs
du stichre de Nol: Que toffrirons-nous, Christ, ttes, cependant, linstar de toutes les autres figu-
Toi qui est n pour nous sur la terre comme un res reprsentes dans cette zone infrieures, leurs
homme?, alors quau-dessus de celui de droite, visages dnotent une vidente volont de rendre de
compos de moines et de martyrs, on peut lire et faon trs fidle certains traits physionomiques leur
nous une mre vierge.
Bien que toutes les figu-
res soient tournes de trois-
quarts, il est permis de dire
que le groupe de moines est
conduit par saint Ephrem de
Syrie, alors que lon reconnat
parmi les martyrs, au premier
plan, saint Grgoire et saint
Dmtrios, devant lesquels se
tiennent saint Thodore Tiron
et saint Thodore le Stratilate.
Du ct gauche, le second
chur est conduit par des di-
gnitaires ecclsiastiques dont
la physionomie permet de
reconnatre, venant en tte,
Basile le Grand et saint Jean
Chrysostome, et, derrire eux,
saint Grgoire de Nazianze Fig. 2. Ochrid, Vierge Pribleptos, ct sud de la composition, Chur des moines et
et saint Athanase le Grand, des martyrs
soit les docteurs de lEglise
les plus clbres dont les fi-
gures trouvent rgulirement
place dans labside de tout sanctuaire. Tous quatre, confrant une qualit les rapprochant du portrait. Il
linstar des personnages du chur oppos, dissi- serait mme permis de dire que tout dans ces figu-
mulent dautres figures peine visibles, dont seul res, tant leur aspect que la place qui leur a t attri-
apparat le sommet de la tte selon la technique vi- bue, semble avoir t mrement rflchis.
sant rendre un effet de multitude. Si lidentifica- En tte de ce groupe savancent le premier sou-
tion de ces quatre personnages est indniable, nous verain chrtien, saint Constantin, et sa mre sainte
relverons nanmoins que saint Jean Chrysostome Hlne, dont les figures sont bien connues et lar-
a reu une physionomie pouvant rappeler celle de gement reprises dans le programme thmatique de
larchevque dOchrid Constantin Cabasilas, ce qui toute glise. En ce sens, nous noterons quon les
a amen les confondre, et ce dautant plus en rai- retrouvait Ochrid sur le mur est du narthex de la
Vierge Pribleptos, sous la composition des Por-
son de sa petite barbe courte et de sa disposition
tes closes; disposes de front elles y occupaient
de trois quarts.9 En fait, aucune personnalit lo-
cale na trouv place dans lhymne de Nol repr- 10 G. Millet, La dalmatique du Vatican, Paris 1945, passim,
o sont traites de faon dtaille lapparition et le dvelop-
9 . , op. cit., 321. pement des churs de saints hommes dans lart byzantin.

LES PORTRAITS DES PREMIERS PALEOLOGUES DANS LE NARTHEX DE LA VIERGE PERIBLEPTOS 229
 un emplacement o seule
subsiste aujourdhui la partie
infrieure de leurs figures en
raison dune ouverture pra-
tique dans le mur au XIXe
sicle.11 Dans lEtat byzantin
postrieur 1261, tous deux
apparaissent rgulirement
la tte des groupes de sou-
verains en tant quanctres
des empereurs grecs. On
relve aussi les frquentes
comparaisons entre lem-
pereur Constantin et lem-
pereur Michel VIII qui est
clbr comme un nouveau
Constantin,12 rapprochement
repris sous Andronic II dont le
courage et la force spirituelle
ont permis lorthodoxie de
surmonter la crise initie lors
du Concile de Lyon.13 A la
suite de Constantin et Hlne Fig. 3. Ochrid, Vierge Pribleptos, ct nord de la composition, Archiprtres
viennent les figures de lem- oecumniques et souverains byzantins
pereur Andronic II et de lim-
pratrice Irne (Yolande) de
Montferrat,14 tous deux contemporains de la dco- Nous nous arrterons ici sur lobservation de
ration peinte de lglise dOchrid. deux dtails plus particulirement intressants de ce
groupe de portraits des premiers Palologues. Entre
11 Cette partie du mur a t abattue la demande des pi- les ttes de Constantin le Grand et dAndronic II,
tropes de la Pribleptos vers le milieu du XIXe sicle, com- apparat la partie droite du visage dun empereur
me cela a t consign dans la chronique de lglise qui est plus g, dont toute la figure infrieure se trouve
conserve au muse dOchrid, cf. . ,
derrire celle de limpratrice Hlne si lon tient
, 2
(1966), 224. compte que ce personnage se trouve quasiment sur
12 . , le mme rang quAndronic II. Son ge et la place
, 33 (1994), 1518. quil occupe suggrent quil pourrait sagir du por-
13 Ead., II, 21 trait de Michel VIII Palologue.
(1982), 74, 79. De mme, entre Andronic II et son pouse,
14 Sur ces souverains cf. A. Th. Papadopoulos, Versuch au niveau du voile couvrant le visage de celle-ci,
einer Genealogie der Palaiologen 12591453, Amsterdam on devine un visage sans moustache et imberbe,
1962, 38; . , , coiff dune couronne impriale, que nous identi-
1969, 455; . , op. cit., 6980. La proposition fions comme tant celui du fils dAndronic, issu
de reconnatre dans ces souverains des membres de la mai-
de son premier mariage avec Anne de Hongrie, et
son des Palologues se fonde sur les circonstances histori-
e
ques et spirituelles marquant la fin du XIII sicle chrid, son coempereur, Michel IX Palologue. On sait que
sur la disposition des personnages reprsents et sur leurs celui-ci, n Paques 1277, a t investi de toutes
traits physionomiques. Par leur date dexcution, on peut les dignits impriales alors quil navait pas 18
aussi rapprocher de ce portrait dAndronic Ochrid, ceux ans rvolus, soit lpoque des travaux de dco-
de cet empereur figurant dans deux chartes respectivement ration de la Pribleptos. Nonobstant son jeune ge,
dlivres lvch de Monemvasia en 1301 et lvch
de Canina en Albanie en 1307, cf. . . .
ses contemporains nous apprennent quil avait alors
. , , - dj atteint la taille de son pre, en soulignant dans
1989, 2022. leurs loges son apparence corporelle harmonieuse

230 C. GROZDANOV
et son courage spirituel, ce qui en faisait, leurs Michel IX porte les mme attributs que son
yeux, une rplique de lempereur par toutes ses pre Andronic II, si ce nest que lon ne distingue
qualits. Nous rappellerons quil a t couronn le aucune application compose de pierres prcieu-
21 mai 1294 comme basileus et souverain associ, ses sur le bandeau horizontal de sa kamara (cou-
ce qui lui a donn le droit de porter le titre dauto- ronne), comme cela est le cas sur les couronnes de
crator. Peu de temps aprs, il a pous la princesse Constantin le Grand et Andronic II. Cela vaut aussi
armnienne Rita Marie en janvier 1295 et ce, com- pour labsence du loros qui, sur ces deux autres
me on le pense, en raison de la situation politique figures, senroule autour du sakkos et de la cein-
ture. Il est possible, sans que lon puisse laffirmer
apparue la cour.15
avec certitude, que le cours des vnements entre
Ce groupe de portraits de souverain se termine le milieu de 1294 et le dbut de 1295 se soit rper-
par la figure dune princesse, portant un costume et cut sur cette reprsentation du jeune autocrator. En
les insignes princiers, en laquelle nous reconnais- loccurrence, il est possible que son mariage avec
sons Anne de Hongrie, premire pouse dAndro- la princesse Rita Marie en 1295 ait influ sur le fait
nic II. Une partie de sa figure est recouverte par quil nait pas reu une place plus en vue dans le
celle de limpratrice Irne de Montferrat. groupe de souverains contemporains entrs dans
A la suite des premiers souverains chrtiens cette composition.
savancent donc un empereur et une impratrice
qui, selon nous, seraient Andronic II Palologue
et son pouse Irne de Montferrat, quil a pous
en 1284. Le visage dAndronic II est reprsent
de faon trs prcise, avec une courte barbe brun
fonc, formant deux mches. Cet empereur qui, a
lpoque de lexcution des peintures murales de
la Pribleptos, avait 36 ans, apparat ici en pleine
force de lge, affichant la belle lgance physi-
que que lui reconnaissent ses contemporains. A
la diffrence de Constantin le Grand qui a une
chevelure abondante, aux mches tombant sur les
paules, celle dAndronic, exempte de cheveux
grisonnants, sarrte dans le cou. Limpratrice
Irne, elles aussi aux beaux traits de visages, a
t reprsente de sorte que son jeune ge ressorte
immdiatement compar au visage de limpra-
trice Hlne. Une observation des traits physio-
nomiques sous lesquels apparat Andronic II sur
les nombreux portraits jalonnant son long rgne,
o il est aussi figur un ge plus avanc, avec
une longue barbe grise, laissent ressortir que ses
reprsentations les plus intressantes pour ltude
de son portrait Ochrid sont en premier lieu cel-
les ornant deux chartes respectivement dlivres
lvch de Monemvasia en 1301 et lvch
de Kanina en 1307, qui nous montrent un homme
aux cheveux grisonnants et la barbe quelque peu
plus longue, toujours spare en deux mches.16
Fig. 4. Ochrid, Vierge Pribleptos, figures de souverains:
saint Constantin et sainte Hlne, Andronic II Palologue,
15 . , IX (12771320), Irne de Montferrat, Michel VIII Palologue (partie de
XII1 (mlanges Georges strogorsky) (1974), visage devant celui dAndronic II), Michel IX Palologue
333356; id., , (partie de visage ct de celui dAndronic II) et une
3435 (1986), 324327. princesse non identifie Anne de Hongrie (?), mre de
16 Cf. note 14. Michel IX

LES PORTRAITS DES PREMIERS PALEOLOGUES DANS LE NARTHEX DE LA VIERGE PERIBLEPTOS 231
 Les vtements des empereurs sont quasi iden-
tiques ceux visibles sur les autres compositions
contemporaines ralises Byzance et dans les pays
des Slaves du Sud. Constantin Ier porte le divitision
et, sabaissant verticalement depuis un collier (ma-
nikon), un loros qui est toujours ensuite rejet par
dessus le bras gauche. Ces deux lments loros et
collier sont orns de perles et de pierres prcieu-
ses comme cela est le cas pour les reprsentations
de pribrachions et dpimanikons. Limpratrice
Irne de Montferrat porte une large granatsa bleue
manches longues. Enfin, comme nous lavons dj
voqu, les couronnes de Constantin et dAndronic
son ornes dune application compose de pierres
prcieuses et dmeraudes.
La reprsentation des premiers Palologues
dans le narthex de la Vierge Pribleptos ne fait
que confirmer lexistence de liens troits entre
larchevch dOchrid et les souverains de lEm-
pire restaur, soit tout au long de la seconde moi-
ti du XIIIe sicle et dans les premires dcennies
du XIVe sicle. Il apparat mme que les efforts
de lEtat byzantin en vue de recouvrer ses anciens
territoires au lendemain de la bataille de Plago-
nia, et mme avant celle-ci, pourrait tre suivis
travers les reprsentations des portraits de la dy-
nastie rgnante dans les glises des hauts dignitai-
res ecclsiastiques, riges au cours des rgnes de
Michel VIII et Andronic II. En ce sens nous rap-
pellerons ici uniquement ltroite proximit de la
capitale byzantine avec les archevques Macaire
et Grgoire Ier au cours du long rgne dAndro-
nic II.17 Dj dans lglise Saint-Nicolas (Manas-
tir) Moriovo lempereur Michel VIII est clbr
comme un Nouveau Constantin18 en 1271, alors
que dans la Pribleptos dOchrid linscription de
kttor du grand htriarque Progon Zgur et de son
pouse Eudocie, o ceux-ci soulignent leur parent
avec Andronic II et limpratrice Irne,19 mention-
ne galement larchevque Macaire, assurment en
tant que partisan dAndronic II dont il a mari sa
fille Simonide avec le roi Milutin lpoque o le
patriarche de Constantinople et larchevque serbe
17 . , . - 44; P. Miljkovik- Pepek, Peternata crkva Sveti Erazmo kraj
XIV , 5 (1969), 3742.
18 . ,
, 82 (1964), 1718. im Kampf um die Via Egnatia, Wien 1976, 149, h. 14, fig.
19 J. Ivanov, Blgarski starini iz Makedonija, II, Sofia
1970, 3839.
232 C. GROZDANOV
sopposaient tous deux ce mariage.20 Pour sa part
on sait que larchevque Grgoire Ier entretenait
des liens troits avec le grand Logothte Tho-
dore Mtochite, et lon dispose dune charte dli-
vre par Andronic II son archevch dOchrid.
Son texte porte sur la donation Grgoire, en tant
que responsable de cet archevch, dun manteau
richement brod en exprimant le souhait que lar-
chevque mentionne son nom lors des liturgies.21
Sont galement bien connus les actes de kttor de
Grgoire Ier en faveur de Sainte-Sophie dOchrid,
et on sait quil a reu de lempereur de prcieuses
icnes de la Vierge Psychosostria et du Christ Psy-
chososter qui se rangent parmi les plus belles rali-
sations de lart byzantin du dbut du XIVe sicle.22
Paralllement, le rgne dAndronic II voit lrection
de plusieurs glises importantes au cur mme de
larchevch dOchrid, telle que lOmorph Ekkl-
sia Castoria (glise Saint-Georges) o le nom de
lempereur a aussi trouv place dans linscription
de son kttor.23 On peut y ajouter que le gouverneur
de lEmpire Prilep tait Kapso Vegas, kttor de
lglise Saint-Nicolas situe dans lancien centre de
cette ville,24 et de mme pour lglise Saint-Jean de
Kano Ochrid qui pourrait avoir t une fondation
de la fameuse famille des Thologitos dOchrid.25
Et nous avons dj par le pass remarqu que
lglise rupestre Saint-Erasme a t restaure sous
les Palologues,26 et il semble que lon puisse ac-
20 Cf. . , XIV
, 1980, 1213.
21 N. P. Kondakov, Makedonija, 243244.
22 V. . Djuri, Ikone iz ugoslavije, Beograd 1961, 2223,
8384.
23 . , , 2008, 5152.
24 . ,
XIII
, 5 (1969), 2930.
25 R. Ljubinkovi M. orovi-Ljubinkovi, Srednove-
kovnoto slikarstvo vo Ohrid, Zbornik na trudovi, hrid
1961, 127.
26 C. Grozdanov, Portreti na svetitelite od Makedonija
od IXXVIII vek, Skopje 1983, 140142; . . .
. , op. cit., cf. texte de V. . Djuri, 42
Ohrid, Skopje 1994, 1820. Sur les portraits dndronic
II cf. aussi H. und H. Buschhausen, Die Marienkirche von
Apolonia in Albanien. Byzantiner, Normannen und Serbien
17; I. Spatharakis, The portrait in Byzantine Illuminated
Manuscripts, Leiden 1976, 184185, fig. 17; V. J. Djuri,
cepter la supposition voulant quon y trouvait une Thessalonique,30 laspect des peintures conserves
composition reprsentant Andronic II qui remet la permet de dgager une premire constatation:
charte de lglise son fondateur, tout comme le Arta le groupe peint ct de la Vierge est compo-
fait Michel VIII dans lglise Saint-Nicolas Ma- s de reprsentants du pouvoir, soit les principaux
nastir, rige sous son rgne.27 seigneurs dArta ou du despotat dEpire,31 et de
On constate, en revanche, que le kttor Progon reprsentants du monachisme, alors quaux Saints-
Zgur na pas trouv place dans la composition ici Aptres Thessalonique, il sagit exclusivement
observe, ni non plus dans lensemble de la dcora- dun groupe de moines.
tion peinte de la Pribletos. Et si lon pourrait tre Lillustration du stichre de Nol Ochrid vient
tent, par analogie avec dautres exemples, de sup- grandement enrichir nos connaissances sur la re-
poser quil ait pu malgr tout tre reprsent dans prsentation du genre humain saluant la venue de
le cadre du Stichre de Nol, cette ventualit est Dieu fait homme. La figuration de souverains
dfinitivement exclue par la conception trs stricte contemporains la suite de Constantin et dHlne,
de limage dOchrid. Le pouvoir national sy ma- soit Andronic II, son pouse limpratrice Irne et
nifeste par la prsence exclusive des membres de le coempereur Michel IX, nous renforce dans no-
la dynastie rgnante: aux frontires de lEmpire tre opinion selon laquelle cette image constituait
byzantin on reprsente ainsi dans lillustration du lorigine un reflet de la liturgie clbre la veille
stichre de Nol des souverains byzantins, aux mme de la Naissance du Christ32 en prsence des
frontires de lEtat serbe (ia, Matei), des souve- membres de la famille impriale.33 En ce sens,
rains serbes, alors que dans lEtat dEpire la subor- sa comparaison avec les exemples de ia et de
dination du despote envers les empereurs de Nice Matei, o ont respectivement trouv place le roi
et de Constantinople apparat trs variable. On ne Milutin et lempereur Duan, laissent ressortir de
connat pas non plus trs bien la position du des- faon vidente les liens et les diffrences existant
pote Nicphore ( 1296).28 entre ces images. Ainsi, dans la liturgie clbre
La publication de lillustration du stichre de la cour de Serbie figurent, dans la premire de ces
Nol ornant le catholicon de la Vierge des Blacher- images, larchevque Sava III, puis, aux cts de
nes, prs dArta, a apport de nouvelles connais- Stefan Duan, le patriarche Joanikije,34 alors que
sances sur cette composition qui reu sa forme pic- dans lglise dOchrid on note labsence de larche-
turale au cours du XIIIe sicle. Quand bien mme vque contemporain Macaire. Pour ce qui est dArta
aucune donne crite ne permet de dterminer la et du catholicon des Blachernes, la comparaison est
date exacte de la dcoration de cette glise, il ne moins vidente en raison de limpossibilit didenti-
fait aucun doute que celle-ci a t ralise dans fier les reprsentants du pouvoir lac, et notamment
la seconde moiti ou vers la fin du XIIIe sicle.29 les figures venant leur tte. Entrant dans le cadre
Nonobstant les mutilations de la figure se tenant
cot de la Vierge, comme cela est le cas sur lexem- 30 A. Xyngopolos, Thessalonique et la peinture Macdo-
ple de lglise conventuelle des Saints-Aptres nienne, 5051; C. Stephan, Die Mosaiken und Fresken der
Apostelkirche zu Thessaloniki, Baden-Baden 1986, 227231;
Les portraits de souverains dans le narthex de Chilandar, N. Nikonanos, The Church of the Holy Apostles in Thessalo-
7 (1989), 107, fig. 34; . , - niki, Thessaloniki 1986, 62.
, 31 M. Achimastou-Potamianou, op. cit., 4, fig. 11.
31 (20062007), 153158. 32 Protojerej G. S. Debolskij, Dni bogosluenija v pravos-
27 . . , lavnoj cerkvi, tom 1, Moskva 1996, 3133.
, VII1 (1963), 268; C. Grozdanov, 33 M. Skaballanovi, Hristjanskie prazdniki, kn. 4,
op. cit., 138144; P. Miljkovik- Pepek, op. cit., 1819. Rodestvo Hristovo, Kiev 1916, 7278; . , -
28 Ce point est trait plus en dtail chez . , , 1961, 9495; V. J. Djuri, op. cit.,
, - 137.
1960, 4988. 34 . , op. cit, 7983; . . , -
29 V. J. Djuri, La Royaut et le sacerdoce dans la dco- , 1975, 7071, 214215,
ration de ia, in: . (. o est indique la bibliographie antrieure; . ,
. ), 2000, 137. V. aussi . , -
, 1998, XIV , Bal-
107108. canoslavica 25 (1998), 137158.

LES PORTRAITS DES PREMIERS PALEOLOGUES DANS LE NARTHEX DE LA VIERGE PERIBLEPTOS 233
 du despotat dEpire, Arta sest longtemps trouve
en dehors des frontires de lEtat byzantin,35 alors
que la question mme de la datation de limage
dArta reste ouverte. Enfin lobservation des plus
anciennes illustrations connues du stichre de Nol,
et notamment de lexemplaire des Saints-Aptres
Thessalonique, laisse apparatre la prsence dun
grand nombre de moines.
La disposition des figures de souverains, la dis-
simulation de certaines dentre elles en raison du
manque de place, la diffrenciation soigne des
traits physionomiques, tout sur limage dOchrid
montre que Michel et Eutychios avait, avant la
ralisation de la dcoration de la Pribleptos, une
excellente connaissance du cercle imprial form
autour dAndronic II Palologue.
Aucune donne ne permet de dire si lglise de
la Pribleptos a t rige et peinte en tant qugli- mme si les circonstances historiques gnrales sur
se conventuelle. Elle est pour la premire fois men-
tionne en tant que telle dans une charte de Duan,36
alors quun peu plus tard, sous lempereur Stefan
Uro, on connat les actes de kttorat (donation)
en sa faveur de la part des chefs du premier mo-
nastre urbain de Saint-Pantlmon, ainsi que du
premier vque sigeant Grgoire Delovski.37 Quoi
quil en soit, on peut avec certitude y relever des
lments attestant la ralit dun lien avec la capi-
tale byzantine et dune subordination de larchev-
ch dOchrid au patriarcat oecumnique lpoque
ayant vu lengagement de Michel et dEutychios
et leur reprsentation des souverains de la dynas-
tie des Palologues, ce qui na pas t le cas pour
dautres illustrations du stichre de Nol, ralises
en dehors des frontires de lEtat byzantin. Malheu-
reusement, dans ltat actuel des recherches, et en
labsence dune documen tation graphique suffi-
sante sur la composition dArta, nous ne disposons
encore daucun lment fiable pour lidentification
des personnages lacs apparaissant sur cette image,
le territoire byzantin durant la seconde moiti du
XIIe sicle suggrent quy a t reprsent un per-
sonnage du rang du despote, en tant que contempo-
rain de la dcoration de cette glise.

35 D. M. Nicol, The Despotate of Epiros, Oxford 1957,

Les photos: Stanimir Nedelkovski
189193; . , op. cit., 455456.
36 . ,
, 1912, 673. 37 . , , 123124.

(. ) .

. -
- , . , . -
1294/95. , - . ()
XX . -
. 1908. . .
, , , , -
, .
- ,
. , -
1951. - ,
. ,
, , ,
, .

234 C. GROZDANOV
 , ,
.
, , VIII IX, ,
, - , -
.
-
,
. . . XIV (, ) -
II - ( -
. , III
II, ),
. , -
VIII , . - ,, .
II , - .
, , ,
IX ,
II. , -
II, XIII ,
, - , ,
, , 1301, -
, .
. . -
,
, - ,
, , -
IX . , ,
, .

LES PORTRAITS DES PREMIERS PALEOLOGUES DANS LE NARTHEX DE LA VIERGE PERIBLEPTOS 235
THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE EXONARTHEX
OF THE PORTA-PANAGIA IN THESSALY

Stavros Mamaloukos

To the Memory of Demetrios Sophianos

The impressive exonarthex of the Porta-Panagia in Pyl, Trikala, is an interesting example of a small group of
domed spaces in byzantine ecclesiastical architecture with an octagonal roof. It clearly follows from evidence
that has come forth, following a new, complete and analytical survey and documentation of the monument that
the exonarthex is posterior to the church. The unique formal and constructional elements (ashlar stonework
construction, with gothic-like forms) imply a connection with Serbian monuments, which have architecture with
influences from the West. The construction of the exonarthex, should most probably be placed in the mid-14th c,
during the rule of Stefan Duan in Thessaly. About a quarter of the building, has been re-constructed in 1743, as
it was destroyed over a flood.
Key words: Byzantine architecture, 14th century, Porta-Panagia, Thessaly, exonarthex

T
he complete, analytical survey and following
documentation of a monument, is a neces-
sary precondition in order to undertake stud-
ies and perform works of conservation and resto-
ration on it. In addition, such detailed examination
provides an excellent opportunity in order to make
useful observations, which may reveal the construc-
tional history of the monument and assist in the
study of its architecture, while supplementing it but
also enabling revisions of views that have been ex-
pressed from time to time. This becomes even more
so evident, when the monument is significant and
where preceding, pertinent publications have taken
place many years ago and are founded on synoptic
surveys and poor archaeological evidence, as is the
case of the church of Porta-Panagia, which undoubt-
edly, is one of the most significant monuments of
the byzantine era in mainland Greece. The purpose
of the present study is towards the determination of
the construction chronology of the exonarthex this
truly important Byzantine monument of Thessaly
and the formulation of several comments, with re-
gards to its constructional history and architecture,
based on the latest, analytical documentation of the
historic church.1
1 The opportunity for the present study was given by a
project for the conservation and restoration of the church of
the Porta-Panagia, which was appointed to the architectural
office Stavros Mamaloukos Anastasia Kamboli-Mam-
aloukou and Partners by the Holy Monastery of Dousikon.
For the needs of this project, a survey and documentation of
the monument took place in the years 1999 to 2001. Thanks
are owed to the holy Abbot of the Monastery of Dousikon,
the Very Reverend Archimandrite Ignatios and to the entire
monastic brotherhood, but especially fathers Bessarion and
Symeon for the provision of every convenience at the site
as well as Mr Lazaros Deriziotis, the head then of the 7th
Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities, for his support during
the period of preparation of our work. From amongst the nu-
merous colleagues who contributed to the work undertaken
I would like to especially make mention to the restoration

THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE EXONARTHEX OF THE PORTA-PANAGIA IN THESSALY 237

 The church of the Porta-Panagia is of old, a and Photios Demetrakopoulos.9 With regards to its
monument well known to scholars.2 The first to se- wall paintings papers have been published by Mano-
riously study the monuments history, architecture lis Chatzidakis10 and Anna Tsitouridou.11 In relation
and decoration was Anastasios Orlandos.3 Since that to the funerary depiction of the church, Charalam-
time the main researchers that have performed work bos Machairas12 and Leonella Fundi13 have recently
on the monument with regards to its history are Paul undertaken studies. The well-known through manu-
agdalino,4 Johannes Koder Friedrich Hild,5 F. scripts ktetoric inscription of the church has been
Hild J. Koder K. Spanos D. Agrafiotis,6 Anna published and commended by A. Avramea D. Feis-
Avramea Denise Feissel,7 Demetrios Sophianos8 sel.14 Furthemore Giorgos Velenis15 and Sophia Ka-
lopissi-Verti16 have studied the inscription on a mar-
architects Demetris Krokidis, who partook in the on site ble plaque incorporated into the north faade of the
work of surveying, and Stavroula Melissou, to whom the
cad drawing of the monument is to a great extent owed to. church. By the way, let be noted, that the script on
Notes on various matters of the history and architecture of the inscription is not mirror writing as A. Orlandos
Porta Panagia, amongst which are also those issues pertinent says17 by an inexplicable error but regular script.
to the exonarthex, have been presented by the author in the As about the architecture of the church, despite the
form of a communication in the 4th Meeting of Byzantinolo-
numerous mentions of the monument on the occa-
gists in Greece and Cyprus, in Thessalonica, 21st Sepetem-
ber 2002 (S. Mamaloukos, sion of comparison with other ones,18 very few es-
(Notes sential observations have been added to A. Orlandos
on the constructional history and the architecture of the research. The most important among them are those
Porta-Panagia), 4th Synantsi Vyzantinologon Hellados kai made by the professors Charalambos Bouras19 and
Kyprou, 2022 Septemvriou 2002, Eisgseis-Perileipseis
Anakoinsen, Thessalonica 2003, 204205) and through
9 Ph. Demetrakopoulos, -
lectures delivered in the context of Advanced Lessons in
the History of Architecture, at the Study-Centre for the His- (1393) -
tory of Architecture belonging to the Department of Archi- , Diptycha 2 (19801981), 98118.
tecture of the National Technical University of Athens, on 10 M. Chatzidakis, .
12th December 2002, and at the Seminar Byzantium and , A 22 (1967), B1 Chronika, 2425, table
Serbia organized by professor Chara Konastantinides in the 3338.
Archaeology and History of Art Sector of the Philosophical 11 A. Tsitouridou, Les fresques du XIIe sicle dans lglise
School of the National and Kapodistrian University of Ath- de la Porta-Panaghia en Thessalie, in: Actes du XVe Con-
ens, in 8th June 2004.
grs International d Etudes Byzantines. Athnes Septem-
2 For a systematic collection of the bibliography relevant
bre 1976, v. 2, Athens 1981, 863878.
to the monument until the end of the 1980s cf. H. M. Kp- 12 Ch. Machairas, The Church of Porta Panagia in Pyli
per, Der Bautypus der griechischen Dachtranseptkirche,
Trikkalon and its Funerary Scene, M. Phil. (Byzantine Stud-
Amsterdam 1990, II, 219.
3 A. Orlandos, - , A
ies), University of Birmingham, Centre for Byzantine, Otto-
man and Modern Greek Studies, Birmingham 2008.
1 (1935), 540. 13 L. Fundi,
4 P. agdalino, The History of Thessaly, 12661393, Ox-
, , in:
ford 1976, 4849. Anakoins sto 3o : Archaiologiko Ergo Thessalias
5 J. Koder F. Hild, Hellas und Thessalia, Tabula Imperii
kai Stereas Elladas 20062008. Apo tous Proistorikous stous
Byzantini 1, Wien 1976, 245246. Neterous Chronous, Volos 2009.
6 F. Hild J. Koder . Spanos D. Agraphits, - 14 A. Avramea D. Feissel, op. cit., 380381, 21, fig.
. VIII.3.
, Thessaliko merologio 12 (1987), 8687. 15 G. Velenis, -
7 A. Avramea D. Feissel, Inventaires en vue d un recueil
, in: Antiphnon. Aphierma ston Kathigt
des inscriptions historiques de Byzance IV. Inscriptions de N. B. Drandak, Thessalonica 1994, 267268.
Thessalie ( l exception des Mtores), TM 10 (1987), 380 16 S. Kalopissi-Verti, Dedicatory Inscriptions and Donor
381, 21, fig. VIII.3.
Portraits in Thirteenth-century churches of Greece, Wien
8 D. Sophianos, -
1992, 5960.
(1336) 17 A. Orlandos, op. cit., 39.
( ), Trikalina 9 (1989),
18 Cf. H. M. Kpper, op. cit., , 219.
727; id., (1381, .)
19 Ch. Bouras, Twelfth and Thirteenth Century Variations
( ), Trikalina 10 (1990), 731. of the single domed octagon plan, 4/9 (197779),

238 S. MAMALOUKOS
 significant Monastery was
founded, as is well-known,
by the Sevastokrator Io-
annes I Aggelos Komnenos
Doukas25 and was dissolved
about a century later, in
1393, so as to arrive within
the jurisdiction of the nearby
Monastery tou Soteros ton
Megalon Pylon (Our Saviour
of the Great Gates), which in
later times became the Mon-
astery of Hagios Bessarion
of Dousikon,26 (Porta-Pana-
gia remains a dependency of
Dousikon to this day). Dur-
ing Ottoman rule, the church
of Porta-Panagia, was used,
as it appears, as a parish and
Fig. 1. Porta-Panagia, general view from the southwest (June 2006)
funerary27 church of the old
settlement of Porta (the Pal-
Giorgios Velenis20 as well as those of Hans Michael aia Porta), which held a com-
Kpper.21 Recently new published commentary mittee comprised of local villagers.28 Fragmentary
relating to the architecture of the church has been information regarding the history of the church
added by Stavros Mamaloukos22 and Flora Karagi- during this mentioned period, provides us with
anni S. Mamaloukos.23 evidence from varying sources. So from a note
The church of Porta-Panagia was built in on the Codex of the Monastery of Dousikon, it is
1283,24 as the Katholikon of the Monastery of known that in 1767 the wood-sculpted iconosta-
the Theotokos Akatamachetos ton Megalon Pylon sis was constructed for the church, which twenty
(Theotokos Invincible of the Great Gates). This years later was purchased by the committee of the
church to the Monastery of Dousikon.29 From an
unknown until recently, kryptographic inscription,
2134, figs. 36 and Ch. Bouras L. Boura, Helladic
Church-Building during the 12th c, Athens 2002, 273274. which is incorporated in the drum of the dome of
20 G. Velenis, the exonarthex,30 it appears that in 1743, works
, Thessalonica 1984, 28 . 4, were performed on the this part of the church.
124, 126128, 188, 217, 270, 278, fig. 97. (all references From information which is related from old re-
pertain to the naos). searchers it is deduced that in 1854 or 1855 a part
21 H. M. Kpper, op. cit., II, 218219. of the naos was rebuilt, after partial collapse.31
22 S. Mamaloukos, ;
25 . Orlandos, op. cit., 89.
id., Phot. 117. Porta Panagia. August 1922 and Phot. 117.
Porta-Panagia. August 1922 in: M. Kardamitsi Adami 26 D. Sophianos, op. cit., 12; S. Gouloules, op. cit.
G. Kizis S. Mamaloukos. - 27 The consecutive funerary burials that have been unearthed
. . 19151931, through the recent excavations (19881999) of the surround-
Athens 2007. ing area under the supervision of Krystallia Mantzana, then
23 F. Karagianni S. Mamaloukos, -
an archaeologist of the 7th Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities,
- confirm the prior usage of the courtyard as a cemetery.
, 4/30 (2009), 95102. 28 A. Orlandos, op. cit., 6.
24 With regards to the dating of the construction of the
29 A. Orlandos, op. cit., 67; D. Sophianos, op. cit., 28.
church cf. A. Orlandos, - , 30 K. Mantzana, 7 ,
89. See also D. Sophianos, -
, 7 and S. Gouloules, , . -, A 50
, (1995) B1 Chronika, pl. 133a.
, Historikogegraphika 5 (1995), 8081. 31 A. Orlandos, op. cit., 7.

THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE EXONARTHEX OF THE PORTA-PANAGIA IN THESSALY 239

 Service.37 Repair works on
the church, which included
the retiling of the roofs, the
reconstruction of the floor, the
removal of all the plastered
surfaces not baring paintings,
the repointing of the facades
and construction of new doors
and windows, commenced on
the monument in 1955,38 but
were never completed. From
1998 to 1999 work was un-
dertaken in order to reform the
surrounding area of the monu-
ment, which included the re-
moval of earth from the court-
yard and paving the area with
slate. Since 2007 conservative
interventions and works of res-
toration have taken place on
the facades and the interior,
though at a slow pace.
The church of the Porta-
Fig. 2. Porta-Panagia, Exonarthex, view from the west (June 2006) Panagia (Figs. 1, 7, 8) stands
approximately at the centre
of a small building cluster,
Repairs on the monument and landscaping of the
which stands at the place of the old monastic com-
surrounding areas have been undertaken at times
plex of the Monastery of the Theotokos Akatama-
by the Archaeological Service. The older ones of
chetos. It is clearly composed of two distinct parts:
these were completed under the supervision of A.
the naos and the exonarthex. The church is of the
Orlandos.32 Later, in 1965, 1966 and 1973 works of
three-aisled transverse-vault (category C1 accord-
limited scope were undertaken under the supervi-
ing to A. Orlandos classification)39 type and of
sion of Pavlos Lazarides,33 Manolis Chatzidakis34
great dimensions, measuring approximately 16.20
and Nikos Nikonanos.35 In 1966, during the partial
x 11.00 m, with a narthex unified to the naos since
removal of the layer of plaster, which covered the
the beginning and a diakonikon-skevophylakion
internal surfaces of the monument, byzantine as
separated from the bema.
well as post-byzantine wall paintings were revealed
The exonarthex of the Porta-Panagia (Figs. 14,
in the naos.36 On 12th October 1980 the exonarthex
79) is an interesting example of a small group of
of the church suffered damages by fire, and was
domed spaces in byzantine ecclesiastical architec-
thereafter partly restored by the Archaeological
ture with an octagonal roof, between which lie two
narthexes. The variations of this method of roofing
32 E. Stikas, , in: Anastasios Or-
have been studied by professor Ch. Bouras.40 It is
landos. O Anthrpos kai to Ergon tou, Athens 1978, 511 and a case of a building, oblong in plan, with external
fig. 151.
33 P. Lazarides, .
dimensions measuring 8.00 x 11.00 m. Internally,
the exonarthex is cruciform in plan, measuring 7.20
, A 20 (1965) B2 Chronika, 324.
34 M. Chatzidakis, .
37 L. Deriziotis, 7 ,
.
35 N. Nikonanos, B - , A 35 (1980) B1 Chro-
nika, 297.
. - , A 25 (1973) B2 Chronika, 379
38 K. Mantzana, op. cit., 392 and pl. 133.
and pl.324.
36 M. Chatzidakis, op. cit.; A. Tsitouridou, Les fresques du 39 A. Orlandos, op. cit., 4849.

XIIe sicle dans lglise de la Porta-Panaghia, 863, . 1. 40 Ch. Bouras, op. cit.

240 S. MAMALOUKOS
Fig. 3. Porta-Panagia, Exonarthex, view from the south
(June 2006)
m in length and 9.50 m wide. Its height escalates
from 6.00 m up to 10.60 m. The space which is cre-
ated where the arms of the cross meet, is square in
plan with a side measuring 4.70 m. Small conches
exist at each corner. The space is covered over by
a wide and tall dome, the height of which, from
the circular base-line to the keystone, rises to ap-
proximately 4.00 m. It is worth mentioning that at
its south-west side the dome presents a character-
istic irregularity (Fig. 7). At the datum of the base-
line as well as the height of the springing of the
dome of the exonarthex there is a simple beveled
fillet cornice, formed with mortar most probably
on a substrate of bricks placed in protrusion. The
dome is born upon a system of four pendentives.
These pedentives, which are relatively accurate
in shape, have been formed between the faces of
the barel vaults which cover the four arms of the
cross and the extrados of the corner conches. The
north and south arms of the cross measure 2.50 m
long, the west arm measures 0.80 m and the east
arm 1.70 m approximately. Their width is approxi-
THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE EXONARTHEX OF THE PORTA-PANAGIA IN THESSALY
Fig. 4. Porta-Panagia, Exonarthex, view from the north
(August 2000)
mately 2.40 m. On either side of the eastern arm,
to the north and to the south respectively there are
two open spaces, measuring 1.70 x 2.50 m approxi-
mately, covered with barrel vaults, which func-
tion as passageways towards the side doors of the
church narthex. An additional space, also open to
the outside and facing north, measures only 1.5 m
in width and it lies in the northwestern corner of the
building. The northwestern corner of the building
appears to be solid.
The wall faces of the building are externally
flat and unarticulated (Fig. 8). At the level of the
springing of cross arm vaulting, covering the arms
of the cross, there are no cornices. Its interior, is
lit rather poorly from sixteen single-lobed win-
dows of the dome, and two double-light windows
of small dimensions, placed high-up onto the
built lunettes of the north and south arms of the
cross, while a triple-light window may be found
opening onto the built lunette of the western arm.
The interior is accessed through two doors, which
lie on the axes of the western and northern arms
241

Fig. 5. Porta-Panagia, Exonarthex, detail of the drum of the
dome (November 1999)
of the cross. The internal surfaces of the walls
and vaults of the exonarthex are almost entirely
covered in wall paintings,41 which are maintained
in a rather bad condition of repair. Beyond past
damage they had suffered, there were further
damages due to the fire of 12th October 1980.42
The marble floor, which is of a simple form in
the exonarthex, has been built according to oral
testimony during the works that took place in
the 1990s, following the removal of the old stone-
paved floor.
The exterior of the exonarthex, presents rich-
ness in its articulation of volumes (Figs. 14, 9).
The prismatic volumes of the roofs, as well as the
drum of the dome dominate the composition. The
articulation of the interior is plastically apparent
in the roofs of the building. It is the typical cross-
domed octagon mainland type roof arrangement,
where the large drum of the dome, dominates the
composition as it lays on a wide cubical base and
the saddle roofs of the arms of the cross, are el-
evated above the leaning to the north and to the
south roofs which cover the corners of the build-
ing. The general composition of the facades of the
exonarthex, is rather simple in composition, plain
in decoration and aesthetically austere. All wall fa-
cades are flat and unarticulated, while displaying
low proportions they escalate in height at the axes.
Symmetry characterises their composition. Solid
generally dominates over void. The walls end in
linear, either horizontal or inclined, cornices.
41 Regarding the wall-paintings of the exonarthex cf. A.
Orlandos, op. cit., 3639.
42 L. Deriziotis, op. cit.
242 S. MAMALOUKOS
The west elevation (Figs. 2, 9) may be charac-
terized as austere and heavy. Its simplicity of com-
position is mainly defined by strict axial symmetry.
Its upper end is comprised of three parts. The cen-
tral part is formed as a pendentive, while the two
side parts, which are a little bit lower, are lean-to
roofs. Solid here dominates entirely over voids. Its
only openings are: a door placed axially, and above
it, a rather small triple-light window with lobes of
equal height. The lintel of the window is formed
out of a single block of limestone. The arches
of the lobes, have a characteristic cross-section,
which is tripartite in its design: its external part is
formed flush with the wall face, the middle one is
a bevelled fillet section with, characteristic almond-
shaped formations at the height the arch springer,
and the interior part has been wrought in recess
relative to the interior wall face. At the edge of the
arches a rib has been formed. The lintel is borne
onto marble mullions of a circular cross-section
through prismatic insertions and relatively bulky
marble impost blocks, whose principal elevation is
decorated with a cross with rounded ends and an
escalating base. The door belongs to the widely dis-
seminated during the late and post byzantine period
type of wall openings with an accretive frame.43
The lintel of the wall opening is a segmental stone
arch. The doorframe has monolithic marble jambs
and an arched lintel constructed out of voussoirs
moderately dressed. It is obvious at first sight that
the current doorway has been formulated at a later
period, within the opening of the initial west door-
way of the exonarthex. This initial doorway, was
noticeably wider than the latter and it belonged to
the usual type of doorway with a plain opening,44
seen in early-christian and middle-byzantine archi-
tecture, with doorway sides perpendicular to the
wall face and an arched brick lintel from which to-
day a small segment is preserved towards the inte-
rior. On the external face of the arched lintel there
is today a crudely formed arch, constructed out of
oblong limestone ashlars, at the edges of which a
43 For this type of opening cf. S. Mamaloukos,
,
96 (September 2005), 817, 1213 and fig. 6; id.,
, 27th Sym-
posio Christianiks Archaiologiks Etaireias, Athens 2007,
6869, 69.
44 Cf. S. Mamaloukos, , 12 and
fig. 6; id., , 68.
rib has been formed. Directly to the north of the
doorway, at the height of the springing of the arch,
a marble corbel has been anchored to the wall in
the form of an impost.
The general setup of the north faade (Figs. 4,
9), is on the one hand more complex and on the
other less austere and heavy in its appearance. Its
upper part is also tripartite. The central pendetive
however, is formed significantly higher than the
horizontal cornices on either side. Low on its axis a
doorway is opened onto the wall, while high up at
the pendentive level, a double-light window, with a
lintel and mullion similar to that of the triple light
window on the west elevation, may be seen. This
exceptionally well-conserved doorway belongs to
the type of doorways with plain opening.45 It has
sides, perpendicular to the wall faces and a point-
ed-arch lintel in brick-masonry. On its outer face
a double arch of exceptional construction has been
formed in stone. Its cross-section in total, is analo-
gous to those seen in the window arches with tri-
partite structure. At the height of the springing of
the arch there is a timber lintel, in correspondence
to the marble cornice, which crowns the typical Fig. 6. Porta-Panagia, Exonarthex, the
shaped marble doorframe stands on a threshold of inscription on the drum of the dome
(November 1999)
rectangular cross-section. The jambs and the lintel
of the frame have escalating moulding, a rib and an
undecorated band. On either side of the wall open-
ing and slightly higher than the level of the arch poorer construction and of a completely different
springing, two marble corbels in the form of an im- form to the rest of the windows of the exonarthex.
post have been anchored to the wall. On the eastern Finally, there is no archway on its west end, to cor-
end of the north faade, a wide archway has been respond with that of the north elevation.
formed leading through the vaulted passageway to In relation to the construction of the exonarthex,
the north door of the church narthex. Today on its the following observations may be made: The walls
western end, a blocked archway may be discerned, (Figs. 14) lie on a base built out of large limestone
of what would have been a vaulted space open to blocks, projecting about 10 cm beyond the wall
the outside, formed on the north part of the western face. On the north elevation, and specifically on
arm of the cross. the northern half of the western elevation and on
The south elevation of the exonarthex (Figs. 3, the eastern half of the southern elevation, the exter-
9), has a general articulation, similar to that of the nal wall faces are constructed out of tall, carefully
north elevation, however with several noteworthy hewn grey, limestone ashlars, with narrow joints
differences: Low on the axis of symmetry there is in a rather free, opus isodomum system. Internally
no doorway, but only the eastern doorpost and the the sections of the walls of the monument, which
remnants on the wall of a section of an arch be- correspond to the above mentioned areas of the fa-
longing to a destroyed initial doorway as well as cades, are constructed with large, crudely dressed
a marble corbel of similar form to those found on lime stones in courses measuring 4050 cm high,
the other facades. The double-light window, which with a simple course of horizontal bricks interject-
opens high onto the elevations axis, has a lintel of ed between courses of stone, while in the vertical
joints either vertically placed bricks or horizontally
45 placed brick pieces may be seen. Wall pieces of
Cf. S. Mamaloukos, , 12 and
fig. 6; id., , 68. construction similar to this one, which clearly origi-

THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE EXONARTHEX OF THE PORTA-PANAGIA IN THESSALY 243

 nate from the narrow, semi-circular niches of the
exonarthex, of the corner conch type, were found to
the south of the church during the excavation works
of 19981999.
On the southern section of the western eleva-
tion and on the western section of the southern el-
evation (Figs. 2, 3), though having low-rise walls
externally constructed of large grey limestones,
however, many of these stones present cracks and
breaks. These are constructed according to the opus
isodomum, but relatively irregularly, with the inter-
jection of stone fragments and with wider joints. At
a higher level the walls are built with moderate and
large, uncarefully hewn porous stones and several
lime stones. These sections of the facades were ren-
dered with pressed by trowel crushed-tile mortar,
upon which pseudo-joints had been inscribed, in
an attempt to imitate ashlar-stonework. Internally,
the walls of the southwest corner of the building
are built with moderate size, crudely hewn porous
stone-masonry.
The vaults of the exonarthex, are constructed
entirely in brick, with the exception of the area
of its south-western corner, where porous-stone
relatively well hewn ashlars have been used. The
roofs of the exonarthex, as well as those of the
naos, have been formed during the interventions
of the 1990s directly upon the extrados of the
Fig. 7. Porta-Panagia, A. Plan 1, B. Plan 2, C. Plan 3
vault structure using fillings of unknown consist- (Survey)
ency. The vaults, are tiled over with hand-made
byzantine type roofing tiles. A great part of the
tiles is newer, but a significant number of old ones where an iron bar acting as a tie beam may be
remain, probably belonging to the initial construc- seen embedded into the wall thickness, the drum
tion phase. The cornices of the roofs, which corre- is built out of well fitted limestone ashlars, with
spond to the areas of the facades built in the care- the exception of its south-western quarter. In this
ful ashlar stonework mentioned previously, have area, the drum is constructed out of limestones and
a beveled fillet cross section, and are of exquisite crudely hewn porous stonework. The same type of
quality of construction. (Figs. 2, 4) The rest of wall-construction, is observed higher up even until
the cornices, are incautiously constructed out of the level of the springer of the arches of the win-
fragments of older dressed cornices in second- dows, throughout the periphery of the drum.
use (Figs. 2, 3). At a particular point on the west Above this height level, the drum is constructed
faade, even pieces of a marble doorframe have in brick-masonry, save several arches of windows,
been used as cornice (Fig. 2). which are of porous stonework. The drum of the
The drum of the dome (Figs. 14, 79) is cylin- dome is crowned with rich ceramic decoration
drical, with an external diameter reaching 5.80 m forming a vertically arranged series of arches, den-
and measuring 3.00 m high, up until the cornice. til courses and band of arrayed brick lamdas ().
Sixteen twin colonettes, project slightly from the Its brick and mortar cornice, is of a bevelled fil-
body of the drum and separate its surface in equally let cross section. Observing the lower parts of the
many sides. On each side, lies a narrow single-lobe drum, it may be deduced that the twin colonettes
window, which has a frame exhibiting a double re- have resulted from in situ sculpting the larger, initial
cess. Up until halfway the height of the windows, semi-colonettes, which had a simple semi-circular

244 S. MAMALOUKOS

Fig. 8. Porta-Panagia, A. Section AA, B. Section BB (Survey)
cross section. The double recesses of the frames of
the windows, have been formulated latterly through
in-situ carving as well (Fig. 7). On the western post
of the window, on the north axis, a multi-versed,
cryptographic inscription (Fig. 6) has been carved.
Two frames intervene, between the script, whereby
the first bares the date 1743 and the other the name
Kostas.46
The postulation of two construction phases for
the exonarthex of the Porta-Panagia church has al-
ready been suggested by Ch. Bouras, based on mor-
phological observations.47 The re-examination of the
building as attempted here, completely confirms the
above mentioned view and allows for the precise
distinction of these construction phases (Figs. 79)
and the phrasing of several views in relation to the
history of the building. The evidence according to
which the construction phases in the exonarthex are
verified are: a general inclination of the building to-
46 Photograph of the inscription, however lacking any
commentary, has been published by Krystallia Mantzana (K.
Mantzana, op. cit., pl. 133).
47Ch. Bouras L. Boura, op. cit., 273.
THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE EXONARTHEX OF THE PORTA-PANAGIA IN THESSALY
wards the south-west and the
severe faults in the foundations
observed on the south-western
corner, the acute deformation
in the plan-form of the drum
of the dome in the same area
of the building; from place
to place differentiation of the
construction method of cor-
nices and the differences in
the ordering and form of wall
apertures, especially doors and
windows on the southern and
western facades of the exonar-
thex in relation to those of the
northern faade.
From the above it is clear
that the south-western corner
of the exonarthex as well as a
section of the dome have been
rebuilt, following a partial
destruction of the building,
which may well be due to the
mentioned river flood, dur-
ing which it suffered severe
damage and whereby the area
most exposed to the flow of
the water most probably col-
lapsed. This partial reconstruction of the building,
as well as other smaller scale interventions, have
severely deformed the initial appearrance of the
building. However, a quite detailed graphic recon-
struction of the building, becomes possible based
upon the study of the evidence which has come
forth from the new documentation. Hence the fol-
lowing may be said: The initial, general compo-
sition of the roofs of the building does not differ
from its current form and thus the volume of the
body has not been altered.
On the western elevation (Fig. 11) the initial,
general arrangement remains unchanged. The ini-
tial form of the western door may be reconstructed
based upon its salvaged fragments and on evidence
which the exquisitely maintained north door pro-
vides us with. From the marble corbel anchored to
the wall directly to the north of the door opening, it
appears that in front of the entrance there used to be
a double-columned propylon, a type mainly known
from the architecture of the 12th c.48 Let it be noted,
48 Id., op. cit., 365366 and 409411.
245

Fig. 9. Porta-Panagia, Exonarthex, A. West elevation, B.
South elevation, C. North elevation (Survey)
that the evidence which verify the former existence
of a low portico borne on columns before the west-
ern side of the exonarthex, which Orlandos men-
tions most probably existed,49 were not found.
The sections of painted plaster, which according
to Orlandos were still maintained at the time when
he studied the monument, could, if they indeed ex-
isted, possibly be all that remained from the wall
paintings of a latter portico, which has disappeared
from long ago without a trace. The northern faade
(Fig. 11) remains intact with the exception of the
propylon, which evidently existed initially in front
of the northern door and which has been destroyed
of old, as well as the western vaulted space, where
the opeining has been blocked in with a latter built
in lunette in stone. This space most probably was a
grave, as those similar to it on the western faade
of the exo-narthex pf the Katholikon of the Zoodo-
49 A. Orlandos, op. cit., 39.
246 S. MAMALOUKOS
chos Pege at Dervenosalesi.50 The south elevation
of the exonarthex appears to have been identical to
the north elevation. The door and the double-light
window which opened on the axis of symmetry
must have been similar to the respective ones on
the north elevation. Indeed, it should be noted here
that the initial lintel of the window opening was
found during the excavating works in 19981999
to the south of the church. With regards to the drum
of the dome of the exonarthex, appears to have had
a cylindrical body in its intial form had semi-col-
onnetes of semi-circular cross section protruding.
In other words it presented generally a clean, geo-
metric general form with austere character, similar
to that of the building facades.
In so far as the dating of the exonarthex of the
church of the Porta-Panagia is concerned, various
views have been expressed to date. A. Orlandos had
dated the monument at the end of the second half
of the 14th c., based upon the general arrangement
and form of the building, as well as on the other
morphological elements, and had interpreted the
frankish form of the northern and western arches of
doors a frankish influence arriving over the 14th c.
through the Dusan and Nemania.51 In an attempt to
more precisely define the dating of the exonarthex
based on historical data, P. Magdalino postulated in
1976 that the building was built by Serbian builders
during the decade of 1370 with a donation of Cae-
sar Alexios Aggelos Filanthropinos, who accord-
ing to the sources, undertook construction works at
the Monastery.52 A little bit later in 19761977 and
again in 2002, Ch. Bouras, in absolutely rejecting
A. Orlandoss view, dated the exonarthex either in
the end of the 12th or at the beginning of 13th c.,
based upon the form of wall-construction and also
founded upon the fact that the church of 1283 is
built on the site of a previous church.53 From all the
above-mentioned, it is clear that in order to make a
new attempt at dating the exonarthex it is necessary
to examine the problem of dating the church itself.
The problem is that if the church were first built in
1283 or whether it were built in place of another,
50 Ch. Bouras,
, 4/17 (19931994), 51.
51 A. Orlandos, op. cit., 2324.
52 P. agdalino, op. cit., 4849.
53 Ch. Bouras, Twelfth and Thirteenth Century Variations
of the single domed octagon plan, 27 and Ch. Bouras L.
Boura, op. cit., 273.
older church onto which the existing exonarthex had
been appended.54 This is interpreted explained as
follows: In his old study A. Orlandos had considered
that the church is a building of 1283 and that the ex-
onarthex had been appended to it latterly.55 In 1979
professor Ch. Bouras, in an attempt to interpret the
impressive resemblance of the wall construction of
the exonarthex with several monuments of the 12th
c., had postulated with great reservation the hy-
pothesis that at least the lower parts of the west fa-
ade of the church belonged to an antecedent church
prior to 1283, onto which the exonarthex had been
added during the 12th c.56 Very recently, this same
hypothesis was yet again mentioned by professor
Ch. Bouras,57 who bases his view on the apposite
observation that the external walls of the building
exhibit a differentiation in height, and that the west-
ern section of the church presents characteristic el-
ements of a natrthex, such as the form of the roof
and the existence of an arcosolium on the south wall
and that the axis of symmetry of the transverse vault
does not coincide with that of the external arches on
the facades, which could lead to the hypothesis that
the ostensible old church was of the helladic tran-
sitional cross in square type.58 It is worth reviewing
the remarks by Ch. Bouras and to try and re-consid-
er these, in the light of the new evidence which has
come forth since the new survey and re-examination
of the monument. It should be mentioned from the
start, that from the re-examination of the interior of
the church, besides the interventions, which are easi-
ly identifiable and may be dated in 19th c. for written
sources, no other sign may be located on the interior
wall and vault surfaces, which may be interpreted
as an indication of a constructional phase before
1283. Therefore, the conclusions that may possibly
emerge from the examination of the western faade
of the church, are quintessential in verifying or an-
nulling the hypothesis that the church indeed had an
older constructional phase. At this point, It may first
of all be observed that the faade is antecedent to
the construction of the exonarthex, not only to the
height level where the form of the wall construction
is differentiated on the side elevations of the church,
but at least up until the height of the exonarthex cor-
nice. This becomes explicit from the relation of the
wall construction of the appendage to the corners
of the west faade, where the ashlar masonry of the
exonarthex ends, save the points where the corner-
stones have been dressed so as to position the first
voussoirs at the level of the springing of the vaults
of the two passageways. Hence, as the antecedent
exonarthex sealed the greater part of the faade by
covering it, its study, with the help of the new data
and its comparison to the other facades of the church
may provide us with important arguments, either to-
wards confirming the hypothesis for the existence of
two constructional phases or to the opposite.
A graphic reconstruction of the form of the
western faade of the church prior to the appendage
of the exonarthex, has now become possible to a
certain degree (Fig. 10), based on its new, detailed
drawings and the evidence, which came forth from
observations of its visible parts at roof level, on one

54 For a synoptic consideration of this issue cf. S. Ma-

maloukos (footnote 1 supra).
55 A. Orlandos, op. cit., 2324.
56 Ch. Bouras, op. cit., 27.
57 Ch. Bouras L. Boura, op. cit., 273274.
58 Ch. Bouras L. Boura, op. cit., 273274. Regarding
the hypothesis that the ostensible, preceding church was of
the cross-in-square type, the argument may be countered by
making mention to the fact that the width of the beam, which
should have been equal to that of the transverse arm of the
cross, is significantly larger than the width of the longitudinal
ones (3.10 m versus approx 2.75 m). The result of this would
have been that the central space, where the dome would have
crowned the space, should have been very severely deviated Fig. 10. Porta-Panagia, Naos, West elevation
from the square form, which is rather unlikely. (Reconstruction)

THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE EXONARTHEX OF THE PORTA-PANAGIA IN THESSALY 247

 hand, and on the other from the internal wall face of
the western wall following the removal of the layer
of plaster rendering. Based upon available evidence
the reconstruction of the drawing of Fig. 10 may be
deduced. The wall face of the faade was flat and
unarticulated. Its composition was characterized by
strict axial symmetry. In its lower section the three
doorways opened unto the narthex, while higher
up on the axis of symmetry, there was a double-
light window, most probably of the grouped-type,
perhaps with lateral semi-arches (pterygia) on ei-
ther side. The lower parts of its walls were built out
of large limestone ashalrs in second use, between
which small and medium sized flat pieces of lime-
stone and porous stone were inserted, while in the
joints courses of brick and horizontal brick pieces.
Higher up the wall appears to have been built in
porous stone ashlars and bricks according to the
cloisonn system. Therefore, it appears that western
faade all but differed in character from the rest of
the church elevations.
Fig. 11. Porta-Panagia, Exonarthex, A. West elevation,
B. North elevation (Reconstruction)
248 S. MAMALOUKOS
The combination of the aforementioned observa-
tion with the absence of any indication of an older
construction phase in the interior of the church, lead
to the conclusion that the church was built from the
beginning in a single constructional phase. In as
much as may be gathered from the historical data as
well as on the basis of the morphological character-
istics of the building this constructional phase may
be dated at 1283. Given this point of reference the
differentiation in the form of wall-construction on
the facades, ought to be interpreted in the context of
a well known tendency in byzantine architecture.59
In so far as the western section of the church is con-
cerned, which as correctly observed by Ch. Bouras,
has all the characteristics of a narthex, should be
considered yet again, one of the relatively numerous
examples of narthexes unified to the naos, which
are quite frequently seen from the 12th c. onwards.60
The katholikon of the Monastery of Kato Panagia,
which is considered the precedent of Porta Panagia,
presents the exact same peculiarity.61
Hence, the exonarthex of the Porta Panagia can-
not be a building of the end of the 12th c. or of the
beginning of the 13th, but posterior of 1283. Thus,
the examination of the buildings idiotypical mor-
phological elements, i.e. the wall-construction in
ashlar stonework and gothic-like arches of the
doorways and windows, may easily lead to the pos-
tulation of a dating of this impressive monument,
to the third quarter of the 14th c., during the years
of Serbian rule in Thessaly,62 in an age when, as is
known from the sources, the monasteries of the area
were benefited by the serbian rulers.63 Hence, the
hypothesis formed on account of lack of evidence
is annulled, which postulated that in contrast to the
59 Ch. Bouras L. Boura, op. cit., 393, 454.
60 For the usual in the late-byzantine period pre-meditated
unification of the narthex with the naos cf. P. Vocotopoulos,
Church Architecture in the Despotate of Epirus: The Prob-
lem of Influences, 27 (19981999), 84, Ch. Bouras
L. Boura, op. cit., 349, 361; S. Mamaloukos,
, 4/26 (2005), 5354.
61 A. Orlandos, , A 2
(1936), 75.
62 For a short review into the history of Western Thessaly
area during the 13th and 14th c. cf. D. Sophianos,
( .)
, Vyzantina 21 (2000), 124127.
63 D. Sophianos,
( ), in:
, Athens 1996, 180194.
rest of the surrounding monasteries, the Monastery
of the Theotokos Akatamachetos was led to decline
and suffered damages due to an impingement on its
property during this period.64
Should the proposed dating be true, the morpho-
logical (but also the alien elements in the context of
byzantine constructional tradition) elements of the
building may well be interpreted, as Orlandos had
postulated,65 as an influence from Serbian architec-
ture of the 14th c., which tended towards borrowing
characteristics of western architecture of that period,
at least in the areas of construction and morpholo-
gy.66 The most important monuments manifesting
this tendency are the Katholika of the Monasteries
of Deani, built by kral Stephen Deanski, a fran-
siscan monk Vita of Kotor of Dalmatia as archi-
tect, between the years 1327 and 1335,67 and the
church of the Holy Archangels near Prizren, which
Stephen Duan built as his funerary church, be-
tween the years 1343 and 1349.68 In addition, based
on the characteristic morphological elements of the
Exonarthex of the Porta-Panagia, it could well be
hypothesized that the construction was taken up by
a workshop of builders from the dalmatian coast,
such as those which are known to have worked on
Serbian monuments, the architecture of which is in-
fluenced from the West, amongst which the two re-
nowned katholika of the monasteries of Deani and
Prizren, as mentioned previously.
In so far as the partial re-construction of the
narthex following its destruction due to the previ-
ously mentioned flood, this may be securely dated
at 1743, which is the year that is mentioned on the
inscription that remained unknown until recently.69
The name Kostas, mentioned on the same inscrip-
tion, may quite possibly have been the name of the
master-builder who undertook this rather grand con-
struction work. Hence, it follows indirectly from the
above mentioned that the wall paintings of the ex-
onarthex, which Orlandos had dated based upon sty-
64
S. Gouloules, op. cit., 8889.
65 A. Orlandos, op. cit., 2324.
66 For the trends in Serbian architecture of the 14th c. cf. C.
Mango, Byzantine Architecture, New York 1976, 312323;
. . , , (. . ), 2000, 477487.
1998, 328354. 74 Ch. Bouras,
67 For the monument and its dating cf. C. Mango, op. cit.,
312; . . , op. cit., 341342. , 18th Symposio Christianiks Archaiologiks
68 For the monument and its dating cf. C. Mango, op. cit.,
319; . . , op. cit., 342. 75 Ch. Bouras, op. cit., 47.
69 Cf. footnote 46, supra.
THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE EXONARTHEX OF THE PORTA-PANAGIA IN THESSALY
listic criteria in the first half of the 15th c., a short
while after its erection,70 are works, at the earliest
of the mid 18th c., since they follow the surfaces of
the initial walls and vaults, as much as those that
were built in 1743. Thus, the wall paintings of the
exonarthex must be examined in the context of the
artistic revival of the Macedonian style of painting
during this period, in the general area of Thessaly.71
The fact that, according to all that was men-
tioned previously, the Exonarthex of the Porta-Pan-
agia is a building of the mid 14th c., presents spe-
cial interest, as this monument of Thessaly, along
with the Katholikon of the Monastery of Hilandar72
and its exonarthex,73 but also several other smaller
monuments,74 such as the church of Hahios Ba-
sileios in the homonymous kathisma on the coast of
Hilandar Monastery,75 is yet another of the works
of the powerful Serbian krals, which today are on
Greek soil, which as professor Bouras has remarked
present many influences from non-byzantine idioms
of Serbian architecture.76 It could also be contended
that the exonarthex of the Porta-Panagia, with its
characteristic westernizing architecture is the most
Serbian of all the known until now Serbian
works, located in byzantine territory, which would
then recently have come under the emperor of
Serbs and Romans.
70 A. Orlandos, op. cit., 39.
71
About neo-macedonian painting in the area of Pindos
cf. A. Xyngopoulos,
, Athens 1957, 310; I. Tsiouris,
(1758) 18 -
, Athens 2008, 346, 374.
72 The church was built by the Kral Stefan Milutin at the
beginning of the 14th c. (1303). For the monument and its
dating cf. C. Mango, op. cit., 319; . . ,
op. cit., 329.
73 Recently professor Slobodan uri advocated the view
that the exonarthex of the Katholikon of the Monastery of Hi-
landar was founded by Kralj Stefan Duan in the mid 14th c.,
thus controverting the older dating of the monument between
the years 1370 and 1389, in the years of Knez Lazar, cf. S.
uri, The Exonarthex of Hilandar in: -
. , , ,
13 14 ,
Etaireias, Athens 1998, 47.
76 Ch. Bouras, op. cit.
249


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, , XIII
, 1283.
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, 19761977. 2002. , .
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250 S. MAMALOUKOS
CONSIDERATIONS ON THE GEOMETRY
OF GML KUBBE, THE MAUSOLEUM
OF cOTHMN I GHZ, AN ANNEX OF THE
MONASTERY OF HAGIOS IOANNES AT PROUSA
(MODERN BURSA) IN ANATOLIA

Vahit Macit TEKNALP

In this study about the mausoleum of cOthmn I, Silver Dome Gml Kubbe we are discussing the trans-
formation of Texier and Pullans circular planned structure to the Lwenhielms octagon.
Key words: cOthmn Ghz, mausoleum, octagon, Bursa, Byzantine architecture, Early Ottoman architecture

T
he mausolea of cOthmn I and Orkhan or after4 the town Prousa was taken by the Orkhan
Ghzs, founders of the Ottoman State, stand Ghz.
in the Monastery district within the citadel at Historical records state that cOthmn I Ghz was
Bursa.1 (Figs. 13). still alive when Orkhan Ghz moved from St
c
shi Pasha-zde recorded the will of cOthmn I to Prousa and that he died in 1324 just after learn-
Ghzs to his son and successor Orkhan, who wished ing that Prousa had been taken. He was buried tem-
to be buried beneath the Gml Kubbe during the porarily in St, but Orkhan Ghz had his body
long siege of the town of Prousa.2 According to his moved to Gml Kubbe (Silver Dome) in Bursa.
will, cOthmn I was buried in that building. How- Byzantine sources, however, give April 6th 1326
ever, Ottoman historical records are not clear as to for the downfall of Bursa.5 The last metropolitan of
which date in to the first quarter of the 15th century Prousa was Nikolaos (12831327).6
he was buried. It is unclear whether he died before3
1, 50; Karamanl Nianc Mehmed Paa, Osmanl Sultanlar
1 Mneccimba Ahmed bin Ltfullah, Camid-Dvel tarihi (ed. Konyal brahim Hakk), in: Osmanl Tarihleri I,
Osmanl Tarihi (12991481) (ed. A. Araka), stanbul (ed. . N. Atsz), stanbul 1949, 323369, 345; Mneccim-
1995, 78; . L. Barkan ve E. Merili, Hdavendigr Livas ba Ahmed b. Ltfullah (1995), 85; F. W. Hasluck, The Mul-
Tahrir Defterleri 1, Ankara 1988, no. 113, 6; M. Ylmaz, tiplication of tombs in Turkey, JHS 43 (1923), 16869; H.
(14871489) Bursa eriye sicilleri, Tereke Defteri, Ankara nkal, Osmanl Hanedan trbeleri, Ankara 1992, 265.
(Ankara University, Unpublished M. A. Thesis) 2002, 10; 4 Mehmed Neri, Kitb- Cihan-nm, Ner Tarihi (ed. F.
. Ergen, 16. yzyl sonlarnda Bursa, Ankara 2006, 78. R. Unat ve M. A. Kymen), Ankara 19952, vol. 1, 145146.
2 kpaaolu Ahmed k, Tevrh-i l-i Osman (ed . 5 P. Charanis, An important short chronicle of the Four-
N. Atsz), in: Osmanl Tarihleri I, (series ed. . N. Atsz), teenth Century, Byzantion 13 (1938), 335362, 342.
stanbul 1949, 79319, Bb 24, 112; Bb 28/115. 6 M. Le Quin, Oriens Christianus, in Quatuor Patriarchatus
3 kpaaolu, Bb 23, 111112; Oru Be Tarihi (ed.. Digestus; Quo Exhibentur Ecclesi, Patriarch, Cterique
. N. Atsz), stanbul 1972, 3132; Hoca Sadettin Efendi, Prsules Totius Orientis, Paris 1740 (19572), vol. 1, 615620;
Tct-Tevrih (ed. . Parmakszolu), Eskiehir 1992, vol. B. I. Kandis, , Athens 1883, 130142.

CONSIDERATIONS ON THE GEOMETRY OF GML KUBBE, THE MAUSOLEUM OF COTHMN I GHZ 251
 Fig. 1. Northeast portion of the Bursa Citadel as drawn by Suphi in 1858. It shows Orkhan Ghzs palace and the mausolea
of cOthmn I and Orkhan Ghzs which according to the sources were under construction until 1863
Conflicting historical sources and documents
seem to indicate that cOthmn I Ghz died in1324
at St and that his body was transferred to Bur-
sa in 1326, after the city was conquered on April
6th of that year. cOthmn I Ghz was reburied in
the annex of the Hagios Ioannes monastery.7 Thus
the Monasterys annex, which was built on a cen-
tral plan,8 was transformed into cOthmn I Ghzs
mausoleum. It is also very likely that the south
parekklesion of the katholikon was converted to a
mosque at the same time. Finally, the naos of the
katholikon of the Monastery was chosen as the fi-
7 . H. Uzunarl states that Prousa was taken after
cOthmn I Ghzs death, cf. . H. Uzunarl, Osmanl
Tarihi, stanbul 19885, vol. 1, 118. H. nalck considers
him to have been alive in September 1323 (Ramadan 723
AH) when he signed the foundation act of Aspora Hatun
wakf; however, a year later in 1324 (724 AH) he was no
longer living as he did not sign the foundation act of Me-
kece wakf, cf. H. nalck, Osman, DV slam Ansiklopedisi
33 (2007), 443453, 451.
8 Stephan Gerlach, Trkiye gnl 15731576 (transla-
tion T. Noyan), stanbul 2007, vol. 1, 446. Dr John Covel,
who visited Bursa in 1675, recorded that the monastery was
dedicated to Hagios Ioannes Theologos, cf. Dr John Covel
Voyages en Turquie (texte tabli, annot et traduit J.-P. Gr-
lois), Paris 1998, 146.
252 V. M. TEKNALP
nal resting place9 of Orkhan Ghz after his death
in 1362 (763 AH).10
The monastery and its annex buildings were de-
stroyed by a series of earthquakes in 1855. A re-
port prepared February 3rd, 1855, indicates that the
earthquake which took place on January 31st of that
year damaged but did not destroy the mausoleum
of Orkhan Ghz.11 Earthquakes were also record-
ed that year on February 28th, March 9th, 23th, 28th,
April 12th and September 10th. The sources make
clear that the earthquake which took place on Feb-
ruary 28th was the most serious. These data lead us
to the conclusion that the mausolea of cOthmn and
Orkhan Ghzs were damaged by the earthquake
9 Mehmed Neri, op. cit., vol. 1, 145146; Mneccimba
Ahmed bin Ltfullah, op. cit., 89, 102; S. Eyice, Bursada
Osman Gazi ve Orhan Gazi Trbeleri, Vakflar Dergisi 5
(1962), 131147, 146.
10 . H. Uzunarl, op. cit., 159, 164; A. Tfekiolu,
Erken Osmanl mimarisinde yaz, Ankara 2001, 3134;
Trkiyede vakf abideler ve eski eserler, Ankara 1983, vol.
1, 345.
11 Y. Ouzolu, Osmanl arivi kaytlarna gre 1855
Bursa depremi, in: Bursa yresinin depremsellii ve deprem
tarihi (ed. N. Abac), Bursa 2001, 8188, 8384; F. W. Has-
luck, op. cit., 17 footnote 5.
Fig. 2. Bursa, cOthmn I Ghzs Mausoleum today, looking from northeast
on January 31st, 1855, and collapsed after the earth-
quake on March 28th.12
Hagios Ioannes Monastery was surrounded by
high walls during the Ottoman period. According
to travelers records and drawings, the monastery
Fig. 3. Bursa, Ground plan of cOthmn I
had Ghzs Mausoleum.
12 J. Milne, Earthquakes and other earth movements, Lon-
don 1886, 72; N. Trkn Dostolu, Osmanl Dneminde
Bursa, Antalya 2001, vol. 1, 30.
CONSIDERATIONS ON THE GEOMETRY OF GML KUBBE, THE MAUSOLEUM OF COTHMN I GHZ
possibly five annex buildings attached to the katho-
likon.13 One of these was placed to the south and
the others were found to the west and north of the
katholikon. However, historical sources do not
reveal how many buildings were here, or which
buildings were built during the Byzantine Period or
after 1326. Today, this area is known as Tophane
and it is only remains of the Monastery Madrasa,
which was built between 1335 and 1339 by Orkhan
Ghz and was connected to the eastern walls of
Orkhan Ghz Palace, can be seen.14
Charles Flix Marie Texier visited Bursa in 1833
and worked at the monastery, which was converted
13 Dr John Covel Voyages en Turquie, 146 fig. b 4; P. Pi-
non, Constantinople et LAsie Mineure, in: Louis-Franois
Cassas 17561827, Dessinateur-Voyageur, Im Banne der
Shinx. Ein Franzsischer Zeichner reist nach Italien und in
den Orient, (Hrsg. A. Gilet U. Westfehling), Mainz am
Rhein 1994, 114136, 136 cat. no. 76; E. Yenal, Turkey,
as it was, Carl Gustaf Lwenhielm, a Swedish Diplomats
Turkish portfolio in the 1820s, stanbul 2003, 172173;
R. Dara, Engin Yenalla sylei, Bursa Defteri 20 (2003),
6166, 6364.
14 Hoca Sadettin Efendi, op. cit., 78; D. Kantemir, Osmanl
mparatorluunun ykseli ve k tarihi, stanbul 19993,
vol. 1, 80; E. H. Ayverdi, stanbul Mimr ann menei,
Osmanl Mimrsinin ilk devri 630805 (12301402),
stanbul 1966, vol. 1, 94; M. Hzl, Osmanl Klasik Dne-
minde Bursa Medreseleri, stanbul 1998, 1926.
253
 Fig. 4. Ground plan and section of cOthmn I Ghzs Mausoleum in 1833 (After Ch. Texier and R. P. Pullan, 1864, Pl. 56)
to the mausolea of cOthmn and Orkhan Ghz. He
shared his observations about the mausoleums and
their annex buildings in books published in 1849
and 1862.15 Ch. Texier included a plan and section
of cOthmn I Ghz Mausoleum in his book, which
he published together with Robert Popplewell Pul-
lan in 1864.16 (Fig. 4)
Later, Carl Gustaf Lwenhielm, the Swedish
ambassador from 1824 to 1826, painted two water-
colors, which are today in the archive of Uppsala
University. One of these depicting the mausoleum
of cOthmn I Ghz, is especially significant for
15 Ch. Texier, Description de lAsie mineure, Paris 1849,
vol. 1, 6162; Ch. Texier, Asie Mineure: description go-
graphique, historique et archologique des provinces et des
villes de la Chersonse dAsie, Paris 1862, vol. 1, 130.
16 Ch. Texier and R. P. Pullan, Byzantine Architecture; il-
lustrated by examples of edifices erected in the East during
the earliest ages of Christianity, with historical and archae-
ological descriptions, London 1864, 157, 216, Pl. 56.
254 V. M. TEKNALP
us.17 (Fig. 5) The amateur painter C. G. Lwenhielm
shows us a different building than Ch. Texier and R.
P. Pullans building. The most significant difference
between two figures can be said to be in the plan
drawings of the building. One shows a round plan
whereas the other shows an octagonal plan. Howev-
er, other travelers and earlier researchers stated that
c
Othmn I Ghzs mausoleum was octagonal.18 The
reason for the controversy over the plan and section
of Gml Kubbe (Silver Dome) is thus attribut-
able to the incorrect drawings of R. P. Pullan, who
probably did not visit the monument himself and
had for his book published in 1864 redrawn incor-
rectly the plan and section using he sketches of Ch.
17 Uppsala University Library, 3994.SKB 440, 260 x 210
mm., Yenal 2003, 172173; R. Dara, Engin Yenal, 63.
18 J. von Hammer Purstgall, Umblick auf einer Reise von
Constantinopel nach Brussa und dem Olympos, und von da
zurck ber Nica und Nicomedien, Pesth 1818, 50.
 Fig. 6. Diagram showing the re-drawing of the octagon
with 13.0646 m and 1.1420 m diameter
Fig. 5. Three dimensional model of cOthmn I Ghzs
Mausoleum based on C. G. Lwenhielms watercolor

one of the most recent and significant studies on

Texier, who had visited the building in 1834.19 Al- the mausolea of cOthmn and Orkhan Ghzs, gave
bert Gabriel suggested in his study on the structures the diameter of cOthmn I Ghzs mausoleum as
in Bursa that the original mausoleum was octagonal 12.00 m.22
in plan and because of that 1863 dated mausoleum Some studies suggest that original Silver
was constructed in octagonal plan.20 (Figs. 23) Dome of cOthmn I Ghzs mausoleum, which
In 1962, Semavi Eyice suggested in his article collapsed in the 1855 earthquake, was octagonal
on Gml Kubbe that a new building was con- in plan (Fig. 5). This suggestion is mainly based
structed on the foundations of the original build- on the notes of travelers; however, a detailed geo-
ing.21 A. Pralong and J.-P. Grlois, who published metrical study was not carried out for the building.
There are two reasons for this problematic issue.
19 Prof. S. Eyice stated in his article on Osman and Orkhan The first concerns an understanding of the dimen-
Ghzs tombs that Texiers archive is in The Royal Institute sions and geometry of the original Silver Dome that
of British Architects (RIBA) in London, cf. S. Eyice, op. cit., collapsed in 1855 earthquake. The second concerns
142 footnote 57. However, Ms. Dr. Nurdan Kkhaskyl, the architectural and geometrical connection of re-
who studied this archive, has determined that the sketches
stored building (which took its final form in 1863)
and drawings of Texiers Bursa visit are not in this archive.
Id like to express my gratitude to Dr. Kkhaskyl for with the original structure.23
her efforts in Texiers archive.
20 A. Gabriel, Une capitale Turque Brousse Bursa, Paris 22 A. Pralong J.-P. Grlois, Les monuments Byzantins
1958, vol. 1, 44. de la ville haute de Brousse, in: La Bithynie au Moyen
21 S. Eyice, op. cit., 146. Prof. S. Eyice finishes his article ge (ds. B. Geyer J. Lefort), Paris 2003, 139149,
with this statement there are many documents, engravings 143. 12,00 m diameter could be transformed to an octagon
and photos of older buildings of Bursa and one day hav- which has sides between 4.5930 m and 4.9710 m (Table 1,
ing more informative evidences about them will not be sur- no. 1920).
prising. Prof. S. Eyice is very right about this anticipation. 23 It should be stated that some differences between the ar-
Information used for this study and for other articles to be chitectural plan as designed and as built are possible for the
published soon indicates that Prof. S. Eyice used the limited periods that we have studied. This could be explained by the
evidence he had very efficiently and that he made important technology of that time and by human errors. Although we
contributions to solving this problem. are studying the geometry of this structure, for this studys

CONSIDERATIONS ON THE GEOMETRY OF GML KUBBE, THE MAUSOLEUM OF COTHMN I GHZ 255
 On the other hand, we do not have a different
data set for a similar discussion on the dimensions of
the structure. The north-south section drawing pub-
lished by Ch. Texier and R. P. Pullan shows a scale
and a height measurement (Fig. 4), which makes it
a much more detailed drawing than Lwenhielms
watercolor of western faade or Hercule Catenaccis
drawing, dated to 1835, that shows half of the drum
results it is not possible estimate the effects of the margin of
error on the design as planned and as built.
and dome of the monument.24 Since none of the
travelers provide information about the interior, we
have to consider only Ch. Texier and R. P. Pullans
section.25
24 A. Pralong J.-P. Grlois, op. cit., 149, fig. 2.
25 In his detailed study, Prof. H. Lowry determined that 116
travelers visited Bursa before 1855, cf. H. Lowry, Ottoman
Bursa in travel accounts, Bloomington 2003, 103128. We
were able to access seventy four of these travelers notes and
to identify eight further travelers not mentioned in this study.

Table 1 Conversion of circle to an octagon

Side length Outer Outer Inner Inner

No. of an radius diameter radius diameter Description
octagon (CA) (CA x 2) (CD) (CD x 2)

1 3.1750 m. 4.1483 m. 8.2966 m. 3.8326 m. 7.6652 m. According to notes on the Texier and
Pullans drawing, from inner

2 3.4363 m. 4.4901 m. 8.9802 m. 4.1483 m. 8.2966 m. According to notes on the Texier and
Pullans drawing, from inner

3 4.4055 m. 5.7560 m. 11.5120 m. 5.3179 m. 10.6358 m. According to notes on the Texier and
Pullans drawing, from outer

4 4.7684 m. 6.2302 m. 12.4604 m. 5.7560 m. 11.5120 m. According to notes on the Texier and
Pullans drawing, from outer

5 3.5084 m. 4.5840 m. 9.1680 m. 4.2342 m. 8.4684 m. According to scale on the Texier and
Pullans drawing, from inner

6 3.7975 m. 4.9617 m. 9.9234 m. 4.5840 m. 9.1680 m. According to scale on the Texier and
Pullans drawing, from inner

7 4.8937 m. 6.3940 m. 12.7880 m. 5.9072 m. 11.8144 m. According to scale on the Texier and
Pullans drawing, from outer

8 5.2970 m. 6.9209 m. 13.8418 m. 6.3940 m. 12.7880 m. According to scale on the Texier and
Pullans drawing, from outer

9 3.7243 m. 4.8660 m. 9.7320 m. 4.4956 m. 8.9912 m. Re-scaled figure according to Texier

and Pullans drawing, from inner

10 4.0309 m. 5.2666 m. 10.5320 m. 4.8660 m. 9.7320 m. Re-scaled figure according to Texier

and Pullans drawing, from inner

11 5.1463 m. 6.7240 m. 13.4480 m. 6.2121 m. 12.4242 m. Re-scaled figure according to Texier

and Pullans drawing, from outer

12 5.5704 m. 7.2781 m. 14.5562 m. 6.7240 m. 13.4480 m. Re-scaled figure according to Texier

and Pullans drawing, from outer

13 5.0000 m. 6.5328 m. 13.0656 m. 6.0355 m. 12.0710 m. An example to conversion

256 V. M. TEKNALP
 Table 1 Conversion of circle to an octagon

Side length Outer Outer Inner Inner

No. of an radius diameter radius diameter Description
octagon (CA) (CA x 2) (CD) (CD x 2)

14 5.4119 m. 7.0711 m. 14.1422 m. 6.5328 m. 13.0656 m. An example to conversion

15 4.5978 m. 6.0073 m. 12.0146 m. 5.5500 11.1000 m. Present mausoleum, from inner

16 4.2478 m. 5.5500 m. 11.1000 m. 5.1275 10.2550 m. Present mausoleum, from inner

17 5.5200 m. 7.2122 m. 14.4244 m. 6.6632 m. 13.3264 m. Present mausoleum, from outside

18 3.1500 m. 4.1157 m. 8.2314 m. 3.8024 m. 7.6048 m. Bench

19 4.5930 m. 6.0010 m. 12.0020 m. 5.5442 m. 11.0884 m. Pralong and Grlois suggestion

20 4.9710 m. 6.4949 m. 12.9898 m. 6.0005 m. 12.0010 m. Pralong and Grlois suggestion

The transformation of a circle into an octagon eter of 14.4244 m and an inside diameter of 13.3264
requires some geometrical explanations. Table 1 m (Table 1 no. 17). For the above-mentioned reason,
shows all measurements and enables an easier un- in estimating the original dimensions of the circu-
derstanding of this transformation. lar structure and its transformation to an octagonal
There are two possible options for the transfor- plan, two different measurements with a variation of
mation of the structure, which was defined as a cir- +0.40 m for a side measuring 5.00 m are possible.
cle by Ch. Texier and R. P. Pullan, to an octagonal
plan. An octagon could be placed inside or outside
of the circle (Fig. 6). The side widths increase or
decrease in line with the length of diameter. For ex-
ample, from a circle having a diameter of 13.0646
m, it is possible to create two octagons of different
sizes: one that is 5.00 m or one that is 5.4119 m
across (Table 1, no. 1314).
In proposing the dimensions of the original
structure, it should be considered that we know
only the diameter; it is therefore necessary to dis-
cuss the fact that the two octagons have different
side lengths for each diameter. Texier and Pullan
used measurements in feet in their notes and for
scale on their drawings. In the period between 1826
and 1956, a foot was equal to 0.3048 m.26
Today, the average length of one side of the
planned octagonal mausoleum could be calculated Fig. 7. Central unit of cOthmn I Ghzs
as 5.52 m.27 An octagon with side lengths of 5.52 m Mausoleum (After Ch. Texier and R. P. Pullan,
could be derived from a circle with an outside diam- 1864, Pl. 56)

26 For scales and calculating measurement, four digits after

are used in this study. While two digits after the decimal
point are sufficient for architectural applications, four digits
after the decimal point are preferable here in order to obtain
exact values.
27 Excessive plaster placed on the corners of the octagonal
structure is in line with architectural practice of that period.
Despite the collapse in 1855 of the original
Byzantine structure, we know the original dimen-
For this reason, measurements could be estimated only from
drawings.

CONSIDERATIONS ON THE GEOMETRY OF GML KUBBE, THE MAUSOLEUM OF COTHMN I GHZ 257
 sions from Ch. Texier and R. P. Pullans plan and
section published in 1864 (Fig. 4). In their draw-
ings, this structure was shown as having a circular
plan on both the inside and outside, however, in
his watercolor C. G. Lwenhielm shows it as oc-
tagonal (Fig. 5).
Some problems arise out of the transformation of
Ch. Texier and R. P. Pullans circular planned struc-
ture. There are also incompatibilities between the
measurements given in the drawing and its scale.
This may be related to the printing technology of
that period. But it is clear that this problematic is-
sue had to be resolved when the circular plan was
transformed to an octagon, and some suggestions
concerning it should be discussed here.
Problems are not limited only with this issue.
Ch. Texier and R. P. Pullan gave the inner diam-
eter of the circular structure as 27.22 feet (Fig. 7),
a figure equal to 8.2966 m. In transforming this di-
ameter to an octagonal plan, two octagons with side
lengths of either 3.1750 m or 3.4363 m (Table 1,
no. 12) are possible.
Fig. 8. Graves and 3.15 m wide octagonal bench placed inside Ch. Texier and R. P. Pullans plan of Orkhan Ghzs
Mausoleum: A Inner diameter is scaled to 27.22 feet (= 8.2966 m) (R = 4.1480 m); B Inner diameter is scaled to 9.7320
m (R = 4.8660 m).
258 V. M. TEKNALP
On the other hand, Ch. Texier, who was not
able to measure the diameter of a standing struc-
ture from above, should have been able to calculate
wall thickness at window or door level in order to
obtain the outer diameter. Ch. Texier and R. P. Pul-
lans drawings indicate a wall thickness of 1.608 m.
Thus, this measurement produces a total measure-
ment of 3.216 m, and the diameter of the structure
should be calculated as 11.5120 m accordingly. A
circle with 11.5120 m diameter can be transformed
into two octagons having side lengths of 4.4055 m
and 4.7684 m respectively (Table 1, no. 34).
The exact location where the measurement
of 27.22 feet (= 8.2966 m) noted on drawing
was taken is not clear (Fig. 7). The measurement
could refer either to the level of the support sys-
tem carrying dome drum or of the inner diameter.
If the arrows passing the line of support system
are considered to be the points of measurement,
they then give the measurements of the buildings
interior. However, this assumption brings up an-
other problem.
Fig. 9. Section drawings of Orkhan Ghzs Mausoleum drawn by Ch. Texier and R. P. Pullan and scaled to A 52.00 feet
(= 15.849 m) height; B 40.00 feet (= 12.192 m) width; C 13.448 m width

After the 1855 earthquake, the erection of the
new cOthmn I Ghz mausoleum approximate-
ly on the same spot was required because of the
graves it contained. Seventeen graves inside the
mausoleum are surrounded by a bench (Fig. 3).
The average length of this bench is 3.15 m28 and it
rises approximately 0.33 m from floor level. Today,
a circulation area measuring 1.35 m between the
walls and the bench follows the octagonal geom-
etry of the building on the north, east and south.
The octagonal bench has approximately the same
dimensions as the inner dimensions of the building,
which according to Ch. Texier and R. P. Pullans
plan measures 27.22 m in diameter with 3.1747 m
side lengths.29 These figures indicate that the bench
surrounding the graves is consistent and has ap-
proximately the same dimensions of the original
building as published by Ch. Texier and R. P. Pul-
lan. In this case, however, not be enough space in-
side the building accounts for the support system
carrying the high drum and the upper structure of
the building consisting of column pairs connected
with round arches resting on pedestal bases (Fig.
8A). Therefore, it could be suggested that the line
marking the inner diameter of the structure in Ch.
Texier and R. P. Pullans drawing might indicate the
diameter between the supports carrying the drum
28 The sides of this bench could be measured as 2.83 m on
the north, 3.06 m on the northeast, 3.15 m on the east, 3.25
m on the southeast and 2.72 m on the south.
29 There is a negligible difference between them of 0.0247
m (3.17473.1500).
of the structure (Fig. 8B). If the building were re-
scaled according to this data, the inner diameter of
the building could be calculated as 9.7320 m (R
4.866 m) (Fig. 8B). It is possible to transform this
diameter to an octagon having side lengths 3.7243
m and 4.0309 m (Table 1, no. 910). Wall thick-
ness reaches 1.858 m on this scale and the outer
diameter measures 13.4480 m (Fig. 8B). When this
circle is transformed into an octagon, it is possible
to obtain two octagons with side lengths of 5.1463
m and 5.5704 m respectively (Table 1, no. 1112).
Texier and Pullans plan and section drawings
provide a scale of 40.00 feet (= 12.192 m). When
this scale and the noted 27.22 m on the plan are cal-
culated, a difference of 1:1.1051 emerges. The in-
ner diameter, which is noted as being 27.22 feet (=
8.2960 m), becomes according to the scale 9.1680
m (Table 1, no. 56). In addition, that wall thick-
ness, which in from the drawing was previously
measured as 1.608 m, becomes 1.8100 m. This
measurement increases the diameter of the building
by about 3.62 m; accordingly, it could be calculated
as 12.788 m.30 As a result, calculations based on the
notes on the drawing should also be carried out ac-
cording to the scale. A circle having 12.788 m di-
ameter could be transformed into two octagons with
side length measurements of 4.8937 m and 5.2970
m respectively (Table 1, no. 78).
Taking into consideration the different meas-
urement suggestions, some questions about the
30 There is a 1.216 m difference between the calculations
as noted on the drawing and scale.

CONSIDERATIONS ON THE GEOMETRY OF GML KUBBE, THE MAUSOLEUM OF COTHMN I GHZ 259
 original dimensions of the building arise; which
of the calculations provided in Table 1 and dis-
cussed above is accurate?; and should measure-
ments from the drawing or calculations based on
scale be used?
Before attempting to answer these questions,
we think that the geometry of the bench surround-
ing the graves could help in solving the problem
(Fig. 3).
After the building was converted probably in
1326 to cOthmn I Ghzs mausoleum, it contin-
ued to be used for additional burials. Aside from
c
Othmn I Ghzs tomb, we have only informa-
tion on identity of four of seventeen total burials.31
Nevertheless, the other individuals are remaining
controversial.
If the other mausolea in Bursa are taken into
consideration, it becomes apparent that sarcopha-
gi were placed on similar benches that rise from
the floor to roughly the same level. Thus, it seems
reasonable to suggest that, following burial of
c
Othmn I Ghz, a bench similar to those found
in the other mausolea was added to this building.32
Considering the wide range of dates for the burials,
a continuous expansion of the bench can reason-
ably be assumed. According to historical records,
the last individual to be buried in this building
was the son of Murd I, Savc Bey, who died in
1385.33 The burial attributed to him is located at
the northernmost end of first row on the west. The
identity and dates of ten burials located on the east
in the second row, which are crucial for this study,
are not known. It is not known whether these indi-
viduals (based on the size of the sarcophagi some
of them were children) died before or after 1381;
however, it is certain that they were buried here
before the 1855 earthquake. For this reason, the
geometry of eastern part of the bench should be
31 They are CAl al-Dn Bey, Aspora Hatun, Ibrhm Bey
and Murd Is son Savc Bey, cf. H. nkal, Osmanli Hane-
dan, 267.
32 Proof for the existence of a bench surrounding the buri-
als of cOthmn I Ghz and others can also be gathered from
the engraving of Lon de Laborde dated to 1826, cf. L. de
Laborde, Voyage de lAsie Mineure (par Mrs. A. de Laborde
H. Becker), Paris 1838, Pl. 9.
33 M. T. Gkbilgin, Savc Bey, slm Ansiklopedisi 10
(1967), 251253; H. nkal, Osmanli Hanedan, 267; F. Bab-
inger C.-E. Bosworth, Sawdj, The Encyclopaedia of Is-
lam 9 (1997), 93.
260 V. M. TEKNALP
related to the form of original building destroyed
by the 1855 earthquake. On the other hand, there
is not any burial to the west of cOthmn I Ghzs
burial and octagonal symmetry could not be ob-
served in this section. Because Ch. Texier and R.
P. Pullan published their plan without providing a
directional orientation, at first glance, the entrance
to the building could be considered to have been
on the west.34 However, the absence of burials to
the west of Orkhan Ghzs burial can best be ex-
plained by hierarchical preferences.35
If we can accept the measurement of 27.22 feet
(= 8.296 m) marked on Ch. Texier and R. P. Pul-
lans plan as having been taken from the level of
support system that carried the drum and consisted
of column pairs, the resulting dimensions for the
original building (Fig. 8.B) are most suitable. Fol-
lowing this assumption, the structure would have
measured 13.448 m in diameter from the exterior
and could have been transformed into an octagon
having side lengths of 5.1463 m from the interior
and 5.5704 m from the exterior (Table 1, no. 11
12). One of our suggestions, namely a side length
of 5.5704 m, is very close to the 5.52 m side length
of the octagonal building presently standing.
In addition, according to Ch. Texier and R. P.
Pullans drawing, the interior and exterior of the
walls had niches with half-rounded sections; how-
ever, C. G. Lwenhielms watercolor indicates that
the niches on the faade had rectangular sections,
and not half-rounded ones. In C. G. Lwenhielms
watercolor, the niches are shallower than indicated
in Ch. Texier and R. P. Pullans plan: if the external
diameter is accepted as 13.448 m, they had a width
of 2.00 m and a depth of 0.73 m. The interior of
the building also showed niches of approximately
equivalent size.36
Texier and Pullans section drawing is simi-
larly problematic. The height from the floor to the
center of dome is marked on the section drawing
as 52.0 feet (= 15.8496 m). If the section drawing
34 According to the sketch plan of Dr. John Covel, who
visited Bursa on 9th October 1675, the entrance to the Sil-
ver Dome was aligned north-south and was connected to the
east of the lite at the west end of church.
35 For a similar practice, Orkhan Ghzs mausoleum can
be mentioned.
36 Width and depth of interior half-rounded niches are cal-
culated as 2.09 m and 0.815 m respectively.
Fig. 10. Comparison of Ch. Texier and R. P. Pullans section with its exterior diameter scaled to 13.448 m with the present-
day cOthmn I Ghz mausoleum.
was scaled according to 52.0 feet (= 15.496 m), the
result is 12.013 m, instead of 40.00 feet (= 12.192
m). If the section drawing was scaled according
to 40.00 feet (= 12.192 m), the resulting height is
16.077 m instead of 52.00 feet (= 15.8496 m). In
this case, there is a 1:1.0149 proportional differ-
ence between the measurement on the drawing and
the scale.
These calculations affect directly the extensions
of the building. If the scale of 12.013 m accepted,
the exterior diameter of the building could be cal-
culated as 12.725 m (Fig. 9A); however, it becomes
12.921 m (Fig. 9B) if a scale of 40.00 feet (= 12.192
m) is used. Another suggestion on this problem is,
if we scale the section drawing to our suggestion
of 13.448 m (Table 1, no 1112) for the exterior
diameter of the building becomes 16.733 m instead
of 52.00 feet (= 15. 8496 m); and the scale based
on 40.00 feet (= 12.192 m) should be calculated as
12.690 m (Fig. 9C).
Texier and Pullans section drawing is not very
useful for determining the diameter of the build-
ing. However, it does provide some clues for un-
derstanding the relation between the height of the
octagonal building constructed in 1863 that still
CONSIDERATIONS ON THE GEOMETRY OF GML KUBBE, THE MAUSOLEUM OF COTHMN I GHZ
stands today and the original building as described
by Ch. Texier and R. P. Pullan (Fig. 10).
According to the Ch. Texier and R. P. Pullans
drawing, the upper level of the cornice at the base
of the dome is 6.549 m from the floor. If this section
drawing was scaled to 13.4480 m diameter, which
should be the closest measurement for the dimen-
sion of the original building, then 6.549 m almost
coincides with the base of the round arches con-
necting the columns carrying the high drum of the
original structure (Fig. 10). Additionally it could be
recognized that the height of 8.012 m matches the
base of the high drum, which is seamlessly incor-
porated into the present octagonal building.
As a result, the high drum of cOthmn I Ghz
mausoleum, which was weakened with the open-
ing of wide round arched windows, collapsed in
the 1855 earthquakes and subsequently the sup-
port system was completely removed and the new
mausoleum covered with a dome. Also the high
round arched windows opened on each side of the
octagon and original gate which was once on the
east was turned to a window and a new entrance
opened to the north direction during the recon-
structions.
261
 , I
, .
( )

I, , .
I 1962.
. , . - -
, - . ,
. - , .
1855. .
1833. - ,
. 1864. . -
- 1855. ,
I . 1864. -
, .
1824. 1826, - I -
I . -

. .
, .
, - -
. , -
1958. 1855. . -
-
, , 1863.
1863. - .

262 V. M. TEKNALP
STYLISTIC OBSERVATIONS ON THE PAINTED
DECORATION OF ST. NICHOLAS AT ACHRAGIAS
IN LACONIA / PELOPONNESE*

Sophia Kalopissi-Verti

The church of St. Nicholas at Achragias, near the village of Theologos in Laconia, is a cross-in-square distyle
type church, which was once the katholikon of a monastery. Its wall paintings reflect the contemporary artistic
trends of Constantinople, which were bequeathed to Mistra and cultivated there, revealing the ambitions of the
founder and his close connections with the milieu of the capital of the Despotate of Morea.
Key words: St. Nicholas at Achragias, fresco painting, style, 14th century, Mistra

T
he church of St. Nicholas, formerly the lished a more detailed study of the church in 1994
katholikon of a monastery, is located in the especially concerning its sculptures, some of which
vicinity of the village Theologos in Laco- are reused, relating them to works of Mistra and
nia, at Achragias.1 It belongs to the cross-in-square proposed a late 14th century date for the erection
distyle church type (6.58 m x 8.37 m, without the of the church.3 To the same conclusion concerning
apse) and much of its sculptural and painted decora- the date arrived Titos Papamastorakis, who argued
tion survives (Fig. 1). Nikolaos Drandakis first took that the wall paintings in the dome of St. Nicholas
note of the church in 1964 in his earlier book on the (Figs. 24) were modeled after the decoration of
Byzantine wall paintings of Mesa Mani.2 He pub- the dome of the Peribleptos church at Mistra and
therefore should be dated between 13701400.4
* The present article is an English revised version of the Today the church is dedicated to the holy martyr
Greek text published in AE 27 (2006), 181192. Nicholas from the East ( A) also known
1 The toponym seems to derive from the word - = as Nicholas the Younger of Bounena ( B
, cf. D. Demetrakos, M E
or B) in Thessaly, who is commemorated on
, Athens 1949. This word has been preserved in
the Tsakonian dialect as and
, cf. M. Dephner,
T , Athens 1923; Th. P. wall, cf. W. Cavanagh et al., Continuity and Change in a
Kostakes, T , vol. I, Athens Greek Rural Landscape: The Laconia Survey, II, Archaeo-
1986. It may reflect the name of the church founder or of logical Data, London 1996, 34850.
some landowner in the region, since in the late Byzantine 3 N. B. Drandakis, Ao
period the names A, PLP nos. 1715, 91408, 91409, , AE 1994, 2331, figs. 413.
and A, ibid., nos. 1705, 91407, 93141 are found. 4 T. Papamastorakis, O
2 N. B. Drandakis, B M M-

B x
, Athens 1964, 76, footnote 1. On the site of the monas- K, Athens 2001, 14 (no. 25), 4748, 317318, figs.
tery complex and the ruins of its buildings and its enclosure 5254.

STYLISTIC OBSERVATIONS ON THE PAINTED DECORATION OF ST. NICHOLAS AT ACHRAGIAS 263

 May 9.5 However, it was probably originally dedi- ume of the figures, the emphasis on the architec-
cated to St. Nicholas of Myra, as can be inferred tural background, the flowing drapery with large
from the representation of the enthroned bishop of bright surfaces on the clothing, e.g. on the figures
Myra in the blind arch of the north wall beside the of the Evangelists (Fig. 5), or the juxtaposition of
altarscreen.6 cool and warm colors on the same garment, as on
There is a unity of style in the greater part of the maphorion of the Platytera (Fig. 6), as well as
the surviving painted decoration, which should be the rendering of white highlights date the painted
decoration of St. Nicholas at
Achragias to the second half
of the 14th century. In fact, the
preference for reddish ocher
figures with thin bright beams
of light on the faces (Figs. 3, 4,
7, 8) is reminiscent of the so-
called expressionistic stylis-
tic idiom of the 14th century.8
The expressionistic trend
originates in a group of wall
paintings in the Aphentiko
at Mistra (ca. 13121322),
which includes, among others,
the scenes of the bema and of
the east part of the church
Communion of the Apostles,
Ascension, Christ Appear-
ing to the Apostles, Nativity,
Baptism the figures in the
gallery and the paintings in
the chapel of the chrysobulls.9
Fig. 1. Laconia, The church of St. Nicholas at Achragias near the village Theologos, Recently, the frescoes of the
view from southwest south stoa have also been at-
tributed to the same group of
paintings.10 Dramatic move-
attributed to the same painter. It includes Christo- ments, intense expressions, a sense of realism in
logical and Mariological scenes, episodes from the the faces and bold combinations at times of warm
life of St. Nicholas and individual figures of saints, and cool colors characterize this group. The decora-
mainly monks.7 The eclectic rendering of the vol- tion of the narthex of the Metropolis of Mistra (ca.
1315) also displays several similar features as far
5 O M O E, vol

V, month of May, Athens 1962, 238246. For the spread of
maloukos and a group of young colleagues Giorgos Fous-
the veneration of the saint, D. Z. Sophianos, O . N-
teris, Michalis Kappas and Giorgos Pallis whom I kindly
o N B (I .). .
A M (1630) , thank.
8 D. Mouriki, O A N
Athens 1986. This military saint is already represented in
art from the second half of the 14th century, cf. diptychs-reli- M, Athens 1975, 5462.
quaries of Maria Palaiologina in the Transfiguration Monas- 9 M. Chatzidakis, M. H
tery at Meteora and in Cuenca (between 1367 and 1384), N. , Athens 1987, 6062, 6667, figs. 3537, 3940; D.
A. ees, M Mouriki, Stylistic Trends in Monumental Painting of Greece
, Archaeologike Ephemeris 1911, 180; M at the Beginning of the Fourteenth Century, in: L art byzan-
. A (ed. tin au dbut du XIVe sicle, Symposium de Graanica 1973
M. Vassilaki), Athens Milan 2000, no. 30, (L. Deriziotis). (S. Petkovi ed.), Belgrade 1978, 7279.
6 N. B. Drandakis, op. cit., 29. 10 T. Papamastorakis, Mystra as Mirror of Constantinople,
7 I last visited St. Nicholas in October 2004 as part of a in: Acts of the conference held at Dumbarton Oaks, May
research team on the Byzantine monuments of the region 13, 2009, Morea: The Land and its People in the Aftermath
of Mt. Parnon together with the architect Stavros Ma- of the Fourth Crusade (forthcoming).

264 S. KALOPISSI-VERTI
as the perception of light and
colors are concerned.11
The church of St. Nicholas
at Platsa in Messenian Mani
is the principal representative
of this trend in the Pelopon-
nese in the second half of the
14th century. It was renovated
by a military officer of Slav
origin, Konstantinos Spanes,
commander of the moun-
tainous area of Taygetos, the
all-noble, highly revered tza-
ousios of the drongos of the
Melingoi, according to the
donor inscription.12 As Doula
Mouriki has pointed out, the
two painters who worked in
the central aisle in 1337/8 fol-
low similar stylistic idioms.13
These are essentially dual
manifestations of the same Fig. 2. Laconia, St. Nicholas at Achragias, the dome
trend that experiments with
the use of color and light as
a means of artistic expression. The expressionistic stylistic trend occurs in
The painter of the Deesis is fond of the color red the broader sphere of influence of Byzantium and
but emphasizes bold juxtapositions of warmer and specifically in Bulgaria in monuments which are
cooler colors, while using bright chopped surfaces almost contemporary with the decoration of the
or uninhibited white brushstrokes to indicate light. church of St. Nicholas at Platsa. A characteristic ex-
The painter of the Baptism shows a preference for ample is the cave church (Curkvata) near Ivanovo
reddish-ocher figures on which he freely and boldly (ca. mid 14th c.), whose decoration has been attrib-
places white beams of light, granting a distinctive uted to painters at the court of Tsar Ivan Alexander
dynamism to the figure. Finally, between the years (13311371) following metropolitan models15 or
1343/44 and 1348/49 the painters of the south aisle to painters possibly from Constantinople. The wall
more or less follow the artistic idiom of the central paintings of the church of St. Marina near Karlu-
aisle though in a more conservative form.14 kovo, also in Bulgaria, are attributed to artists from
the same milieu as well.16
11 M. Chatzidakis, M, 4243; D. Mouriki, Stylistic
Trends, 7374; H M. B, 15 A. Grabar, Les fresques d Ivanovo et lart des Palolo-
Athens Thessaloniki Mystras 2001, figs. 51, 74, 140.
gues, Byzantion 2527 (19551957), 581590; T. Velmans,
12 ...o () -
Les fresques d Ivanovo et la peinture byzantine la fin du
. For the painted decoration of the church, Moyen Age, Journal des Savants 1965, 358412; M. Bi-
see the detailed study of Doula Mouriki in the previous note. cev, Stenopisite v Ivanovo, Sofia 1965; E. Bakalova, Sur la
For the inscriptions, ibid., 1215 and A. Philippidis-Braat, peinture bulgare de la seconde moiti du XIVe sicle (1331
Inscriptions du IXe au XVe sicle, in: D. Feissel A. Philip- 1393), in: L cole de la Morava et son temps. Symposium
pidis-Braat, Inventaires en vue dun recueil des inscriptions de Resava 1968, (V. J. Djuri ed.), Belgrade 1972, 6263.
historiques de Byzance. III. Inscriptions de Ploponnse ( 16 D. Panayotova-Piguet, Le style des peintures de Sain-
lexception de Mistra), TM 9 (1985), 330332, no. 70. For
te-Marina prs de Karlukovo, SdostF 40 (1981), 187205;
the 12th c. date of the original structure cf. Ch. Bouras L.
ead., Sainte-Marina prs de Karlukovo, Recherches sur la
Boura, H E 12 , Athens
peinture en Bulgarie du bas moyen ge, Paris 1987, 101
2002, 268270.
122 (2nd quarter of 14th c.); L. Mavrodinova, Skalite skitove
13 D. Mouriki, O N, 5462.
pri Karlukovo, Sofia 1985; ead., Ikonografija na dvanade-
14 Ibid., 6266. For the inscriptions, ibid., 1516, and A. sette golemi curkovni praznika, Sofia 2005, 20, 120121(2nd
Philippidis-Braat, Inscriptions, 333334, nos. 71, 73. half of 14th c.).

STYLISTIC OBSERVATIONS ON THE PAINTED DECORATION OF ST. NICHOLAS AT ACHRAGIAS 265

 After the mid 14th century the surviving monu-
ments representative of the expressionistic trend
have a direct connection to Constantinople, indicat-
ing the most probable place of origin of this artis-
tic idiom. From this time on and until the end of
the 14th century, the expressionistic trend seems
to follow two different modes of expression. The
first is identified by the formulaic rendering and
schematization of the white beams of light, while
the other is characterized by a bold freedom in the
rendering of light, in essence continuing the basic
principles of this stylistic trend as it appeared in the
first half of the 14th century.
A fragment of a painting found in the church of
the Panagia Kamariotissa on the island of Chalke
in the Sea of Marmara (last quarter of the 14th c.)
follows the schematized mode of the expression-
istic trend.17 An important painter from the capi-
17
In earlier bibliography the church was considered to have
been founded or restored under John V Palaiologos between
1341 and 1372 and the fragment was dated to that time pe-
riod, R. Janin, Les les des Princes, EO 23 (1924), 326327;
H. Zidkov, ber ein Freskenfragment in der Panaghia-Kirche
Fig. 3. Laconia, St. Nicholas at Achragias, dome, Christ
Pantocrator
266 S. KALOPISSI-VERTI
tal, Manuel Eugenikos, who was commissioned to
decorate the church of Calendicha in Georgia by
Vamek Dadiani (13841396), follows similar artis-
tic methods. In his works bright beams are sche-
matically rendered forming white linear grids that
cover the entire face.18 Conversely, another talented
auf der Insel Chalki, BNJ 6 (19271928), 521528; V. Laza-
rev, Storia della pittura bizantina, Torino 1967, 375, fig. 518;
A. Pasadaios, H X M K,
AE 1971, 155. Since more recent scholars, such as Th.
Mathews, Observations on the Church of Panagia Kamari-
otissa on Heybeliada (Chalke), Istanbul, DOP 27 (1973),
117127 and C. Mango, A Note on Panagia Kamariotissa
and Some Imperial Foundations of the Tenth and Eleventh
Centuries at Constantinople, ibid., 128132, do not accept
that a restoration occurred under John V, the fragment is dis-
associated from the third quarter of the 14th century and could
instead be dated to the last quarter due to its similarity with
the wall paintings of Manuel Eugenikos in Calendicha.
18 H. Belting, Le peintre Manuel Eugenikos de Constanti-
nople, en Gorgie, CahArch 28 (1979), 105 114; D. Mou-
riki, Reflections of Constantinopolitan Style in Georgian
Monumental Painting, in: XVI. Internationaler Byzantinis-
tenkongre, Wien 1981, = JB 31/2 (1981), 74975; T. Vel-
mans, Le dcor du sanctuaire de lglise de Calendicha.
Quelques schmas rares: la Vierge entre Pierre et Paul,
la Procession des anges et le Christ de Piti, CahArch 36
(1988), 137159; I. Lordkipanidze, Rospis v Calendiche,
Tbilisi 1992.
Fig. 4. Laconia, St. Nicholas at Achragias, dome, Angel
Fig. 5. Laconia, St. Nicholas at Achragias, northwest pendentive, Evangelist

painter from the region of Constantinople, The-
ophanes the Greek, who was active in Russia dur-
ing the final decades of the 14th century until the
beginning of the 15th,19 uses bold, fleeting brush-
strokes to display white highlights on the reddish-
brown flesh of uncovered body parts and on the
purple surfaces of the garments.
This stylistic trend came from Constantinople
and spread to the territory of the Despotate of Mo-
rea via Mistra, which had close ties to the capital
not only politically and administratively but also in
the realm of the arts and letters.20 During the second
19 On Theophanes cf. V. Lazarev, Theophanes de Grieche
und seine Schule, Vienna and Munich 1968; K. Sardelis, -
, Athens 1978; M. Alpatov, Feofan Grek, 21 M. Chatzidakis, M, 67, 109; N. B. Drandakis, O
Moscow 1984; G. I. Vzdornov, Volotovo, Moscow 1989.
For the stylistic similarities between Theophanes and monu-
ments of the 14th and 15th century in the Peloponnese cf. H.
Deliyanni-Dori, The Friends of Theophanes the Greek in
the Despotate of the Morea, in: . A bibliography).
N M (ed. M. Aspra-Vardavaki), 23 On the monastery, see L. Politis, H M T
Athens 2003, vol. 1, 193210.
20 D. A. Zakythinos, Le Despotat grec de More. Vie et
Institutions (dition revue et augmente par Ch. Maltzou),
half of the 14th century this trend is found in Mistra
itself in the chapel of the abbot Kyprianos (1366)
in Aphentiko and in a somewhat more conventional
form in the small church of A Yannakis (1375
80).21 Features of this stylistic idiom are moreover
evident in two provincial churches at Longanikos,
i.e. St. George (1374/75) and the Holy Apostles (ca.
137580).22 Recently, a monument of exceptional
quality was noted, which is representative of the
expressionistic trend, namely, the katholikon of
the Palaia Mone Taxiarchon in Aigialeia / North-
peloponnese and specifically the earliest layer of
painting dated to circa 1400.23 It combines the two
London 1975, 320ff.
A- M, AE 14 (19871988), 6182.
22 O. Chassoura, Les peintures murales byzantines des
glises de Longanikos Laconie, Athens 2002 (with earlier
A, Hellenika 11 (1939), 6780; D. A. Zakythinos, Le
Despotat grec de More. Vie et Institutions, 306307. For the
earliest layer of wall painting in the katholikon, see A. Kou-

STYLISTIC OBSERVATIONS ON THE PAINTED DECORATION OF ST. NICHOLAS AT ACHRAGIAS 267

 ways of rendering light, that
is, the freer, fleeing brush-
strokes as found in the works
of Theophanes, and the care-
fully designed grids of paral-
lel white lines preferred by
Manual Eugenikos. Thus, this
artistic trend apparently is
quite widespread in the Pelo-
ponesse in the 14th century and
especially during the second
half, not only in Mistra but in
the countryside as well.
To sum up, the expres-
sionistic trend, lasting almost
a century long, is tied directly
to Constantinople and to cent-
ers dependent on it. Although
it is generally characterized Fig. 6. Laconia, St. Nicholas at Achragias, semidome of the apse, The Virgin between
by an extraordinary expres- worshipping angels
siveness, dynamism and
freedom in the use of artistic
means, after the mid14th century more formalized Several qualities are reminiscent of the wall
versions appear in certain monuments. Gradually paintings of St. Nicholas at Platsa, such as the pre-
characteristic features of this trend, related to color dominance of the reddish-brown color, the plastic-
and to the rendering of light, are combined with ity of the figures and the numerous optical angles
other more academic, contemporary trends and are of the architectural background (Fig. 5) which
disseminated to the periphery. is depicted in reddish ocher and highlighted with
The wall paintings of St. Nicholas at Achragias white and is decorated with red fabrics joining the
have quite a number of characteristics in common rooftops. However, at Achragias the rendering ap-
with the monuments of the Despotate of Morea pears more conventional, lacking the boldness and
mentioned above. Despite deterioration and per- vitality that characterizes the painters of the central
haps a slight oxidation of the colors, the figures at aisle at Platsa or later Theophanes the Greek. The
Achragias as a whole clothing, bare parts, hair, wall paintings at Achragias are stylistically closer
halos are rendered in hues of red24 (reddish ocher to the frescoes of the south aisle of St. Nicholas at
for the underpainting, pink for the himatia), while Platsa (between 1343/44 and 1348/9) and of A-
light is displayed with wide bright surfaces on the annakis at Mistra (ca. 137580).
garments (Figs. 47) and with thin parallel lines Stylistic similarities with the churches of St.
on the faces (Figs. 3, 4, 8). White, green, deep and George (1374/75) and the Holy Apostles (ca. 1375
light blue colors are also used to a lesser degree, 80) at Longanikos are also evident, such as the use
and yellowish ocher even more rarely. of purple, green and white colors,25 the way the
architectural background is perceived, the eclectic
mousi and A. Moutzali, M T A,
corporeality of the figures, the broad bright sur-
in: E B M faces on the clothing,26 and the minimal amount of
A T. Abstracts, Athens 2001, 5253. lights on the face.
24 For the extensive use of red and its symbolism in Balkan A characteristic feature of this period is the jux-
monuments from the second half of the 14th c., see H. De- taposition of complementary colors on the same
liyanni-Dori, O garment, such as the use of bright blue surfaces on
T A, in: B T
A , T T 1988.
25 However, at Longanikos yellow ocher is also often used.
T , Athens 1990, 595
597. 26 O. Chassoura, Longanikos, figs. 12, 14, 17.

268 S. KALOPISSI-VERTI
the purple maphorion of the Platytera (Fig. 6). An
analogous perception is already found in the wall
paintings of the chapel of the Chora Monastery
(ca. 13151320)27 and the chapel of the chrysob-
ulls at Aphentiko (1314/151322).28 Nevertheless,
it is established in the second half of the 14th cen-
tury, as in the painted decoration of the Periblep-
tos at Mistra (13651374)29 and of the churches of
Longanikos.30 Another stylistic feature of the wall
paintings at Achragias, i.e. the thin parallel lines in-
dicating light beneath the eyes (Fig. 8), follows a

27 P. Underwood, The Kariye Djami, New York 1966, vol.

3, pl. 223.
28 M. Chatzidakis, M, figs. 36, 39.
29 Ibid., figs. 46, 49. For the phases of the church, the pa-
trons and date, see recently A. Louvi-Kizi, O
M, AE 24 (2003), 101118.
30 O. Chassoura, Longanikos, figs. 1321. The use of two
colors, usually warm and cool, on the same garment is gen-
eralized in the wall paintings of the Pantanassa at Mistra
(1428), cf. M. Aspra-Vardavaki and M. Emmanuel, H M
M. O 15 -
, Athens 2005, 314, figs. 41, 42, 48, 131, 132, 144 etc.

Fig. 8. Laconia, St. Nicholas at Achragias, vault of the

sanctuary, Ascension, Christ, detail

similar development. Figures in the Metropolis and

in the Hodegetria at Mistra31 already display such
lines, while in the Peribleptos32 they appear more
frequently and to a greater extent, covering almost
the entire surface of the cheeks. In fact, the affin-
ity of the principal painter at Achragias to one of
the artists of the prothesis and diakonikon of the
Peribleptos is characteristic, not only in the way he
represents light on dark brown surfaces but also in
his rendering of facial features.33
A second, equally skilled, albeit more tradi-
tional painter also worked in St. Nicholas at Achra-
gias and painted some of the hierarchs in the bema
(Figs. 911). The figures attributed to him are tall,

31 G. Millet, Mistra, pl. 86,4 (Metropolis). For the Hode-

Fig. 7. Laconia, St. Nicholas at Achragias, semidome of the
apse, Angel
getria of the Brontochion Monastery, see, for example, the
figures of Saints Vikentios and Andronikos (unpublished
representations).
32 Ibid., pls. 115, 123, 12. On the use of this artistic means
in Pantanassa: cf. Aspra-Vardavaki and M. Emmanuel, H
M , 259, figs. 57, 103, 109, 110, 120 sq.
33 G. Millet, Mistra, pl. 115.

STYLISTIC OBSERVATIONS ON THE PAINTED DECORATION OF ST. NICHOLAS AT ACHRAGIAS 269

 key monument in the development of monumental
art in the Despotate during the last decades of the
14th and early 15th centuries.
The second half of the 14th century is a period
of great artistic flourishing in the Despotate of Mo-
rea, both in quantity and in quality. The number of
monuments and layers of painting belonging to this
period has not been systematically counted yet.35
Mistra is undoubtedly the leader in terms of quality.
It is the third largest artistic center, after Constan-
tinople and Thessaloniki, of the shrinking empire
in the late Byzantine period and is directly depend-
ent on the capital. At a time when the examples of
Constantinopolitan art are very limited, Mistra is
thriving and its influence emanates throughout the
Despotate. The complex of Hagia Sophia, which
has been identified with the church of Christ Zoo-
dotes, the Life-Giver, (main church and NE chapel
between 1348 and 1354, SE chapel after 1366)36
and the Virgin Peribleptos (13651374),37 whose
impact on the monumental art of the Despotate in
the late 14th century was unequivocal, constitute
major achievements of Mistra. They are directly
associated with the despot Manuel Kantakouzenos

Fig. 9. Laconia, St. Nicholas at Achragias, sanctuary, 35 H. Deliyanni-Dori, A, 604608, has counted at
Hierarch least 40 painted churches dated to the second half of the 14th
century until the fall of the Despotate to the Turks in 1460.
Cf. N. Drandakis, -
modeled, the drapery fluid with subtle gradations ,
of color, and the color spectrum rich with a prefer- LakSp 13 (1996), 167236.
36 G. Millet, Mistra, pls. 132134; M. Chatzidakis,
ence for soft hues. Facial volume is rendered with
transitions from shaded to lit surfaces. The afore- M, 6971. For the iconographical program of the
church cf. S. Dufrenne, Les programmes iconographiques
mentioned characteristics as well as the schema- des glises byzantines de Mistra, Paris 1970, 13, 1617.
tized rendering of the ears, the long thin nose, the On the chapels cf. N. B. Drandakis, O
shaded sideways-looking eyes, whose pupils are BA A M, Epistemonike
not distinguished from the iris and are painted on Epeteris Philosophikes Scholes Panepistemiou Athenon, 28
the upper part of the eye causing the white eyeball (197985), 469490; M. Emmanuel, H A M-
to be greatly visible, and the wide, uniform surfaces . o-
, in: M (19261996) A,
of light on the forehead and cheeks (Figs. 1011) I 2003, 153186. Cf. H M, figs.
are reminiscent of certain figures in the Peribleptos 96, 141, 143.
at Mistra.34 37 G. Millet, Mistra, pls. 108131; M. Chatzidakis,
Therefore, the painters at Achragias, who both M, 7389. For the iconographical program cf. S. Du-
are skilled and knowledgeable about the latest frenne, Les programmes, 1416. For the iconography cf. D.
trends, present an affinity to the wall decoration of Mouriki, T -
the Peribleptos. This imposing monument of Mis- M, Archaiologike Ephem-
tra, in which many artists representing multiple sty- eris 1968, X, 16; ead., A
M,
listic trends collaborate, once again stands out as A 25 (1970), M, 217251. For the architecture
and sculpture of the church cf. A. Louvi, L architecture et
34 Ibid., pl. 121,3 (prophet Elijah), 124,1 (Christ from the la sculpture de la Privleptos de Mistra (thse de doctorat
Transfiguration). Note that the two painters of Achragias de IIIe cycle, Univesit de Paris I, Panthon, Sorbonne 1980
both use an incised underdrawing. (unpublished doctoral dissertation). Cf. footnote 29.

270 S. KALOPISSI-VERTI
(13481380) and his wife Isabella de Lusignan.
Furthermore, the SE chapel of the Aphentiko, an
act of benefaction of Abbot Kyprianos in 1366, the
small churches of A-Yannakis, donated by Kale
Kavasalea (ca. 137580), and of St. Christopher
(third quarter of 14th c.), as well as other chapels,
only fragments of whose painting survive, attest
to the quality of the fresco decoration executed by
painters at Mistra regardless of the patron.38
Monuments equal in quality to the churches of
Mistra are found in Leontari, a metropolitan see
and significant military center in the 14th and 15th
centuries. The painted decoration of St. Athana-
sios and of the Holy Apostles, which was partly
the work of the same workshop, has been linked
to the Peribleptos at Mistra,39 both iconographi-
cally and stylistically. As has been argued, the un-
known patrons of the two churches were probably
members of the high aristocracy or officers of the
administrative, military or ecclesiastical hierarchy
of Mistra.
Monuments of good quality that are dependent
on the art of Mistra are found in smaller settlements
of the Despotate, as at Longanikos, a late Byzan-
tine military and residential center, according to the
archaeological evidence. The painted decoration of
St. George (1374/75), donated by a priest with ju-
ridicial competence (nomikos) and a military com- Fig. 10. Laconia, St. Nicholas at Achragias, sanctuary,
Hierarch, detail
mander (tzaousios), as well as the wall paintings of
the Holy Apostles, the work of the same workshop
(ca. 137580), have been related to Mistra and par- the churches of the Taxiarchs and of St. Andreas
ticularly to the SE chapel of Aphentiko and to the at Kastania, though in a provincial rendering and
church of A-Yannakis.40 with obvious elements of schematization.41 Related
Furthermore, a large number of painted monu- stylistic features occur in the painted decoration of
ments survive in smaller settlements or in the coun- other churches of Epidauros Limera that have been
tryside of the Despotate. At the turn of the 14th to dated to either circa 1400, as in Panagia Cheima-
the 15th century, for example, in the region of Epi- tissa at Phloka and in St. George at Phoutia,42 or to
dauros Limera a local painter influenced by the art
of Mistra (the Peribleptos, St. Christopher) painted 41 M. Panayotidi, in: N. B. Drandakis et al.,
E , Praktika Archaiologikes Hetaireias 1982,
38 Cf. footnote 21 and N. B. Drandakis, 425433. For the local workshop that worked in monu-
M, AE 1995, ments of Epidauros Limera in circa 1400, cf. M. Panayotidi,
128, especially on St. Christopher, ibid., 1725, pls. 1422.
39 J. Albani, Die Wandmalereien der Kirche Hagios Atha- , AE 26 (2006), 193206, and in the
nasios zu Leondari, JB 39 (1989), 259294; ead., The present volume.
Painted Decoration of the Cupola of the Western Gallery in 42 N. B. Drandakis, in: Drandakis et al.,
the Church of the Holy Apostles at Leondari, CahArch 40 E , Praktika tes Archaiologikes Hetaireias
(1992), 161180. The Holy Apostles church in fact follows 1982, 352362; V. Kepetzi, in: ibid., 402404; ead., O
the mixed architectural type which abounds in Mistra. A E
40 Cf. footnote 21. For the inscription of St. George cf. , in: A-
O. Chassoura, Longanikos, 1824; A. Philippidis-Braat, In- . A N. B. , Thes-
scriptions, 339340, no. 78. saloniki 1994, 508530.

STYLISTIC OBSERVATIONS ON THE PAINTED DECORATION OF ST. NICHOLAS AT ACHRAGIAS 271

 the beginning of the 15th century, as in St. George at
Malea and in the homonymous church at Molaoi.43
Another provincial workshop has been observed
in the churches of St. Nicholas at Agoriane,44 of
the Taxiarchs at Agriakona45 and of Panagia Brest-
enitissa at Bresthena (ca. 1400). The patron of the
latter was bishop of Brestena Nikon.46 Simplified
compositions, plain architectural backgrounds, and
a sense of eclecticism and realism in the rendering
of facial types characterize this workshop.
More conservative trends displaying degrees
of linearity, simplification and schematization are
found in isolated monuments of the Despotate, as
for example in the church of St. John the Forerun-
ner at Chrysapha in Laconia (1367/68), decorated
through the collaborative efforts of the laity, the
clergy and a monk.47 Corresponding stylistic ele-
ments eclecticism, two-dimensionality, simplifica-
tion and plainness characterize the wall paintings
of St. Nicholas at Polemitas in Mesa Mani (second
half of the 14th c.).48
In conclusion, taking the whole of the monu-
ments of the Despotate of Morea into consideration
in the second half of the 14th century, the church
of St. Nicholas at Achragias comprises one of the
most important examples of artistic production in
the countryside of the Despotate. It was founded
and decorated in the last quarter of the 14th century
Fig. 11. Laconia, St. Nicholas at Achragias, sanctuary,
43 N. B. Drandakis, in: Drandakis et al., op. cit., 459466; Hierarch, detail
Ch. Konstantinidi, O A. M
E , in: A, 6169.
44 M. Emmanuel, O A N and followed the contemporary artistic trends of
A , AE 14 (19871988), 107150. Constantinople, as these were expressed at Mistra,
45 H. Deliyanni-Dori, A, 541626.
the bastion of the shrunken empire of the Palaiolo-
46 N. B. Drandakis, B,
goi in the southern Greek territory. The unknown
A 711 O- patron of the monastery of St. Nicholas did not
1977, LakSp 4 (1979) A, 160185. On the work-
shop that painted the three churches and their date: cf. H. only possess the financial resources, education and
Deliyanni-Dori, O - the refined taste of the aristocrats of Mistra, but
M: , AE 20 (1998), also the appropriate connections as to commission
185193; ead., Eine Gruppe von drei ausgemalten Kirchen workshops from the capital of the Despotate. The
(14./15. Jahrhundert) im Despotat von Morea: Das Werk
cross-in-square church of St. Nicholas displays ar-
einer lokalen Malerwerkstatt?, in: Byzantinische Malerei.
Bildprogramme Ikonographie Stil (ed. G. Koch), Wies- chitectural features that follow Constantinopolitan
baden 2000, 4155. traditions, such as blind arches, as well as sculp-
47 N. B. Drandakis, O
tural decoration in line with the art of Mistra. It
X , LakSp 9 (1988), 301333. was adorned with wall paintings reflecting the con-
For the inscription cf. A. Philippidis-Braat, Inscriptions, temporary artistic trends of Constantinople, which
337338, no. 76.
were passed on to Mistra and cultivated there, ulti-
48 N. B. Drandakis, B M
mately revealing the ambitions of the founder and
M, Athens 1995, 138150.

272 S. KALOPISSI-VERTI
his close connections with the milieu of the capital
of the Despotate.
Moreover, it became clear that the expres-
sionistic trend was widely disseminated in the en-
tire territory of the Despotate. Despite its limited
number of examples, this current exists among the
multitude of painted ensembles, which for the most
part, however, belong to provincial stylistic trends
of greater or lesser quality, influenced by the aca-
demic style of painting of the Peribleptos. Indeed,
the expressionistic trend or individual features
of it are found in the countryside of the Byzantine
Peloponnese throughout the 14th century.

.
()

. , -
, -
(6,58 x 8,37 m) . , -
. XIV , -
, (1366)
XIV , . - ( 1375).
, -
, - , .
, - (1374/75) ( 13751380).
, . -
-
,
, -
- ,
. ,
- ,
, , .
XIV -
. -
, 1400. .
( 13101322). , -
XIV
XIV
.
, ,
, 1337/8. 1348/9.
,
-
-
, .

(13311371). -

XIV
. - .
, ( .
- , , -
), , -
( ). ,
-
, .

STYLISTIC OBSERVATIONS ON THE PAINTED DECORATION OF ST. NICHOLAS AT ACHRAGIAS 273

 -
XIV , . . . , -
- XIV , -
. -
- ,
,

, , .

274 S. KALOPISSI-VERTI
OBSERVATIONS ON A LOCAL WORKSHOP
IN THE REGION OF EPIDAURUS LIMIRA1

Maria Panayotidi

A group of monuments in the region of Epidauros Limera, which are dated to the late fourteenth and the first
half of the fifteenth century on the basis of some similar iconographic details, affinity of technique and common
stylistic expression can be considered as originating from the same workshop. This workshop included several
painters, who were particularly influenced by the art of Mystras. This fact, reinforced by the identification of
other workshops in the region around Mystras, points to the considerable demographic development of the Des-
potate, in that period.
Key words: late fourteenth and the first half of the fifteenth century, Mystras region, South Peloponnese, paint-
ing, painting workshop

T
he region of Epidaurus Limira is located in
the southeastern section of the Peloponnese.
It occupies, in fact, the entire eastern penin-
sula of the southern Peloponnese, which ends at
Cape Maleas. The most important town in the area is
Monemvasia. According to later sources the city was
founded a few years before 582 or 583.2 The town
during the 12th century grew in power and the region
and the town itself became particularly important in
the 13th century, after the Frankish conquest of the
Peloponnese.3 In 1262 the castle of Monemvasia
was liberated along with the castles of Mystras, Ge-
1 This article was first published in Greek, in AE 27
(2006), 193206. The recent version contains an updated
bibliography and is lightly enriched with new observations.
2 . . Kalligas, Byzantine Monemvasia. The sources,
Monemvasia 1990, 133; ead., Monemvasia. A Byzantine
City State, London New York 2009, 17.
3 H. A. Kalligas, Byzantine Monemvasia, 6594; ead.,
Monemvasia, op. cit., 1733.
raki and Maini (Mani).4 The area became one of the
most important regions in the lands re-acquired by
the Byzantines and later, after 1348, it had an impor-
tant place in the Despotate of the Morea.5
In this region of Epidaurus Limira a series of
wall painting ensembles has been uncovered, dat-
ing back to the end of the 14th century and the first
half of the 15th. Due to some similarities in the
iconographical program, certain common icono-
graphic details, an identical technical rendering and
a close stylistic expression, they constitute one inte-
gral whole. They could, therefore, be considered as
originating in the same local workshop.6
4 D. Zakythinos, Le Despotat grec de More. Histoire po-
litique, Paris, 1932 (= dition revue et augmente par Ch.
Maltezou, Variorum Reprints, London 1975), 120, 317,
319; H. A. Kalligas, Byzantine Monemvasia, op. cit., 9499.
5 Ibid., 101193.
6 For other workshops cf. . Panayotidi, Quelques affi-
nits intressantes entre certaines peintures dans le Magne

OBSERVATIONS ON A LOCAL WORKSHOP IN THE REGION OF EPIDAURUS LIMIRA 275

 The cross-in-square, distyle type, church of the Floka.7 In the church in question one clearly dis-
Panaghia (Virgin Mary) constitutes the katholikon tinguishes the hands of two painters. One of them,
of the monastery of Heimatissa, near the village of Painter A, is responsible for the larger part of the
decoration (Figs. 13), whereas the second one,
et dans l Italie Mridionale, in: d Ovest di Bisanzio. Il Painter B, worked, it appears, on the western sec-
Salento Medioevale, Matano1988 (Galatina 1990) 117125, tions of the church (Fig. 4).8 This second painter
pls. XXXIV. Ead., Un aspect de lart provincial, tmoi- should most likely be credited with the wall paint-
gnage des ateliers locaux dans la peinture monumentale, in: ings of the single-nave funerary church of St.
Drevnerusskoe iskusstvo Vizantija drevnjaja Rusk 100- George (Ayios Yeoryios) at Foutia, where fragmen-
lentju ndreja Nikolaevia Grabara (18961990), St. Peters-
tary remains have survived (Figs. 57).9
burg 1999, 178192. Ead., 12
, - In the cemetery of Kato Kastania, the single-
, Leukosia nave barrel-vaulted funerary church, dedicated to
2001, 411439. Ead., Village painting and the question of the Taxiarhes (Archangel Michael), maintains its
local workshops, in: Les villages dans lEmpire byzan- original decoration to a great degree (Figs. 810).10
tin (IVeXVe sicle) (J. Lefort C. Morrisson J.-P. Sodini The wall paintings are probably the work of the
eds.), Paris 2005, 193212; N. Panselinou, -
same painter that decorated the single-nave barrel-

13 , in: . vaulted church of Saint Andrew (Ayios Andreas),
, Thessalo- which is located among the remains of the settle-
niki 2006, 169176. ment on the eastern end of the village (Fig. 11).11
These recorded ensembles have been dated to the
end of 14th century or around 1400.
It seems the same workshop survives into the
15th century, given that the general ways of expres-
sion in the said works continue in the wall paint-
ings that decorate the single-space, vaulted church
of St. George (Ayios Yeoryios) at Molaous (Figs.
1213)12 and of St. George (Ayios Yeoryios) at
Maleas (Figs. 1415).13 The latter is a small, sin-
gle nave church with a cupola, almost squared off,

7 N. Drandakis, in: N. B. Drandakis et al.,

E , 1982, 352362, figs. 12, pl. 223
226; id., . -
, in: -
, Athens 1984, 1920.
8 N. Drandakis, in: . B. Drandakis et al., (1982),
op. cit., 360362; id., , op. cit., 20.
9 V. Kepetzi, in: N. B. Drandakis et al., op. cit., 402404;
Ead., O A E
,
in: . . . ,
Thessaloniki 1994, 508530, pl. 822834.
10 M. Panayotidi, in: N. B. Drandakis et al., op. cit., 425
430, pl. 239241.
11 Ibid., 430433, pl. 242.
12 N. Ghioles Ch. Konstantinidi, in: N. B. Drandakis et
al., op. cit., 350351, pl. 322a; Ch. Konstantinidi, O
A. ,
in: . . . ,
6169, pl. 657660.
Fig. 1. Floka, monastery of Heimatissa, Melismos, Christ 13 N. Drandakis, in: N. B. Drandakis et al., op. cit., 459
sacrificed or dismembered, detail 466, pl. 247248.

276 M. PANAYOTIDI
attached as a chapel to the northern side of an older
church, that was, perhaps, the principal setting for
ascetic accommodations in the region. Fragments of
frescoes that seem to have a similar rendition have
been identified in other Epidaurus Limira churches
as well.14
In churches where there is a cupola (Panaghia
Heimatissa and Ayios Yeoryios at Malea, the Pan-
tokrator is depicted, accompanied by prophets in
the tympanum, two each between windows (Pan-
aghia Heimatissa) or in a second zone (Ayios Yeo-
ryios at Maleas) in the partitions that are defined
by decorative strips (Fig. 15).15 Despite the sche-
matic rendering, the partitioning shows that this
configuration has its provenance in the cupola of
the Perivleptos (13651374),16 which the Pantan-
assa (circa 1428)17 also follows in neighboring
Mystras.18
The semi-dome of the apse is decorated with
the Virgin in the type known as Vlahernitissa,19
which is found in Ayios Yeoryios at Foutia, in Ayi-
os Andreas at Kato Kastania, in Ayios Yeoryios at
Maleas. This representation is frequently encoun-
tered at Epidaurus Limira; and more widely, in the
region of Laconia,20 being especially beloved in
Mani since the second half of the 13th century.21
20
N. B. Drandakis et al., op. cit., 392 (Ayioi Apostoloi),
402 (Ayios Yeoryios), 404 (Ayia Marina), 413 (Ayioi The-
odoroi), 430 (Ayios Andreas), 451 (Ayios Panteleimon),
452 (Ayios Konstantinos), 453 (Ayios Chrysostomos)
463 (Ayios Yeoryios) and N. B. Drandakis et al., -
, 1983, A, 244 (Panaghia Foukria), 251 (Ayios
Konstantinos). N. B. Drandakis, O
, LakSp
8 (1988), 313; E. Deliyianni Dori,
A,
A
(1988). , Athens
1990, 548. O. Chassoura, Les peintures murales Byzanti-
nes des glises de Longanikos-Laconie, Athens 2002, 39,
6566 (Ayios Yeoryios).
21 S. Kalopissi-Verti,
: --
-, in:

14 Ibid, passim and in: N. B. Drandakis et al.,

E , 1983, , 209263, pl. 169
178.
15 T. Papamastorakis, O


, Athens 2001, 14, nos. 2627, 5354, 317.
16 For the meaning of the cupola of the Perivleptos cf. D.
Mouriki,
, 25 (1970),
217251, 267270, pl. 72, 74, 7689. For the arrangement
of iconographic elements cf. M. Chatzidakis, Classicisme
et tendances populaires au XIVe sicle. Les recherches
sur lvolution du style, in: Actes du XIVe CIEB (Bucarest
1971), 1974, 179180; T. Papamastorakis, op. cit., 1213,
no. 23, pl. 3651. For a more accurate dating cf. A. Louvi
Kizi, , 24
(2003), 100118.
17 M. Aspra Vardavakis M. Emmanouel,
, Athens 2005, 3436, 7576,
fig. 30.
18 Due to the bad condition of the humble monuments in
Epidaurus Limira region, only few prophets can be identi-
fied, cf. T. Papamastorakis, op. cit., passim.
19 For the type and its date of appearance: cf. lately, A.
Mandas, I
E, Athens, 2001, Fig. 2. Floka, monastery of Heimatissa, Annunciation,
7983. Archangel Gabriel, detail

OBSERVATIONS ON A LOCAL WORKSHOP IN THE REGION OF EPIDAURUS LIMIRA 277

 The type of the enthroned Vir-
gin Mary, with the Holy Child
in her arms is also encoun-
tered.22 She is represented
between two standing angels,
in Ayios Yeoryios at Molaous,
in Panaghia Heimatissa and in
Taxiarhes at Kato Kastania.
This representation adorns
the apses of most churches
at Mystra, Panaghia Odiyitria
(circa 13101322), Panaghia
Perivleptos (13651374), Pan-
aghia Evangelistria (early 15th
century), Panaghia Pantanassa
(circa 1428)23 and Ai-Yannakis
(circa 1375).24 It is encoun-
tered in many other churches Fig. 3. Floka, monastery of Heimatissa, Communion of the Apostles, Judas, detail
in the whole region of Laco-
nia South Peloponnese.25
the case for the Epidaurus Limira region.27 In the
The semi-cylindrical wall of the apse of these
semi-cylindrical wall of the apse of Ayios Yeoryios
churches is decorated with the representation of the
at Foutia the representation of an angel as priest,
Melismos. Toward the Christ-Lamb, pictured at a
who is standing and facing the viewer is dominant
mature age, are headed two angel-deacons wearing
(Fig. 5). He is depicted between two angel deacons
liturgical ripidia, as in the churches Panaghia Hei-
wearing liturgical ripidia, painted on a small scale.
matissa (Fig. 1), Taxiarhes and Ayios Andreas (Fig.
With his right hand he is holding up on his head the
11) at Kato Kastania, Ayios Yeoryios at Molaous,
disk that bears the dead Christ, while with his left
Ayios Yeoryios at Maleas (Fig. 14);26 and this is hand he is holding the Holy Grail.28 In other words,
a simplistic variation is formed, one in which the
. - depiction of the heavenly and the earthly Liturgy
- , Athens 1981, 35.
22 For the type and its appearance cf. lately, A. Mandas,
is commingled. These two subjects: the heavenly
op. cit, 6469.
and the earthly Liturgy, are extolled in the church
23 S. Dufrenne, Les programmes iconographiques des gli- of Panaghia Perivleptos at Mystras.29
ses Byzantines de Mistra, Paris 1970, fig. 12, pl. 10:1, fig.
60, 29:30, fig. 75, 33:1, 21:1; M. Chatzidakis, . Asia Minor Studies, XI (1985), drawing 6 (Taxiarhis), fig.
, Athens 1987, 5967, 14 (Ayios Andreas); Ch. Konstantinidi, O .
7789, 9293, 101107; N. B. Drandakis, H -
, A u
: A , Thessaloniki 2008, numbers 150151, 182184, p.
205206, 212213.
(1988), Athens 1989, 6068; M. AspraVardavakis M. 27 Ch. Konstantinidi, O A.

Emmanouel, op. cit., 6770, fig. 2324. , 63; ead.,
24 S. Dufrenne, op. cit., pl. 35:1; N. B. Drandakis, O A- A . O O -
, , 14 (19871988), 64. O , , 20 (1998), 169174.
25 O. Chassoura, op. cit., 6668, fig. 67 (Ayioi Apostoloi). 28 V. Kepetzi, O A , op.

In Panaghia at Vrestena the Virgin Mary enthroned is de- cit., 517530; T. Papamastorakis, op. cit., 152, 158.
picted with the donor, N. B. Drandakis, - 29 S. Dufrenne, Quelques aspects de liconographie des
, , 1977, LakSp 4 peintures de Mistra au temps du despotat de More, in:
(1979), 167, fig. 6. Lcole de Morava et son temps. Symposium de Resava (ed.
26 . Nagatsuka, Iconographical Study of the Frescoes in V. J. Djuri) 1968, Belgrade 1972, 3036; ead., Les pro-
Byzantine Churches around Laconia in Greece, Balkan and grammes, 1415, 6263.

278 M. PANAYOTIDI
 Panaghia Heimatissa, Ayios
Yeoryios at Foutia (Fig. 6)
Taxiarhes (Fig. 10) and Ayios
Andreas at Kato Kastania.33
The apostles at Panaghia Hei-
matissa, Taxiarhes and Ayios
Andreas bear no nimbus as on
wall paintings in the churches
of Mystras: in Panaghia Odi-
yitria, in Panaghia Perivleptos,
in Panaghia Pantanassa. and
in the small church of Ayia
Paraskevi (Saint Paraskevi).34
Depicted in the bema of
the churches of this group are
hierarchs in medallions (Pan-
aghia Heimatissa),35 the Com-
munion of the Apostles (Pan-
Fig. 4. Floka, monastery of Heimatissa, Virgin Receiving the Skein of Purple Wool, aghia Heimatissa Fig. 3),36
detail deacons (Taxiarhes and Ayios
Andreas at Kato Kastania,
Ayios Yeoryios at Maleas),
From among the co-officiating hierarchs that monks, among whom are Saint Onoufrios (Taxi-
complement the representation of the Melismos,
arches, and Ayios Andreas).37 The Annunciation is
in the semi-cylindrical wall of the apse, the most
depicted in front of the apse, as in Panaghia Heima-
popular ones are selected.30 The presence of the
representation of Saint John Chrysostomos is al- tissa (Fig. 2),38 and the representation of the patron
most unbroken,31 in Panaghia Heimatissa at Floka, saint is located typically near the built iconostasis,
in Ayios Yeoryios at Foutia, in Ayios Andreas and on the north side, as in Ayios Yeoryios at Maleas
in Taxiarhis at Kato Kastania, in Ayios Yeoryios or on the south side, as in Ayios Yeoryios at Mo-
at Molaoi. The same applies to the representation
of Saint Basil. Then follow the representations of 33 For the introduction of the subject cf. lately, A. Mandas,

Saint Gregory the Theologian, who is depicted in
the churches of Ayios Yeoryios at Foutia, of Taxi-
arhes at Kato Kastania (Fig. 9), of Ayios Yeoryios
at Molaoi, and the representation of Saint Athana-
sios of Alexandria, who is depicted in the churches
of Taxiarches at Kato Kastania and at Ayios Yeo-
ryios at Molaoi. In the chapel of Ayios Yeoryios
at Maleas we find Saints Cyril of Alexandria and
Nikephoros of Constantinople.32
The barrel vault of the bema is consistently oc-
cupied with the representation of the Ascension
30 Ch. Walter, Art and Ritual of the Byzantine Church,
London 1982, 111. For the older representations cf. A. Man-
das, op. cit., 151159.
31 It need hardly be mentioned that, due to the bad state
of the wall paintings of this group, many of the earliest
representations do not survive to be included in the present
study. Therefore, the general picture that emerges is only
indicative.
32 Ch. Constantinidi, O , 229238; V. Kepetzi, and elsewhere, cf. M. Deliyanni-Dori,
O A , 510511. , 548, 554.
op. cit., 200201. The little, almost four-squared chapel of
Ayios Yeoryios at Maleas is an exception, cf. footnote 13.
34 G. Millet, Monuments byzantins de Mistra, Paris 1910,
pl. 92, 4, 109; N. B. Drandakis,
,
, , Athens 1954, 167 168, fig.
17; id.,
, 1995, 46, pl. 1; M. Aspra-Vardavakis M.
Emmanouel, op. cit., fig. 56.
35 N. Drandakis in: N. B. Drandakis et al., (1982),
355.
36 In the barrel vault of the prothesis, probably due to the
lack of space in the bema, as it is used cf. A. Mandas, op.
cit., 127129, footnote 16, and as it appears in Panaghia
Odiyitria and Panaghia Perivleptos in neighbouring Mys-
tras, cf. S. Dufrenne, Les programmes, drawing VII, 2a2b,
fig. 12, drawing. XVIII, 3536, fig. 60.
37 Cf. M. Panayotidi, op. cit., footnote 10, 426, 430431.
38 This practice, known from the Middle Byzantine pe-
riod, cf. A. Mandas, op. cit., 181183, is also used in the
humble churches of the late period in the region of Lakonia

OBSERVATIONS ON A LOCAL WORKSHOP IN THE REGION OF EPIDAURUS LIMIRA 279


Fig. 5. Foutia, Ayios Yeoryios, Melismos, Angel as Priest
laoi (Fig. 13) in Taxiarhes and in Ayios Andreas, at
Kato Kastania.39
In the naos there were scenes not only from the
Christological but also from the Mariological cy-
cle, despite the limited surfaces available in these
churches. This element appears to be an influence
from the churches of Mystras and especially of
Panaghia Perivleptos.40 Extant are the Nativity of
the Virgin, (Ayios Andreas), the Presentation of the
Virgin in the Temple (Taxiarhes and Ayios Andreas,
at Kato Kastania), the Virgin Entrusted to Joseph
(Mnesteia) (Taxiarhis) and the Virgin Receiving
the Skein of Purple Wool (Panaghia Heimatissa
39 . , , 45 E. Deliyanni-Dori,
11 (1975), 1320.
40 J. Lafontaine-Dosogne, Iconographie de lenfance de
la Vierge dans lempire Byzantin et en Occident, Bruxelles,
1964, 45, 50; S. Dufrenne, Les programmes, (Ayioi Theo-
doroi, drawing I ab, 13, 15, Metropolis, drawing V ab,
4246, Perivleptos, drawing V ab, 126150, fig. 61, 15
62, 66, Ayia Sophia SE chapel, drawing , 34, Evagelis-
tria, drawing , a, 1516.) (1999), , 332334.
280 M. PANAYOTIDI
Fig. 4).41 The depiction of this last episode is a rare
subject, which, however, is included in the cycles
of the Chora monastery (Kariye Djami), at Con-
stantinople42 and of the Panaghia Perivleptos, at
Mystras.43 It is worthy of note that in the church
of Taxiarhes (Archangel Michael), even though in-
tended as a cemetery church, there are two surviv-
ing representations, belonging to the Mariological
cycle and this is unusual for a funerary program.44
Portraits of saints in medallions form an inter-
mediate zone between the representations depicted
in the vaults and standing saints, depicted at a low-
er level in the churches (as, in Ayios Yeoryios at
Foutia, in Ayios Andreas and in Taxiarheis at Kato
Kastania and in Ayios Yeoryios at Maleas). And this
usually happened in churches of small dimensions
during the 14th and 15th centuries.45 The preference
for representations of military saints, already cus-
tomary in the 13th century in the area of Laconia
South Peloponnese, is due, as has been argued, to
the prestige that surrounds the military profession,
because of the ongoing struggles of the Byzantines
against the Frankish conquerors.46 As for the fond-
ness for depictions of monastic saints, this fact has
been connected with the strengthening of monasti-
cism in the region, after Hesychasm prevailed, be-
ginning in the middle of the 14th century.47
The technique with which the groups wall
paintings are rendered is similar. A common ele-
ment in these churches, but also in the monuments
in the region, generally, is the preparation consist-
ing of two layers; the first with course-grain sand,
with unstrained lime; as well as large scrapings of
41 J. Lafontaine-Dosogne, op. cit., 89121, 136167, 167
179, 182183.
42 P. A. Underwood, The Kariye Djami, New York 1966, I,
7678, , pl. 130134.
43 D. Mouriki,
, : -
, 1968, 46, pl. -; S. Dufrenne, Les programmes,
drawing V b, 150.
44 Cf. footnote 10 supra, 428.
, 547548; V. Kepetzi, O
A , 511512.
46 Cf. footnote 10 supra, 432; ead., in: N. B. Drandakis et
al., , 1979, 170, 183.
47 Cf., A. Katsioti, 14
. -
, 54
hay.48 The second layer is thinner, with pure lime The same technique appears in the drapery, as
and thin scrapings of hay. The preparation then darker tones indicate the depth of the folds with
involves the preliminary drafts of a pale-red color intense lighting among them, rendering the edges
cast of ocher on top of which are drawn the features round. At times the drapery is soft, as is the case
of the face of the person in warmer tones. The flesh for painter A, in Panaghia Heimatissa, and for the
tones are modeled with a rosy color positioned on painters in Ayios Yeoryios at Molaous, and in Ayios
two layers, one on top of the other. A partial layer Yeoryios at Maleas (Figs. 23, 12, 15). At times the
folds come through as having
acquired a more distinct form,
as is in Taxiarhes (Figs. 8, 10)
and Ayios Andreas (Fig. 11),
in Kato Kastania, in painter B
of Panaghia Heimatissa (Fig.
4), and the painter of Ayios
Yeoryios at Foutia (Figs. 56).
However, at the same time the
lighted, fractured layers are
visible. The colors used are
white, black, red and ocher
(brown and yellow), green and
a deep blue.
Stylistically, generally spea-
king, there is unity in the to-
tality of the wall paintings of
the group. Their modeling is
relatively detailed, yet the vol-
umes of figures are schemati-
cally presented, the central
feature being the rendering
Fig. 6. Foutia, Ayios Yeoryios, Ascension, detail of lighting, which, as stated,
is expressed in parallel white
lines. In their intensity they
of a green shadowing effect is also created and as it appear to have a metallic brilliance, as they play a
is being incorporated, at times it causes gradations. leading role in the rendering of faces. The manner
This is the case for painter A of Panaghia Heimatis- in which the drapery, on the other hand, is lighted,
sa, for the painters of Ayios Yeoryios at Molaoi and generates a sculptured effect. Still, there are differ-
of Ayios Yeoryios at Maleas (Figs. 13, 1215). In entiations within the group, depending on the degree
some cases, the shading remains more schematic, of schematization, as has also been stated. It is also
as in Taxiarhes and Ayios Andreas, at Kato Kasta- obvious, moreover, that there is a tendency for the
nia (Figs. 811), while in other cases it becomes scale of the landscape to take on great dimensions
intensely schematic, as in the works of painter B and to render certain details somewhat realistically,
in Panaghia Heimatissa and of the painter of Ayios such as, for example, the manner in which trees are
Yeoryios at Foutia (Figs. 47). Parallel white touch- painted in the Ascension (Fig. 10). The expression
ups spread in the direction of the facial volumes, of emotion and the dramatic quality of the move-
and dark colored red and black lines highlight the ments also constitute common characteristics of the
design (Figs. 13, 79, 1214). group, features which also exist also in other provin-
cial monuments of the time.49
48 The data are based on the remarks of the graduate of
the Athens School of Fine Arts, icon-painter and doctor of 49 N. B. Drandakis, , 177184;
the Department of Archaeology in University of Athens, K. id., O , 310333; E. Deli-
Vafeiadis, in the framework of technical records for the pro- yanni-Dori,
gramme Pythagoras . , 582586; O. Chassoura, op. cit., 361374.

OBSERVATIONS ON A LOCAL WORKSHOP IN THE REGION OF EPIDAURUS LIMIRA 281

 Fig. 7. Foutia, Ayios Yeoryios, Portrait of a saint

Special details in the wall paintings of the

group, always within the framework of the artistic
manner of rendering forms in this period, are ren-
dered in a similar more or less awkward way. There
are the oval, elongated faces with voluminous hair,
the delicate figures with cylindrical necks and the
relatively lowered but often expanded shoulders,
as well as the similar sense of the third dimension
and of weight. The eyes, with their intense look
and shadows, allow the eyelids to come through,
while the nose is long and narrow, ever so slightly
Fig. 8. Kato Kastania, Taxiarhes, Virgin Mary Enthroned,
hooked, whereas the mouth is small with stressed
Angel, detail
lips; the lighted chin protrudes, and the ears are
rendered either with curved lines or with strange
oval shapes. schematization, as stated earlier, are characteristic
It is interesting that the edge of the deacon- elements of these painters who, in sharing enough
angels tunic forms a border along the neck that common characteristics, seem to belong to the same
comes across with soft lighting, as is the case for group, a workshop so to speak. They show, more or
painter A in Panaghia Heimatissa (Fig. 2) and in less, that they are influenced directly by the painting
the painter of Ayios Yeoryios at Molaoi (Fig. 12). of Panaghia Perivleptos (13651374),51 at Mystras.
Or, it takes on an intensity in the form of an open This stylistic trend is known both from the painted
collar, as in Ayios Yeoryios at Foutia, in Taxiarhis decoration of the church and the northeastern chap-
and Ayios Andreas (Fig. 11), at Kato Kastania and
el of Ayia Sophia (Sainte Sophia) which has been
in Ayios Yeoryios at Maleas. Also, the omophorion
of the co-officiating hierarchs becomes bulkier as identified with the church of Christ Zoodotis (the
it covers the hand that holds the open scroll on the Life Giver)52 but also from the wall paintings of
upper end, delineating a stereometric curve (Fig. 9),
51 M. Chatzidakis, Classicisme et tendances populaires au
a detail that exists in the paintings of Ai-Yannakis
XIVe sicle, 174176; id., , 7789; N. B. Drandakis,
at Mystras (circa 1375).50 H ,
The tall figures with the small heads, the thick op. cit., 6465; A. Louvi Kizi, -
hair and the sculpted drapery, rendered in degrees of , 100118.
52 N. B. Drandakis,
50 Cf. footnote 10 supra, . 239; cf., N. B. Drandakis, A , 28 (19791985), 469
O A-, fig. 12. 501; M. Emmanouel, . -

282 M. PANAYOTIDI
the chapel of Ayios Christoforos (third quarter of
the 14th century) at Mystras.53 The same influence
of Perivleptos became apparent in iconographic
characteristics, especially, in fact, with the intense
presence of the Mariological cycle in church pro-
grams that are not dedicated to the Virgin, even in a
cemetery church, such as Taxiarhes.54
The lighting takes on a metallic brilliance; the
drapery becomes transparent in the best of examples,
as in the case of painter A in Panaghia Heimatissa,
and of the painter of Ayios Yeoryios at Molaoi; and
the bodies seem to have no physical substance, as
they absorb light, maintaining their essence never-
theless. All these elements reveal a stylistic affinity
with the wall paintings of the associated students

, in: Fig. 10. Kato Kastania, Taxiarhes, Ascension, south part of

(19261996). , Ioannina 2003,
153186.
53 N. B. Drandakis, , 170178, pl.
22, 23, 2425; id., , 1725, pl.
1422.
54 Cf. supra.
choir
of the painter Manuel Eugenikos of Constantinople,
who decorated the church of Calendiha (1384
1396), in distant Georgia.55 It is known that the wall
paintings of Manuel Eugenikos and the painted art
of Perivleptos, at Mystras, consist of two different
stylistic trends that follow the art of the Chora Mon-
astery (13151320), at Constantinople.56
The principal painter of the katholikon of the
church of Panaghia Heimatissa (painter A, Figs. 13)
is different than the one that decorated the western
sections of the church (painter B, Fig. 4). Painter A
is possibly the one responsible for the decoration of
Ayios Yeoryios, at Molaoi (Figs. 1213). The wall
painting of Ayios Yeoryios, at Foutia, must be at-
tributed to painter B of Panaghia Heimatissa (Figs.
57). A third painter, painter C, must be the creator
of the wall paintings of Taxiarhes and of Ayios An-
dreas, at Kato Kastania (Figs. 811), whereas an-
other painter from the same workshop, painter D, a
short time later, as it appears, must have continued
the art that he was taught in the wall paintings of
Ayios Yeoryios, at Maleas (Figs. 1415).
Locating a group of monuments in the area with
many common iconographic and stylistic character-

55 H. Belting, Le peintre Manuel Eugenikos de Constantino-

Fig. 9. Kato Kastania, Taxiarhes, Gregory the Theologian,
detail
ple, en Gorgie, CahArch 28 (1979), 103114; I. Lordkipa-
nidze, Pospis v Calendiha Hudonik kir Manuil Evgenikos
i ego mesto v gruzniskoj srednevekovoj monumentalnoj
ivopisi, Tbilisi 1992, French summary 191199.
56 P. A. Underwood, op. cit., , The Frescoes.

OBSERVATIONS ON A LOCAL WORKSHOP IN THE REGION OF EPIDAURUS LIMIRA 283

 istics allows us with adequate probability to formu-
late the hypothesis that we are talking about a local
workshop, inside which one can differentiate many
artistic hands. Close stylistic similarities with the
said group are also present in the few remains from
the decoration of the small barrel-vaulted church
near Selegoudi, outside Gytheio. These fragments
of wall paintings date to 1439/1440.57
In the region of the Despotate of the Morea, in
addition to the Epidaurus Limira workshop, other
workshops with direct iconographic and stylistic
dependence on the painting of Mystras have been
located, workshops in which more painters have
collaborated. Toward the end of the 14th century the
wall paintings of Ayios Athanasios (Saint Athanas-
sios) and of the Holy Apostles at Leondari, in the
area of the Despotate derive from another high-
quality workshop.58
The painting ensembles of three churches at
Loganiko, in the area of the Despotate, can also be
attributed to one more workshop.59 They are the
wall paintings of Ayios Yeoryios (13741375) and
of the Holy Apostles, which is the work, it appears,
of the same painter; to the same workshop belong
probably both successive layers of the paintings
in the church of the Dormition of the Virgin that Fig. 11. Kato Kastania, Ayios Andreas, Melismos, angel,
have been dated to the 15th century.60 This group detail
has been directly linked with the wall paintings in
the chapel of Kyprianos (1366), in the southern
arcade of the Panaghia Odiyitria (after 1366) and expresses with a schematic and different manner
with the wall paintings of Ai-Yannakis, at Mystras the metropolitan trends of the painted ensembles
(circa 1375).61 The wall paintings of three more at Mystras.62
churches in the nearby regions, of Ayios Nikolaos The great number of known wall-painted en-
of Agoriani, of the Taxiarches at Agriakona and sembles from the second half of the 14th century,
of the Panayia at Vrestena, around 1400, are at- and the first half of the 15th, testifies to the demo-
tributed it appears to another local workshop that graphic development of the Despotate, around the
center of Mystras63 and in the Epidaurus Limira
57 It could be the work of a student of the same workshop,
62 M. Emmanouel, -
cf. N. B. Drandakis, -
(1439/40), LakSp 2 , , 14 (1987
(1975), 95109, figs. 110, 15, 17. 1988), 107150; E. Deliyanni-Dori,
58 J. Albani, Die Wandmalereien der Kirche Hagios Atha- , 541610; N. B.
Drandakis, , 160185; E. Deliya-
nasios zu Leondari, JB 39 (1989), 259294; id., The
nni-Dori,
Panted Decoration of the Cupola of the Western Gallery in
: , 20 (1998), 185194
the Church of the Holy Apostles at Leondari, CahArch 40
(=H. Deliyanni-Dori, Eine Gruppe von drei ausgemalten
(1992), 161180.
Kirchen (14./15. Jahrhundert) im Despotat von Morea:
59 O. Chassoura, op. cit., 328329.
Das Werk einer lokalen Malerwerstatt?, in: Byzantinische
60 Ibid., 257305, 328332. Malerei. Bildprogramme-Ikonographie-Stil, (ed. G. Koch),
61 M. Chatzidakis, , op. cit., 67, 107; N. B. Wiesbaden 2000, 4155.
Drandakis, 63 E. Deliyanni-Dori,

, .., 6364; id., O A-. , 604607; O. Chassoura, op. cit., 322

284 M. PANAYOTIDI

Fig. 12. Molaoi, Ayios Yeoryios, Virgin Mary Enthroned,
Angel in proskynesis, detail
joyed.66 On the other hand, from the evidence of
the religious monuments in the neighboring region
of the castle of Maini, in this period one observes,
in contradistinction to what was happening in the
13th century, a pertinent demographic paucity.67
This demographic paucity may be due to the move-
ment and resettlement of populations to areas that
are safer and closer to the new center of Mystras as
well as within the Epidaurus Limira region.68
It is also interesting that the wall-painted ensem-
bles of the 14th century that have been identified in
the area around Mystras, clearly show a direct de-
pendence on the painting of the center, which pre-
supposes, in all probability, a direct familiarity with
the original models on the part of the painters. On
the contrary, the multitude of wall-painted ensem-
bles of the 13th century, extant in the Mani region,69
with the exception of the second phase of decora-
tion of the church of Ayii Theodoroi at Kafiona,70
does not suggest a comparable direct, stylistic de-
pendence on one center despite the fact that the
new expression of the metropolitan art of the period
has shifted, with lesser or greater emphasis to the
painted ensembles at Mani.
The provincial workshop in the area of Epi-
daurus Limira, mention of which was made ear-
lier, covers a small range in the region, given the
fact that distances between monuments are very

area. As is known, and as becomes apparent from 66 H. A. Kalligas, Monemvasia, 3338.

the religious monuments of the region, since not 67 N. Drandakis, A
very many remains have been identified from the ( --),
11th to the 13th centuries,64 there was no comparable 1 (1986), 1528. Generally, it seems
development prior to the creation of the Despotate, that a demographic crisis took place in the second half of
the 14th century in the wide broader region of the Pelo-
in 1348.65 And it is known, already, after the end ponnese, B. Panayiotopoulos,
of Frankish rule in 1262, many important impe- . 1318 , Athens 1985, 4344. For
rial documents were issued, that give information the conflicts and the upheavals () after 1261,
about the privileges the city of Monemvasia en- ibid., 4649.
68 D. Zakythinos, op. cit., 94284, 335357, specifically
for Manuel Kantakouzenos and his politics, cf. ibid., 100
327; H. Deliyanni-Dori, The friends of Theophanes the 113; H. A. Kalligas, (715 ), in: -
Greek in the Despotate of the Morea, in: . - (ed. A. E. Laiou), Athens
, Athens 2003, . 1, 2006 (completed and revised edition), B, 699.
193204. For a general review of the painting of the Despo- 69 N. B. Drandakis et al., , 1978,
tate: cf. S. Kalopissi-Verti,
135182, 1979, 156214; id.,
,
, Athens 1995.
26 (2007), 181192. 70 This phase is connected with sebastokrator Konstantinos
64 N. Drandakis, - and presents stylistic similarities with the first phase of Me-
, LakSp tropolis in: Mystras, ibid., 74100, fig. 826, pl. 1217; N.
13 (1996), 167236. B. Drandakis, Les peintures murales des Saints-Thodores
65 D. Zakythinos, Le Despotat grec de More. Histoire po- aphiona (Magne du Peloponnse), CahArch, 32 (1984),
litique, 1393, 317334. 163175, fig. 314.

OBSERVATIONS ON A LOCAL WORKSHOP IN THE REGION OF EPIDAURUS LIMIRA 285

 representation of the Holy
Virgin in the semi-dome of
the apse, the representation
of Melismos, the Christologi-
cal scenes or the selection of
specific bishops and saints.
Yet there is still the possibil-
ity that the patron intervened
in making these choices.
The depiction of the an-
gel-priest (Fig. 5), in lieu of
the typical Melismos repre-
sentation, in Ayios Yeoryios
at Foutia, can be attributed to
someone, it appears, familiar
with the expressed theological
symbolisms. This was, per-
haps, a priest who was also
able to render these symbol-
isms artistically, despite the
awkwardness of his hand. It
could be that painter B might
Fig. 13. Molaoi, Ayios Yeoryios, Patron saint Yeoryios, detail
have been that priest and the
person responsible for the
short.71 In fact, with respect to simple painters program, seeking to express
of such limited activity in a provincial area one himself stylistically with a personal emphasis.
cannot with certainty support the thesis regard- Painter C renders the Melismos representation in
ing the degree to which these painters practiced a slightly different way in the painting ensembles
their painting as a profession,72 in the framework
of a workshop. The possibility of identifying four
painters in fact is also interesting, which suggests
the collaboration of more than one person, who
express themselves artistically in shared ways, de-
spite any differentiations among them. The same
is true of major monuments, in which, often, one
can distinguish the work of several artists, with-
out it being known whether their relationship was
one of equal professional standing or one of pupils
and their masters.
Despite the fact that the thematic subjects used
are generally similar, it appears, nevertheless, that
the painters or collaborators or students of the
workshop had available to them a broader range
of subjects, from among which they seem to make
their model selections. We notice for example, the

71 Although, the same is true for the other workshops too,

commented above. Fig. 14. Maleas, Ayios Yeoryios, Melismos, Christ
72 M. Panayotidi, Village Painting, 193212. sacrificed or dismembered, detail

286 M. PANAYOTIDI
of Ayios Andreas and of Taxi-
arhes. In the first instance,
Christ, sacrificed or dismem-
bered is depicted as an adult,
dead, inside a disk under a
ciborium; from his right side
blood is spurting out. In the
second instance he is depicted
as an adult, dead in a disk un-
der a ciborium.73 Painter A, in
Panaghia Heimatissa, and in
all probability in Ayios Yeory-
ios at Molaoi, depicts Christ,
sacrificed or dismembered,
dead, as an adult, lying down
directly on the Altar. Painter
D in Ayios Yeoryios at Maleas
prefers the representation of
Christ sacrificed or dismem-
bered, dead as an adult, inside
of a disk, under a ciborium.
In fact, he accompanies this
image with the inscription
(the Sacrified)74
and he paints the chalice in
which the blood of Christ is
collected, along with the wa-
ter spurting out of the side of
the Christ (Fig. 14).75 Fig. 15. Maleas, Ayios Yeoryios, Dome, partition with the depiction of Moses and an
The foregoing evidence unidentified prophet
suggests that the painters of
this provincial workshop ac-
tively participated in the artistic process.76 In fact, Generally speaking, the painters of the work-
shop, in addition to the range of subject matter
the donor of the Panaghia Heimatissa catholicon
available to them, apparently followed models that
accepted the simultaneous and almost equal contri-
showed immediate dependence on the monuments
bution of two painters, who, despite their common
of the capital city of the Despotate, Mystras; and,
characteristics, are clearly differentiated. mainly, on Panaghia Perivleptos painting, which
played, as is natural, a decisive role in the artistic
73 Ch. Konstantinidi, O , numbers 150151, 98, physiognomy of the area. Yet, these painters did not
205206. comfortably handle the iconographic vocabulary
74 Ibid., numbers 182184, p. 98, 212213. Eadem, O
involved. In a cemetery monument, such as Taxi-
A. , 6263, fig. 1. arhes, painter C, or perhaps the donor himself, does
75 Ch. Konstantinidi, u
o, 170171. not differentiate the program and generally insists
76 Cf. the same questions for the 12th century in Cyprus,
on Mariological subjects, without that being justi-
M. Panayotidi, The Question of the Role of the Donor and fied from the dedication or even the dimensions of
of the Painter. A Rudimentary Approach, 17 (1993 the church.
1994), 143156, The problem that comes up next is related to the

manner in which the specific elements were trans-
. 12 , in: -
(ed. M Vassilaki), Irak-
mitted, that is, to the manner in which these people
leio 2000, 77105). became participants in the art of their time and the

OBSERVATIONS ON A LOCAL WORKSHOP IN THE REGION OF EPIDAURUS LIMIRA 287

 manner in which they were accustomed to work-
ing. Surely the short distance to the metropolitan
center of Mystras makes the hypothesis very prob-
able that the specific painters knew the monuments
that influenced them; or even that some of them
worked on them. And perhaps it is for this reason
that painting generally in the area of the Despotate
presents a certain unity and immediate dependence
on the art of its capital city.77
The affinity of the artistic expression of the
painters of the workshop with the works of the pu-
pils of Manuel Eugenikos, as was stated, clearly
indicates the similar manner in which provincial
artists absorb common models. To be sure, this
observation strengthens the hypothesis that cer-
tain drawings circulated amongst them.78 Perhaps
Manuel Eugenikos brought them with him from
Constantinople to Georgia; or, he may have cre-
ated certain models locally for the benefit of his
pupils. The problem becomes more intense for the
modest workshops of the Peloponnese, where, one
77 Cf. supra.
78
It is not about the Greek term Anthivolon, with the
actual meaning of the term, since the preliminary draw-
ings are made by the painters directly upon the prepara-
tion with general freedom. For the drawings M. Vassilaki,
A o proposed verbally by Beat Brenk, on the occasion of a rel-
. u evant conversation during a congress dedicated to the artist
, Athens 1995. in Byzantium, in Pisa in November of 2003.
must suppose, that certain drawings from Constan-
tinople were circulating, drawings that the paint-
ers might have secured at Mystras. No matter how
well these people knew the monuments, they must
have consulted certain guidebooks and indeed they
must have had available to them certain variations
of their subject matter, from which they selected,
conforming to the wishes of the patron, each one
of their representations. Such drawings must have
been in the hands of the painters in Mani, Lakonia,
and elsewhere, in the 13th century and earlier, and
it was these they must have followed, and perhaps
copied, in their own individual ways. The people
of the workshop of Epidaurus Limira, but also the
other painters, around the center, apparently also
were familiar with the metropolitan monuments
themselves. Perhaps, they made drawings locally,
engraved by the selfsame person on stone, roof tiles
or wood.79
More evidence is needed, from which we might
derive information that would help us understand
certain aspects of the everyday life of the people
who lived in the latter days of Byzantium. They
were living in a provincial area that was still, how-
ever loosely, under its sovereignty.
79 The existence of drawings incised on wood has been

, -
, ( A, . 13) -
- ( B, . 4). -
, A
XIV XV , . (. 1213). B -
. .
- (. 57). . -
(. 14), . (. 811), ,
(. 57), (. 810) . , C.
(. 11) , , D, -
. (. 1213) -
. (. 1415). . (. 1415).

288 M. PANAYOTIDI
 - ,
, - ,
, - . -
.
- , -
- , ,
, ,
XIV - , ,
XV . . , -
- ,
- , .

OBSERVATIONS ON A LOCAL WORKSHOP IN THE REGION OF EPIDAURUS LIMIRA 289

REFLECTIONS OF PALAIOLOGAN STYLE
IN CYPRIOT MONUMENTAL PAINTING*

ektarios Zarras

To the memory of Titos

The present study concentrates on Palaiologan painting in Cyprus, examples of which, based on recent up to date
research, can be traced with rare exceptions mainly in the 14th century. Despite its fragmentary form, one plausi-
ble argue that Palaiologan painting was developed by talented artists, which set its basis and cultivated a fertile
ground for its flourishing during the Lusignan Dynasty in Cyprus.
Key words: monumental painting, Palaiologian Style/Art, 14th century, Lusignan Cyprus

C
hanges in the socio-political life of the
eastern Mediterranean region during the
thirteenth century triggered off positive
developments in Cyprus, then under Latin rule.
Within a short period, in the reigns of kings Hugo
IV Lusignan (13241359) and his successor Peter
Lusignan (13591369), the islands political and
economic growth reached its pick. After the fall of
Acre (1291), Famagusta emerged as the most im-
portant harbour and commercial centre in the east-
ern Mediterranean.1 Famagusta developed as a port
of call for thousands of merchants and pilgrims en
route to the Holy Land. Farming and manufactur-
ing flourished, leading to the economic recovery of
the Orthodox population, which was boosted con-
Titos Papamastorakis and I often discussed issues relat-
ing to painting in Cyprus. Despite the painful trial of his last
days, Titos wanted to read the text and made apposite obser-
vations. May this study be a humble offering in his memory.
I wish to thank Mrs Alexandra Doumas for her valuable
help in editing the English text.
1 . Gkioles, , Nicosia The question of the precise date of the wall-paintings at Lysi
2003, 137, with further bibliography.
siderably by Christians of the same doctrine from
Syria and Palestine. As a result, Cyprus became
the sole bastion of the West in the Middle East.
In this milieu, which was further favoured by the
Lusignan dynastys improved relations with Con-
stantinople, the preconditions were created for un-
hindered communication between the Byzantines
and the islands local population, in comparison to
that during the thirteenth century. This situation is
reflected clearly in the monuments of this period;
whereas in the thirteenth century, Byzantine tradi-
tion is reflected in few monuments, the most char-
acteristic of which is the decoration of St. Themo-
nianos at Lysi,2 in the fourteenth century, there is
a significant increase in monuments influences by
the Palaiologan style.
The study of painting of the fourteenth centu-
ry in Cyprus, becomes perplexed, due, mainly, to
2 A. Weyl Carr L. J. Morrocco, A Byzantine masterpiece
Recovered, the Thirteenth Century Murals of Lysi, Cyprus,
University of Texas 1991, 99110 and especially 108109.
remains open in research.

REFLECTIONS OF PALAIOLOGAN STYLE IN CYPRIOT MONUMENTAL PAINTING 291

 the lack of relevant monographs on wall-paintings.
Researchers face the same degree of difficulty in
the study of Palaiologan monumental painting in
Cyprus under the Lusignans.3 The latter is due,
not only to the abovementioned constraint in the
fourteenth century, but also, to one other reason:
the lack of monuments with extensive or dated Pal-
aiologan decoration.
This study attempts a preliminary, indicative
presentation of Palaiologan wall-paintings in Cy-
prus, which, despite their fragmentary state, pose
questions concerning the presence of Palaiologan
art in the island, its representatives and their work
environment in a context that was largely defined
by local artistic production. Furthermore, an at-
tempt is made, through re-examining earlier views,
to date certain monuments more precisely, as well
as to present new wall-paintings which, sadly, are
in a fragmented state.
The evidence brought to light in recent years
through research in the State Archives of Venice,
was the starting point for the study of Palaiologan
painting. Archival documents4 refer to Constantino-
politan painters who travelled to Crete and Cyprus
during the fourteenth century. A characteristic case
is the painter Georgios Chrysokephalos, who was in
Cyprus during the reign of Hugo IV Lusignan and
returned to Constantinople in 1356.5 Apart from this
3 On the Palaiologan monumental painting in Cyprus, cf.
A. Papageorghiou, , Nicosia 1991, wheaten tones, with the use of olive-green shadow
59106; . Weyl Carr, yzantines and Italians on Cyprus:
Images from Art, DOP 49 (1995), 345348; ead., rt in the
Court of the Lusignan Kings, in: - ing, at the level of technical excellence, and icono-
(eds. N. Coureas J. Riley-Smith), Nicosia 1995,
245246; A. and J. Stylianou, The Painted Churches of Cy-
prus, 1997, 3739; M. mmanuel, Monumental Painting
in Cyprus During the Last Phase of the Lusignan Dynasty,
13741489, in: edieval Cyprus. Studies in Art, Architecture
and History in Memory of Doula Mouriki, Princeton 1999,
263284; N. Gkioles, op. cit., 174178; . Weyl Carr, Art, in:
Cyprus. Society and Culture 11911374 (eds. . icolaou-
Konnari Chr. Schabel), Leiden Boston 2005, 312319; .
Zarras, The Wall-Paintings of the Central Aisle in the Church
of the Holy Cross at Pelendri. The Painters and their Work,
in: Proceedings of the IV International Cyprological Congress
(Nicosia 29 April 3 May 2008) (in print).
4 M. Constantoudaki-itromilides, Viaggi di pittori tra
Costantinopoli e Candia documenti darchivo e influssi sull
arte (XIVXVsec.) in: I Greci durante la venetocrazia: Uo-
mini, spazio, ide (XIIIXVIII sec.), (eds. Ch. Maltezou
A. Tzavara D. Vlassi), Venezia 2009, 711, footnote 7.
5 M. Constantoudaki-itromilides, op. cit., 711; ead.,
176.
292 . ZARRAS
reference we sadly lack any other additional informa-
tion about the activity of Chrysokephalos in Cyprus.
The case of this Constantinopolitan painter,
which is surely not unique, is particularly important
for the study of fourteenth-century painting in the
island, because it constitutes an essential piece of
evidence that may well give a first answer to the
crucial question posed by research: When and by
what means did Palaiologan art reach Cyprus?6
The attested presence of Byzantine painters on the
island should be perceived within the wider con-
text of Byzantine influence in Cyprus during this
period, not only in painting, but also, in the wider
domain of literature and ideological trends.7
An unknown painter, who came to Cyprus from
an important artistic centre, participated in the deco-
ration of the church of the Holy Cross at Pelendri in
the Troodos Mountains. His work, the most exten-
sive known layer of Palaiologan painting to survive
in Cyprus, covers the greater part of the dome, the
Bema vault and part of the north wall of the central
aisle. The remaining part of the aisle was decorated
by painters representing the local artistic tradition,
which will be referred to in due course. According
to older arguments,8 the wall-paintings in the central
aisle of the church of the Holy Cross at Pelendri have
been dated in the third quarter of the fourteenth cen-
tury. The figures painted by the artist are character-
ized by their harmonious proportions, elegance and
suppleness. The rendering of faces is soft, in pale
mainly on the outline. This is high-quality art that
bespeaks profound knowledge of Palaiologan paint-
graphic detail, as well as the artists ability to con-
vey the atmosphere of the depicted scene. The main
characteristics of the painters style are the soft, yet
firm rendering of the flesh in harmonious shades of
light brown, and the use of olive-green shadow on
, in: La Serenissima and
la Nobilissima. Venise in Cyprus and Cyprus in Venise (ed.
A. Nicolaou-Konnari), Nicosia 2009, footnote 2. Cf. also her
paper, -
. 13561357, in: Proceedings
of the IV International Cyprological Congress.
6 A. Weyl Carr, Art, 318.
7 G. Grivaud, Literature, in: Cyprus. Society and Culture,
272284, with further bibliography.
8 A. and J. Stylianou, Painted Churches 224; A. Weyl Carr,
rt in the Court, 245246; N. Gkioles, ,
Fig. 1. Pelendri, Holy Cross, Ascension, detail Fig. 2. Pelendri, Holy Cross, Ascension, detail

the outline of the face, between the eyebrows and

close to the nose. The white highlights are applied
in the form of fine parallel lines, on the face and
the neck (Figs. 12). One characteristic example of
this painters art is the exceptional depiction of John
the Evangelist (Fig. 3), which is comparable icono-
graphically to figures in the Chilandari monastery
(13201321),9 in the Virgin Hodegetria at Pe (ca.
1337)10 and in Deani (13451348).11
The Palaiologan style of the painter at Pelen-
dri, which, I believe, was not the only locus of
his artistic activity, must have created an impres-
sion in Cyprus of the Lusignans. Linked with this
art are excellent Palaiologan icons on the island, Fig. 3. Pelendri, Holy Cross, Evangelist John with Prochorus

9 G. Millet, Monuments de lAthos, I: Les peintures, Paris

1927, pl. 64.1. such as the funerary panel recording the death of
10 . . . . , Maria, daughter of Manuel and Euphemia Xeros,
, 1990, fig. 86. dated 1356, in the Byzantine Museum in Nicosia,12
11 (Mural Painting
of Monastery of Deani) (. . . ), 1995, 12 Recently, in her study presented at the IV Interna-
figs. 3, 5 (in colour). tional Conference of Cypriot Studies, M. Constandoudaki-

REFLECTIONS OF PALAIOLOGAN STYLE IN CYPRIOT MONUMENTAL PAINTING 293

 the double-sided icon of the
Mother of God Athanasiotissa
and the Deposition, from the
church of St. Marina at Ka-
lopanagiotis13 and last but
not least, the icon of Christ
Judge, from the monastery of
St. John Lambadistis at Kalo-
panagiotis.14
The painters who coop-
erated with the Palaiologan
artist in Pelendri must have
been among the most eminent
representatives of the local
artistic production since, ac-
cording to recent research15
their workshop is inked to
the decoration of important
monuments in Cyprus. Most
specifically, at least one of
them worked, before Pelendri Fig. 4. Pelendri, Holy Cross, Tree of Jesse, detail
for the decoration of the naos
and the narthex of the Panagia
artistic production in the thirteenth and fourteenth
Asinou (1333) in Nikitari, as is deduced from the
centuries.
striking stylistic similarities between the two monu-
After the mid-fourteenth century, most likely,
ments. This new element leads to a new chronology
one aisle was added to the north side of the church
of the wall-paintings of the central aisle of the Holy
of the Holy Cross at Pelendri.17 This was commis-
Cross at Pelendri, which must be dated in the in-
sioned by the Frankish Lusignan feudal lords, as
terval between 13351340.16 The wall-paintings on
is deduced from the depiction of the lion rampant
the east wall of the narthex in the Panagia of Ara-
in the arms, emblem of the royal Lusignan family.
kas, dated approximately in the 1340, are attributed
For the decoration of this aisle, which was prob-
to the same workshop. The painters of this work-
ably for mortuary use, the Frankish feudatories
shop seek their models in local artistic tradition and
chose a distinguished painter, representative of
are influenced by the art of the late twelfth century Palaiologan art. Part of his work survives on the
in Cyprus, which was a typical reference point for east, south and west walls of the north aisle. The
well preserved monumental Tree of Jesse, on the
itromilides associated the funerary panel with the Con- west wall, is the first known example of this icono-
stantinopolitan painter Georgios Chrysokephalos, cf. supra, graphic subject in Cyprus. The choice of texts in
footnote 4. For the icon, cf. A. Papageorghiou, , 62
63, fig. 39 and, primarily, A. Weyl Carr, Byzantines and Ital- the prophets scrolls, which articulate a high-level
ians, 340342, figs. 45; ead., A Palaiologan Funerary Icon theological discourse with references to the Incar-
from Gothic Cyprus, in: Proceedings of the III International nation and the Resurrection, as well as, the distinc-
Cyprological Congress, Nicosia 2001, , 599619 (= Ead, tive artistic style in comparison to local painting,
Cyprus and the Devotional Arts of Byzantium in the Era of point to an artist who paid particular attention to
the Crusades), Variorum Reprints 2005, n. IX. the choice of his prototypes.
13 A. Papageorgiou, op. cit., 73, fig. 49.
14 , 2000 -
17 On the north aisle of the church, cf. I. Christoforaki, An
, Nicosia 2000, 280, no 18 (K. Gerasimou).
Unsual Representation of the Incredulity from Lusignan Cy-
15 For more information on the painters who worked in the
prus, CahArch 48 (2000), 7187; Ch. Hadjichristodoulou,
central aisle at Pelendri and the dating of the wall-paintings, , in: -
cf. N. Zarras, The Wall-Paintings. . , Nicosia 2005,
16 Ibid. 8791; A. Weyl Carr, Art, 317320.

294 . ZARRAS
 Through selected icono-
graphic subjects, this painter
was able to create an icono-
graphic programme that is
austere, but complex in theo-
logical references, which un-
derlines the funerary function
of the north aisle, while at the
same time meeting the aes-
thetic demands of the Frank-
ish feudatories of Pelendri.
From the choice of texts on
the prophets scrolls and the
painting, which is best pre-
served in the representation
of the Tree of Jesse and in
the nearby representation of
the Incredulity of Thomas on
the south-facing spandrel, it Fig. 5. Pelendri, Holy Cross, Tree of Jesse, Jesse
appears that the main painter
in the north aisle reproduces shadow on the outline of the faces, the painterly
high-quality models, as can be seen in the render- rendering in brownish tones and the balanced use
ing of the faces. His miniature scale figures are sup- of the highlights with tiny brushstrokes, which en-
ple, slender yet robust (Fig. 4), with soft drapery hance the subtle chromatic transitions that the artist
strives for. However, despite
his attempted soft modeling,
the painter in the north aisle
does not avoid the use of line,
as can be seen in the figures
of the three hierarchs on the
east wall of the Prothesis and
in the figure of Jesse (Fig. 5).
The new elements that
emerge from the publication
of the better preserved wall-
paintings in the north part of
the sanctuary contribute sig-
nificantly to our knowledge of
the painting in the church of
the Holy Cross, because they
demonstrate that the surviv-
ing part in the north aisle is
the work of one artist mainly.
Fig. 6. Pelendri, Holy Cross, St. Gregory the Theologian
A comparison, for example,
of the figures of Gregory the
Theologian (Fig. 6) and John
enhancing the bodily proportions in a disciplined Chrysostom (Fig. 7) with those of Jacob and David
manner and are inserted harmoniously within the (Figs. 89) from the Tree of Jesse is typical of the
wider balanced composition. The qualitative ele- way in which the painter perceives the use of line
ments of his art can be seen in the expressive and in modelling the face and in rendering the beard.
vigorous figures with the distinctive olive-green Remarkable also is the similarity between the male

REFLECTIONS OF PALAIOLOGAN STYLE IN CYPRIOT MONUMENTAL PAINTING 295

 figure (Fig. 10) in the donors portrait in the scene mixing, which in the painting of the north aisle in
of Incredulity of Thomas and the philosopher Plato the Holy Cross represents the early stage of a long
(Fig. 11) in the representation of the Tree of Jesse. process that had already begun in the fourteenth
In terms of typology and style, the figures of century, continued during the fifteenth and reached
Jacob and Jesse, in physiognomic type, robust cor- its peak in the sixteenth century, reinforces the ar-
poreality, breadth of volume and rough facial fea- gument about dating the wall-paintings within the
tures, are characteristics of the second half of the chronological framework set by the monuments
fourteenth century, when a return to portrait types mentioned above.
of the Early Palaiologan period is observed. This
can be seen in the treatment of the face of the three
hierarchs, with the linear rendering of the hair and
the use of black line on the outline, the rather round
chin and the schematic almost decorative character
of the beard, as on the figure of St. Gregory the
Theologian. The above aesthetic concepts link the
wall-paintings of the north aisle of the Holy Cross
at Pelendri with a series of monuments of the last
quarter of the fourteenth century mainly, such as
Zrze (1368/69),18 Ravanica (1386/87),19 the Old
Metropolis of Edessa (13801389),20 St. Andrew
at Treska (1388/89)21 and the church of Sts. Con-
stantine and Helen at Ochrid (1380/90),22 where, in
particular, the use of line is, more emphasized.
Another distinctive characteristic of the painters
work in the north aisle, is the mixing of Byzantine
and Western elements, as can be seen in the rep-
resentation of the Incredulity of Thomas.23 Christs
chiton, which falls behind on his back, exposing
his right side and chest, as well as the depiction of Fig. 7. Pelendri, Holy Cross, St. John Chrysostom
Johns pretentious movement with his head lean-
ing, indicate an artist who successfully combines
Byzantine elements with Western influence. This The decoration of the north aisle has been dated
to the third quarter of the fourteenth century, be-
18 . , XIV , cause it is linked to John Lusignan, brother of King
11 (1980), figs. 1213; . , - Peter I (13591369), who is supposedly depicted
, with his wife in the scene of the Incredulity.24 Al-
1994, figs. 28, 89. though the depiction of the arms next to this scene
19 . , , 1996, indicates that the decoration of the north aisle-
figs. 3031. . elovi, Ravanica. History and Painting, chapel is associated with the house of Lusignan, in
Belgrade 1999, figs. LIIILV, LXXX. . , the absence of inscriptions, the identification of the
, 43 (2006), 351
kneeling couple, either as John Lusignan and his
353, fig. 9.
20 E. Tsigaridas, T - wife, or as his brother Thomas,25 requires further
, Thessaloniki 1999, figs. investigation and more convincing arguments, in
7983. order to answer the questions that inevitably arise.
21 J. Prolovi, Die Kirche des Heiligen Andreas an der For example, if the decoration in the north aisle is
Treska. Geschichte, Architektur und Malerei einer palaio-
logenzeitlichen Stiftung des serbischen Prinzen Andrea, Vi- 24 A. and J. Stylianou, The Painted Churches, 231232;
enna 1997, pls. 18, 22, 29, 31, 39, 6070. I. Christoforaki, op. cit., 7778; N. Gkioles,
22 . , , 177; A. Weyl Carr, op. cit., 313.
, 1971, figs. 38, 4345. 25 A. Weyl Carr, yzantines and Italians, 345, n. 40; ead.,
23 I. Christoforaki, op. cit., figs. 23. rt in the Court, 245, fig. 12.

296 . ZARRAS
indeed linked to John Lusig-
nan, why does his attire not
declare his social status, as is
the case of so many examples
of aristocrats, officials and
rulers of Cyprus,26 as well as
of other regions?27 If we ac-
cept the view that the brother
of King Peter I is depicted,
this is possibly the posthu-
mous depiction of John Lusig-
nan ( 1375), a dedication of
his widow for the salvation of
his soul, for which she prays
in the representation of the
Incredulity, specially selected
for this purpose, which, as is
well known, alludes to the Fig. 8. Pelendri, Holy Cross, Tree of Jesse, Jacob
Resurrection. However, the is-
sue of the identity of the male
figure, that is, whether John Lusignan is depicted or However, it cannot be based on a hypothetical de-
some other member of the family, or none of them, piction of John Lusignan or the even less tenable
requires in depth study, which is beyond the scope view that his brother is depicted. On the basis of
of the present paper. the overall presentation of the wall-paintings in the
It is clear from the above that the proposed dat- north aisle and the comparative study that preced-
ing of the decoration in the north aisle must take ed, these should be dated in the last quarter of the
the depiction of the Lusignans arms into account. fourteenth century.
One of the most important monuments, not only
26 Characteristic cases are the funerary panel of the Xeros
for its artistic value, but also for the special his-
torical role it played as the archiepiscopal seat of
family (cf. footnote 8), the depiction of King Janus and Queen
Charlotte in the so-called royal chapel at Pyrga, M. Emmanuel, Cyprus, is the church of St. George of the Greeks
Monumental Painting, 243 (footnote 1). A. Stylianou, Paint- in Famagusta.28 Unfortunately, very little survives
ed Churches, 429430, fig. 258) and the representation of the of the interior decoration of the now half-ruined
praying donors in the church of the Virgin (or the Archangel) Gothic church. Nonetheless, it appears that this
at Galata (1514). . Constandoudaki-itromilides, was of superior artistic quality. What now remains
( ) remained of this decoration is seriously damaged,
, Nicosia 2005, fig. on p. 51.
since, after the collapse of the upper part of the
27 From Rhodes, an island in which the socio-political con-
church the wall-paintings have been exposed to the
ditions were similar in many respects to those of Cyprus, I
mention indicatively the case of the burial crypt with the de-
weather conditions. In the wall-paintings preserved
piction of the deceased owners of the church of St Spyridon in the apse of the Diakonikon, the scenes of the En-
(1508) in the representation of the Crucifixion, and the rep-
resentation of the praying knights in St George Chostos at 28 On the church of St. George of the Greeks, cf. G. Sote-
Philerimos (15th c.). Cf. . Bitha, riou, T , A, thens 1935,
(14 . 1523). pls. 4850, 98; C. Enlart, Gothic Art and Renaissance in
in: 2.400 . Cyprus (English translation and ed. D. Hunton), London
1987, 253258; . Papageorghiou, Lart byzantin de Chy-
(1523), , Athens 2000, pls. 174-, 176. pre et lart des croiss influences rciproques, RDAC 1982,
Th. rchontopoulos . atsioti, - 222226, pls LI.14, LIII.34; A. Weyl Carr, Art, 315318.
11 Ch. G. Chotzakoglou, Christian Mosaics and Mural Paint-
(1522): , ings in the Occupied Areas of Cyprus: Preliminary Report
in: Proceedings of the International Symposium 15 years on their Condition, in: Sweet Land... Lectures on the His-
of Restoration in the Medieval Town of Rhodes, , Ath- tory and Culture of Cyprus (eds. J. Chrysostomides Ch.
ens 2007, 461462. Dendrinos), London 2006, 119120.

REFLECTIONS OF PALAIOLOGAN STYLE IN CYPRIOT MONUMENTAL PAINTING 297

 tombment and the Myrrhophores at the Tomb can
be discerned in the second zone of the half-vault,
the Descent from the Cross and the Resurrection in
the third zone, and the Betrayal by Judas and the
Crucifixion in the fourth.29 It goes without saying
that any observations made, particularly with regard
to style, are based on earlier archival material.30
The scene of the Betrayal (Fig. 12) and the rest
of the surviving decoration significantly reinforce
our knowledge of fourteenth-century painting in
Cyprus. In terms of iconography, the way in which
29
G. Chotzakoglou, op. cit., 119.
30 The archive of Georgios Soteriou, today housed in the
Byzantine and Christian Museum, Athens, constitutes in-
valuable material on several monuments of Cyprus, which
should certainly be utilized by researchers. I thank the col-
leagues K. Horti and A. Giannioti, who are responsible for
the Byzantine Museum Historical Archives, for facilitating
my study.
Fig. 9. Pelendri, Holy Cross, Tree of Jesse, David
298 . ZARRAS
Judas rushes towards Christ, with his outstretched
hand touching the Lords shoulder, the calm almost
frontal figure of Christ with his right hand blessing
and his left holding a scroll, link the representation
with masterpieces of Palaiologan art, such as in Pri-
lep (1299),31 the Protaton (ca. 1300),32 the monas-
teries of Vatopedi-exonarthex (1312),33 Chilandari
(1320/21)34 on Mt Athos, in the church of Christ at
Veroia (ca. 1315),35 in Staro Nagoriino (1317/18)36
31 G. Millet A. Frolow, La peinture du Moyen ge en
Jougoslavie (Serbie, Macdoine et Montngro), III, Paris
1962, pl. 23.3.
32 G. Millet, Athos, pls. 21.2, 22.2. E. N. Tsigaridas, -
. ,
Thessaloniki 2003, figs. 7476.
33 E. N Tsigaridas, O
, in: yzantium and Serbia in the 14th
Century, Athens 1996, fig. 190.
34 G. illet, op. cit., pls. 70.1, 91.2.
35 S. Pelekanidis, .
, thens 1973, 4346, pl. 24.
36 G. Millet A. Frolow, op. cit., pl. 85.34. . ,
, 1993, fig. 40.
Fig. 10. Pelendri, Holy Cross, Incredulity of Thomas,
Portrait of the Donor
 Similar remarks can be
made about the scenes of the
Descent from the Cross and
the Entombment, in which
the influence of Palaiologan
iconography is explicit.39 In
the first scene (Fig. 13), the
iconographic scheme enhanc-
es the relation between the
Cypriot monument and monu-
ments at the pinnacle of Pal-
aiologan art.40 In the scene of
the Entombment (Fig. 14),41
the iconographic scheme
with Joseph of Arimathea
and John, who hold the body
of Christ in winding sheet,
links St George of the Greeks
with Staro Nagoriino42 and
Fig. 11. Pelendri, Holy Cross, Tree of Jesse, The Philosopher Plato Graanica,43 while the detail
of the Jew carving the open-
ing of the sarcophagus is ob-
and in uer (1321/22).37 Two other details belong served in Deani (13451348). 44 The rendering of
to the same iconographic tradition,38 namely, the
Johns himation indicative of his bulk, which swells
hand of the destroyed figure of the soldier, which
touches Christs shoulder, on the right, and the fig- around the waist, is correlated with a host of exam-
ure of the slave, who jumps out of the mob behind ples, among them Deani45 and the Perivleptos at
and to the left of Christ, and raises his hand ready
39 The iconographic relation between the wall-paintings in
to strike him. With reference to style, the figures of
Christ and of Judas, which are in better condition St George of the Greeks and the monuments of Macedonia
than the rest, yield important evidence for the art and the Serb kingdom is particularly striking, as borne out
by the examples examined here. For an opposite point of
of painting during this period. The two protagonists view, cf. A. Weyl Carr, Art, 318.
are sturdy figures with classical ethos, restrained 40 I cite as examples the Protaton on Mt. Athos (G. Mil-
and imposing. The rendering of their volume, let, Athos, pl. 27.2), Staro Nagoriino (. ,
the movement of the body and the drapery of the , 1993, fig. 88), St Nicholas Orph-
himation, undoubtedly refers to high-quality Pal- anos (A. Tsitouridou,
aiologan models, the most characteristic of which N , Thessaloniki 1986,
are the scenes in the Protaton, the monasteries of pl. 43), the Perivleptos at Mystras (G. Millet, Monuments
Vatopedi-exonarthex, Chilandari on Mount Athos, byzantins de Mistra, Paris 1910, pl. 122. 3) and St Andrew
the church of Christ at Veroia, in Staro Nagoriino at Treska (. Prolovi, op. cit., fig. 32). Cf. N. Zarras, op.
cit., 198199.
and in uer. Nevertheless, in the modeling of the 41 G. Soteriou, op. cit., pl. 98; A. Papageorghiou, op. cit.,
gentile countenances and the portrait features there
225, fig. 4.
is an early appearance of Late Gothic inspiration, 42 . , op. cit., fig. 90.
mainly evident in the figure of Christ. This style is
43 . , . (Gra-
distinctive of the composition as a whole, with the
sporadic mannerist influences visible in the vivid anica. Les dessins des fresques), 1989, V4 (ct
gestures of the figures portrayed behind Christ, as septentrional).
44 . . , ,
well as in the penchant for extravagance.
1941, pl. CCXIV.2; . -,
, in:
37 G. Millet A. Frolow, op. cit., pl. 43.3. , 128, fig. 3.
38 On the iconography of the scene in Palaiologan period, 45 Characteristic is the depiction of the himation on the fig-
cf. N. Zarras, The Passion Cycle in Staro Nagoriino, JB ures in the scenes of the Communion of the Apostles, the
60 (2010), 187188. Transfiguration, the Raising of Lazarus, and in scenes from

REFLECTIONS OF PALAIOLOGAN STYLE IN CYPRIOT MONUMENTAL PAINTING 299

 in St. George of the Greeks, so
in the Incredulity of Thomas at
Pelendri, the eclecticism of an
artist who is grounded firmly
in Palaiologan tradition but is
influenced by Western paint-
ing in the treatment of the fig-
ures can be clearly seen, the
figures of Christ and of John
being cases in point.
The common artistic back-
ground of the two aforemen-
tioned monuments provide
considerable help in dating
the decoration in St. George
of the Greeks very close to the
decoration in the north aisle
of the True Cross. This can
be detected in the eclectic ten-
dency of the painters, as well
as in the successful assimila-
tion of Western influences,
as it emerges from the sty-
Fig. 12. Famagusta, St. George of the Greeks, The Betrayal
listic examination of the two

Mystras (ca. 1360).46 On the

contrary, in Johns face, de-
spite its poor condition, West-
ern influences are discerned,
in the gentler gradations of
colour tones and in the smooth
portayal of the flesh.
The painter who worked in
St. George of the Greeks was
undoubtedly an eclectic artist
who succeeded in combin-
ing and balancing his sound
Byzantine education with
the renaissance ethos and the
mannerism of Western paint-
ing. This artistic expression is
Fig. 13. Famagusta, St. George of the Greeks, The Descent from the Cross
not confined to the case of St.
George of the Greeks but is
apparent, albeit to a lesser ex-
tent, in the work of the painter who crafted the north monuments. The dating of the wall-paintings in St.
aisle of the True Cross at Pelendri. Exactly as in the George to this period is strengthened considerably
representations of the Betrayal and the Entombment by written sources, according to which the church
was built after the mid-fourteenth century and most
the Nativity cycle. Cf. . . , op. probably in the decade between 13601370.47 Ac-
cit., pls. CLXXVCLXXVI, CCLV, CCLXXXII.
46 M. Chatzidakis, M. 47 C. Otten-Froux, Un notaire vnitien Famagouste au
o, Athens 1999, fig. 53. XIVe sicle. Les actes de Simone prtre de San Giacomo

300 . ZARRAS
Fig. 14. Famagusta, St. George of the Greeks, The Entombment
cording to the argument mentioned above, the wall-
paintings in St. George of the Greeks should be dat-
ed to in the last quarter of the fourteenth century.
Both the True Cross at Pelendri and St. George
of the Greeks in Famagusta offer valuable informa-
tion on many levels regarding religious painting in
Cyprus during the fourteenth century. In addition
to the important murals they preserve, they share
one other important feature in common. As works
connected directly to the Lusignan circle, they
show that the aesthetic preferences of the Frankish
aristocrats were covered by artists who were expo-
nents of the Palaiologan style. These painters were
trained in leading artistic centres, or in Cyprus by
Byzantine painters, and represented a distinctive ar-
tistic idiom, basic element of which is the mixing
of Byzantine tradition with Western influences. So,
already by the mid-fourteenth century a new artis-
tic style was created on Cyprus, through works ex-
dell Orio (13621371), Thesaurismata 33 (2003), 4246.
Cf. A. Weyl Carr, Art, 315, footnote 102, with bibliography
also on the issue of the dating of the church.
REFLECTIONS OF PALAIOLOGAN STYLE IN CYPRIOT MONUMENTAL PAINTING
ecuted mainly for the Lusignan house.48 This trend
combines Byzantine tradition with Western painting
and heralds the Italo-Byzantine style, which was
to become mature and strengthened be enhanced on
Cyprus through important works in the sixteenth
century.
A rather interesting representation of John
Chrysostom (Fig. 15), preserved in the church of
St. Maura at Koilani, should be dated to the same
period as the wall-paintings in the north aisle of the
True Cross at Pelendri. The church of St. Maura,
which is of the compact cross-plan type with dome,
has been dated recently to the mid-eleventh centu-
ry.49 The greater part of the surviving wall-paint-
ings has been dated to the end of the fifteenth cen-
48 This artistic current is encountered also in the 14h-cen-
tury wall-paintings of one other church in Famagusta, of St.
George Exorinos, cf. M. Bacci, Syrian, Palaiologan, and
Gothic Murals in the Nestorian Church of Famagusta,
XAE 4/27 (2006), 207220.
49 E. Prokopiou, O -
(912 ), Nicosia 2007, 237.
301

Fig. 15. Koilani, St. Maura, St. John Chrysostom
tury.50 John Chrysostom is depicted in the east of
the north wall in frontal pose, holding a cross51 in
his right hand with double horizontal arm. On the
saints face, the pale brown tones are heightened
by the use of red line to emphasize the cheekbones,
while the olive-green shadow dominates the out-
50 A. and J. Stylianou, Painted Churches, 236237.
51 The iconographic type of John Chrysostom holding the
cross is encountered in icons found in Mt Athos, dated in
the fourteenth century; characteristic examples are the icons
in egisti Lavra, cf. E. N. Tsigaridas, 54
13 , XAE G. Millet T. Velmans, La peinture du Moyen ge en
4/21 (2000), 123125 and in the monastery of Vatopediou,
cf. E. N. Tsigaridas K. Loverdou-Tsigarida, 137, pl. 72, figs. 138139.
. , Holy 55 G. Millet T. Velmans, op. cit., pl. 89, fig. 164 and pl.
Mountain 2006, 150, figs. 6162, 117.
302 . ZARRAS
Fig. 16. Polemidia, St. George, St. George
line. The highlights, rendered by a few tiny brush-
strokes, are limited mainly to the forehead, under
the eyes and on the neck. A distinctive feature of
Chrysostom is the marked contrast between the
wide forehead and the excessively narrow chin,
while the painters ineptness in the rendering of
the figure is evident on the neck, which is comple-
mented by the linear treatment of the sparse beard.
The triangle ascetic face of the saint follows the
type established in the Middle Byzantine period
which continued to be used through the Palaiolo-
gan period. Another facial feature of note is the
schematic shadow that extends over the entire area
of the eyes, up to the eyebrows, creating a stri-
dent colour contrast in relation to the rest of the
countenance. This device, which is encountered
systematically in the painting in the Perivleptos at
Ochrid (1295), is used later in Treskavac (1335)52
and, in combination with a thick black line on the
outline of the face, occurs quite commonly in a
series of monumental mural ensembles of the sec-
ond half of the fourteenth century, the most char-
acteristic of which are in Zrze (1368/69),53 Psaa
(13651371),54 the monastery of arkov (1376
1381).55 In my opinion, the representation of John
52 See the recent study by . -,
XIV , 42
(2005), figs. 1112, 1920, 32, 36.
53 . , op. cit., figs. 4, 8.
Jougoslavie, IV, Paris 1969, pl. 69, fig. 133, pl. 71, fig.
90, fig. 166.

Fig. 17. Kouklia, Palaion Enkleistron, Holy Trinity
Chrysostom in the church of St. Maura at Koilani
should be dated to this period.
Preserved, unfortunately in fragmentary condi-
tion, in the church of St. George at Polemidia is the
head of a destroyed figure of the patronal saint. The
church is barely known to research. Wall-paintings
are preserved at various points in the rest of the
church, such as the half-vault of the apse, with the
representation of the concelebrant hierarchs, as well
as fragmentary representations on the upper part of
the dome, which should be dated to the sixteenth
century.
The fragment of the figure of St. George (Fig.
16) survives on a blind arch of the north wall, a
short distance from the floor of the present nave, in
a position that does not justify a representation of a
figure in full body, as is known from other examples
in Cyprus. This fact, combined with the problems
observed in the masonry of the wall at this point,
leads to the assumption that part of a pre-existing
church, in which the now-destroyed figure of St.
George was depicted, was incorporated in the build-
ing of the present church. It is very probable that the
position of St. George in the initial church was the
same, on a blind arch-proskynetarion close to Bema,
which is typical for the saint to whom the church
was dedicated. The placement of the fragment in the
same position in the later church bears witness to
the donors desire to keep the worship of the saint,
REFLECTIONS OF PALAIOLOGAN STYLE IN CYPRIOT MONUMENTAL PAINTING
to whom the church is still
dedicated today.
The face of St. George
is damaged. The part under
the nose, the right cheek and
part of the head are missing,
while the paint surface on the
surviving area has flaked ex-
tensively. Consequently, any
stylistic remarks are confined
mainly to the area around the
eyes, which is preserved in
better condition, and second-
arily to the remaining part of
the head. The almost oval,
fleshy face with the large,
finely-drawn, almond-shaped
eyes and arched eyebrows,
the calligraphic rendering
of the curls of the hairstyle,
which is low on the forehead
and shorter at the height of
the ears, as well as the long
narrow finely-drawn nose, bespeak a skilled painter
who reproduces with a high degree of fidelity the
typical Palaiologan iconography of St. George.
His models are close to top-class works of art,
among which should be included the representa-
tions of St. George in Staro Nagoriino,56 the Chora
monastery,57 the church of Christ at Veroia58 and of
St. icholas Orphanos at Thessaloniki (post1320-
).59 Moreover, the possibility that the painters di-
rect model was a Palaiologan icon of the saint, of
accomplished art, should not be ruled out. The face
of St. George at Polemidia gives a close approach
to the high quality of the aforementioned works and
could be dated around the middle years of the four-
teenth century.
One of the most important monuments in Cy-
prus, where the influence of Palaiologan art is ob-
vious, is the so-called Palaion Enkleistron (Old
Hermitage) at Kouklia near Paphos.60 The cave-
church located outside the village is identified in
56 . , op. cit., figs. 89.
57 P. Underwood, The Kariye Djami, 3, New York 1966,
pl. 250.
58 S. Pelekanidis, , pls. 8, 79.
59 . Tsitouridou, op. cit., pl. 32.
60A. and J. Stylianou, Painted Churches, 397403. M. Em-
manuel, Monumental Painting, 245; A. Papageorghiou, -
303
 local lore as the first hermitage of St Neophytos,
where he dwelt before departing to the last known
place in which he sequestered as an anchorite, the
Enkleistra. The entrance to the cave-chapel is at the
northeast end. On the ceiling of the cavern is the
Western representation of the Holy Trinity (Fig.
17). Inscribed within a circular mandorla are two
diagonally placed superimposed lozenges, in which
the three figures are depicted: on the right God the
Father in the type of the Ancient of Days, blessing
with the right hand and holding in the left a rolled
scroll which he steadies on the leg; on the left Christ
in purple chiton and brown himation, blessing with
his right hand, while holding a rolled scroll in the
left. At the apex of the lozenge, between the haloes
of the two figures, is the haloed Dove with open
wings and a Gospel book in its legs. On all three
haloes is the inscription (the Being) and all
three figures of the Holy Trinity area accompanied
by the abbreviations C XC. Depicted in a second
zone are the angelic hosts, archangels and angels,
six-winged seraphim and many-eyed cherubim,
holding scepters and pairs of wheels, carrying the
inscription: C (many- codex in the left one. Preserved on the lower part
eyed seraphim).
The Western version of the Holy Trinity is en-
countered in the church of St. George at Omor-
phokklesia (late 13th century)61 in Kastoria, in a
very different type from this representation in the
Cypriot church. In this period another type is en-
countered, in which each figure in the Holy Trin-
ity is depicted in a separate medallion arranged on
a vertical axis with the symbols of the Evange-
lists and the angelic powers, as in the chapel of St.
Gregory the Theologian (1364/65)62 in the Virgin
Perivleptos at Ochrid. This iconographic type was
to be used throughout the fifteenth century, particu-
larly in churches in the region of Ochrid, such as in
the church of Sts. Constantine and Helen at Ochrid
(ca. 1390),63 the church of Prophet Elijah in Dol-
gaec (1454/55) and the church of the Ascension in
, EKMIMK 4
(1999), 5759, pls. 3739.
61
M. Paisidou,
, in: , Theologia 6162 (1990/91), 44, fig. 19.
, hessaloniki 2001, 373392. 66 .
62 . , x XV , - A (ed. M. Borboudakis),
1980, 174, drawing 116.
63 Id., . , 7475, figs. 11, 67 A. and J. Stylianou, op. cit., 397.
1316.
304 . ZARRAS
Leskoec (1461/62).64 It was the basis on which a
new iconographic scheme was created, which es-
sentially consists of the rearrangement of the three
figures, which are now arranged in a triangle and
are frequently enclosed in one medallion. This type,
which occurs at Kouklia, is encountered as early as
in the fourteenth century in the monumental paint-
ing of Crete and specifically in the church of Christ
at Sklavopoula, Selinos, the wall-paintings of which
have been dated to the second half of the fourteenth
century.65 Later, it was used in icons of the Cretan
School such as the icon in the Benaki Museum,
Athens, which has been dated around 1500.66
Represented in the third zone, which covers the
rest of the ceiling of the cave-church at Kouklia
are the four Evangelists. Constructed in the east
wall, to the left of the entrance, is an arcosolium,
which has been identified as the founders tomb.67
On either side of the arcosolium are the full-length
frontal figures of Sts. Cosmas and Damianos, hold-
ing the typical medical instruments, and above the
tomb niche is a bust of St. Hermolaos, in episcopal
vestments, raising both hands and holding a closed
of the arcosolium are remnants of figures of ascetic
saints in frontal pose. Notable among the rest of the
decoration in the cave-church are the representa-
tions on the south wall, of St. Anastasia the Phar-
makolytria (Poison-curer) with the instruments of
her craft, and on the north wall the Three Youths
in the Furnace, above which is a hovering angel,
St. George slaying the dragon, St. Mary of Egypt
receiving the Communion from St. Zosimas (Fig.
18), and figures of ascetic saints, the best preserved
of which is that of St. Ephraim.
Unfortunately, the wall-paintings have suffered
damage mainly on the faces, nevertheless, some
figures that are better preserved can be studied
and specific stylistic observations can be made,
which may lead to a more secure dating. The pre-
vailing view68 was that the decoration in the En-
64 Id., , 52, 101, drawings 29,
76.
65 S. N. Maderakis,
Iraklion 1993, 541543, no. 194 (. Drandaki).
68 N. Gkioles, , 178179.
Fig. 18. Kouklia, Palaion Enkleistron, St. Mary of Egypt and St. Zosimas
kleistra was linked with the daughter of the Des-
pot of Mystras Thomas Palaiologos and niece of
Constantine XI Palaiologos, Helen Palaiologina,69
who came to Cyprus and married the Latin ruler
John II Lusignan. Helen Palaiologina was an avid
supporter of the Orthodox doctrine and after her
arrival on the island fervently supported the Ortho-
dox Christians. By exploiting her husband Johns
policy of treating them mildly, Helen essentially
governed Cyprus during her sojourn there and re-
inforced the Orthodox population.70 In the light
69 For Helen Palaiologina cf. . Vacalopoulos, Une reine
grecque de Chypre mal comprise par les historiens. Hlne
Palologine (14421458), in: Proceedings of the I Interna-
tional Cyprological Congress, , Nicosia 1972, 277280; J.
Richard, Culture franque et culture grecque: le Royume de
Chypre au XVe sicle, ByzF 11 (1987), 400403.
70 . Garidis, (14501600). , Athens
2007, 5354.
REFLECTIONS OF PALAIOLOGAN STYLE IN CYPRIOT MONUMENTAL PAINTING
of the aforesaid, I find it difficult to justify based
on Helen Palaiologinas convictions and personal-
ity the choice and indeed for the decoration of
a hermitage of the Western version of the Holy
Trinity. This was a particularly sensitive theologi-
cal subject, which at Kouklia both in the iconog-
raphy and the inscriptions conveys the Western
theological concepts of the Filioque.
I believe, therefore, that the decoration of the
Palaion Enkleistron at Kouklia should be disas-
sociated from Helen Palaiologina, as well as from
the art of Mystras, with which the painting in the
cave-church has no relation. I argue that, the mod-
elling of the faces and the treatment of the drapery
in the hermitage on Cyprus and the Pantanassa in
Mystras represent two different aesthetic concepts.
305
 In relation to the work of the three painters iden-
tified in the Pantanassa, the painting at Kouklia
displays few similarities with the work of the first
painter, only the so-called painter of the Ascen-
sion, and only with regard to the use of wheaten
tones for rendering the flesh, but not to the use of
highlights. As is well known, in the work of the
first painter in the Pantanassa the highlights fan
out like rays over a large part of the surface of the
face,71 whereas at Kouklia the use of highlights is
much more restricted. In relation to the work of the
other two painters in Pantanassa, there is an even
greater distance in the use of colour, and for this
reason it is considered not pertinent to make any
specific observations.
The painter who decorated the ceiling72 in the
Old Hermitage was undoubtedly a talented artist
influenced directly by Palaiologan tradition, who
created a significant painting in Cyprus. The rep-
resentation, despite the irregular shape of the cave
surface, is symmetrical. The figures in the composi-
tion of the Holy Trinity are classical and imposing,
distinguished by their harmonious proportions and
austere mien. Brownish tones dominate in the ren-
dering of the faces, darkening on the outline, while
at various points the use of brown color is accom-
panied by a touch of green, as on the outline of the
face of Archangel Michael (Fig. 19). In the firm
modelling of the flesh the use of highlights is rath-
Fig. 19. Kouklia, Palaion Enkleistron, Archangel Michael
er limited and these are rendered mainly as small
white planes which, in combination with the few
fine brushstrokes on the eyes, impart a sculptural quarter of the 15th century)73 in the Musei Civici-
quality to the face. Although the physiognomic type Pinacoteca in Vicenza, as apparent from compari-
of the Father and the Son at Kouklia refers clearly son of the modelling of the figure of the Virgin and
to Palaiologan models, nonetheless the iconogra- of Archangel Michael in Kouklia, as well as with
phy of the Holy Trinity adopts the type established other works that cleave to the same stylistic prin-
by fifteenth-century Cretan painters. Moreover, in ciples and which are also dated to the second half
terms of style this representation should be linked of the fifteenth century. We cite indicatively some
with works of the late fifteenth century. Specifically, of the wall-paintings in the church of St. George
the representation in Kouklia is associated, not only at Apano Symi, Viannos (1453)74 and, primarily,
with the Benaki Museum icon mentioned above,
but also with the icon of the Annunciation (third 73 P. L. Vocotopoulos, . ,
Athens 1995, fig. 154.
71 M. Aspra-Vardavaki M. Emmanuel, - 74 For the church of St. George at Apano Symi cf. E. Bor-
. 15 , boudakis, -
Athens 2005, 259, figs. 103105. , in: Proceedings of the III International Cretological
72 It is possible that the Cypriot painter at Kouklia had Congress, B, Athens 1974, 221231, pls 4652; K. Gallas
with him an assistant, who painted certain representations in K. Wessel M. Borboudakis, Byzantinisches Kreta, Munich
the north part, which are different in relation to the paintings 1983, 127131, figs. 7778, 135139; Th. Gouma-Peterson,
on the ceiling. However, this hypothesis on the participation Manuel and John Phokas: an artistic personality in late
of a second painter requires thorough investigation. Byzantine painting, Gesta XXII2 (1983), 159170.

306 . ZARRAS
icons attributed to the so-called Cretan School,
such as the Entry into Jerusalem in the Canellopou-
los Collection, the Transfiguration in the Stathatos
Collection of the Benaki Museum,75 the Sanctuary
door with the Annunciation and the Prophets, and,
last but not least, the icons of the Pentecost and the
Ascension in the Byzantine and Christian Museum,
in Athens.76 Among the abovementioned works,
which represent an important artistic current of the
fifteenth century, and in the Cypriot monument too,
common artistic concepts can be observed in the
modelling the flesh and the use of highlights. At
a technical level, these concepts are evident in the
preponderance of dark tones on the flesh and the
limited use of highlights, which do not radiate out
on the face, but are applied as free tiny daubs cre-
ating illuminated surfaces around the eyes, on the
forehead and on usually one side of the neck, so as
to create strong contrast of light and shade, and a
characteristic sculptural effect.
From what has been said above, the represen-
tation of the Holy Trinity in the Palaion Enkleis-
tron at Kouklia should, in my opinion, be dated
to the second half of the fifteenth century. It was
painted by an artist who, like several gifted paint-
ers of the period, combined the Palaiologan tradi-
tion with the innovative expressive means that were
used systematically, mainly from the mid-fifteenth
century onwards, in icons created by Cretan paint-
ers. The fact that the iconographic type of the Holy
Trinity at Kouklia is found in Crete from the four-
teenth century and is used later in icons of the Cre-
tan School, as well as the close stylistic similarity
with this art, suggests that the painter who worked
in the Cypriot cave-church expresses common ar-
tistic concepts with those of the Cretan painters.
On the basis of what has been said so far, I be-
lieve that we are able to sketch the way in which
Palaiologan painting developed in Cyprus, notwith-
standing the problems that such an endeavour must
confront, given the fragmentary picture of the ma-
terial and the dearth of dated monuments.
The presence of the Constantinopolitan Geor-
gios Chrysokephalos and of painters from other
75 Holy Image, Holy Space. Icons and Frescoes from
Greece, Athens 1988, 215217, no 58, 60 (N. Chatzidakis).
76 M. Acheimastou-Potamianou, B
, Athens 1998, 128, 140, 146, figs. 36, 77 A. and J. Stylianou, Painted Churches, 3738; N. Gki-
39, 41.
REFLECTIONS OF PALAIOLOGAN STYLE IN CYPRIOT MONUMENTAL PAINTING
artistic centers in Cyprus, as early as the reign of
Hugo IV Lusignan, formulates the most important
piece of evidence to support the view that Palaiolo-
gan painting developed in an organized way on the
island. The new dating of the wall-paintings in the
central aisle of the True Cross at Pelendri, as well
as a group of notable icons, which are dated quite
close to the years of Chrysokephalos presence on
the island, show that there was considerable artis-
tic activity on Cyprus before the mid-fourteenth
century, which created a significant production of
Palaiologan works. Contrary to earlier views,77 I
believe that this art was a seminal watershed in the
artistic creation of the period, which was indeed
largely based on the local painting tradition. This
change in the artistic milieu of Cyprus is due to the
fact that Palaiologan art made a remarkable impres-
sion on superior spiritual and social circles, and, of
course, on the Western dynasts of the island. The
Lusignan rulers of Cyprus set their artistic stand-
ards through commissions placed with painters
educated in the Byzantine tradition, but who were
capable of employing expressive means of Late
Gothic painting, in accordance with the demands
of their patrons. The coexistence of Palaiologan
and Late Gothic painting was to constitute an im-
portant artistic trend in Cyprus, manifested in both
monumental painting and in icons, which made a
major contribution to the artistic expression of the
sixteenth century.
Palaiologan painting was maintained intact in
Cyprus throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth cen-
turies, and is represented both by works of high
quality and works of lesser artistic value, which at-
test to the different proficiency of the painters, who
had trained either with accomplished masters in
Cyprus or in other artistic centers of the Byzantine
Empire. Palaiologan painting in the island, as rep-
resented through the works examined, follows the
basic stylistic developments that this art underwent
in the major artistic centres of the Empire, mainly
from the fourteenth century until the more mature
stylistic trends. Specifically, in the first fifty years
of the fifteenth century, as well as in the second
half, Cyprus was a pole of attraction for painters
and became an important centre in which works in
oles, , 174.
307
 different artistic trends were produced, both with
clear Western influences and with obvious similari-
ties to creations of the Cretan School, which is
based upon the Palaiologan tradition.
The systematic study of the Palaiologan painting
in Cyprus, presented briefly in this paper, I believe,
will provide an opportunity to expand and enrich
the current relevant research on the impact of this
artistic trend.
Source of illustrations
111, 1516, 18: Nektarios Zarras
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.67 ,

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UNDER THE PROTECTION OF THE ASOMATOI: PRESENTATIONS

OF ARCHANGEL GABRIEL IN THE CHURCHES PAINTED DURING
THE LAZAREVI PERIOD

Tatjana Starodubcev

Presentations of the archangels Michael and Gabri-
el can be found among the preserved figures of the
saints in many churches which were painted during
the reign of the house of Lazarevi. They can be seen
in Velue (between 1373 and 1377), Naupara (before
spring 1382), Rudenica (between 1403 and 1405),
Ljubostinja (between 1406 and 1408), Koporin (be-
ginning of the second decade of the 15th century), Re-
sava (before spring 1418), Sisojevac (soon after 1418)
and in Kaleni (beginning of the third decade of the
15th century) (Fig. 1).
The archangel Michael is always presented as a war-
rior. However, the archangel Gabriel does not always
wear the same clothes. In Velue (Fig. 2), Koporin
(Fig. 4) and Kaleni (Fig. 7), he wears the dress of
a nobleman or patrician, and in Ljubostinja (Fig. 3),
Resava (Fig. 5) and Sisojevac (Fig. 6) a rulers sak-
kos with a loros. In the endowments of noblemen he
is dressed as a nobleman or patrician, and in churches
the decoration of which, presumably, Despotes Stefan
took care of, he appears in rulers clothes.
In order to establish whether such a practice was also
customary earlier in the Serbian lands, one should
first observe how these two archangels were present-
ed in the endowments of noblemen from the time of
the Nemanji dynasty, and in the churches erected by
rulers who were their contemporaries. In the endow-
ments of the nobility, Archangel Michael was depicted
regularly in warriors dress, and very seldom in impe-
rial robes, while Gabriel was depicted in the dress of
a monarch and only exceptionally in a military outfit,
or in the ancient chiton and himation. In the buildings
erected by their sovereigns, King Stefan Deanski, and
Duan, king and later emperor, and slightly later in
the endowments of the sons of King Vukain, Michael
was usually depicted in military dress and Gabriel ap-
peared in imperial costume, while they were far more
rarely shown wearing the ancient chiton or himation.
No presentation of an archangel clad in the dress of
a nobleman or patrician has been preserved in any of
these churches.
It seems that an until then unknown custom appeared
in the Lazarevi state. Actually, Michael was still be-
ing depicted in the usual way as a warrior. Gabriel,
too, was sometimes painted as before, in a rulers sak-
kos with a loros. However, he was often depicted in
the dress of a nobleman or patrician, and the only pre-
served example from the time which had directly pre-
ceded that is located in the narthex in Pe. Beside the
entrance to the Church of the Virgin Hodegatria, on
the southern side, after 1331, the archangel Michael
was painted in this type of dress, while there are no
longer traces of frescoes on the opposite surface.

: 345
 During the time of the Lazarevi dynasty, Archangel
Gabriel was depicted exactly in the clothes that corre-
sponded to the social status of the ktetor of the church
in which he was depicted. Since the basis for him be-
ing depicted like that cannot be found in the domestic
environment, one should check if this mode of think-
ing had grounds in the empire of the Romaioi.
It seems that this relation towards the archangels, and
to Gabriel himself, was not new within the Byzan-
tine cultural circle, since several images have been
preserved, depicting the archangels and the Romaioi
basileoi together, dressed in the same robes. In the
manuscript of the Homilies by Gregory of Nazianzus,
Paris gr. 510 (between 880 and 883), on the miniature
on fol. Cv, the emperor Basil I (867886) is depicted.
Next to him are standing the prophet Elijah and the
archangel Gabriel, who is dressed in the same man-
ner as the basileus onto whose head he is lowering a
crown. On the ivory that is kept in Berlin, and which
is usually identified as the top of a sceptre, present-
ed in the centre is the Mother of God crowning the
emperor Leo VI the Wise (886912), while Archan-
gel Gabriel approaches her from the other side, clad
in the same way as the basileus of the Romaioi. In
the church called the Great Pigeon house in avuin
in Cappadocia, faint traces of the picture of Christ in
Glory can be seen in the altar apse, and in the apse
of the prothesis, the emperor Nikephoros II Phokas
(963969) with four relatives and, on the eastern end
of the northern wall, an archangel, probably Michael,
dressed in the same manner as the basileus. The no-
tion has already been put forward in literature that the
reason why Gods servants were presented in the same
way as earthly rulers, was principally to express that
the heavenly hosts and emperors were equally subor-
dinated to the higher basileus.
The question automatically arises regarding the rela-
tion of the Serbian rulers towards the holy archan-
gels. As far as it is known, only two of them erected
endowments that celebrate the asomatoi. King Mi-
lutin founded the monastery of the Holy Archangels
Michael and Gabriel in Jerusalem around 1313, while
the foundations of the monastery near Prizren, dedi-
cated to the Holy Archangels, were laid in 1348 by
Emperor Duan. The churches and monasteries built
in honor of the asomatoi in the Serbian territories
346 .
were usually founded to celebrate the holy archangels
or their leader Michael and, it seems that during the
Lazarevi times, only a few churches were dedicated
to the asomatoi.
The question arises as to whether the translation of
the entire work of Pseudo Dionysius the Areopagite,
finished some time after 1371 by the monk Isaiah, and
its subsequent copying, could have led to greater in-
terest at that time in the consideration of archangels,
and thus in their presentations on paintings. The sig-
nificance of the image of the heavenly court which he
had offered, is clearly corroborated by the words of
Constantine the Philosopher, the biographer of Des-
potes Stefan who, in the description of the organisa-
tion of the court in Belgrade, recognised Areopagites
picture there.
However, this equation of the heavenly and earthly
courts was not translated from the domain of words
into the world of pictures. Judging by the portraits of
Despotes Stefan in Ljubostinja and Resava, where the
angels are alighting towards the sovereign, it seems
that the asomatoi did have a certain significance on
the plane of the rulers ideology of that time, how-
ever, there was still no direct comparison between the
archangel Gabriel and the Despotes, in such a way
that they would be presented in identical clothes or
insignia. On the other hand, in the endowments of no-
blemen from the time of the Lazarevi dynasty, this
asomatoi courtier of the heavenly emperor did not
wear the same robes as those worn in the portraits of
the endowers who were the noblemen of the earthly
ruler.
The similarity of the dress of Archangel Gabriel and
the clothes of the endowers on the presentations creat-
ed during the Lazarevi period, which stems from the
hierarchy of dress designated for different social stra-
ta, is clearly recognisable. Still, in no case was there
a direct comparison between the endower and this
asomatos. The archangel Gabriel wears robes which
corresponded with the position of the endowers on the
social ladder of that time, which leads to the conclu-
sion that there is room for the belief that the people
of that time, fraught with danger, ardently relied not
only on the help of Archangel Michael as the leader
of the asomatoi forces, but also on the protection of
Archangel Gabriel.

:
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483.
109 . . , -
, XV2 (1994), 1330.
110 , cf. . , , -
,
XIV XV , -
, 1990, 132149 ( -
); . -,
XIV . -
-
, in: - . 9. ,
(. . . (Vat. Slavo 2), fol. 205, 1345.
. ), - 2002, 463472.
111 P. Magdalino, In Search of the Byzantine Courtier:
Leo Choirosphaktes and Constantine Manasses, in: Byzan- Maguire H. Maguire, Other Icons. Art and Power in Byz-
tine Court Culture from 829 to 1204, 164; E. Dautermann- antine Secular Culture, Princeton 2007, 8789.

362 .
 -
-
-


(. 9).
, -
,
, -



-

.114
,

,
-
.115


-
(. 10).116

, ,117
-
. 10. , , ( -
) .

- , in: -
, 559571.
. , ,112 114 I. Dujev, Minijature Manasijevog letopisa, Sofija-Be-

ograd 1965, 124125, br. 69; I. Spatharakis, op. cit., 164,
, ( 15, fig. 105; . ,
810) ( 12, -
4244; 21, 24) , -
.113 4 (1985), 4748.
115 , cf. 17, 2; 13; -
112 4; 8. cf. J. Jeremias, The Parables of Jesus,
, cf. J. Pope-Hennessy, The Por- Scribner 1972; R. H. Stein, An Introduction to the parables
trait in the Renaissance, New York 1963, 28, 30, fig. 27; of Jesus, Cambridge 1981; A. J. Hultgren, The Parables of
M-L. Rizzati, Botticelli, Milano 1976, 40. fig. 2. Jesus. A Commentary, Philadelphia 2002, 453467.
113 - 116 . , , 1995, 8495, .

, cf. PG 61, 7172. , cf. . , -

cols. 781784. - , in: , 183193 ( ).
, cf. . , 117 A. Golitzin, On the Mystical Life: the Church and the
. , 1992, 4143; last things, New York 1995, 6063; J. Hultgren, op. cit.,
. . , XIV - 341351.

363
 THE ESPHIGMENOU CHRYSOBULL OF DESPOT DJURADJ BRANKOVI:
FANTASTIC ARCHITECTURE, IA, ESPHIGMENOU
OR THE CELESTIAL DWELLINGS?
Branislav Cvetkovi
The Esphigmenou charter with miniature portraits of
the family of despot Djuradj Brankovi has often been
a matter of scholarly attention. Its structure is essen-
tially different from the rest of extant Byzantine char-
ters with portraits in that it comprises all members of
the ruling family standing in front of the lavish ar-
chitecture painted against golden background. At the
lower part of the miniature the intercolumniations are
set behind figures of two princes Stefan and Lazar and
of their sister princess Kantakuzina, while at the upper
part there are portraits of despot Djuradj Brankovi,
his wife Irina, of prince Grgur and princess Mara.
The meaning of the architecture behind the figures of
the Brankovi has never been established with cer-
tainty as it was mainly referred to as being symbolic
or fantastic or as possible reflection of the ia mon-
astery, the place of the charters issue. The portraits
of the Brankovi are seen as the political propaganda.
High architectural structures in the charters upper
364 .
part have been described as kiosks, ciborium, rotun-
da, or church, while its lower part as wall made up of
six windows or seven columns. Due to damage of the
miniature over time a reconstruction of the charter has
been made in order to make its study easier. There-
fore, a number of new details have been spotted.
The author argues the idea that lay behind a complex
representation must have been that of the Heavenly
Court. The proof may be found both in the painted
architecture and in the lavish costumes of figures. The
garment symbolism is built on the well known sources
from the Scriptures, hymnography and patristic writ-
ings, as well as in theological background of the As-
cension of Christ, the dedication both of ia and the
Esphigmenou monastery implying Christs promise of
the heavenly abodes for the righteous. The Brankovi
are shown dressed in the robes of light ready to enter
celestial dwellings as their heavenly prize for having
become ktetors of the Esphigmenou monastery.


(16041606)
,
. 18. -
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123135, 125126; .

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UDA SA ANOM IZ CARIGRADA I ENOM IZ ALEKSANDRIJE U PIVI 365


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247 (82), . 234236; . , -- ,
6061(53); . , .5 -
, 2005, 127142, . 4552. , ,
4 ,

, 1604. 1606.
,
cf. . , - , -
, I, (1902) 1982, 1605 (. 950). , .
cf. . , -
15571614, 1965, 198
201, sq.; cf. . , 5 ,
. XVIXVII , 1991, 202 ,
207; , - cf. . , op. cit., 92
cf. A. Skovran, 93, 199; C. , op. cit., 237; . , -
Umetniko blago manastira Pive, Cetinje-Beograd 1980, 710 -, 58.
( ). .

366 S. GABELI
 -
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. cf. , XVII
, , (. . ), 1967, 109143 (-
).
(. 7 C. , op. cit., 199; C. , op. cit., 237
1). -
(79/1); . , op. cit., 58 (50/), . 19 (
).

UDA SA ANOM IZ CARIGRADA I ENOM IZ ALEKSANDRIJE U PIVI 367

 , .
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arta comunitata (d. C. Popa et al.), Stavropoleos 2002, 58,
passim; I. Marchis, Stavropoleos, Stavropoleos 2005, 102.
-
,
. 3. , ( .
) 9 . , op. cit., 8889 (92/), 159160, . 62.

368 S. GABELI
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, 10 C. , op. cit., 237 (79/2).
11 Ibid., 292293 (96/2), . 266; . , op. cit.,
18.
8889 (92/), 159, . 66.

UDA SA ANOM IZ CARIGRADA I ENOM IZ ALEKSANDRIJE U PIVI 369



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12 C. , op. cit., 272275 (90/4), . 253a. .
13 C. ,
-
p. cit., 199; . , op. cit., 58, . 15; C. ,
op. cit., 237 (79/3), . 226b.
, ,

370 S. GABELI

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14 C. K, op. cit., 170172. , 7173, 126; Ead., 1118. .,
15 Ibid., kat. 47 ( ), 52 ( - 332/10; . , , 124125.
, 1612), 80 ( , 1700), 97 ( 17 C. , op. cit., 199; C. ,
, 1773), 102 ( ), 109 ( , 237 (79/5), . 226b.
1819), 113 (Bakovo, 1846), 114 ( 1861); C. -
, op. cit., 304305 (101/ . 7), . 276; 307 , 1669.
(102/5), . 277; 320. (. , -, . 36).

UDA SA ANOM IZ CARIGRADA I ENOM IZ ALEKSANDRIJE U PIVI 371

 ,
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19 Ko C. , op. cit., 199, C. , op. cit.,

237, (79/6), . 226, -
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, -
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( 458459). .
20 Cf. . , op. cit., 332 (10/a), . 11, passim. -
-
, XVI XVII .18 , , -
, ,
, (Ibid., . 196, 198, 199,
18 C. , op. cit., 334, 201, passim) (1669) cf.
. 13. C. K, op. cit., . 36.

372 S. GABELI
 . -
-



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(1568).21

. -
XVI
-
( 483488)
,
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-
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, XV
,23

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21
cf. . , op. cit., 160 169,
176178, , 3839 (23), . 59;
cf. C. , op. cit., 333/19 (353/19).
22 i, . 113, . .
, 1868, 295299; . -
, ,
10 (1974), 4957.
23 G. Gerov, An Iconographical Theme from Mount Athos
and Its Spread in the Bulgarian Lands: The Miracle of the
Archangels at Docheiariou, Cyrillomethodianum XI (1987),
215244, 218; . , , 192.

,
.
, -
,

,
XVI , - . 7, . 7. ,
, ( )

UDA SA ANOM IZ CARIGRADA I ENOM IZ ALEKSANDRIJE U PIVI 373

 . 8, . 8. ,
( ?)

XII .24 - , ,
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( 1346).

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24 G. Gerov, op. cit., 218.

25 N. L. Okunev, Lesnovo, Lart byzantin chez les Slaves, I/ -
II, Paris 1930, 250; J. (Danny Elfman ), op. cit., ,
49, . 1; . , . - .
, 1998, 103104, . 39; ead.,

, 97 (26/10), . 110, T. X.

374 S. GABELI
 -
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, ( op. cit., 284287 (94/12), . 261.

UDA SA ANOM IZ CARIGRADA I ENOM IZ ALEKSANDRIJE U PIVI 375

 ar(xa)gg(e)ly pokaza
rouno [g]edenou (. 11).
-

( 6:21),
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24),
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.29 .30
, -
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,
27 . , op. cit., 60, . 21. ,
28 C. , op. cit., 284286 (94/9, 11, 12), . 261, 263. , -
29 , , .
,
30
, ,
- ,
, XVII cf. C. , op. cit., (
268271 (89/6), sl. 251 - , ) cf. C. ,
, op. cit., 332 (13/), . 59, 119, 226, 235 (, -
1798. cf. . , -, , , ), passim; -
9495 (101/), . 9192 ( cf. . , op. cit., . 21, 51,
, 1745. ). 112, sq.

376 S. GABELI


, ,
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.32 - . ()

31 33 i, 112, . .
C. , op. cit., 199; C. , op. cit., 237
(79/10), . 226; . , op. cit., , 58 (50/), . , 1897, 271272.
18 ( ). 34 a 476477.
32 Cf. C. , , 112113, 127; . 35 a 477; cf. 128129, -
K, , 172173. .

UDA SA ANOM IZ CARIGRADA I ENOM IZ ALEKSANDRIJE U PIVI 377

 , 1600. , , , -
18.
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, , , .36 ( 451453).
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36 C. , -, 58 (49/a), .
101, :
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37 C. , , :
.
94101 (26/3), . 103; ead., , 9697,
. 34, T. XXI. .
38 . , p. cit., 200.
39 C. , op. cit., 51 (), 207 ( (. ), 261 (), 265 (-
), 232235 (), 241 (), 245 ), passim.

378 S. GABELI
MIRACLES WITH ANNA FROM CONSTANTINOPLE
AND THE WOMAN FROM ALEXANDRIA IN PIVA
Rare scenes from the cycle of the Archangels
Smiljka Gabeli
In the south aisle of the church of the monastery of
Piva in Montenegro (16041606), in the second zone
of frescoes counting from the ground up, there is a
cycle of scenes dedicated to the archangels number-
ing a total of 10 compositions. High up in the north
aisle there is one other, eleventh theme related to the
same subject. This cycle is characterized by a mod-
ern concept and the presence of certain new and rarly
represented themes, based on the 18th chapter on the
Miracles of the Archangels Michael and Gabriel from
Thesaurus, a miscellany by Damascenos Stouditos
dating from the XVI century.
The first fresco presents the story of the noble woman
Anna from Constantinople, her transfer to the other
world during her illness and temporary state of death,
as well as of her return, both thorugh the agency of the
archangels who thus offered her, a sinner, a chance to
repent (Drawing 2, Fig. 1). The other is about a wom-
an whose name remains unknown, an unchristened
woman from Alexandria, whose confession and issu-
ing christening was aided by the archangels (Draw-
ing 5, Fig. 3). The third shows the Appearance of the
angel to Theodoulos, a monk from the monastery of
Docheiariou, apparantly the earliest preserved exam-
ple of its kind (Drawing 6, Fig. 5). The three follow-
ing scenes are well known, Appearance of the angel to
Balaam (Fig. 6), Burial of Moses (Drawing 7, Fig. 7)
and, probably, Sacrifice of Abraham (Drawing 8, Fig.
8). The Miracle at Docheiariou, a popular composi-
tion of the post-Byzantine epoch, is presented in two
frescoes and through a series of several episodes. The
first relates the events preceding the miracle of saving
UDA SA ANOM IZ CARIGRADA I ENOM IZ ALEKSANDRIJE U PIVI
the boy thrown into the sea (Fig. 9) while the other
tells of events which followed, at the monastery of
Docheiariou (Fig. 10). It is interesting to note that the
miracluous rescue of the boy through the intervention
of the archangels is not represented in Piva. Also, the
story of this Athonite monastery ends with the expul-
sion of three monks from the monastery, an otherwise
rarely represented episode. The penultimate scene is
that of the Appearance of the archangel to Gideon
(Sacrifice of Gideon), with the fleece painted in place
of the offerings (Fig. 11). The last scene shows the
Sinking of Agarene Ships (Archangel Michael de-
fends Constantinople by sinking the Agarene fleet),
depicted after the final description of the siege and
the numbering of the remaining ships of the Agarene
fleet, contained only in texts written by Damascenos
(Note 35, Fig. 12).
The Synaxis of the Archangels in Piva should also be
added to the group of scenes related to the archangels,
although this fresco stands isolated in the north aisle
of the church (Note 39). Its location and symbolism
actually detaches this scene from the group of repre-
sentations related to the miracles of the archangels.
Some extremely popular scenes related to the arch-
angels are missing from the Piva cycle, such as the
Miracle at Chonae and the Appearance of the arches-
trategos to Joshua, thus emphasizing the more modern
themes. On the whole, more than illustrating the mira-
cles of the archangels themselves, this cycles under-
lines themes of repentance, confession and disclosing
of lies, lessons to be learned in the everyday life of
both laymen and monks.
379

*

, , ...
, .
, .
-
. , -
, .
,
, .
: , , , concetto, divino artista, , anima,
, , ,

- ,
. , ,
. .
, , , ,
, -
(phainomnon).1 . -
, , -
, .3
, -
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2 O , 4 ingenuus,
: . . , - ,

381
 . , .
artigiana divino artista, -
artes liberales. , .
, -
.
.
, aria, umbra
quaedam et quem pictures nostri aerem vocant,
Divino artista ,
.9
ingeniumom
statue parlanti signa spirantia.5
spiritusom, .10
veramente
aria ,
vivissimo, una cosa viva, spirare un fiato, la tavola

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, -
, maniera,
. -
. Aria
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-
,
, . -

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.6 ,
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, ,
,
, ( -
.11
), ,
,
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, Non ha lottimo artista alcun
: , concetto ,
,
.8 Deus Artifex. divino artista, ,
, - ,
. - .
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Dialogo della pittura intitolato lAretino - partorire,
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, ,
, , .19
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. .
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: fare gli uomini vivi che meraviglia che quelle che vogliono
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383
 padre delle tre arti nostre architettura, scultura : Noi per arte passiamo esser
e pittura.21 detti nipoti a Dio () -
, .27
ex nihilo. , , ?
, , - ? -
, .
.22 - .
, , .
, , -
- .28 -
.23 aria
. , sfumato, simulacrum. -
, - energia delle
, . figura , ,
: ....29
, , ,
, - quello che non sia.30 , -
.24 , , -
, , .
,
.25
, -
(, ,
Fare una cosa morta parer viva
, , ), Aria, sfumato, energia delle figura...
- -
. , - , .
, - -
, , .31 ,
concetto, , concetto - , -
, . , , -
.
.
.26 , -
, -
27 Leonardo da Vinci, Come la pittura avanza tutte le opere
21 G. Vasari, Che cosa sia disegno, e come si fanno e si umane per sottili speculazioni appertenenti a quella, Vol. I,
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22 , , 69c-d, ( . ),
29 M. E. Hazard, op. cit., 408.
1995.
30 O , Libro dellarte -
23 O -
, in: D. Summers, Michelangelo and the
, A. Levi, Ficino, Augustine and the Pagans, in: Marsilio
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31 Ta ,
24 G. Maiorino, The Daedalian Artifex: Myth, Technology,
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licher Versuch (1934)
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25 O cf. O. Raggio, The Myth of
. -
Prometheus. Its Survival and Metamorphoses up to the
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26 Dante Alighieri, Boanstvena komedija, Pakao XI, 103 , cf. P. Barolsky, Why Mona Lisa Smiles
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384 .
 , , che pareva viva viva. -
, , ,
.32 , - : non uomini semplicemente, ma ...
Cinquecenta, Dei mortali.
, , ,
, , , -
novelle. - -
. , . -

.
Le Vite de pi eccelenti pittori, scultori e archi- ,
tettori - . -
.33 , Il divino Michelangelo -

, - -
. , .
, -
1550. 1568, - -
- , , 1509.
. , un
160 altro Iddio e unaltra natura, fare una
XIV, XV XVI , - cosa morta parer viva.34 , -
terza maniera, - ,
, la moderna, . .
Proemio IV la moderna -
buona regole, miglior ordine, retta misura, , -
disegno perffeto, grazia divina, - . -
il moto,
et il fiato, vita. , ,
, , , ,
pi vivo che la vivacit.
divino artista - Piet.
, una ,
cosa divina, , -
Mater Dolorosa
32 - -
.
. vivo in marmo morte
-
, , , , i veri moti che fa
, la morte,
. .35
.
: H. White, The
Question of Narrative in Contemporary Historical Theory, -
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33 O : C. Goldstein, 34 S. J. Campbell, Fare una Cosa Morta Parer Viva:

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( , - 35 R. Smick, Evoking Michelangelos Vatican Pieta:
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Renaissance Artist, ArtHist 132 (1990), 3446. Golahny), Lewisburg 1996, 2352.

385
 , passio compassio. esce del tronco. , -
insanguinati, -
- .39
, ,
, . , -
- ,
.36 I Marmi -
, 1552.
, . - , -
, -
, - Notte
.
, - .40 -
. , , , ,
. , . A
, - -
, ,
-
. , Notte. ,
, .
-
vivo spirito.37 .
, , - , , -
. , infusione - , , io
, , son marmo ed ella carne.41
- -
: Or veduto di avere risuscitate ( ),
un morto... mi torn tanto vigore ... se io avevo ,
pi febbre o pi paura di morte ( ( ) ,
... - .42
...
).38 , - . la
, - moderna, , -
. ,
1552, 39 M. Cole, op. cit., 215, 231, footnote 1.
, con stupore, , 40 () -
, in quella Notte, ,
testa si vede la morte negli ochi e nelle bocca , . , , Caro
, - m l sonno, e pi lesser di sasso: Michelangelo Buonarro-
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41 O cf. J. Shearman, op. cit., 4749.
36 -
42 , ,
, in: S.
,
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38 Vita di Benvenuto Cellini, orefice e scultore, scritta di artista, Cap II, 151; o -
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386 .
, , (intellectus venit de
. , , . foris) , , -
Proemio della Vite - , ,
rinascita. ? -
rinato, De Anima, XII
( , , , -
), ,
avvivare, - , -
. .45 -
1568, ,
, - , -
, ,
.43 , -
-
. ,
, -
Anima

divino artista -
,

, ,
. ,
-
, , -
, medicus animarum. -
, anima.
,
-


. , -
, ,
, , , 19.
-
1513, Apostolici regiminis, -
, , , , -
-
.
.46
-
, , , ,
... De Anima - , -
, , , . . -
, ,
, Altercazione,
, Oratio ad Deum theologica.
, , -
, .44 .47

. - . anima spirito, -
, , , ,
, , umbra,
45 P. Serracino-Inglott, Ficino the Priest, C. S. Celenza,
,
: - Late Antiquity and Florentine Platonism: The Post-
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387
 , , . , -
et inspiravit in nares eius spiraculum vitae, et ,
factus este homo in animam viventem.48 Anima : Ars utinam mores animumque effingere
spirito , - posset! Pulchrior in terris nulla tabella foret.
. Anima , , ,
, ,
selfa.49 .51 -
anima
, , , -
, .
, . -
animare, avvivare, lo spirito.52
risuscitare, rinascere... , ,
. Per mirar Policleto a
, prova fiso Quando guinse a Simon laltro concetto
, , - ( -
. , . , , ),
, , - .53
passion dellanimo, voce ed intellecto, -
- ,
. Anima aria, - , .54
, , , ,
. -
, , , -
... . - , -
.50 ,
, , , , ,
, ... XV ,
. -
, , -
. , . -
, .55
, . - -
, Lettere sullarte, .
, -
. ,

, 51 O -
. .
, J. Shearman, op. cit., 108148. O
, , , ibid., 108112, J. Pope Hennessey,
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, , , , - 52 J. Shearman, op. cit., 112113.
53 Il Canzoniere di Francesco Petrarca, LXXVII, LXXVIII,
48 2, 7. ( . ); a cura di G. Barbarisi, C. Berra, Milano 1992; Francesco
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49 T. J. Reiss, Mirages of the Self: Patterns of Personhood 54 O o
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388 .
 , ,
. .59
, , , , - -
, , Che non p larte,
. - , ()
. -
, , , , , ,
... . , - ,
, il senso de la cose , . -
u nel pennello, , , -
/ - . ,
/ .56 ,
III .
, vivo in perpetua. ,
, - .60
( ), anima .
-
,
, anima.
. ,
,
, ,
, , .57 -
.
,
,
, -
, .
.58 , ,
,
, .61
anima - Modi affigurati e voci
. scelte et eleganti della volgar lingua -
- , vivacit,
anima spirito
(). forme nove .62 Dialogo della pittura
, . intitolato lAretino,
, , , ,
, . -
, -
, serve allocchio de riguardanti.
56 O cf. N. E. Land, , -
Ekphrasis and Imagination: Some Observations on Pietro
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59 N. E. Land, op. cit , 214.
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N. Stipevi, prevod i komentar M. D. Savi), Beograd ties in Renaissance Art (ed. M. Rogers), Variorum 2000,
1961, 345382, 363364, 380381. 6378, 65.
57 P. Bembo, Prose e rime, 522f, (a c. di C. Dionisoti), 61 E cf. J. Shearman, op. cit.,
Torino 1971. 136.
58 O o - 62 O Modi,
cf. E. Cropper, The , , cf. R. H. Terpening, Lodovico
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175190. 1980, 237242.

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, .
, , La moderna, Dei
fantasia - mortali, .67
, ,
.63 , - ,
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. , , - ,
, .
.
. -- . -
, ; ...
, , , , , -
, . . .68
- -
, La Maddalena .69
di Tiziano, 1619.64 .
-
, -
, - . -

. , .
, -
, -
.
, - 67 O
, . cf. P. Lee Rubin, op. cit., 3446; A. Richard Turner,
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, , 68 J. A. Harriss, Seeking Mona Lisa, Temptress or Icon of

.65 Innocence, Cult Figure or Cultural Archetype. Leonardos

trema la carne, vedesi Mysterious Madonna, Smithsonian 30 (1999), 5464, 54.
69 , , . -
lo spirito, battoni i sensi,
,
X
XIX ,
, -
, pi vivo... che la vivacit.66 , , .
, . , -
- , -
. ,
, , 1963.
. , .
National
63 O cf. M. Kemp, From Mimesis to Gallery. ,
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64 O in: B. Aikema, Titians Mary Magdalen in the Museum of Art.
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1974. .
65 O A. W. Hefferman, Speaking for Pictures:
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66 Raffaello di Urbino, pittore e architetto, Vol. IV in: : J. A. Harriss, Seeking Mona
Giorgio Vasari, Le vite. Lisa, loc. cit.

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 .70
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;
: - , ,
. -
. .74
, , ,
.
.71 , , ,
. , chees.75 -
:
, : ,
, - . , , -
, , .
. : -
, , .
... , - -
, .... , ,
, , , , -
... , .76 -
, . -
,
. ,
, : - . -
, - ,
( ), -
, .
...72
, , , -
- . ,
. -
, , .
, -
. , , -
, .77
, . - ,
.73 , ; -
-
. - 74 L. Campbell, Renaissance Portraits: European Painting

: XV in the 14th, 15th, and 16th Century, New Haven 1990, 178.
75 H. Berger Jr., op. cit., 100101.
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76 -

70
W. Ray Crozier, P. Greenhalgh, Self-Portraits as
Presentations of Self, Leonardo 211 (1988), 2933.
71 O in H. Berger Jr, Fictions of the Pose:
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72 R. Bart, Svetla komora. Nota o fotografiji, Beograd
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73 H. Berger Jr, op. cit., 99.
L. Campbell,
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S. J. Wood A. G. Wood, Laterality of Expression in
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77 I. Mc Manus N. K. Humphrey, Turning the left cheek,
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391
 , . , . , , -
. , : ...:
, - .
. , ,
. -
, ?
. , -
, ,
? , , ,
, - ... , ,
. , -
, . [...]
, ; -
? ,
, , ... -
, ? .
; ,
; , ,
, ,
?78 ... -
. - , :
- .80
, ,
( ) ...
- .
. Self ( - . -
inventio) -
, . , , ... ...
-
. - ,
, , ,
. -
- aria, anima, spirito... , ,
, , ,
,
. , ... : .
.... .79 -
, , . -
.
, .
, anima.
, - ,
, , - . ( )
; .81
, , - 1516.
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79 ovani Piko dela Mirandola, Govor o dosto- 81 : Ibid., 21, 68, 105, 106, 108.
janstvu ovekovu (prevod, uvod i napomene S. Gudevi), 82 , ,
Beograd 1994, 57. , -

392 .
 . -
, . , .
,
, - ,
Il Convivio (
: ), ,
: -
; , , Il buon .86
pittore ha da dipingere due cose principali, cio , gli occhi avevano quelustri e quelle
luomo ed il concetto della mente sua. Il primo acquitrine che di continuo si vegono nel vivo; -
facile, il secondo difficile.83 , , girare
secondo i pori della carne; , -
, , il naso,
, il moto ed con tutte quelle belle aperture rossette e tenere,
ili fiato, passion danimo. - si vedeva essere vivo. ,
, - , la bocca con quella sua
, , sfenditura, con le sue fini unite dal rosso della
. bocca con lincarnazione del viso, -
concetto, , - , , che non colori ma carne
, concetto della mente sua. pareva veramente.
?.. : Nella fontanella della gola, chi
intentissimamente la guardava, vedeva battere i
, .84 polsi (
, - )... -
- , un
, ghigno tanto piacevole che era cosa pi divina che
. - umana a vederlo. -
, -
, , .
, et era tenuta cosa maravigliosa per
,
non essere ili vivo altrimenti.87
, -

-

,
.88 -
. ,
-
, , , -
.85
, , o -
... ,
, , . in J. A. Har-
, riss, op. cit., 5464.
, di naturale. K I je 86 O :
. in M. Kemp,
M. Kemp, Leonardo da Vinci: Science and Poetic Impulse,
Leonardo da Vinci, 266.
Journal of the Royal Society of Arts CXXXIII (1985),
83 Come il buon pittore ha di dipingere due cose, luomo
196214, 199. O
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84 Platon, Sofist, 240 b, c, in: Kratil. Teetet. Sofist. Drav- 87 Lionardo da Vinci, pittore e scultore fiorentino, Vol.
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2000. nih slikara, vajara i arhitekata (izbor i prevod E. Seqvi),
85 , Beograd 1961, 185186.
, Madonna Lisa Gherardini, 88 O : G. Maiorino, The
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393
 ; , ,
. .
-
, . -
- .
, , .
. - , -
, - , nascere rinascere, , dipingere.
, . fare fingere, .
, - , .
, , , Singolarit particularita, -
, . Le Vite,
; , -
, , XVI ,
. : . , -
giocondit ? ,
- . -
chees , -
? ,
, ( , ,
, ), -
, , . ,
, , - ,
- , , -
, , . , ,
pi vivo che la vivacit. , -
. - aria, ,
, , nellintrinseco,
- ,
, , , -
in: M. Kemp, Leonardo da Vinci, 266293; F. H. Jacobs, .
Living Images, 105132.

RENAISSANCE PORTRAIT AND THE TOPOS OF LIFELIKENESS

Saa Brajovi

Words and phrases from Renaissance treatises ve-
ramente vivissimo, la tavola viva, similitudine vivis-
sime, pi vivo che la vivacit, often used to describe
portraits, point to analogies between art and life.
These topoi can be observed as loci communes, as
hyperboles borrowed from ancient epigrams. How-
ever, results of research show that lifelikeness topoi
mean far more than just simple convention. Vasari, in
his Le Vite gives special emphasis to the fact that art-
ists of La moderna era, which opens with Leonardo
da Vinci, managed successfully to give life to their
subjects. The divino artista has the power to breathe
anima into his figures. Regardless of the varied and at
times controversial uses of the word anima in Renais-
sance treatises on art, it is always used to point out
the intrinsic uniqueness of the artist, of his self, and
thus also of his work. Although the movement of the
entire body, as emphasized by the treatises, expresses
the passion dellanimo, the glimmering of the soul is
never as sophisticated, and strong at the same time,

394 .
as on a portrait. Anima, the translucent soul, comes
to life, reanimate, gives new life to the portrayed. A
large number of portraits is described in such a man-
ner in Renaissance treatises. Vasaris description of
Mona Lisa testifies that the Leonardos painting is not
fiction of posing or, at least, that there is more to her
than just that. The Mona Lisa is indeed an ideal con-
struct, an artefact fashioned of poetic, esthetic, social
conventions. Still, all the while, she herself, the one
outside the picture, is congruent with her self. A cer-
tain shadow, painters call it aria, as Petrarch wrote,
reveals the extraordinary nature of the Mona Lisa,
the fine texture of her soul which has remained un-
processed, despite all the forces which shaped her and
then, for centuries, been deconstructing her. Although
renaissance poortraits are, for the most part, inter-
preted as a mode of presentation and self-presentation,
Renaissance treatises on art indicate that contempo-
rary men expected them also to express the precious
essence of personality free of any boundary. The por-
trait represents the appearance of Renaissance man,
not as something schematic but rather as something
individual and unique, as a being not detached from
itself.
395

XVI .:
?

XVI . . -,
, . , , -
. , -
,
.
: , , , , , -

. , -
- , -
, - XVI .
. ,
XVI ., . -
. - ,
. - ,
, , -
. -
,
, -

. , -
.
-
. XVI .
- ,
, -
, - -
, - ,
.1

1 E. Smirnova, The Veneration Icons in Russian Iconogra- ...,

phy, 26 (1997), 121125; . . , - , 2007.

XVI .: ? 397
 XIVXVI .,2 , ,
: - .5 ,
- , ,
, - . ,
, .
, : -
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, ,
XVI ., , -
- , -
, ,
, , . : ,
15451563 ., . -
-
. ;
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, XVI . -
.3 , . ,
-
, 1553 ., 1555 .
. -
.. - ,
, , ,
- ,
, ,
, -
.4 , -
.
- , -

, ( )
, , - .7
,
, - ,
. 1558 .
2
() -
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XIV XVI ,
, ,
- 1955. - ,
3 ,
, - . . ,
XVI , 1567 . , ,
. .: . . , - , -
, , ,
2 ( XIVXVI .), 2, - , -
1989, 4950.
4 Cf. . . ,
5 7661 (1553) ., -
XIV XVI . 1960,
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265274; (), -
6 Ibid.
, ,
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THE TRUE ICONOGRAPHY OF JERUSALEM AND

THE CHURCH OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE PLAN
THE ENGRAVING OF HRISTOFOR DEFAROVI

Miroslav Timotijevi

The Christian culture of representation set the issue
of the veracity of the visual images back in the first
centuries of its forming, while in the Orthodox world
certainly the most important and influential ones were
the disputes that took place at the time of iconoclasm.
The victory of the iconoclasm followers shaped up the
theological grounds of learning about the holy images
and their truthfulness, which remained relevant in the
centuries to come. The appearance of the new media
of mechanical reproducing, initially woodcut and af-
terwards engraving and the other graphic techniques,
brought to the focus of attention the matter of true
iconography transferred to the field of the visual pres-
entation of the sacred places. This matter of concern
was greatly related to the Holy Land and Jerusalem,
which was still considered as the centre of the Chris-
tian world. It is within the visual representation of the
Jerusalem sacral toposes that the new age idea of their
truthful iconography (vera iconographia) has been
shaped up. The appearance of the first modern truth-
ful iconographies of Jerusalem is connected with the
Franciscan Bernardino Amico, the founder of the ar-
cheological explorations of the historic sacral toposes
of the Holy Land. Amico spent five years (from 1593
to 1598) in the Holy Land working on the plans of the
foundations, faade drawings and the edifice parts of
Palestine and especially of Bethlehem and Jerusalem.
The drawings of this learned Franciscan were based on
the egocentric psychology of the space grounded on
the Renaissance linear perspective. Having returned to
Rome, he engaged Antonio Tempesta to finish the ac-
quired drawings, fix and transfer them onto the graph-
ic boards. Amico produced some detailed descriptions
for the graphics, so that they were all together pub-
lished in the book Trattato delle Piante Immagini de
Sacri Edifizi di Terra Santa, whose first edition was
printed in 1609. The works of Amico were the first or-
thographically, carefully and professionally rendered
images of the sacral toposes of the Holy Land. Due to
that, they soon became widely popular.
The new understandings were gradually accepted
within the representative culture of the Orthodox pa-

418 .
triarchy of Jerusalem. It first directed its publishing
activities towards Venice. After the Austrian-Turkish
wars in the late 17th and early 18th century, when a
great deal of the Orthodox believers found themselves
within the political borders of the Habsburg monar-
chy, the attention was redirected towards them. Many
books and engravings were printed in Vienna during
the 18th century, but a special attention should be giv-
en to the vast opus of Hristofor Defarovi. Among
his works, purposefully made for the patriarchy of
Jerusalem, there is an engraving with the plan of the
Grave of Christ temple. The engraving was enclosed
with the first Greek edition of , pub- ing of the truthful iconography was being accepted
lished in Vienna in 1749 and also reprinted as a sepa-
rate graphic paper. The formal structure of the engrav-
ing leans on the plan solution of the Grave of Christ
temple base, published in the corpus of Bernardino
Amico. Judging by the given evidences, the engrav-
ing by Nicolas de Fer, from LAtlas curieux corpus,
published in Paris between 1700 and 1705, served
as a formal blueprint. The title of the engraving, as
Dory Papastratos had previously noticed, was taken
over from the Plan of Jerusalem that Franz Ambros
Dietel, a Vienna engraver, made around the year of
1723 with the blessing of Chrysanthus (the Patriarch
of Jerusalem) and Mojsej Petrovi, the metropolitan
of Belgrade. This shows that the modern understand-
in the Orthodox Jerusalem patriarchy during the first
decades of the 18th century.

419

162730.

(, , 1941),
16271630. , (XIV , , -
, cod. slav. 4).
, ,
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: XVII , , M

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6. .2
1941. , -
, - -
-
. - : Der Serbische Psalter, Faksimile-Ausgabe des
Cod. Slav. 4 der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek Munchen,
Textband unter Mitarbeit von S. Dufrenne, S. Radoji, R.
Stichel, I. evenko, Herausgegeben von H. Belting, Wies-
XIV baden 19781983.
, , - . , , VII1
(1963), 277285, . , -
- , 1983, 4547, 119122.
(cod. slav. 4).1 2 ,
, , ,
1
,
- . .
: J. Strzygovski, Die Miniaturen des Serbischen Psalters ,
der Konigl. Hof und Staatsbibliothek in Mnchen nach ei- .
ner Belgrader Kopie ergnzt und im Zusammenhange mit
der Syrischen Bilderredaktion des Psalters untersucht (mit . 1626/27 (7135) .
einer Einleitung vom V. Jagi), Denkschriften der K. A. der 1630 (7138).
Wissenschaften in Wien, Bd. LII, Wien 1906. - ... cf. . , -

421
 . 1. , ,
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,3 1627. - , . 2

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1993, 129. .
3 -
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323347. , ,
4
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- . , -
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.

422 .
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-

XIV ,
, , , ,
, -
. -
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5 J. Strzygovski, Die Miniaturen des Serbischen Psalters, 16271630.
passim, Abb. 1, 531, Taf. II ( 3), XIV ( 31), XXV (
55), XLV ( 105), L ( 120), LVII ( 142) LVIII (
145146). 6 S. Radoji, Stare srpske inijature, Beograd 1950, 17,
5556, . LLII.
7 . , , XIX
(1972), 213251.

. 3. , , . 4. ,
. 17 , . 9

423
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,

9 -
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, 1978, 3342; .
, , I, 1990, 4148; A.
Cutler, The Aristocratic Psalters in Byzantium, Paris 1984;
A. Corrigan, Visual Polemics in the Ninth-Century Byzan-
tine Psalters: Iconophile Imagery in Three Ninth-Century
Byzantine Psalters, New York 1992. . 8. , , . 34

425
 . 9. ,
, . 81
. 10. ,
, . 58
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426 .
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11 Ibid., Taf. II. , . 61

427
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13 Ibid., Abb. 12.

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428 .
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15 Ibid., Abb. 14. ,
16 Ibid., Abb. 15. ,19
17 Ibid., Abb. 16.
18 S. Radoji, Stare srpske inijature, . L. 19 J. Strzygovski, op. cit., Abb. 17.

429
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20 Ibid., Taf. XIV. 21 Ibid., Abb. 1820.

430 .
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24 . -
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22 Ibid., Abb. 2122; S. Radoji, op. cit., . LILII. , 5
23 J. Strzygovski, op. cit., Abb. 24. (1969), 7785.

431
 XVII , .
, ,
. 101 (102), 23, - XIV XV
, - , -
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25 J. Strzygovski, op. cit., Abb. 25. 26 Ibid., Abb. 26.

432 .
 , , -
, -
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,

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XVII .
,
, , , -
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XVII

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,

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. . 20. , ,
, - . 128
,

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27 .
. ,
, 277285; id., Der Stil der ,
Miniaturen und die Kunstler, in: Der Serbische Psalter,
, , -
Faksimile-Ausgabe des Cod. Slav. 4 der Bayerischen Staats-
bibliothek Munchen, 271298. . ,

433
 . -
,

, -
-

XVII .
-
.

.
,
. XVII
,
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434 .
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16331634.
.29 - .31
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2, 34, 37,
- 81, 106, 165, 191 192, . 248
260 (cf. J. Strzygovski, op. cit., Abb. 8, 15, 16, 18, 22, 25,
27, 28 Taf. L LVIII/146).
28 S. Radoji, Stare srpske minijature, 56, . LILII. 31 . . . -
29 J. Strzygovski, op. cit., Abb. 19. . , , 1990,

435
 , , ,
-
.35
XVII ,
.32 .36
- , -
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, -

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.39

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-
294298 . , - 162730. -
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5570. -

-
() , (), -
, .
cf. . . . . , op. cit., 296,
, ,
35 . . . . , op. cit., .
, cf. . ,
XVI XVII , 1995, 149150, - 191; J. Strzygovski, op. cit., Taf. XXV, 55.
. 36 . , op. cit., . 1, 9, 10; J. Strzygovski, op. cit.,
32 . . . . , op. cit., 298, f. LVII/142143.
. 193195. - 37 S. Radoji, Stare srpske minijature, . LILII; J.
, Strzygovski, op. cit., Abb. 13, 16, 24 30.
, , 38 J. Strzygovski, op. cit., Abb. 2728.
, (op. cit., . 196). 39 -
33 Ibid., . 190.
.
34 S. Radoji, Stare srpske minijature, . LI; J. Strzy- cf. J. Strzygovski, op.
govski, op. cit., Abb. 16. cit., bb. 9, 20, 21 23.

436 .
THE MUNICH SERBIAN PSALTER COPY FROM 162730
AND ITS COMPARISON WITH THE ORIGINAL
Zoran Raki
The painted ornamentation of the Belgrade Psalter,
which became known among scholars by the city in
whose National Library it was kept until 1941 and
was destroyed in the fire when the library burned
down during the bombing, was the most important
undertaking in Serbian miniature painting from the
times of Turkish rule. The miniatures of the Belgrade
Psalter were not an autonomous achievement. They
were mostly created as the copy of a richly illumi-
nated 14th century manuscript known as the Serbian
Psalter, today kept in the Bavarian State Library in
Munich (cod. slav. 4). The copy was produced at the
behest of Patriarch Pajsije, probably in Pe, between
1627 and 1630.
Although the specimen of the Belgrade Psalter was
destroyed, the appearance of the miniatures that dec-
orated it is partly preserved in the monograph by J.
Strzygowski that deals with the Munich Serbian Psal-
ter (1906), in which brief descriptions of them were
published with 35 photographs. Thanks to this, one
can draw a number of conclusions regarding the icon-
ographic and stylistic features of some of the mini-
atures from the Belgrade Psalter, and also find impor-
tant data about the relation of their author to the two
and a half century earlier model.
The painted presentations in both these manuscripts
are not identical. Besides the differences in the col-
ouring, painting procedure and the fact that they were
created in the spirit of 17th century art, the miniatures
in the Belgrade Psalter do not correspond fully with
their 14th century prototype, even in the iconographic
sense. In the majority of the 17th century miniatures,
the composition is simplified, schematised, and re-
duced to a lesser number of participants. In some cas-
es, especially when they came across damaged mini-
atures, the copyists, unable to fully understand their
true meaning, resorted to solutions in keeping with the
knowledge they themselves had acquired, the icono-
graphic schemes of the epoch and the environment in
which they had been educated. Such major or minor
digressions from the original are to be seen in a series
of miniatures in the Belgrade Psalter: the episodes
about the beginnings of Sauls reign, the scenes of
the arrest and trial of Christ, the compositions of the
Crucifixion of Christ, the Descent into Hades, Christs
genealogy arising from David and the Blessed Mother
of God, and so forth.
Differences are also noticeable in the stylistic respect.
The refined workmanship, the delicate colouring, the
fullness of the forms and wealth of details in the mini-
atures of the original were replaced, in the copy, by
painting procedure that was characteristic for the first
decades of the 17th century. At a first glimpse already,
everything in those miniatures seems more arid, rigid
and plainer. Likewise, it all looks less convincing,
because there was a tendency to emulate the noble
forms of early art more mechanically than with true
understanding. The proportions of the figures and
their connection with the scene had lost the sponta-
neity and harmony of the original. The former pains-
taking, subtle workmanship of the form had irretriev-
ably vanished, so the modelation of the clothing and
the incarnate had become rougher and reduced to a
surface. The architectural and landscape setting had
become simplified. The said differences can best be
observed when comparing some of the more complex
compositions in the original and its copy (e.g. Davids
army burning the city of Jerga and Joab destroying
the army of the Idumaeans).
However, if one compares the miniatures of the Bel-
grade Psalter with the achievements in art of the
epoch to which they belong, and especially with the
miniature painting of that time, the impression of their
features essentially changes. According to their artis-
tic qualities they rank among the better achievements
of the 17th century. A more careful analysis reveals
that they are the work of at least two artists of similar,
if not identical conceptions of painting. One of them
is more inclined to fuller, more rounded off and more
subtley modeled forms, whereas the other painter, who
is less gifted, has a characteristic linearism and sche-
matisation, particularly visible in the workmanship of
the faces and clothing, as well as in the multitude of
strokes of white, which render the form more expres-
sive but also fragment and fracture it.
According to the characteristics of the style, the
miniatures of the Belgrade Psalter bear the great-
est similarities with the frescoes in the central and
437
 western bay of the Church of the Holy Apostles in
Pe, which Patriarch Pajsije ordered a group of trav-
elling zographs to paint in 163334, and with two
large icons with scenes from the respective lives of
St. George and St. John the Precursor, that one of the
members of this group produced during the second
438 .
quarter of the century. Perhaps it was the success-
fully completed task of copying these miniatures that
guided Patriarch Pajsije to entrust the same group of
artists with painting several icons and the renewal
of the frescoes in such a reputed church as the Holy
Apostles in Pe.


XVII
XVIII . -
, 167475. -
1734. , .
: , , , , , , XVIIXVIII

-
, , - -
,
-
.
1743. - .
XIX
. ,
, . 65, -
167475. : XVII
( 1730. XVIII .2 , ,
),
- I (1953), 129; . , -
, , II (1954), 245; . ,
. , 1955, 94; . -
(. 1) XX -,
, , , 1965, 109111;
,
- 1986, 87 (. ); . , -
XVII XVIII .1 (1619. ), 1998, 4649, 106110,
127133; . , XVII ,
1 : 1998, 31, 47, 64, 163165.
. , , 2 . 65
LXXXIII (1936), 1621, . XXVIIIXXX; , . . .
. , , - , ,

439
 . 1. ,

, , ,
. - ,
, , ,
- , cf. . , -
( 1735. , XLII
t tmplon), (1905), 156170, , cf. . -
, , 1733. ,
, , 56 (1884), 129
.3 XVII (
cf. , . 1813). -
,
VI (1959), 79.
: ... (. -
, -
, op. cit., 172)
-
... (, . 1754)
17. 18. , 1928. : , , ,
1680 ( . () ,
1681. ) . 60. , () .
3 - XIX
XVIII , . .

440 .
 , qdesa stgo gerga, styj aanase vel!.7
, -
, XVIII , , :
despotik eikne.
, -
1696. - , ,
. .
-
, ,
, . -
1435. , -
, ,
XVIII ,
e, .
. 1680. 1702.
- .8
- , -
, . ,
.4 , , -
,
, ;
1658 (- XVIXVII , -
) 1730. , 1734. -

.5 ,
- .
, 1730, - ,
. , - : 1680.
, ,
, , 1702. .9
1658, 1730. .6 -
, -
1658. .10
, ,
5. 1671. . , .
: spasov$ braz$, s$bor$
bci, nedremannoe ko, qdesa stgo nikoli, . ,
-
4 . , : 166566. -
, ( -
II (1954), 145, 148149. )
5 . , op. cit., 1013, 3739, 113116. -
. , 7 . 65, . 16. -
.

, LIV (1942), 244261 ( -
:
-
3,
).
1, 1, .
6 , ,
8 Ibid., . 37; . , op. cit., 153.
XVII -
9 Ibid.
, ( ,
) 168081, - 10 , cf. -
, cf. . , op. cit., 113. 45.

441
 ,11 -
1709. , 1733. -
,12
-
. ,
1671.
, -
XVI XVII , -
-
(157778),
( XVI XVII
), (15991600) -
(1655).13

: - -

. 1761. -
,
. , -
, -
,

, -
.14


, . 2. ,
XVII ,

, -
. -
. 60:
i proqee zrit se. i tom biwe xtitori
postavi se crkvi temlh veliko. nm
xai sava, i xaa vkovoi, i gavro. i
prazdnikaa j. i krst$ velki. s$ prorci,
drako. i mixo. i jvo,15 . 65: sapisa
se i postavi temlh i nm j. ikony
11 . 65, . 13. pradnik(y) gospodskix(y) i krsty vel(i)-
12 Ibid., . 62, 90. - ki sy ikonostasi, i dve loze, nix(y)
(. 12), j. proroky i proq(ee) zrit se.16 , -
XVIII , cf. . . . , op. cit., 74. 167475.
13 . , ,
,17 16 ,
1941, 70; . , - , 16 -
, IX (1964), 30
31, . 7; Ead., .
15 . 65, . 19; . ,
, IX-X (19581959), 361, 364365, . 17;
. , , 1996, 57, 59, . 15; . ,
, op. cit., 45, 154156, . 2; . , II (1954), 107.
, 1999, 196197. 16 . , op. cit., 107.
14 8. 1674, 167475,
8.
, 8. ,
. - .
, , , 17 -
1675/76, 1676,
. 17.

442 .
 ,
-
: , , , - ,
, .18 (159596) (1620
- 21).
- , ( )
, .
(157778), ( - :
XVI ), ( 1594), , -
(16001617), (1622), , ;
(16321635), (163839) , ,
(1655).19 (

( . 65, . 20, 111), ),
1675. .
18 . , op. cit., 113; . , op. cit., 107.
. , , -
19 . , , IIIII
(1963), 2227; . ,
, 3135; Eadem, . ,
, 361365; Eadem, -
, 4 (1972), 5462;
, -
Eadem, , - .
1980, 4146; . -, - -
, 16 (1980), 281289; ,
. , , 1984, 9497; . .
, op. cit., 5564; . . , - , 167475. -
.
, 24 (1995), 91103; . , - (. 1). -
, 2002, 5256, 145153.
,
XVIXVII , - ,

. -

,
(164445) -
(1674).20 -

-
,
. ,
-
, ,

.21

. -,
, 1965,

XVI XVII . 90113.
20 . , op. cit., 128; . -,
, 110111; . , op. cit., 46.
. 3. , , 167475. 21 . -, op. cit., 110.

443
 .
-
(167677).23
-
,
,
: -
-
, .
,

,
,
,

XVII .
,
(. 7). -
,

,

-
XVII , , -
.
. 4. , , 167475.
,
, -
.
-

. -

,
, -
. -
.24
,
, -
-

(.
,
3). -
.25
, -
,
.

,

( ), -
.26
.22
,
23 . -, op. cit., 111, . LX.
XVII ,
24 . -, - -
(. 4). -
XIV XIX , 1955, 14; Eadem,
, - , 109111, 136; . ,
, 112; . ,
op. cit., 3940.
. - 25 -
, , . , op. cit., 129; . , op.
- cit., 107; . , -
, 94.
22 . , op. cit., 47. 26 . , op. cit., 129.

444 .
. 5. , , , 167475.

,27
, , , ,
, : ,
. .
- , -
167475. - ,
: , -
prvo krsty veliki i temle sy prazdnici i
proroci. ikona velika mlene, sybory bci sy .
proroci, qdesa stgo arxaggla, qdesa stgo
predteqi, qdesa stgo gerga, qdesa stgo ,
arxidakona stefana, qdesa stgo nikoli, . -
ikona velika sti aanase, dva kmera nova , .
na dverex a treti stari () g!.28 ,
,
27 Cf. 1. .
-

: . , op. cit.,
110119; . , op. cit., 32, 166169, , -
.
28 . , op. cit., 153. , 12 , -
: , .

445
 : , - -
, , , , .30 , ,
, , , - , -
(. 5), , (. ,
6), , , , , .
, -
. . -
: ,
- ,
, -
. ,
.29
, - ,
, - , -
, .
29 . ,
-
, ,
, 3135, . 811; ead., -
, 4246, . VVIII; . -,
30 -
op. cit, 287, . 1112; . , -
- , ,
XII ( 1982), 2933, , ,
2632; . . , op. cit., 9293, 97, . 17. . . , op. cit., . 17.

. 6. , , , 167475.

446 .
 , - (XV ),36 -
, - (XVI )37
- XVII .38
.31 , , ,
, , ,
. ,
,
XI ,32 ; -
,
XII XIII .33 - -
XII .
XIII , -
.34 :
- ,
- 1611. -
.39 ,
- ,
, .
. , ,
XVII , XVIXVII .
. -
,
(XIV ),35
.40
31 .
XVII (
, - ) -
XVIII , , , -
.41
. ,
-
-
, , , , ,
cf. . ,
1753. ., 1903, 124, 148, 163, 243, :
330; ,
XVIII , -
Afirwma sth mnmh ton Swtrh Kssa, Qessalonkh

2001, 291312, eik. 1112.
,
36 . . , -
XVIXVII .
32 Ch. Walter, A New Look at the Byzantine Sanctuary . XVXVI , -
, (. .
Barrier, REB 51 (1993), 214223.
. ), 2000, 471473.
33 K. Weitzmann, Icon Programmes of the 12th and 13th
37 Icons of the Holy Monastery of Pantokrator, Mount
Centuries at Sinai, DCAE 4/12 (1984), 6486, figs. 117;
Athos 1998, 147173, figs. 7789.
Sin oi qhsauro th I. Monj Agaj Aikater- 38 . , , 1991,
nhj, Aqna 1990, 106107, 120, eik. 25, 31, 6869 (Nt.
Mourkh). 2829, . . 7074; . ,
34 V. Lazareff, Trois fragments dpistyles peintes et le , 1618. , 1993, 21.
39 . , XVII
templon byzantin, DCAE 4/4 (1966) 117143, fig. 1, 45;
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/Oroj, DCAE 4/4 (1966) 377400, pn. 7791; Ier Meg- ; -
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447
 -
, ,
,
. (. 4)
, -
,
,
,
. -
-
(1673), :

, -
, -

,
, -
.42

. 7. , , 167475.
.
, -
, - ,
. ,
,43 -
. . -
167475.
, .
(. 7)
( -
) - . 60 65,
XVIXVII
: ,
. 167475.
. -
, , -
1680. ,
, , 1671,
.
, -
,
1680. 1702. .44
. 60
,
.
,45
XVII -
, . ,
42 . , op. cit., 46, 140; id.,
XVIII
, 2007, 3133, . 56, 18
19.
43 Id., , 47. ( . )
. -
44 . , op. cit., 153; . , op. cit., 109;

. 65, . 37. ,
45 , 1680. 1702. . ,
, (cf. . 73),
. - .
-
XVI XVII . ,
, 1734. -
(. 2). .

448 .
 (


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17331736. -
,

.46 -

,

. 60
,
.
-
-

-
(. 8),47 -
, (70,5
51 m) -
,
.

; -
. 65 , ,
-
( milinko safna
ikon qdesa predteqe),
167576. ,48

. -
. 8. , , 167576,
,
, -
.
- xai vkovoi i gavro i mixo ikon
. velk stgo stefana qdsa),49 ,
(- , . -
167475,
46 . , , 187, 189, 191, 193194, 196, ,
203, 205, 208; . , , 1680.
155171. .
,
cf. . , op. cit., 191, 193,
196, 204206).
47 . , op. cit, 31, 169, . 84; . , op. cit.,
,
117119 ( - 1703.
XVII ).
48 . 65, . 20. 49 Ibid., . 19.

449
 .50 -
- 1697. ,53
. , -
, , -
, , , 21.
1675. . 1702, .
, -
(, ),
, : krst$ s$
. prroci i s$ temlhtm vidit se. i viwe
, , temlhta ikon$ apsl$skix !., bca na
, , - prhstol velikaa banskaa, pod temlhtm
, ikona velikaa mlne, qdsa stgo arxaggla,
, qdsa predteqi, bca na prhstol velikaa,
qdsa stgo gerga, qdsa stago stefana,
, - styi aanase aleandriski velika, qdsa
, stgo nikoli. polovina t dvhrei bca ...
XVII . - na dverhx$ kmera g!.54 ,
- , 1680, -
-
. 1697. ,
, -
- .55

. 1697. () . -
: , , -

,51 , - 53 1697.
, , , cf. . , op.
cit., 2728.
- 54 . 65, . 37. -
( ) ,
.52 (
, ,
, .),
50 . , op. cit., 59. .
51 . - 55 Cf. . 51. ,
() (), , , : . , op. cit., 5, 113,
XI16 (1884), 510; . , op. cit., 109; . 2 ( ,
, - XVI ); . -
, 24 (1977), , , 15, .
116; id., , XXVII1; . , op. cit., 6667 ;
2 (1980), 104; . , - ,
, 2009, 191192. 1986, 87, 90 (. ). ,
52 . 65, . 32.
( ), - 1702.
, -
10. ; -
1697. , - . , -
. , XVIII
: i tako bhasmo se . . ,
v$si s$borno, ae se kogda ponovi monastir ban, 1940, 19 . . 21; . , op.
da imaamo prhdati vse ikone viwe reqenne stom cit., 109; . , op. cit., 49, . XVI ( XVII
nikoli bez chne, ibid., . 120. ).

450 .
 - -
XVII . ,
, -
, 1697. : .
, ,

,
169394. .56 : , -
,
, - , -
, , .62
, 1697. -
.57 , , -
- ,
, - .
, 1697, -
167475,
. .
- -
1697. , -
1702, ( , ,
1709)58 .
.59 ,
1724. ,
, 1730. ,
.60 .
, -
-
. , -

.
, -
- .
.61 -
, ,
1730. . -
, , -
.
56 . 65, . 30.

, -
, . , op. cit., 142. , ,
57 Cf. 52.
58 . 65, . 45. .
59 , -
, - , -
, , -
, 9293 . , ,
,
. 62 Ibid.; . , op. cit., 4647. -
, . . 55.

60 . , op. cit., 3739, 42, 114115.
, ,
61 Ibid., 116. XLIX4 (1937), 83.

451
 ( -
)
,
.65 -

;
, -
, -
,
, , -
, -
.
-


, -
.66

XVII (. .
45) : -
, -
,
;
-
.67

(. 9).68

. 9. , : -
, 1734, ,
-
,
. , -
, , .
1734. , , -
IV, ,
.63 ,69
1740 ( novie despotika 6, emera nova -
3),64 - . -
, -
, , 65 . , -
, 1621, . XXVIII/12, XXIX1, XXX/13, XXXI1; .
63 cf. . ,
, ,
, XLVIII (1936), 6166; id., - 122, . 5354; . , op. cit., 127133 .
(15001878), 66 . , op. cit., 1617, . XXVIII1.
1965, 122124; . , - 67 Ibid., 1718, . XXVIII2.
-
, 11 (1979), 325328; . , 68 Ibid., 1819, . XXIX1; . , op. cit., 131132
XVIII , 1980, 7172; . , ; . ,
, 127128; id., , , -
, , 3233 (2003), 4042, . 7.
XXXVXXXVI (20032004), 113124. 69 . , op. cit., 1920, . XXIX2; . , op.
64 . 65, . 92. cit., 132133.

452 .
 - ,
,70 , ,
, ,
. -
- , .
. , -
1734. ,

, , , , -
, , ,
, .
XIX
, ,
.71 ,
,72 - ,
- -
. 1700. .
, , ,
, , ,
, , . -
,
3822 .73 (. 2), -
- .
, - -
,
70 .74
. , op. cit., 20, . XXX/23; . , op.
cit., 129130. cf. .
, id., 1516, . XXVIII/24; . , id., 46, .
XV; . , , 164165, . 7172. ,
71 XIX .75
, -
XVII - , -
XVIII .
,
XIX -
, .
,
, . , op. cit., -
4849. (. 10) - , , -
, - , ,
, I4 (1880), 7, -
, ,
XIX ,
, - ,
, 1759
(. , op. cit., 21), 74 . . . , -
( . , ibid., 276278), , SemKond III (1929), 18; Ch. Walter, A Now Look at
, (. , ibid., the Byzantine Sanctuary Barrier, 204; Th. F. Mathews,
208210) - Private liturgy in Byzantine Architecture. Toward a Re-
(. , ibid., 168169). - appraisal, CahArch 30 (1982), 125138; . . ,
XX -
. , in: , 327335.
72 . , op. cit., 1617, 1920. 75 . . , -
73 . , , , 5271; ead., -
, V (1954 : -
1955), 203, 226. , ibid., 565.

453
 .77


, -
-
,


,

.
-


.

,
, -
.

166162. ,
, , -
koprhn bhl,
-
166768.
.78
1671.
, -
.79
1668
69.
( ro hko zavhsy
. 10. , 1889 ( . ) ispod ikon$),80
171314.
zavhs$ na ikon bce
, , - 81 -
velik,
.76
,
- -
, . : na ikon bogorodice zaves vezen zlatom
, , po kumaw ( . .) i dve
1585, maxrame svilene.82 ,
, - , -
,
, - 77 . , -
XVI ,
76 XXXIX (1903), 39.
. .
78 . 65, . 11, 14.
Frolov, La podea, un tissu dcoratif de lglise byzantine,
Byzantion XIII (1938), 461504; V. Nann, The Encheirion 79 Ibid., . 17.
as Adjunct to the Icon in the Middle Byzantine Period, 80 . 65, . 14.
BMGS 10 (1986), 73102; . . , - 81 Ibid., . 52.
XIXIV . -
, , , 2000. 82 Ibid., . 59.

454 .
 , XVIII . -
,83 . 28. 1733. -
(
?) 169091. .89 zavhs$
, - t qita na dvhrex$, -
, 171314. .90 -
1702. .84 na dveri katapetazma
1730. vezena srmom po kadifi obrazi i drga
, -
.85 : 1671. 1680. , 1692. , 1702.
(1776) 1709. , ,
, ()
, 1715. , 1740. ,
, , Ibid., . 17, 29, 39, 48, 53, 91; .
, , op. cit., 155.
89 . 65, . 64.
90 Ibid., . 52.
(. 10).86 -
, ,
-
,
, -
,
.87
,
-
, .
-
, -
,88

83 . , op. cit., 112.

84 . 65, . 40.
85 Ibid., . 60.
86 . , . III, ,
, .- 1873, 49;
. , op. cit., 4748, 6667.
87 . , -
, 9 ; . -
, XIV XIX , -
1959, 7576;
, 52 (. ).
88 1659/50.
; , -
166162. ;
168384; -
168990;
169495. -
,
; 16991700. -
, 172526.

( . 65, . 10, 11, 24, 24, 31, 35, 58).
- . 11. , 1776.

455
 vezeni obrazi po kmaw stara.91

, 1702, 172526.
,
: priloi
xai ivan arnatovi i sin m damin,
o e vezla svoim rkom domaica xai
damnova, edn katapetazm, srmom vezen
so obrazima po crnoi kadifi i sinqefi
axma.92
1776,
; (. 11),

, -

-
.93

(. 12)
, -
,
.94

-
.95
1696. -

-
, ,
. 12. , 1776.
91 Ibid., . 64.
92 Ibid., . 58. ,
93 . , - . -
, 9; . , ,
, 75, . 72; .
, 54 (. ).

94 . , op. cit., 76, . 74.
-
95 -
. 1701. -
. - ,
XI XII , , ,
,
1702. ,
, cf. Ch. Walter, 1703. (-
The Byzantine Sanctuary a Word List, , - -
, - ), (
1995, 101. (1081) - ) 1708. , -
1709. ,
, ,
cf. P. Gautier, Le typicon du sbaste Grgoire Pakourianos,
1727/28.
REB 42 (1984), 73, a .96 ,

, 96 . , op. cit., 116. -
P. Gautier, Le typicon du Christ Sauveur Pantocrator, REB , cf. . , -
32 (1974), 37, 39, 7375, 81. , 202.

456 .
 , -
, , - ,
.97 ; , , -
-
, XVII XVIII .
, -
, ,
, -
, .
, - ,
- 1733. -
. : , , -
, , . -
, - . , ,
, , . -
XVII . , ,
28.

-

, 4
;
.
,
; ,
() . -
97 . . .
, , 8,
30, . XLV1; . , XVI
XVII , 1966, 142, . 177178; .98
, 3132 (.
). 98 . , op. cit., 129.

THE ICONOSTASIS OF THE OLD SERBIAN CHURCH IN SARAJEVO

Branislav Todi

The iconostasis of the Old Serbian Orthodox Church
in Sarajevo, dedicated to the Holy Archangels, con-
sists today of a constructed screen with sovereign
icons dating from 1734 while the upper part, produced
in the technique of wood carving, dates from 1674/75
and contains sixteen original icons of the Dodecaor-
ton on the templon, a large cross with a depiction of
the Crucifixion and icons of the Virgin and the apos-
tle John, while carved vines including images of the
prophets stand on either side of the row of icons. The
iconostasis received this form around the middle of
the 18th century, and was later augmented by several
other new icons.
Because individual parts of the iconostasis date from
different periods, this article makes an attempt to re-
construct the process of its making based on the pre-
served icons and written sources. Their study shows
that the earliest known altar screen (dating from 1671)
was low: it contained sovereign icons of Christ, the
Virgin, St. Nicholas, St. George (both including vitae
scenes) and St. Athanasios, while the Anapeson hung
above the Holy Gates. Of all these icons only that of
the Virgin with Christ and prophets is preserved.
A new iconostasis, donated by several Sarajevo crafts-
men known by name, was constructed in 1674/75. It
had rich and gilded wood carvings. Except by appear-
ance, it also stood out by size among other 17th cen-
tury altar screens. It kept the old sovereign icons with
the addition of several new ones: the Archangel with
his miracles, St. John the Baptist and St. Stephen, in-
cluding scenes from their vitae. Judging by the only
preserved icon, that of St. John, they were the work of

457
 the painter Radul who also created the upper part of
the iconostasis: the Dodecaorton on the templon, the
Crucifixion on the cross and icons surrounding it, as
well as the prophets and two images of Christ in the
flanking vines. The Anapeson over one of the gates
of the iconostasis was also taken over from the old
screen while Radul painted the icons hanging over the
other two passages.
The first alteration of the iconostasis took place be-
tween 1697 and 1702. A new tier of icons of the Virgin
and the apostles was inserted between the Dodecaor-
ton and the cross. They had previously been a part of
the iconostasis of the church of St. Nicholas at Banja,
the old see of the metropolitans of Dabar, which the
parish of Sarajevo acquired after this monastery was
deserted.
The church at Sarajevo was renovated in 1730, in
the aftermath of a fire. The old iconostasis was trans-
ferred to the new church and new icons were added in
1734 to its lower tier. At this time the painter Maksim
458 .
Tujkovi produced the sovereign icons of Christ, the
Virgin, archangel Michael, St. George, St. John the
Baptist and probably St. Nicholas. He strove to the
best of his ability to copy the style of the older icons
which used to occupy the same place on the iconosta-
sis. He did the same with the new icons over the gates.
Later, during the 19th century, some of Tujkovis
icons were replaced by new ones, while others still
were added without any particular order above, and
were later removed during restoration works carried
out in the 20th century.
Numerous written sources speak of the icons from the
iconostasis as having silver and gilded frames with
precious stones while inextinguishable lights burned
in front of them and rich textile covered the gates and
hung around the icons. Such adornement was in keep-
ing with an age old tradition which had not been for-
gotten even in the 17th18th centuries. The iconostasis
of the Sarajevo church was one of the last representa-
tive examples of this practice in Serbian art.
O
:

II XIX -
. -
, -
. , ,
, .
, 1787. 1860. ,
.
: , , , , -
,

1787, - ,
, - -
. ,
, , ,
. - ,
.1 (, , -
, ).2
1 , ,
XVIII -
. XVIII
- XIX -
Johann Wiegand-a Handbuch
fr die sterreichische Landjugend zum Unterricht einer ( 1777), in: . , --
wohlgeordneten Feldwirtschaft ( 1771). - XVIII ,
, , 1932, 9293; cf. . , -
Prirucsna knjiga za Slavonsku seljansku mladex XVIII , 1964, 192.
ucsiti u dobro naredjenom poljskom radjenju ( 1772) - 2 H. Zeman, Der Drucker-Verleger Joseph Ritter von Kurz-
bck und seine Bedeutung fr die sterreichische Literatur
des 18. Jahrhundert, in: Die sterreichische Literatur. Ihr
1787. Lesebuch Profil ander Wende vom 18. zum 19. Jahrhundert (1750
(), Handbuch (). 1830), I, Graz 1979, 149151.

O : 459
 podlonih do svojega vladarja. Za ljudske ole
- (1858).
. , 1787, 1805,
, 1859. 1860.4
- ,
, , -
, .
, -
, - , ,
, , .5 -

.3 ,
- . -
,
. -
, -
, - .6
. - , -
, , -
Anhang zum Lesbuch fr Landschulen. ,
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zum Gebrauche der deutschen Schulen. , -
1782, XIX .7
1783. XVIII XIX
1784. 1796. XIX -
: zum -
Gebrauche der Volksschulen ( 1857), - II.
-
, -
: zum Gebrauche der evangelischen Volksschulen
( 1858), zum Gebrauche der katholischen 4 ,
Volksschulen im Kaiserthum sterreich ( 1859), 1787. 77 (
zum Gebrauche der israelitischen Volksschulen ), 1805. (
( 1859). ) 68 . 1859. 1860.
- , 32 ,
, - .
, -
Povynnosty 1829. in: . , , -
poddanych ku ich Monarse, Vo upotreblenije 2001, 22, 66, 152; cf. . , op. cit., 192.
ucylysc parafialnych ( 1817), 5
Libro di lettura che comprende ,
i doveri del luomo, i doveri de lsudditi verso XVII . -
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della scuole elementari della Dalmazia (1842), XVIII ,
2008, 7079.
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prama njihovu samovladaocu na sluxbu potljivih
XVIII cf. . ,
uilitah (1847), Dolnosti , , I, 1961, 89.
7 J. Laku, Jozefinistiki duh i katekizmi prve polovine 19.
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17. 19. , 2006, 8687. XVIII . , op. cit., 312321.

460 .
. 1. .
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. ,
- , -
, .
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.
, , -
- ,
,
, . . -
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, V. Kahn, The Duty to Love: Passion and Obligation in
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8 - , 13
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, ,
, - , , ,
, - , , -
, , -
, .9 .11
-
:
, - -
,
, .
,
. - .
,
, - ,
, , , -
- .12
.10 , ,
.
-
- , ,
, , ...
, , , -
, ... ,
, - ,
. , -
, - .13
( ), , -
, -
()
. - .
,
,
. . -
, -
, .14
9 -
XIX , - 11 . -

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,
12 XVII -
-
.
, . -
: , -
, , , ,
, . - , cf. G.
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462 .
 .
, , -
- ?
.15 . ,
,

, ,
- , ,
. - , -
, , -
. (. 13, 12)
, - .17
. -
. (. 8,
1516) , -
, ,
, . -
. - , .18
, -
, ,
, :
.
(, 19, 11). ,
, ,
. ,
, .
, -
. , .
, : ...
, , , ,
, ,
, . -
.16 -
.
-
- ,
. .19
-
. ,
, , , -
, ? .
. ,
, - ,
- :
, : ,
: 13 1... - ,
,
: 2 13.

15 17 Ibid., 13.
.
, 11. 18 Ibid., 15.
16 Ibid., 1213. 19 Ibid., 17.

O : 463
 . 2. , 1787.

(. 12, 45). -
, , . ? ,
- ,
. (1 . 7, 2021).
,
, - .
, , ,
, , -
. , .20
,
, - ,
. , ,
, : ,
,
, : 20 Ibid., 1921.

464 .
 , , ,
, .23
: , , -
! (1 . 2, 17). ,
, -
, , .
,
(Pater Patriae).21 ,
- :
: , , , -
, (. 13, 2). -
. ,
:
. , ,
, (. 13, 5). , -
,
: , , ,
, , , : , -
, , , -
, - (1 . 2, 18).
(1 ,
. 2, 12).
,
.24 -
,
-

, ,
. , -
,

, -
:
.
,
,
, ,
-
.25
.22 -
-
,
.
- 23 Ibid., 2931.
, 24 -
,
. .
-
, , , . ,
,

. ,
, - ,
- -
. , -
. - , , , cf. P. Nicholson,
Kant on the Duty Never to Resist the Sovereign, Ethics 863
(1976), 220223.
21 Ibid., 2325. 25 . -
22 Ibid., 2527. , 3137.

O : 465

().26 - . -
, ,
: , -
. , -
. , , : ( ),
, , , -
, (. 13, 67). .28

-
(. 17, 2427), , -
- , , -
. , -
.
,
,
. - 28 . -
, , 4147.

.27 -

, -
.
, ,
,

, :
-
,
,
. -

,
.

,
-
.
,

26
XVII XVIII -
,
, cf.
S. Olden-Jorgensen, Humanistic and Political Patriotism
in 16th and 17th Century Denmark, Patria und Patrioten
vor dem Patriotismus: Pflichten, Rechte, Glauben und
die Rekonfigurierung europischer Gemeinwesen in 17.
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250254.
27 . - . 3.
, 3741. , 1805.

466 .
 .31 -
.
-
. -
.
-
. -
. -
- .
,

- (, ) -
( ): , -
, .
, - ,
. . , -
, , - ,
, , -
.
.29
- ,
. ,
.32

, , - : , -
, , , .
. -
,
, , ,
. -
, -
.
- -
.30 ,
, : -
, , , ,
- ; -
. , (. 2,
- 1315). -
, , ,
. -
, , - .
, ,
. ,
, .
-
,
- 31 J. Spurr, A Profane History of Early Modern Oaths,
TRHS 11 (2001), 3839.
29 Ibid., 4751. 32 . -
30 Ibid., 5153. , 5359, 69.

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 . 4. , 1805.

, . -
. - -
,
.33
, - ,
- .
. , , -
, -
(1 . 7, 2021). -
. , -
. -
,
. ( ),

.
33 Ibid., 5963.

468 .
, ,
- ,
.34 , -
, -
, - ,
. -
, . -
-
, - . -
, -
, ,
. -
- . -
. -
,
, - , -
. .
, -
.37 II 1790,
- II
-
. ,
: ,
, - XIX .38
,
, -
, - -
, -
- ,
, .
.35 II
-
, .

. , , ,
II
. -
- .39
, ,
, . -

, 37 J. Laku, op. cit., 6768.
( ) 38 Kaiser
, . Josephs Gebetbuch 1787. 1789, , -
II, -
- 1794. 1799,
.36 in: . , -
1794. ( ),
, 132
34 Ibid., 6369. (1965), 326.
35 Ibid., 7175. 39 D. Beales, Enlightenment and Reform in Eighteenth-
36 Ibid., 7577. century Europe, LondonNew York 2005, 271281.

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() , , II -
, - ,
. - -
, . -
- 1774.
, - -
- .43
.40 ,
- ,
, -
, .
. , , ,
, , -
.
XVIII XIX , -
, ,
, , ,
, -, - .44
. -
- ,
, - , -
, .45

. - ,

.46

,
,
,
-
.41 ,
- , -
, ,
.42 .47

43 . ,
40 H. Bschel, Untertanenliebe. Der Kult um deutsche Mo-
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41 D. L. Unowsky, The Pomp and Politics of Patriotism:
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45 J. H. Elliot, A Europe of Composite Monarchies, Past
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46 H. Bschel, Untertanenliebe. Der Kult um deutsche
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, . 47
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, -
. .
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,
, , in:
, . 54. ( 6. 1818), 1792, -
421423. , in: . ,

470 .
 -
.51
.
II, - .
, - -
, , -
, ,
.48 .
, -
- , -
, ,
.49 , -
II - , ,
, . -
,
, - -
. .52
-
, , -
-
, II
, ,
. , . -
- ,
,
. - .
- , -
.50 .
,
II . ,
, -
, -
.53
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, XIX ,
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-
. - , .
-
.
, - 1802.
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, -
3 (1956), 167. . -
48 D. Beales, op. cit., 2855. -
49 T. C. W. Blanning, Joseph II, London 1994, 6465.
51 J. V. H. Melton, Absolutism and the eighteenth-century
50 R. Stauber, Vaterland Provinz Nation: Gesamtstaat,
origins of compulsory schooling in Prussia and Austria,
Lnder und nationale Gruppen in der sterreichischen
Cambridge 1988, 147.
Monarchie 17501800, Aufklrung. Interdisziplinares Jahr-
52 Ibid., 156159.
buch fr die Erforschung des 18. Jahrhundert und seine Wir-
kungsgeschichte 102 (1998), 5962. 53 J. Laku, op. cit., 72.

O : 471
 , -
, .57

.54 , (Allgemeine Schulordnung) 1774, -
1804. , (Politische
Schulverfassung) 1805,
, -
(1806), : (, )
, . ( , Hauptschule).

, ,
.55
, .
-
1769, , ,
politicum, - .
-
. (niederste Volksklasse)
, -
(17241788), - -
, - ,
. .58
- ,
,
, -
. , ,
. , -

.56 ,
- , .59
1774, -
, , ,
,
.
1776,
,
-

.
, ,
-
.60
- . -
-


,
,
-
.
57 . ,

, 1113; Cf: . H. Balzs,
II, - Hungary and the Habsburgs, 17651800: An Experiment in
Enlightened Absolutism, Budapest 1997, 190195.
54 F. A. Walker, op. cit., 345348. 58 J. V. H. Melton, op. cit., 188.
55 D. S. Muzzey, State, Church, and School in France I. 59 . , -
The Foundations of the Public School in France, The School : (17901848), -
Review 193 (1911), 191194. 1999, 7.
56 J. V. H. Melton, op. cit., 174175. 60 Ibid., 26.

472 .
 : (1774)
, (1770),
(1778) -
, (1777)
.
, -
:
(1772)
(1793) -
, :
(ABC Tflein: Die erste Klasse der
Buchstaben, 17761777) -
, (1773)
, -
(1793)
, ,
(1776)
,
(1794),
(1794) -
-
(1792)
.62
-

,
-
. ,
. 5.
,
. , XIX ,
1859. -
Lesebuch fr die Schler der deutschen Schulen
in den k. u. k. Staaten, -
- Trattner-
. 1774.63 -
- -
. ,
,
,
, - -
.61
- 62 . , op. cit., 1516; Cf. . ,

- 18. ,
, - 1929, 4468.
63 Johann Thomas von Trattner (17191798)
1770.
,

61 , , , , , -
XVIII cf. H. Rommel, Das . in: N. Bachleitner F. M. Eybl E.
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1762. den 2000, 136143.

O : 473
 -
Anleitung zur Rechtschaffenheit oder das ,
fr die in den Trivialschulen lernende slavonisch- .66
servische nicht unirte Jugend bestimmte Lesebuch , -
( 1777).64 , , ,

- - ,
, - -
1844. , .
-
, .65 ,
, .
- ,
. - , , -
, - , ,

, - . -
. , ,
- ,
, .
. -
, , , , -
, , .
. - ,
, , .
, ,
. , , , .67
- -
64 263 , -
,

: ,
, ,
.
. , ,
: - .68

, -
, -
, ,

( ),
, -
. -

XVIII
. , XIX
, ,
. -
, in: . K. , - -
, in: , , -
(. . ), 1974, 178181.
65 -
66 J. Laku, op. cit., 70.

67 -
,
, in: .
, , 1777, 118162.
, 262267. 68 Ibid., 172178.

474 .
. 6. , 1859.

,
. -
-
XVIII . ,
,
(1787, 1805, 1829, 1859 1860. ),
1848. -
, . -
,
. , -
, -
, - , -
, ,
. .
- , -
, , , XIX
, - ,
: , .

O : 475
 O :
A POLITICAL CATECHISM FROM THE AGE OF ENLIGHTENMENT

Vladimir Simi

Learning about the subjects duties towards the ruler the enlightenment ideals of the general social progress
used to be an integral part of the teaching process in through the education of the lower social classes, a
the primary schools in the Habsburg monarchy from unique political education is organised, though limited
the time of Joseph II until the mid 19th century. There- by the designs of the rulers and elite as well as by
fore, the state creates and prescribes the new textbooks the aspirations of the subjects themselves. The book
that help the conducting of its policy the creation contains thirteen chapters and each of them is dedi-
of the educated, obedient and loyal subjects. Those cated to some form of the subjects duty such as: on
textbooks resume the old dialogue form of catechism love of Fatherland, on soldiers duty, on vows or on
where, following the question-answer pattern, the stu- obedience. The appearance of this textbook followed
dents feelings are instructed towards the aimed ideal. the simultaneous reformation of the primary schools
The printing house of Joseph von Kurzbck in Vienna in the Habsburg monarchy, which was performed in
published in 1787 the book the 1770s and 1780s, only to be slightly modified in
. the first decades of the 19th century. The method was
(Addition to the Country School repeated for generations, as seen in the number of the
Handbook. The Subjects Duties towards their Mon- new editions of the old textbook (1787, 1805, 1829,
arch, for the Use in Serbian Schools.), which was 1859 and 1860) and it turned out to be the sound
immediately introduced to the schools as a textbook. mechanism for the upbringing and shaping up the
During the next half a century, it was reprinted sev- subjects and their emotions. That is the reason why
eral times, while throughout the Habsburg monarchy the foundation of the Habsburg monarchy remained so
a great number of some new editions appeared after strong even during the unstable period of the French
being prepared for various nations with some petty wars, the disappearance of the Holy Roman Empire
modifications in the text: German, Italian, Ukrainian, and the European revolutions of 1848.
Slovenian, Croatian, Serbian, etc. In accordance with

476 .
 :

, , ,
, , , -
.
.
, ,
. , ,
, .
: , , , , , , ,

,1 , .
XVIII -
.
, , - ,
-
, , , ,
-
, - , ,
,2
1
, 2 cf. . . ,
XVIII , 1965, 1617, 64,
: . 111113, 179; . , , 79; . ,
, , , , 1971, 143144; id.,
1968, 7380; id., XVIII , ,
1986, 116126; . , - 1978, 90, 94; . , XVIII ,
, 1996, 114118; . , 1978; . ,
, , II, XVIII , in:
2004, 253273; . , XVIII , 1986, 4952; . , op.
, 2007. cit., 175185.

: 477
 , , ,6 ,
.3 , ,
, , ,
.4 , - , ,
, - -
, , .
6. 1840. ,
21. 1842. - , .7
- -
XVIII ,
,
, -
.5
, , -
-
.8
,
XVIII -
,
,
, -
, ,
, ,
, -

: ,
- -
.
3 ,

,
, -
,
1690, 17031711, - XVIII -
, , - ,9
18. 19
cf. . . . . ,
. -
, II, , s.a, 138154, -
152; . ,
XVIII , 1985; . , , .10
XVIII , in:
XVIII , 6 -
2005, 385393; id., -

XVI XVII , ,
I 16. 1706, cf. . , -
17 (2006), 3553; ,
, in: -

(. . ), 2005,
, , ,
764.
Doctor jurisu ,
7 -
, -
, cf. . , - cf. . ,
, XVIII , , 6 (1957),
XIIXIII/196162 (1963), 112; . , 139153 (= . , 1820 ,
( . ), - , 2005, 3349); ,
1966; - , 2022.
17951797 (- 8 . . , XVIII ,
. ), 1992; . , 113120; . , ,
, 1997, 4047; . , , 1992; ,
, , , 22.
2005, 9 . , , in:
2004, 93110. id.,
4 , , 17. 19. , 2006, 102121.
2001, 228229, /. 10 -
5 Ibid., 21. - cf. . , -
, 263265; id.,
1858, cf. ibid. , in: - -

478 .
 , , -
, -
, . XVIII
, --
, - ,

.11 . -
-
, , .
, -
, . . -
- -
.12 . -
XVIII
,
.13 - . -
- , , .
, - -
-
XVI .16
.14
XVIII , -
-
.15 .
-
- . -
, , -
.
-
, .17
,
-

.
,
. - , -
, , -
.
,
, 1991, 130154; -
-
.18
cf. . , (. 3),
, -
18. , in: ,19
, 658664.
11 . , - 16 . , op. cit., 263.
, 155, 169. 17 Ibid., 274.
12 Id., , 687.
18 XVI -
13 Ibid., 688.
, cf. . , -
14 Ibid.
15 Ibid. 18. , in:
cf. . , , 661.
, 261276; J. A. Maravall, Culture of 19 . , ,
the Baroque, Analysis of Historical Structure, Manchester , 42.
Univertsity Press 1986, 148 sq. -

: 479
 . - . -
, -
, , .25
, , - , -
. - .
.
, - .
, - -
, - . ,
-
, , - .
, - .
,20
.21 , .
, ,
22 - , .
.23
.
-
. . -
.24 , ,
, - , -
, .
(. 1, 2). .26
-
, 25 Id., , 197.
. - 26 -
,
,
, ,
. , -
, , -. Cf. H. Z. Lopata, Self-

Identity in Maririage and Widowhood, The Sociological
. - Quarterly 143 (1973), 407418; R. S. Rajan, Real and
. - Imagined Women, Gender, Culture and Postcolonialism,
, London-New York 1993; P. R. Bearnstein, In Widow s
, Habit: Women between Convent and Family in Sixteenth-
Century Milan, The Sixteenth Century Journal 254
(1994); Moments in the History of Widowhood, Between
Poverty and the Pyre (eds. J. Bremmer L. van den
XVIII Bosch), London 1995; B. J. Haris, English Aristocratic
. Cf. . , Women, 14501550, Marriage and Family, Property and
, 384386. Careers, Oxford University PressNew York 2002, -
20 -
127175; J. Panek, Widows and Suitors
. in Early Modern English Comedy, Cambridge University
, , - PressNew York 2004; Teaching other Voices, Women
. Cf. . , and Religion in Early Modern Europe (Margaret L. King
XVIIIXIX , 1979, 35; and Albert Rabil Jr. Edit the Other Voice in Early Modern
. , , 273. Europe series for the University of Chicago Press),
21 XVIII cf. id., Chicago 2007; J. M. Lanza, From Wives to Widows in
, 190196. Early Modern Paris, Gender, Economy, and Law, Wayne
22 Ibid., 190; id., , 711715. State University, 2007; S. L. Jansen, Debating Women,
Politics, and Power in Early Modern Europe, New York
23 Id., , 704716.
2008; cf. Women
24 Id., , 259. in the Ottoman Balkans, (eds. A. Buturovi I. Cemil

480 .
 ,
, . -

,
-
,
. -

-
, . ,

.27
,

, -
-
.

.28
,
- . -


, ,29
.
, . -
,

.
-
. -
, . 1.
- , 1778.

Schick), LondonNew York 2007,

170178, 344347; ,
, , , ,
, , . -
cf. . ,
, , 1984; 1225; .30
, ,
, ,
, -

cf. ibid., 2532. , .
27 R. J. Kalas, The Noble Widows Place in the Patriarchal , ,
house hold: The Life and Career of Jeanne de Gontault, The ,
Sixteenth Century Journal 243 (1993), 519539. , , -
28 Ibid., 535. , ,
29 - , -
, ,
30 . , , -
. , ,
. Cf. Ibid., 524. 781782.

: 481
 ,
.32 ,
-
-
. -
, ,
.
, -
. , -
,
: -
,
.

.

.33
-
,

.

.34 -

,
. 2. , -
, XVIII
.35

. , ,
, , ,
. - -
. .36
, , -
: 16. 1800 .37
, - , -
.31 , . -
- -
.
- :
,

, - 32 R. J. Kalas, op. cit., 527.
, - 33 . , op. cit., 201202.
, , 34 J. Hardwick, Widowhood and Patriarchy in Seventeenth

. Century France, Journal of Social History 261 (1992),

- 133148.
35 . , , 161.

31 36 . , op. cit., 60.

. , , -
, 166. 37 . , op. cit., 161.

482 .
 , 1791,
, ,41 1799. .42
-
; - , -
, -
, . , ,
, ,
. , -
(- .
50 ) - , -
dies vitae , -
.38 . -
- , ,
, , XVI .43
,
, .
. -
.
, -
- -
,
,
,
-

.


.39



XVIII .
.
-
- , .
,
. -
-

, e
,

, , -

,
;
, -
, -
.40 41 1791. 16- , -
,
1714, 23 . Cf. . , op. cit., 158.
, , 42 ,
, , - 16. 1800. . Cf. ibid., 166.
. 43 ,
, - cf. J. Pope-Hennessy,
, , , Portrait in the Renaissance, Princeton 1966; L. Campbell,
Renaissance Portraits: European Painting in the 14th, 15th
38 . . , - and 16th Century, New Haven 1990; The Image of the
, 2003, 137. Individual: Portraits in the Renaissance (eds. N. Mann L.
39 J. Hardwick, op. cit., 136.
Syson), London 1998; F. H. Jacobs, The Living Image in
Renaissance Art, Cambridge 2005; . , -
40 Ibid., 140143. , 2009.

: 483
 -
.

. ,
-

,
-
-
. -
, ,

.

.
-
, , -
, , ,
. ,
,
. -


.

. 3. , , ,
, XVIII ,
, -
. -
, ,
, ,
, . , - -
, . -
. ,
, ,

.
XVIII , -

.
XVIII , -

484 .
PORTRAIT OF MARTHA TEKELIJA: THE WORK OF JACOB ORFELIN
Miroslava Kosti
The portrait of Martha Tekelija, born Nenadovi, the
mother of Sava Tekelija is attributed with several por-
traits of church dignitaries to the Jacob Orfelin, found-
er of the Middle European, Late Baroque Art, which
came into our artistic environment over the Vienna
Academy of Fine Arts. The portrait is stored in the
Gallery of Matica Srpska in Novi Sad. It belonged to
a small, but very important collection of legacy Sava
Tekelija. The Serbian art preserved very few portraits
of women from the 18th century it was fully in line
with the place and reduced the role of women in the
public life during this century.
The Portrait of Martha Tekelija is modeled on the
rules of aristocratic portraits. Calm noblewoman is
presented with dignity without baroque pathos, in a
static position, with beautiful expressive face features,
as an older woman, at that time already a widow.
Every detail, in order to demonstrate the purpose and
intended use of portraits, was given special attention.
The portrait tends to display next to the moral charac-
ter and her social status and her widows role in pub-
lic life. Portrait of a widow is actually a representation
of the woman after the death of her husband, taking
the role of men assigned to other roles in society, it
goes from the private into the public sphere of im-
pact. Painted with light and warm coloristic scale the
portrait of Martha Tekelija contains all the elements
of traditional Western practices of representative por-
traits. Seen within the Serbian portrait practice, rely-
ing on the central European examples of the 18th cen-
tury last decade, the portrait of Martha Tekelija stands
out as a example of representative bust portraits.
: 485

.
E
XIX

.
. -
XIX . e ,
. -
.
,
-
.
: , , , , ,

. . .
- , , ( 2006) .
.
, -
- , . .
, - -
( 1991). ,
. , ,
, -


. --
,

( 2003), . - -
: (- .
2004), . , -
. ,
- Vlll -
V ( 2006), - .

487

.1
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-
,
-
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(= -

-
). -
-


V -
, V
, -
,

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( 1846 .)
.
-
( -

) V .

, ,
. , -
. -
, ,
.
.3
V
,
(. 2001). -
,

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, - -
, , -
.2
.4
1 . , ,
2001; . et al., -
Vlll , 2006; . et al., V
1453 . in: , in: , 2 (2002), 4574; Ea-
1453, - dem, Les sept archanges et lalgorie de lEucharistie dans
, 2008. une hermeneia de Triavna, in: Revue de lAssociation inter-
2 E. , Ars Moriendi, in: , - nationale dtudes du Sud-Est Europen, 401423.
3 . , j
. . .
2001, 448457; ead., The Wheel of Life in 17th Century . -
PaintingIconographic Sources, in: Post-byzantine Art in j, 2006. Cf. .
Balkans, 3233 (2003), 919; ead., Didactic themes , 4 (2007), 6364.
in church mural painting of the 19th century Bulgaria. Wes- 4 . ,
tern Influences? in: Revue de l Association internatio- ,
nale dtudes du Sud-Est Europen (Traveaux du Colloque , 2004. Cf.
LEurope centrale et le Sud-Est europen aux XIXe-XXe ead., -
sicles, Cepelare 2008) 3539 (20052009), 383401; . , ,
Genova, La vue spirituelle un de modles des peintres bul- - , . 9413 (2006), 235
gares du Rveil national, Bal 3 (2002), 157169; ead., - 246; ead., . ,

488 .
 . -
,
- .

, ,
.,

-

, -
. ,

-, --
.
-

-
, -
-
,
-
-
.

, . 2. . , ,

.

., - ,
. , -
,
- ., -

- , 1912
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, - ,
.5 - -
- .
, .6
. -
, - -
.
-
5 . , -
. , 1965, passim; id.,
, , 1973; id.,
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, in: 6 . , -
, ,
2007, 249273. , 2010.

489
 , -
-
-,

.
.7

-

.
, .8
-
( -
-
!)
1837,

1846 . . -


. , .9
- . 3. . ,
-

(-
20 m, 12 m, 78 m (-
). ( -
, ) .11
.
- , .
, ( -
, ), ,
- -
. .12 . ,
-
, - .
-
.10 -
.
7 . , . .
. , , -
1 (1999), 3037. , -
8 -
-
, - .13
2006 ,
.
9 . , ,
11 . . , op. cit,
470.
. , 468471. . ,
. , cf. . -
10 . . - . - , op. cit., 471.
12 . . op. cit., 469.
. , , 1973,
101. 13 Ibid., 469.

490 .
 ,
.
- -
,


,
.
- -
:
-
, .
,

-
. ,
-
. -
, , ,
-
. 4. . , ,
-
, -

-
. , 3: 1727.
.14 , -
-

(
, -
-
. - , 6 -

- 8: 1266, ( 8:12).
(-
, , 8:20) (, 9:2),
- . , -
- ( 27:2629) ,
, - ( 37: 3435)
- ,
. (1 , 18:1011) , -
: - -
, , - , (
.... ) 18:912.15
e -
. 8 ! - ,
. , - . -
( 2:34) -
, - ( 2:56),
,
15 - -

14 Ibid., 470. .

491
 .

.18
-
.

,
-
, -
, -


-

-
.19

.

.
. -
,
. 5. . ,
-
(
),
( 3: 24),
(?) -

. : .
( 3:10), , -
( 7: 1012), , - ,
,
, -
( 17: 26), - , ,
( 34: ,
45), (. -) ; ( 13: 2728).
( 34: 56).
, .
, (1885 .), -
, - ,20
. - . ,
, -
, , , -
, ,
(1643. ).16 V .21

18 . . , -
. (15951596) 17
. , 1993, 203, . 345346.
19 . , op. cit., 36.
16 . ,
20 -
-
, 2 (2003), . . , op. cit, 470. - -
3340. ,
17 C. Costea, Programe iconografice insufficient cunos- . . .
cute, Studii si cercetari de Istoria Artei, Seria arta plastica, t. 21 . , -
42 (1988), 7175. 1819, -

492 .
 - , -
- .
(
6:1221). . -
,
. , -
- ,
. -
. - , ,
- ,
, , -
-
.24


:
Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica
Vaticana, cod. Vat. gr. 747 (ca.
105075); Smyrna, Evangelical
School Library, cod. A. I (ca.
112555); Istanbul, Topkapl
Sarayl, cod. gr. 8 (ca. 1125
55); Rome, Biblioteca Apo-
stolica Vaticana, cod. gr. 746
(ca. 112555); and Mt. Athos,
Vatopedi Monastery, cod. 602
(ca. 12701300).25 -
,
- -

,
, -
. 6. . , ,
,
,
- Vat. Gr. 746
, 432 440 -
.22 , .26 - -

(Vat. Pal. gr. .
431).23 -
i/B, 1917, 422464. f. A. Keck. Observations on the ico-
, 3 (1991), 14. . . - nography of Joshua, ArtB, 324 (1950), 269.
. , 24 K. Weitzmann, The Joshua Roll. A work of the Macedo-
1989, c nian Renaissance. Princeton 1948, 100.
( ) . , - 25 - -
(40- .) - J. Lowden, Illustrated Octateuch Manuscripts: A Byz-
(1818 .). antine Phenomenon, in: The Old Testament in Byzantium
22 Ch. Morey, Early Christian Art, Princeton 1942, 146, (eds. P. Magdalino R. Nelson), Washington D.C. 2010,
148152. 107153.
23 J. Wilpert, Die rmische Mosaiken und Malereien der 26 J. Anderson, The Seraglio Octateuch and the Kokkinoba-
kirlichen Bauten vom IV. Bis XIII. Jahrundert, Freiburg phos Master, DOP 36 (1982), 83114.

493
 . , . , The , , -
Joshua Roll was not merely the source of a single
image added to the cycle in Vatopedi, it was copied .
in extenso by the artist of the common model of the
Octateuchs.27 , -

-
(Antiquitates judaicae) 1230 . .
. - -
V ,31
(BNF, Fr. 247). ,
f. 89, t. I -
(210 175 mm) - . -
, - -
.
.28
- , -
-. ,
- -
.32
, .29 , .
-
, - ,
. .
() , - .
, ,
. - (
. ) ,
, - .33
( -
: ) - .
. - -

.30 -

, - V . ,
. - -
-
. -
27 J. Lowden, op. cit., 131.
28 ,
( ) , 31 M. Shapiro, The Place of Joshua Roll in Byzantine His-
Matre du Boccace de Munich, cf. Un grand disciple de tory, GBA 35 (1949), 172 (=Late Antique, Early Christian
Fouquet, le Matre du Boccace de Munich, in: Jean Fouquet and Medieval Art: Selected papers, New York 1979, 60).
(ed. F. Avril), Paris 2003, 4750. 32 - cf. . -
29 . . , op. cit.; E. Bakalova, A Cycle of the Holy Archangels
, , 14 (1983), 517. in a Thirteenth-Century Rock-Cut Chapel near Ivanovo,
30 - cf. . , in: Byzantine East, Latin West. Art-Historical studies in
- Honor of Kurt Weitzmann (eds. D. Mouriki S. Curcic
, 9 (1976), 713; . , - G. Galavaris H. Kessler G. Vikan), Priceton 1995, 215
- 219; Cf. E. ,
. . , 46 (2009), 239254.
, 3 (1988), 3146. 33 . . , op. cit., 10.

494 .
 -
.
, -

,
-
, -


1564 .36
,

1547 . -
,
,
,

-
.37 -

-
. 7. . ,
, -
.
-
. .
( , -
, . ,
)

V -
1564 1566 .34
.38
-
V -
, ,
- , -

. -
-
. -
- .39
-
V ( -
), , , .
,
36
, ..35 , . , -
60- V , in:
,
34
(1973), 78. Cf. . .
. , . , -
, 1990, 3842, . 150; . , -
, . V ,
1964. , in: . -
35 . , -
, 2003, 2627.
. - 37 . ,
V , 2004, 72, . 103,
V, 1972, 5968.
104, . . 70. .
38 Ibid., 68.

. 39 . A. , op. cit., 347349.

495
 , - : ... , -
. , . :
, , -
.., , , , , () -
- , ,
. ( 3: 1517). :
: : ... ()
, .40 , , -
- , , () -
, , ( ) ,
- ... ( 33: 13).
, ,
.
.41
, .
,
,
, - , -
. 1869 . - .42 ,
. - , This idea
of divine election on the Israelite model was not
unique to Byzantium; many Christian peoples have
, , - embraced it throughout history, either in triumph or
, in tribulation.43
. -
- . -
, - , ,
: : , ,
, , .44
, , -
, ( - , -
, 3: 10). -, V
- .45 -
, : .46
( ):
42 P. Magdalino R. Nelson, Introduction, in: The Old
-
; Testament in Byzantium, et passim -
.
-
43 Ibid., 12
( )
44 . j, -
, ... (
3: 78); : , in: j j j (.
. ), 1998, 69.
: , , 45 . j. -
, ,
, in:
(. . ), 2000,
40 A. Grabar, Les cycles d imdges Byzantines tirs de lhis- 395406; id., Serbia sancta i Serbia sacra -
toire biblique et leur symbolisme princier, - j, in:
(1970), 133. j j j, 387430. Cf.
41 - cf. E. Bakalova, King . , j, 67.
David as a Model for the Christian Ruler: Some Visual 46 J. , J. -
Sources, in: Biblical Models of Power and Law/Modeles j -
bibliques du pouvoir et de la loi (eds. I. Biliarski R. G. , 43 (2006), 97109; ead., New
Pun), Wien 2008, 93133. Jerusalems in the Balkans: Translation of Sacred Spaces in

496 .
 -
. - .51

, - (
. )
-
,
- , -
.47 -
,
XI .
,
, , -
. The land of this new chosen people .
in many ways replicates the Holy Land, , -
. geographically as well as historically and
religiously. For the People of Israel, the Promised , -
Land is an essential part of their covenant with , , -
God. A reference to it in the Palaeobulgarian texts ,
indicates the states attempt to form an individual .52
identity based on an Old Testament model. Certain
.
geographical characteristics unite the land presented
,
in our sources with the biblical archetype, that is,
,
features of the natural landscape of Canaan.48

(
.
, 3) -
The Meanings We
, Choose Ch. Cosgrove -
- ,
, .49 ,
. , In a brief historical .53
period after the pagan epoch, Bulgaria was eager
, the reading of
to perceive itself as the new Israel, identified with
scripture cannot be confined to merely individual
the children of Israel, the chosen people, against the
interest but a matter of community judgment,54
disintegrating Roman Empire. Later, from the time
,
of Tsar Symeon onward, Bulgaria became a state
with imperial pretensions based on the Roman/ 51 . -, ,
Byzantine model.50 -, ( ), -
- 1618
- 1985, 249265. - . J. Erdeljan, New Jerusalems
in the Balkans: Translation of Sacred Spaces in the Local
Context, 458474.
52 L. Greenspoon, The Book of Joshua Part 1: Texts and
the Local Context, in: New Jerusalems. Hierotopy and Ico-
Versions, Currents in Biblical Research 2005, 3, 229. Cf. .
nography of sacred spaces (d. A. Lidov), Moscow 2009,
, , 2005.
458474.
Cf. R. Boling, Joshua (Anchor Bible), NwYork
47 . ,
1982.
, 42 (2005), 721. 53 The Meanings We Choose: Hermeneutical Ethics, In-
48 I. Biliarsky, Old Testament Models and the State in Early
determinacy and the Conflict of Interpretations (ed. Ch.
Medieval Bulgaria, in: The Old Testament in Byzantium, Cosgrove), London 2004.
263 54 Khiok-Khng Yeo, Culture and Intersubjectivity as Crite-
49 Ibid., 263269.
ria for Negotiating Meanings in Cross-Cultural Interpreta-
50 Ibid., 277. tions, in: The Meanings We Choose, 81.

497
 , . -
, . the book of Joshua
, , formed something of an intersection between the
. , promises given through Moses and the reality
experienced under Joshua and his successors.55
, In speeches in Joshua 1:1015 and 23:210,
14 the commission of Joshua was began and ended
. - fulfilling the oath to the fathers, establishing Isra-
- el in the land.56
, -
( 4 55 L. Greenspoon, op. cit., 229.
, 3:2627). , 56 F. M. Cross, Canaanite myth and Hebrew epic: essays
. in the history of the religion of Israel, CambridgeHarvard
- University PressLondon 1997, 249.

. 8. . , Vatopedi cod. 602, f. 353 r., 13

498 .
,
.57 , . .60
. ,
- ,

. , , ,
, - .
( . ).
.
.
- ,
. .

-
, , ,
-- .
. (, . 13;

. , , , ( , .
, . - 38), , - (. )
...
,
. . -
, -
, -
. , -
, , , -
, - .61
, -
, ,
. , , -
,
. ,
. , .
- , . -
, . ,
. , -
.58 . , -
- .
- , -
, V . , -
, - , -
.59 , ,
, .
-
57

. j, op. cit., 68.
58
. ,
. , . - , -
. 2002, 51.
59 . ,
60 . , op. cit.
. http://www.ilit.bas.bg/bi/aretov_con-
stantinopol.html; cf. . , op. cit., 3169. 61 . , op. cit., 64.

499


-
.62 .



,
-

.63
. -
-
,64


, -
-
.


-
. -
-
,
.
-
-
, , -
,

, -
(
, - . 9. .
!),65 . (BNF, Fr. 247, f. 89, t. I)
-,

62 , ( -
. ,
, 1987; . Bakalova, witych Sied- ),
miu Mw w sztukach piknych, in: Uczniowie Apostow . , . -
Sowian. Siedmiu witych Mw (oprac. M. Skowronek , . , .
G. Minczew), Krakw 2010 ( ). ,66 . .67
63 . , - , -
, - -
V , in: -
. t. 4, 2003, 13.
64 . , - , in: . ,
. , - , j 1990, 177181.
66 . , . -
V .
2006, 117118. ,
65 . , 3233 (2003), 213219.
, 1987, 3868, 136138, 144162, 167 67 . , , 167170, 174176,
170 . Cf. . , 200202.

500 .


, -
-

. -
, -


.
,
(1884 .)
-
.68 , -
-
,

-
, . 10. , .
(15641566)


,71
.
(-

).
,
-
. , -
,
, -
, -

-

. ,

69 , ,
. -

.
, . . -
, . -

- , .
,
, -
.
, -

,
,
(18821884)
70 .72
(1894 .).
-


, (1883 .), -
, ,
-

68 B. , ,
, in: -
- .
, V , 2008, 136141.
69 . j, Serbia sancta Serbia sacra, 389. 71 B. , op. cit., 142.
70 . , . , , in: 72 . , -
. . :
2003, 501507. , , 211 (2006), 256.

501
 .73 Third, rhetoric helped artists to enrich their work
with images, so that a work of art could become as
- flowery as a literary description of the springtime, or
. Ut as desolate as a lament.75 -: once the
pictura sermones - artifices of rhetoric had been translated into visual
language, they could be understood by all, whatever
their background or their level of education.76
. .74 , ,
- - , -
. -

- - ,
H. Maguire: First, rhetoric helped , -
artists to add vividness to their art by filling out the -
bare narration of sacred texts with dramatic detail. .
Second, rhetoric helped artists to structure their ,
compositions, especially through parallel scenes -
that were set off against each other in antithesis. , , -
, , .
73 . , cf. . ,
j (18821914),
2007, 153. 75 H. Maguire, Art and Eloquence in Byzantium. Princeton
74 . , , - 1981, 109.
1996, 164181. 76 Ibid., 111.

.

XIX

. , -

, ,
. -
, XIX
, - (. 2:34), -
. (. 2:56),
( - (. 3: 24),
), . - (.
1837. , 3:10), (.
1846, 1869. - 7:1012), (. 17:
26), (.
, , 34:45),
. ( 34: 56).

, - ( 6:1221). , -

502 .
 -
-
-
, - ,
. - -
, -
.
,
. - .

503
INVENTING AND CHANGING THE CANON AND
THE CONSTITUTION OF SERBIAN NATIONAL
IDENTITY IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY1

Nenad Makuljevi

The search for the national canon in Serbian 19th century culture reveals the importance, mobility and pluralism
of canons. In the history and theory of art, national canons were the necessary frameworks for the understand-
ing of both past and contemporary works of art. National canons were not clearly determined their role was to
express the national identity according to the concepts of the nation, the reception of the national heritage and
aesthetic principles. The function of the canon was to serve the state and nation and it was an important medium
for the visual expression of the national identity in the public sphere.
Key words: canon, nationalism, Serbia, 19th century art, historicism

1
a norm and the framework of the scholarly practice,

I
nventing the canons took an important place in
the theory of art and art history of the 19th cen-
tury. The canons were presented as norms and
models for understanding and formulating the artis-
tic practice, as well as rm and stable denitions of
the language of art. The recent art historical schol-
arship has led to the rethinking of the content and
the very notion of canon. The emergence of canon
can be traced in the framework of the religious and
juridical doctrines, as well as in the need for creat-
ing and organizing a culture of memory in the an-
cient societies.2
New art-historical studies have abandoned the
traditional academic understanding of the canon as
1 An early version of this paper was presented at the work-
shop The Art Historical Canon and its Function, European
Science Foundation Universitt Hamburg, Kunstgeschich-
tliches Seminar-Warburg-Haus, 2006.
2 J. Assmann, Religion und kulturelles Gedchtnis,
Mnchen 2000, 5659; 81100; 142147.
and they are now looking beyond the old bounda-
ries.3 At the same time, the canons in history and
art history are identified and studied as constructs
which were formed to memorize and propagate
values and ideas, whereas they included different
political, social and gender contents. This also finds
confirmation in the well-known historical practices
3 The methodological block of texts Rethinking the Canon,
in: ArtB 782 (1996), 198217 is devoted to the contempo-
rary canon criticism. They contain the following published
texts: M. Camille, Prophets, Canons, and Promising Mon-
sters, 198201; Z. elik, Colonialism, Orientalism, and the
Canon, 202205; J. Onians, World Art Studies and the Need
for a New Natural History of Art, 206209; A. Rifkin, Theo-
ry as Place, 209212; C. B. Steiner, Can the Canon Burst?,
21321. There is sumptuous literature on the criticism of the
traditional history of art, cf. N. Athanassoglou-Kallmyer,
Romanticism: Breaking the Canon, ArtJ 522 (1993), 18
21; J. Elkins, Art History and Images that are not Art, ArtB
774 (1995), 553571; K. Moxey, Motivating History, ArtB
773 (1995), 392401.

INVENTING AND CHANGING THE CANON AND THE CONSTITUTION OF SERBIAN NATIONAL IDENTITY 505
 of defining the canons in the visual culture.4 The
canonic ideals in painting, sculpture and architec-
ture have been continually transformed from the
Middle Ages to the modern times. The fact that the
canon was conditioned by the social movements
and the conceptual/ideological beliefs was also
confirmed at the very time of the birth and creation
of the national idea, at the time when the national
character in arts became one of the most important
theoretical issues.5
The European and Serbian 19th century culture
was marked by the process of constituting the na-
tional identity in which a prominent part was played
by art and visual culture.6 In such circumstances, it
was particularly important to invent a national can-
on as the model for current art production and me-
dium for the interpretation of artistic heritage. The
issue of a national canon was exceptionally impor-
tant among the new nations as was the Serbian in
the 19th century. Therefore, in Serbian culture, the
very process of inventing the canon and its multiple
functions lasted throughout the nineteenth century.
The characteristics of this process show not only
the story of the invention of the Serbian national
canon, but also of the nature and possible functions Fig. 1. A. Jovanovi, Dimitrije Avramovi, 184446
of art-historical canon.
The invention of a national canon in Serbian
culture was an exceptionally complex and hard ditions and different definitions of visual culture.7
process, because early modern Serbian culture was In the Ottoman Empire, Serbian visual culture did
created in the different cultural models. From the not deviate from the practice of the other Ortho-
end of the 17th century on, the Serbian people have dox Slavs, so it belonged to a wider framework of
lived in different state and cultural systems, prima- the culture of Orthodox Christians in the Ottoman
rily in the Ottoman and Habsburg Empires. This Empire.8 After the year 1690, a considerable part
caused the creation of different aspects of cultural of the Serbian population exiled to the Habsburg
models, presence of different experiences and tra- Empire. This brought on changes and a reform of
visual culture among the Habsburg Serbs.9 During
4 Cf. C. Brown, Revising the Canon: The Collectors point the first decades of 19th century, after 18041815,
of View, Simiolus: Netherlands Quarterly for the History of
Art, 263 (1998), 201212.; G. Pollock, Differencing the 7 On different cultural models in the Serbs in 19th century
Canon: Feminist Desire and the Writing of Arts Histories, cf. . , :
New York, Routledge 1999; A. Brzyski, Constructing the 19. , in: -
Canon: the Album Polish Art and the Writing of Modern- (. . -
ist Art History of Polish 19th-Century Painting, Nineteenth- . ), 2006, 1753.
Century Art Worldwide 31 (2004): http://www.19thc- 8 On Serbian visual culture in the Ottoman Empire cf.
artworldwide.org/spring_04/articels/brzy.shtml; Partisan . ,
Canons (ed. A. Brzyski), Duke University Press 2007. 15571614, 1965; . ,
5 Cf. H. Locher, Kunstgeschichte als historische Theorie 14591690,
der Kunst 17501950, Mnchen 2001, 99178. 1984; . , -
6 On the relation between culture, art and national iden- 18. , in:
tity A. D. Smith, National identity, London 1991, 7679; .
, XIX : (. . ), 2005, 72111.
- 9 On Serbian art in the Habsburg Empire . ,
, 2006. , 1996.

506 N. MAKULJEVI
a modern Serbian state was
founded, and within this new
state a new cultural model
and a specific visual practice
were formed.10 The historical
frameworks of the constitu-
tion of the modern Serbian
culture caused its complex-
ity and visual diversity. At
the beginning of 19th century,
cultural differences were an
obstacle to a unique construc-
tion of the Serbian nation. Im-
mense variety was evident in
all the spheres of visual cul-
ture, from dress codes to the
religious painting. This condi-
tioned the need for a formula-
tion of clear patterns and can-
ons of the national art.
The participants in the
process of inventing the can-
on in Serbian culture were
academics, art historians,
theoreticians of art and artists.
They were educated at Euro-
pean universities, primarily
those of the German speaking
cultural sphere. This fact and
a strong influence of German
culture defined their attitude
to the canon. All of these in-
tentions were turned towards
the constitution of a national
identity that could subse-
quently create the identity of
the newly established state Fig. 2. D. Avramovi, Vrdnik Monastery, Iconostasis, 185153
the Princedom of Serbia, but
also to overcome the cultural
culture in the past was a basis for the contem-
differences between the Serbs from the Ottoman
porary activities and the creation of the national
and Habsburg Empires and Serbia itself.
canon. Numerous personalities from the sphere of
In Serbian culture, creating a national art and
culture participated in the formation of the Serbian
visual culture became an important issue at the be-
national identity, which created a favorable atmos-
ginning of the nineteenth century. Culture was one
phere for raising the question of the national art.
of most important spheres in the creation of na-
Therefore, in the theories of the Serbian nation-
tional identity, so the identification of the national
al canon, people like artist Dimitrije Avramovi
(18151855) and architect Mihailo Valtrovi
10 Cf. . , 1796
(18391915), took an important place. The ques-
1848, 1986; . , -
tion of Serbian national art was discussed even
:
19. , 3844. among foreign scholars, such as the Viennese re-

INVENTING AND CHANGING THE CANON AND THE CONSTITUTION OF SERBIAN NATIONAL IDENTITY 507
 a positive reputation. Therefore the invention of a
national canon had very different paths in painting
and the architectural practice, and it was based on
different principles.

The national spirit as canon

In the first half of 19th century, Byzantine art
was interpreted from the Orientals position.13 It was
characterized as inartistic, Orientalistics, dead,
and beyond aesthetic dimensions. The mediaeval
Byzantine painting did not comply with the 19th
century aesthetic concepts and was frequently un-
dervalued, interesting primarily for its archeologi-
cal and iconographic qualities. These evaluations
were expressed in European academic circles, but
also accepted by Serbian intellectuals. Positive
evaluation was granted only to those paintings that,

13 R. S. Nelson, Living on the Byzantine Borders of West-

Fig. 3. D. Avramovi, Belgrade, Cathedral
church, Iconostasis, Jesus Christ, 184145 ern Art, Gesta 351 (1996), 67.

searcher of the cultural heritage of the Balkans

Felix Philipp Kanitz (18291904).
The basic concepts that supported the search
for the Serbian national canon were directed to-
wards the works of art from the Golden Age of
the nation.11 That was the middle Ages and the pe-
riod of the Serbian independent states, discontin-
ued by the Ottoman invasion in the 15th century.
The discovery of the Middle Ages in Serbian
culture was initiated in the 18th century, but the
cult of the mediaeval times significantly marked
19th century.12 The mediaeval art was perceived as
a historical testimony of national glory. The artis-
tic values were not acknowledged in the Serbian
mediaeval art up to the second half of 19th century.
Serbian mediaeval heritage originated from the
Byzantine cultural sphere, and this fact influenced
its reception. European 19th century culture did not
recognize the aesthetic and artistic values of the
Byzantine painting, whereas architecture enjoyed

11 On the notion of the Golden Age in the nationalist ideol-

ogy cf. A. D. Smith, National identity; id., The Sacred
Dimension of Nationalism, Millenium-Journal of Interna-
tional Studies, 2971 (2000), 807808.
12 . ,
XIX , 3233 (2003),
193212. Fig. 4. Mihailo Valtrovi

508 N. MAKULJEVI
 retician of art and one of the
first European explorers of
Mount Athos.14 He strongly
believed that Byzantine paint-
ing had no artistic qualities,
and even when he copied cer-
tain mediaeval works, such as
the charter of the monastery of
Esfigmenou, he adapted them
to the contemporary Nazarene
artistic concepts.15
Such a perception of Byz-
antine painting resulted in the
absence of adequate aesthetic
notions in the national artis-
tic heritage and that strongly
influenced the process of na-
tional artistic canon formula-
tion. One no longer searched
for formal painterly models
and those painters whose
works would be representa-
tive of a national genius, but
the frame of reference was
sought in the central topoi of
the national constant the
authentic national spirit.
The notions of the national
spirit were taken over from
German literature. They were
frequently used in nationalis-
tic literature in order to create
the ideal image of the Serbs.
They also served as a power-
ful medium to interpret the
past, to overcome the existing
contemporary cultural differ-
ences and build the concept
of a unique character of the
nation.16
The canonic values of the
Fig. 5. M. Valtrovi, Serbian medieval monuments (after M. Waltrowits, : national spirit were present
Mittheilungen ber neue Forschungen auf dem Gebiete serbischer Kirchenbaukunst, in many theoretic texts. For
Wien 1878) example, Dimitrije Avramovi

14 On . cf. . , -
like rulers portraits and historic compositions, con-
, 1971.
tributed to a broader knowledge of national history. 15 . , ,
One example of the negation of Byzantine picto-
, 1 (1966), 15.
rial practice is the case of Dimitrije Avramovi a 16 Cf. . ,
painter educated at the Viennese Academy, a theo- XIX , 4249.

INVENTING AND CHANGING THE CANON AND THE CONSTITUTION OF SERBIAN NATIONAL IDENTITY 509
 pointed out in his request for the foundation of an art and characteristics of old Serbian art. Mature views
school in Belgrade from 1845, that national needs in were contained in his programmatic text from 1884
the arts could be fulfilled only by the Serbs educated To what extent can old Serbian art serve as
in the Serbian way, who could then produce works in model for the new.20 He defined art as the fruit of
the Serbian spirit. He saw epic poetry as an ideal thought and feeling, varying according to religious
and model of Serbian national art, and pointed out
that never would a German poet be able to compose 20 . ,
a Serbian epic poem. Therefore, in order to turn a , 4, 6, 8, 9, 10
painting into poetry, the author needs to be a Serb.17 (1884), 6162; 9092.
The approach of Dimitrije Avramovi is very impor-
tant for understanding the notions of national canon.
His theory was based upon the principle that the au-
thors personality, and spirit should be identical
with the subject matter of his work.
Mihailo Valtrovi supplied the most thorough
programmatic delineation of the concepts which pre-
sumed that painterly canonic values existed in the
national spirit. Valtrovi was educated as architect
in Karlsruhe and was active in the last three decades
of the 19th century, studying mediaeval art, writing
art historic and theoretical texts, serving as a direc-
tor of the National Museum in Belgrade; he was also
the author of coronation ceremonies for two Serbian
kings, in 1889 and 1904.18 His manifold activity in
the shaping of national culture required a defined
national canon as a basis for further research of the
artistic heritage and as a theoretic guideline for con-
temporary artistic practice. Valtrovi expressed the
ideological foundations of his research in an early
treatise on old Serbian monuments, published in
German under the Greek title O PRODROMOS.19
He dedicated his endeavours to the warriors who
were at that time fighting and falling for national
freedom in the SerbianTurkish wars.
Mihailo Valtrovi made several attempts at de-
fining the national canon. In the period from 1878
to 1888 he wrote reports on old Serbian monuments
for the Srpsko ueno drutvo (Serbian learned
society). Here he indicated the canonic elements

17 , . III, 1966, 362363.

18 . , -
, in:
, , . 34 (1978),
781; . , XIX
, 18, 187188; . ,
(18821914), 2007, 9399; .
,
, in: -
, (. . ), 2008, 7388.
19 M. Waltrowits, : Mittheilungen ber neue
Forschungen auf dem Gebiete serbischer Kirchenbaukunst, Fig. 6. Dj. Krsti, Ni Cathedral church, Iconostasis, St.
Wien 1878. Peter, 1892

510 N. MAKULJEVI
 ognized the embodiment of
the national spirit had specific
iconographic characteristics
and they should be used and
visually remodelled according
to the contemporary aesthetic
principles. Djordje Krsti
(18511907), an eminent Ser-
bian painter, an alumnus of
the Art Academy in Munich,22
believed that such viewpoints
could be realized. By fol-
lowing Valtrovis theory,
he reinterpreted mediaeval
iconography in many of his
icons, like that of St. Peter for
the Cathedral at Ni, which
he painted after a mediaeval
composition from the monas-
tery of ia.23

Formal models:
historicism
A different course in in-
venting a national canon was
applied to the study of medi-
aeval architecture, and in the
concepts of the new Serbian
architecture.24 In general, the
Fig. 7. D. Milutinovi, St. Peter and St. Paul, copy of a fresco from the ia reception of mediaeval archi-
monastery, 1882 tectural heritage of the Byz-
antine cultural sphere differed
from the perception of paint-
and spiritual qualities of different nations. Valtrovi
ing. Owing to the fact that from the beginning of
denied mediaeval painting any artistic values be-
cause he could not discover there the canons of the 19th century culture was obviously inclined to
classical beauty. Still, he recognized great ideas and historicism, mediaeval architecture was studied.
spiritual contents, and therefore stressed that the Therefore, the national canon followed the formal
artist who revived national art, ...should penetrate models of mediaeval architecture.
the spirit of old painting, should look for the source
of spiritual gestures of the old painter, should un- 22 . , 18511907, -
derstand his poetic moment that endows the artistic 2001.
person with the soul and body. And when he has 23 . , -
found and accepted all that, then he would be able , 146147; 189.
to execute a complete art work on his own and out 24 . , -
of his own spirit.21 The art in which Valtrovi rec- ( XIX XX
), 1997; . ,
21 Ibid., 122124; 140141; 154155. , 219240.

INVENTING AND CHANGING THE CANON AND THE CONSTITUTION OF SERBIAN NATIONAL IDENTITY 511
 viewpoints were founded on
the Orthodox religious iden-
tification of Byzantium and
Serbia, and not on the study of
Serbian heritage. A systematic
research of old Serbian ar-
chitecture began in the 1840s
and had a decisive impact in
changing the perception of the
national canon.25 The course
of this research was limited
by travel conditions and the
accessibility of monuments,
which were predominantly
situated on the territory of the
Ottoman Empire. Therefore,
the account of architectural
heritage could not have been
completed before the last dec-
ades of the 19th century.
The study of mediaeval
monuments and the estab-
lishment of a canonic frame-
work were necessary in order
to facilitate the formulation
of architectural patterns for
new Orthodox churches. It
was believed that the cur-
rently dominant forms of ec-
clesiastical architecture, as is
Cathedral church in Belgrade
founded on a Central Euro-
pean matrix,26 could not ad-
equately satisfy the national
needs. Such views were not
Fig. 8. F. Kanitz, Manasija monastery (after F. Kanitz, Serbiens byzantinische expressed only by Serbian
Monumente, Wien 1862) intellectuals, but also by for-
eign scholars. It was gener-
ally believed that every na-
The establishment of formal models for the na-
tion should have its own culture and art. Therefore
tional architectural canon followed the discovery of
important protagonists of historicist inventing the
the Serbian mediaeval architecture, its chronology
Serbian national canon in architecture are found in
and stylistic characterization. This dynamic proc-
personalities of nonSerbian ethnic and national
ess of research and historic approach changed the
origin, such as Janko afarik (18141876), and Fe-
attitude towards the national canonic features. The
lix Kanitz.
new attitude was reflected in an extensive architec-
tural production. 25 . ,
Since the Serbian culture belonged to the sphere
1846. (. . - . . -
of the Byzantine commonwealth, the characteristics ), 1993.
of Byzantine architecture were identified as canonic 26 . , , 1996,
features of the Serbian mediaeval architecture. Such 3764.

512 N. MAKULJEVI
 Janko afarik, a relative of the famous Slovak teenth century as a variation of the Byzantine ex-
scholar Pavel Josef afarik, traveled through the perience, attributing them as the SerbianByzantine
Princedom of Serbia in 1846 and described the style.32 The characteristics of these churches then
existing mediaeval monuments; he copied their turned into the elements of the national canon in
designs in order to offer them as models for new the history of Serbian architecture. The Serbian
churches. In his report to the Serbian Ministry of Byzantine churches were built in the last period of
Education, afarik underlined the need to use and state independence, such as Ravanica and Lazarica,
apply these mediaeval designs. He indicated the the patronage churches of Prince Lazar,33 and mon-
church of the mediaeval Manasija monastery as an astery Kaleni.34
example of canonic values. afarik defined it as the The patronage of Prince Lazar was of particular
crown of ByzantineSlavic architecture, a pos- importance for Serbs. Prince Lazar was the central
sible example or model how EasternOrthodox figure of the Kosovo myth, the most significant
Serbian churches, or Slavic churches in general, historicmythic foundation of the Serbian national
should be built and decorated and stressed that it ideology.35 The fifth centennial of the Battle of Ko-
is from Manasija, that is, ia, Ravanica, that the sovo was organized in 1889 in Kruevac, nearby the
Serbs should take a plan, upon starting to build ca- Lazarica church. The church was restored and ad-
thedrals for their monasteries.27
32 M. Waltrowits, : Mittheilungen ber neue
Felix Kanitz systematically traveled through
Serbia and wrote several monograph studies on Forschungen auf dem Gebiete serbischer Kirchenbaukunst.
33 . , ,
the country, its heritage and culture.28 Convinced
of the need for national art, he was critical of the 1989; . , . ,
1999.
new Serbian church architecture and pleaded for 34 . , . o -
the revival of Byzantine patterns. His influence
, 2006.
was not spread only by means of published works, 35 M. Popovi, Vidovdan i asni krst, Beograd 1998.
but he repeated his arguments in front of the Ser-
bian Prince, Mihailo Obrenovi, and a Serbian ar-
chitects.29 One of Kanitzs works was particularly
important Serbiens byzantinische Monumente,
published in Vienna in 1862, and translated into
Serbian.30 One of his main reasons for publishing
this book was the need to establish the most sig-
nificant features of Serbian mediaeval churches and
instruct those in charge of the restoration and build-
ing of churches.31
The most important chronology of Serbian me-
diaeval architecture should be attributed to Mihailo
Valtrovi. In the 1870s, he wrote his previously
mentioned treatise O PRODROMOS on the evo-
lution of the Serbian mediaeval architecture, and
set apart a group of churches built in the late four-

27 . , 1846.
, 23.
28 . , , in: -
, 1985.
29 . , -
, 100.
30 F. Kanitz, Serbiens byzantinische Monumente, Wien
1862 (= . , ,
1862). Fig. 9. Exhibition Catalogue Esposizione di Roma
31 . , , 6. Padiglione del Regno di Serbia, Rome 1911.

INVENTING AND CHANGING THE CANON AND THE CONSTITUTION OF SERBIAN NATIONAL IDENTITY 513
 ditional investigations performed for that occasion,
which promoted the SerbianByzantine style and
established Lazarica as one of the most important
canonic models of Serbian national architecture.36
The first doctoral thesis dedicated to Serbian
mediaeval architecture was written at the begin-
ning of the 20th century. The thesis of Boidar
Nikolajevi, Die kirchliche Architektur der Ser-
ben im Mittelalter, defended in 1902 before
Professor Henry Thode in Heidelberg, brought a
more complex approach to the national canon in
architecture. The work emphasized that Serbian
culture was characterized by a national constant,
represented in the products of the national spir-
it. Nikolajevi studied architectural monuments
and interpreted them through the analysis of dif-
ferent examples. His survey included the best
of Serbian mediaeval architecture Studenica,
Graanica, Kaleni, Hilandar, Deani, and broad-
ened the range of possible models for the national
canon in the past.37
for a national canon and the ambivalent aspect of
its formulation. The abstract category of a national
spirit and a formal model was applied to the same
purpose expressing the Serbian national identity.
National canon regulations in laws show one
of the important functions of the canon. The canon
was a tool of state power in the public sphere, an
obliging law the breaking of which used to be sanc-
tioned. The state-supported formation of the Serbian
nation used the canon as a medium for marking and
visual equalization of the national space. There-
fore, Serbian architects employed by the Ministry
of Building Affairs, worked on the so-called thype
plans for the orthodox churches in Serbia. Archi-
tect Svetozar Ivakovi was particularly active, and
he developed several type plans for the construction
of the Orthodox churches.40 Examples of the state
and national functions of the canon are displayed
in the ecclesiastical, architecural and pictorial poli-
tics on new Serbian theritories after Serbian-Turk-
ish wars and the Congress of Berlin in 1878. Old

40 . , op. cit., 4351; . , op. cit.,

228230.
From canon to law
The formulation of the national canon had an
important function in the Serbian culture, not only
as the subject matter of art historical studies, but
also as an active element in the shaping of the cur-
rent visual and architectural practice. It was most
obvious in ecclesiastical art, controlled by Serbian
state institutions-Ministry of Building Affairs and
the Ministry of Education and Church Affairs.38
These institutions organized many activities in the
contemporary process of building and decorating
the public buildings, according to the laws, where
legal premises were based on the character of the
national canon. In the Church Law from 1860, and
1890 it is clearly stated that the icons should be
painted in the Orthodox spirit, and that the church-
es ought to be built in Byzantine or SerbianByzan-
tine style.39 This confirmed the results of the search

36 . , -
, 232233.
37 B. S. Nikolaewitsch, Die kirchliche Architektur der Ser-
ben im Mittelalter, Belgrad 1902; . . , -
, 1905.
38 Cf. . ,
, 914.
39 Ibid., 2834. Fig. 10. I. Metrovi, Marko Kraljevi, 1908

514 N. MAKULJEVI
 church building. That raised
the costs of building and be-
came an impossible aim for
parish communities.42

Fig. 11. Dj. Jovanovi, Kruevac, Monument to the Kosovo Heroes, 1904
church practice, connected with the Ecumenical pa-
triarchate, was stopped with pressure of state and
church authorities and all new Orthodox churches
were built and painted, according to the state laws,
in Byzantine and Serbian-Byzantine style.41
The supreme position of the national canon,
according to the laws, resulted in many conflicts
in the public sphere. The position of state was in
conflict not only with the aesthetic and symbolic
thoughts of church patrons, but also with economic
facts. According to the laws, Neobyzantine church-
es should have the bell-tower dislocated from the
41 . , - 43 K. Andrews, The Nazarens, Oxford 1964.
1878, XXXVII 44 T. Erwin, William Hogarth and the Aesthetics of Nation-
(1997), 3559.
Nationalization
of the artistic canon
One of the characteristics
of the European art of the 19th
century was the cult of acad-
emy and of academic canon.
Even though the concept of
work at academies had been
undergoing changes as the
time went by, the presenta-
tion of the academic manner
of creating works of art re-
mained a constant indicator of
the indisputable value of art-
work. The artists who wanted
to create national art reacted
differently to this approach.
One of the ways to cope with
it was to rebel, like when the
supporters of the new German
religious and patriotic art left
the Viennese Academy.43 An-
other possibility, which was
practiced more frequently
and accepted more widely,
was to create a complex rela-
tionship between the artistic
and the national. The artistic
was perceived as an ideal of skill, and the national
was felt to be the select representation of cultural
symbols.44 This approach opened the possibility of
the creation of national art on the basis of various
pictorial conceptions. The notion of the canonical
was located in the content, and the function of a
work of art.
The acceptance of the artistic canon as a picto-
rial language enabling the formation of the national
art appeared as early as at the beginning of 19th
42 . , , 106109.
alism, The Huntigton Library Quarterly 643/4 (2001), 408.

INVENTING AND CHANGING THE CANON AND THE CONSTITUTION OF SERBIAN NATIONAL IDENTITY 515
 century in the Serbian cultural circles. The painter
Aksentije Marodi (18381908) clearly conveys
this attitude, implying that an artist must first reach
the artistic level, and then start serving the nation.
Marodi pointed out that an artist should be first a
servant of the Goddess of Art, and second, a mem-
ber of the Serbian nation.45 This approach to cre-
ating national works of art was adopted by many
artists. Djordje Jovanovi (18611903), a sculptor
and the creator of the most significant public monu-
ments in Serbia from the end of 19th to the begin-
ning of 20th century, was one of them.46
The importance of content and artistic skill for
the creation of the national canon enabled a posi-
tive reception of Croatian artists, as the holders of
the Serbian and Yugoslav artistic activities. The end
of the 19th and the beginning of 20th century was the
beginning of a new period in political and ideologi-
cal movements in south-east Europe. That was the
time of the formulation of the new South-Slav or
Yugoslav nation. That had a strong influence on art-
historical and artistic activities and created a need
for the invention of the new canons. A new situ-
ation produced new problems in the perception of
canons and thus began the 20th century canon ad-
venture in Serbian culture.
The basic common denominator in the creation
of Yugoslav culture was recognized in the com-
mon heroes of the folk epic poetry. As a result of
this opinion, the thematic references to epic hero
Kraljevi Marko and the heroes from the Battle of
Kosovo gained canonical values. Ivan Metrovi
(18831962)47 and a group of modern Croatian art-
45 , , in: - 48 . , -
, 34 ( 23. VIII 1881) 10671068. , 1990, 2733.
46 . , 49 . , -
, , - 1911. , 3 (1962), 237266; .
2006, 194209.
47 On early Metrovi cf. I. Kraevac, Ivan Metrovi i se-
cesija: BeMnchenPrag: 19001910, Zagreb 2002.
516 N. MAKULJEVI
ists had a particularly important role in this process.
They directed part of their activity towards creating
works of art with national Yugoslav thematic.48 An
international exposition held in Rome in 1911 testi-
fied of a complete transformation of old Serbian,
and characteristics of the newborn Yugoslav nation-
al canon. Metrovi and Croatian artists took part in
the arrangement of the pavilion of the Kingdom of
Serbia, with their seccesionist sculpture and paint-
ing.49 Metrovis approach to the creation of Yu-
goslav national art was also criticized by the public.
Painter and journalist Moa Pijade (18901957),
later an influential Yugoslav columnist and com-
munist, severely criticized Metrovis approach.
He clearly pointed at the fact that it is impossible
to build Yugoslav national art on the foundations of
Viennese modern art.50
The search for the national canon in Serbian 19th
century culture reveals the importance, mobility and
pluralism of canons. In the history and theory of art,
national canons were the necessary frameworks for
the understanding of both past and contemporary
works of art. National canons were not clearly de-
termined their role was to express the national
identity according to the concepts of the nation, the
comprehension of the past and aesthetic principles.
This shows the nature of national canons. They are
not given patterns, but constructions that comply
with the current understanding of culture, the created
tradition and ideological requirements. The function
of the canon was to serve the state and nation and it
was an important medium for the visual expression
of the national identity in the public sphere.
, 1911. -
, 16 (1980), 341385.
50 . , , 1963, 123.

XIX

- . -
XIX .
.
,
. -
.
.
- .

. .
- , -
- -
XIX . .
- -
, , , -
- .

INVENTING AND CHANGING THE CANON AND THE CONSTITUTION OF SERBIAN NATIONAL IDENTITY 517
 :

19101920.

.
,
.
.
.

,
-
, , ,
, , -
, . , , , , ,
, , -
. , , -
, , , , .
: , , ,

- -
, ,
, ,
( ) - -
, , , -
, ,
.1 - ,
, .
, -
, () -
,
, , ,
() -
(). , -
, -
-

. , , , ,
, ,
1 . , . -
-
( : De Chirico, Centre Georges
Pompidou, Paris 1983), in: 15 (1993), 90.
,

: 519
 -
- .2 -
-

, -
-


-
-
.3
1907.
, -

.
,
,
,


. 1. . , (), 1911.
. -
(1911),
. ,
(1911), (1912),
,
(1912)
, , , -

, -
. ,
.

.
XX , , -
,
, - ,
.
,
: , -
- ,
, - , -
. -
, . - , , ,
, -
, - , -
, . -
- -
- ,
. , -
- , -
, - ,
, -
, 2 P. Popovi, i-
. vorad Nastasijevi (rukopis magistarskog rada), Filozofski
fakultet, Beograd 1988.
, 1905. - 3 . , (), ,
, . . 801, 1966, sp.

520 .
 ,
-
-
.

()
1913. -

-
-

. ,
-
,
,
-
.
,
-

. 2. . , , 1915.

. -
- . ,
, -
mitteleuropisch . , ,
, -
, . , ,
, -
: . ,
-
, , , , -
,
, , -
4
. - ,
, -
. , . ,
, , , ,
, . ,
, -
, .
. , .
. ,
, ,
- .
. 1300 , , .
, 1914. , -
- , .
, - , -
, .

4 Ibid. . ,

: 521
 .5
,
,
.
, , :
. -
, .
,
: .
, .

, -
. ,
. -
. .6

, ,
, ,

,
.

. 3. . , ,
1917.

,

-
. , . 4. , 1917.
,
, , , -
, , ,
,
, ,
- ,
.
. , ,
- -
, , - . , -
. - 1919. -
1917.
: , 5 Ibid.
. 6 Ibid.

522 .
 . .8 ,
, , -
,
. -
, -
. ,

, .
, -
,
, : .
.
. , -
() ...7 , .

- ,
, , -
. , -
, ,
, , - ()
, 1920. , - .
,
. 8 Ibid.
-
,
,
( )
, -
-
. -

:
, ,
: . [...]

, .

,
.
[...]
, .
-
, ,

.
-
,
. -
(chercher), shersher
;
. 5. ,
7 Ibid. , 1917.

: 523
 THE SIX CITIES OF IVORAD NASTASIJEVI: MYTHOLOGY
AND MAGIC OF THE PLACE IN SERBIAN PAINTING 19101920
Simona upi
When Wieland Shmied wrote about the seven cit-
ies of Giorgio de Chirico, about his relocations pre-
senting stages in his mental development, about the
magic of places that were (almost always) announc-
ing a new orientation, what in fact he did was to de-
nominate his link with the space as a reference point
of the personal mythology of the artist, a stronghold
in the iconography of his work. Paraphrasing these
thoughts, an idea occurs on the six cities of ivorad
Nastasijevi, on his motion, on (imposed) historical
nomadism, on the magic of place as a stronghold
of collective mythology being shaped under the influ-
ence of an unbreakable link between the (national) art
and the space (of the nation). Since it was created in
close contact with the social, political and culturologi-
cal characteristics of a turbulent epoch in the history
of the Serbian society and all its contradictions pos-
sibilities, restrictions, heterogeneities the painting
of ivorad Nastasijevi and his contemporaries, was
marked by the tendencies, ideals and dilemmas of that
same epoch, that can be recognized in his ideologi-
cal contents, repertoire and motives. Belgrade, Mu-
nich, Corfu, Bizerte, Thessalonica and Paris are the
places of the life and professional relocations not only
of ivorad Nastasijevi, but of a whole generation of
524 .
Serbian artists. Intertwined with the politics of pres-
entation, rhetoric of picture, ideological narration and
historical association, the mentioned cities, in fact,
represent the central points in the map of the Serbian
history, and only then of its culture. The link between
the state and an individual was frequently officially
sealed. In Nastasijevis case, except when coming to
Belgrade for schooling a specific act of initiation,
representing in his own words the end of his auto-
didactic activities each of his further relocation
was instituted in some form of agreement with the
state: in case of Munich and Paris it was a profes-
sional development based on scholarship, in case of
Corfu, Bizerte and Thessalonica he was mobilized
and designated as a war painter. Nastasijevis reloca-
tions, being shaped first by common migrations and
then by the unavoidable social ones, call into question
the scope of interpretation of his work, based exclu-
sively on formal genesis and supposed subjectivity of
representation. Even more so, if we have in mind that
numerous Serbian artists have moved, along the same
imaginary map rarely enough having different points
of departure, therefore we may talk about a collective
experience and collective mythology having the con-
cepts of place and time as their key strongholds.


1946. 1947, ,
, ,
.
XX , , -
. , .
: , 1945, , ,
,

, ,
(19181996) 1973. , , , -
- , . -
,
, -
, -
XX .
. , , -
a , , -
, , ,
-
. ,1 .

1 (19241995) ,

. , ,
, , , - .
, , -
- . -
. [...] , , -
, . Cf. . , , in:
, (.
. [...] - . ), 2003, 171174.

525
 - 1,5 70 . [...]
, , 1946. , , , -
1947 - , -
. [...]
. , - ,
. [...] , ,
, - , -
, -
. - .5
, , -
(1953).
, , ,
, , -
2 . ,
3 (1951), , ,
- -
-,4 ,
,
( , ,
, ,
). [...].6 -
- ,
,
1951. -
, grosso modo,
1953. -
, - -
, ,
. , .
, - -
, , ,
.
, -
, ,
contro corrente.
2
,
-


,
-
, , -
. , ,
, 1956. .
(1947)
- 1966, -
. L. Merenik, Ideoloki modeli. Srpsko sli- -
karstvo 19451968, Beograd 2001.
, , ,
3 -
-
, 1951. ,
- ,
. 5 (
, ), 6.2.1977 ().
, cf. L. Merenik, op. cit. 6 , .
4 , ibid. , , 9.10.1953, 7.

526 .
 : , , ,
, , -
,

, -
,
-
,
-
, , (
), , -
.

-

,


,
,
1977. .7 -

-
-
( //
) -

. -
, ,
. 1. . , , 1952. , -
, -
, -
. ,
, -
, - , -,
-
. , -
1966. ,
, : -
,
(- ,
...
), ,
. ,
.8 ,
- -
, ,
1954. . ,
, -
7 .
1945. . - 8 Ibid.

527

,
- -

-
. -
,

()
-
, ,
,
,
, , -


( 1927),

, -

. 2. . , 73, 1973. -
.11
, -
- ,
. -
-
-
-
,


( )
,
, , -
: -
,
, - (
, - 1927), (1932/33)
: , -
, (1933) (1935).
, ,
, , , ;

!9 , -
- , -
, - ,
,
, , - .12
, , , -
, , , - , , -
(1946) (1947). , , ,
, - Commedia dell Arte,
, , -
10
11 .
9 Ibid. 12 . , 19001950, -
10 . , , 1984, 198202. 1973, 167169.

528 .
 ,
:


, -
-

.
,

. -

, .
-
-
, .
, ,
,
,
-
-
. , .
. 3. . , , 1959.

, .13 :
, (
). -
. , ,
, , ,
-

. ,

,
. ,
,
, , -
-
, ,
.
[...]
, , -
, , ,
, , ,
[...] - .
, - , -
.14
, - [...] -
, , - , ,
: ; , ,
( , 1974), , , ,
,15 , -
,
15 A schock between your civilization and my barbarism.
, -
Civilization from which you suffer, barbarism which has
been rejuvenation for me. The Eve of your civilized concep-
13 . , 19/20, 1996, 107 tion nearly always makes you, and makes us, misogynist; the
109. ancient Eve, who frightens you in my study might some day
14 . smile at you less bitterly. Cf. C. HarrisonF. FrascinaG.

529
 : ,
-
, -
.
, ,
.
- -
... - -
, , ,
- ; ,
. -
, , .
, ,
,
.
.
Perry, Primitivism, Cubism, Abstraction. The Early Twentieth
Century Art, Yale University PressLondon 1993, 2325.

MARIO MASKARELI THESES ON THE OFF-THE-MAIN-STREAM

ARTIST

Lidija Merenik

This text discusses the work of Mario Maskareli
created in the period from the forties to the seven-
ties of the 20th century. His early works, done within
the period of social realism, do not follow the politi-
cal dictate of that epoch. In the course of the fifties
and the sixties, Maskareli creates an artistic poetics
of specific method that singles him out of the main
stream of the Serbian post war modernism. Maskareli
declares his poetics in the exposition Many-Coloured
Eyes of the Wind (1953). In terms of the Yugoslav
and Serbian modernism, this was an early step out
into the imaginative and fictional, into the creation of
specific individual mythology. Maskarelis singular
personal poetics is recognized as a fundament of dif-
ferent cultural and artistic identity, as a characteristic
that marks Maskareli as an artist who has contributed
to the esthetics of the modernism of the sixties by
his dominant personal narration, that established an
implicit critical attitude towards the instituionalized
system of arts.

530 .


, -
, -
. -
- ,
.
, ,
,
.
: , , , ,

- ,
, .
- ,3 -
, -
, -
.1 - , j -
- ( ) -
, .4
, -
, - -
, -

, -
.2
,

, 3
- , -
, cf. . , ,
1 A. Milenkovi, Arhitektura horizonti vrednovanja, 1955.
Beograd 1988. 4 S. G. Bogunovi, Milje, in: Arhitektonska enciklopedija
2 A. Stupar, Grad globalizacije, Beograd 2009. Beograda XIX i XX veka, t. III, Beograd 2005, 13201326.

531
 -
.
,

,5
-
. (-
. . )

(,
, , - ,

), , , -
,
,
.

,6 -


. -
,
- , - . 1. , 18281893.
.
,
,
- ,
. -
, , -
, - .

,
- .
, - -
.7 ,
,
, - , -
,
. -
- , , -
. ,
.
, .
5 Z. Radman, Proces, povijest i progres umjetnosti, in: -
Umetnost i progres, Beograd 1988, 2123. ,8
6 . Fosijon, ivot oblika, Beograd 1964.
7 . adijevi, Prilog metodologiji tumaenja arhitekton-
ske istorije: Karakterisanje, klasifikovanje i periodizovanje 8 1760. .
izdvojenih pojava, in: Umetnost, arhitektura, dizajn (ur. D. Genius Seculi
Jelenkovi), Panevo 2007, 3953. .

532 A.
 -
. -
. -
.
, , -
, ,
. - .
, - -
,
-
. de novo
.
,
, ,
,
.9 ,

- -
, .

. , -
- ,
- ,
-
. .
, - , -
- ,
, ,
.
.10 - -
,
- ,
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9 E. Gombrich, In Search of Cultural History, Oxford
1969; J. Bijalostocki, Povijest umjetnosti i humanistike 11 E. Gombrich, Hegel und Kunstgeschichte, Neue Rund-
znanosti, Zagreb 1986. schau 2 (1977), 202219.
10 J. Bijalostocki, op. cit., 88. 12 . ijalostocki, op. cit., 89.

533
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, 14 V. Diltaj, Zasnivanje duhovnih nauka, Beograd 1980;
id., Izgradnja istorijskog sveta u duhovnim naukama, Be-
13 Ibid. ograd 1980.

534 A.
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. , Aedificatoria 1 (1990), 33.

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1979; . , ,
1987.
17 H. Walter-Kruft, A History of Architectural Theory,
New York 1994; M. Traktenberg-I. Hajman, Arhitektura od
preistorije do postmodernizma, Beograd 2006: . Denks,
Nova paradigma u arhitekturi, Beograd 2007. . 3. , 18331911.

536 A.
 Zeitgeist , - zeitgeist -
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, XLVXLVI
. ,
(19981999), 255277.
19 : P. Eisenman, The End of the Classical: The ,
End of the Beginning, the End of the End, Perspecta 21
(1984), 154172. 20 Ibid.

537
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THREE APPREHENSIONS OF THE HISTORICAL SPIRIT OF TIME

IN ARCHITECTURE

Aleksandar Kadijevi

For long time observed as a passive object of articula-
tion of the social reality architecture is treated today
as an equal projection of the spiritual self foundation,
political constructing and rhetorical self expression of
one period. Initiated with efficacy of the both theories,
except historiographers, considerable part of the com-
missioners and makers often use these key arguments
in the endeavor to rearrange architectural environ-
ment, to create a new milieu.
Under the influence of the German idealistic philoso-
phy even in the architectural profession during the last
centuries become established comprehension that on
the art development necessary influences phenomenon
characterized as a spirit of time. Considered not mate-
rial source which moves entire life and civilization
streams, uniting sprit of time is in Hegels philosophy,
as a modus of absolute spirit got prime significance.
Comprehended culture as a coherent environment,

539
 based on linking of the heritages of human acting
in different areas, Hegel theoretically strengthened
demands of builders of his period for stylistic unity
in architecture. He considered that manifestations of
individual periods of culture development have to be
express through stylistic unity because expressions of
unique spirit of time, which determinates everything
what in some moment human civilization creates.
Therefore, from the and of the 18th century until today
starter corpus of author sense permanent expressed in
layer interaction with proclaimed or recognized spir-
it of time, whose out artistic imperatives jeopardize
autonomy of artistic creations. It was only needed to
identify starter spirit to know which architectural style
in appropriate way reflects some historistically called
or newly founded period.
Experiences show that in architectural theory of the
20th century prevailed conviction that the most origi-
nal ideas unavoidable inferior to influence of general
cultural and historic circumstances, relatively total
contest that according comprehension of many inter-
preters basically determined by the concept of spirit
of time. With that that concept became a technical
legitimate and widely useful, equally represented in
valorization of the past as much as from actual social
and cultural streams.
Based on the critical analysis of up to now experienc-
es in understanding of complex phenomenon of spirit
of time in architecture, as like introduction of new ele-
ments in its conceptual problem it can be separated
three fundamental comprehensions which differently
treat its contents. The first is affirmative and objec-
tivistic, originated from its positive cultural reception.
The second is critical, that minimizes influence of
spirit of time on architectonic praxis considering it as
540 A.
a fictive argument of pragmatic theories, fertile syn-
tagm of speculative debate. There is the third skepti-
cal point of view, arise from experts minority which
is not controverting it s ontological status but reso-
lutely relate possibility of its entire reprimanding.
Influences of the past and diffuse actual spirit of time
should not disturb authentic authors consciousness in
expression of creating individualism. History of ar-
chitecture actually is showing that the most eminent
creators succeed to keep high level of artistic origi-
nality and also to satisfy general ideals of their time,
originated from general state of spirit (the most fre-
quently sprit of nation, belief, artistic will, industrial
and scientific development, loyalty to academic and
progressive ideologies, global linking etc.) and to
move boundaries and change customs. There is opin-
ion that the best creators are the one who persistently
defy to spirit of time and its main stream, starting
from the point of view that spirit of time is category
that presents the law for general, scholastic and con-
stant, desirable even fashionable, and that phenom-
enon valuable degrade.
It can be concluded that dual content of spirit of
time concept is marking its ontological status, theo-
retic comprehends and interpretations. Supporters of
constitutive forms, normative and respecters of the
customs wont renounce of objectivistic understand-
ing of spirit of time as a significant supporter for its
generalizations until opposed thinker to them always
deny possibility of the precise defining of spirit of one
time. Between constitutional and subversion, easy ac-
ceptations and regections life of that popular stag is
continuing, that in spite of critics still important and
whos the end of mandate is not seeing faintly.
KHALDEI AND HOLTOM:
SCHOOLING, WARRING AND PACIFYING
(Reecting the State of European Art and Art Historical Discourse
with Regard to Work of the 1940s, 1950s and 1960s)

Jeremy Howard

(In Memoriam Abdulkhakim Ismailov, the silent

Kumyk who now has a school named after him)

The art and place of the photographer Yevgeny Khaldei and the designer Gerald Holtom are the focus of discus-
sion here. Both have produced work that has achieved worldwide acknowledgment and dissemination, yet their
names and oeuvre remain largely excluded from art historical discourse. This paper analyses their respective
iconic images, i.e.: Khaldeis Soviet Victory Banner on the Berlin Reichstag 2 May 1945 and Holtoms Peace
symbol (1958). It then places these within the context of an aspect of their work that has been hitherto largely ig-
nored and yet which concerned them for much of the 1950s and beyond, namely the decoration and photograph-
ing of schools. Khaldeis and Holtoms mutual artistic association with the postwar regeneration of European
society through civic commissions is traced through a small number of examples of photographs and curtains.
The article concludes by placing this latter work, together with their more famous icons, in the context of a
prevailing, English-language, art historical canon, thereby asking questions of the direction and hierarchy of the
discourse.
Key words: Khaldei, Holtom, European post-war art, art historical discourse

Introduction Disarming Art History about ending war. Described as one of the most fa-
mous photographs ever,2 Khaldeis picture of the

Y
evgeny (Em) Khaldei (191797) and Ger-
ald Holtom (191485) did not exist. Neither
(currently) are in Oxford Art Online, the
most extensive and easily searchable online art re-
source available today, a virtual art reference library
of unparalleled scope and depth.1 Neither (current-
ly) appear in their most accessed and representa-
tive respective dictionaries of national biography.
Yet they created two of the most enduring images
of the 1940s and 1950s that the world has known.
One was a photograph, the other a logo. Both were
Soviet Victory Banner being raised on the German
Reichstag on 2 May 1945 contrasts strikingly with
Holtoms Peace Symbol, designed for what became
the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament in 1958.
Yet while the lives and other work of the two artists
also seemingly contrast, the sidelining of their oeu-
vres and approaches shows remarkable similarities.
This dismissal conveys far more about the ruling
art historical powers and strategies than about the
worthiness of their art. The subject/purpose of this
paper is threefold: 1. An elaboration of aspects of

1 http://www.oxfordartonline.com/subscriber/about; acces- 2 B. Moynahan, The Russian Century. A Photographic His-

sed 3 May 2010. tory of Russias 100 Years, New York 1994, 225.

KHALDEI AND HOLTOM: SCHOOLING, WARRING AND PACIFYING 541

 Khaldeis and Holtoms work; 2. An artistic and so-
cial contextualization of 1; and 3. An enquiry into
the state of Anglophone art historical discourse as
predicated by 1 and 2.
12.
Khaldeis Victory Banner
There is no need to go into the history of the
creation of Khaldeis Soviet Victory Banner on the
Berlin Reichstag 2 May 1945 (Fig. 1). That has
been done many times elsewhere.3 Nor is this the
place to go into the obfuscation and manipulation
of the photograph and its heroes that continued for
fifty years after its making. It should, however, be
noted that the photograph is actually a collection
of photographs. Further, the Red Army soldiers
Fig. 1. Y. Khaldei, Soviet Victory Banner on the Berlin Reichstag 2 May 1945.
3 Cf., for example, A. and A. Nakhimovsky, Witness to His-
tory. The Photographs of Yevgeny Khaldei, New York 1997,
1011; M. Grosset, Khaldei: Un photoreporter en Union
Sovitique, Paris 2004; Jewgeni Chaldej. Der Bedeutende
Augenblick (eds. E. Volland H. Krimmer), Leipzig 2008;
. , , -, ,
2007, these place Victory Banner within broader analyses of
Khaldeis output.
542 J. HOWARD
are not who they were considered to be until the
mid1990s. Rather, they are Aleksey Kovalyev
(192597), who, in the image that over time has be-
come regarded as the most iconic, actually grasps
and waves the flag above roofless, shattered Ber-
lin, and Abdulkhakim Ismailov (19162010), who
holds Kovalyev.
Suffice it to say that the drama of this celebrated
version of Victory Banner owes much to Khaldeis
sensitive eye and instinct for quality artifice. Much
of the power derives from the composition, with
the darkened diagonal of the Reichstags cornice
piercing the horizontal panorama of ruined Berlin
and smoke-filled sky. Silhouetted in profile along
the diagonal as if watching over the city are two
lifesize, semi-naked allegorical statues that had
adorned the German parliament since its comple-
tion in the mid1890s. Significantly their strident
forms marked the east front of the southeast corner
tower and comprised one-eighth of the Reichstag
tower sculpture programme
that was designed to convey
the diverse, enlightened, mod-
ern and progressive economic
and social achievements of
overarching Wilhelmine cul-
ture. While he could have
juxtaposed Kovalyev and Is-
mailov with Agriculture,
Craft, Electricity, Brew-
ing, Art, Justice, States-
manship or Industry, for
example, instead Khaldei ap-
propriately settled on the ath-
letic figures of Rudolf Mai-
sons Military Might at Sea
and Military Might on Land.
Thus the twinned allegories of
armed Reich force have been
photographed stopped in their
eastward tracks and joined,
in their blind eastern gaze
towards devastation and So-
viet tanks, by two Red Army
interlopers astride the fourth crown finial from the
tower. Kovalyevs pilotka cap, the handle of his
gun, and, most significantly, the makeshift flagpole
and Soviet victory banner dominate the centre fore-
ground and draw attention away from Germania.
Far from the idealised, confident and masculine
poses of the military statues the young Ukrainian
and Kumyk appear awkward, vulnerable and tran- clear power. This context is reflected in the picto-
sient. Ironically, given that his identity remained rial resolution arrived at by Holtom, an artist who,
hidden until 1995, for all the cropping of Ismailovs concurrent with the burgeoning nuclear arms race,
body, with his face clearly visible under his furazh- articulated a socially-committed artistic programme
ka peak cap, it is the Dagestani soldier who is most for English communities recovering and being re-
clearly identifiable. And it is the counter-diagonal shaped after the Second World War German bomb-
of his whitened right arm (from which Khaldei de- ing of Britain. Graphic, abstract, symmetrical and
leted his second watch thereby adding to the com- devoid of all detail Peace is a far cry from Khal-
plexity of temporal shifts implicit in the image), deis horizontally-composed rectangular, figurative,
which combines with that of the pole to exaggerate busy scene of urban destruction.
the rhombic space of the banner and, in particular,
its whitened star, hammer and sickle. While the ob-
lique, longer sides of the banner largely coincide
with the lines of the Reichstag roof and the direc-
tion of Hermann Gring Strasse (now Ebertstrasse)
below, the opposing diagonal of Ismailovs arm and
the flagpole imitates that of the stone German sol-
diers war implement. However, the latter, placed
in the distance, appears comparatively diminutive.
For all its apparent frailty then Soviet manhood is
seen as supreme. The significance is manifold, es-
pecially since the Ukrainian Jewish photographers
father and three sisters had been murdered by the
SS Einsatzgruppen not long before.

Holtoms Peace
While Khaldeis photograph signalled the end
of the Battle of Berlin, one of the bloodiest battles
in history, and the culminating European offensive
in the worst war the world had hitherto known,
Holtoms motif strove to ensure that the ensuing,
putative peace would be maintained. Thus despite
a mutual offering of hope through emblems and so-
cial engagement, Victory Banner was created at a Fig. 2. G. Holtom, Sketches for Banners for the
moment of embroilment and celebration while the Aldermaston Nuclear Disarmament March, 1958.
Peace Symbol emerged at a moment of alienation
and despair. What lay in between the two works was
a nuclear arms race that had been introduced to the For all its ubiquity, historical coverage4 and well-
world three months after Victory Banner appeared, known/disputed symbolic associations, it is worth
i.e. with the USAs atomic bombing of Hiroshima offering a few points concerning the appearance of
and Nagasaki in August 1945. In response, and due Peace. Conceived in Twickenham, west London,
to the increasing antagonism between the worlds on 21 February 1958 it was to be a readily-identi-
dominant political regimes, by 1949 the USSR was fiable, unique insignia for action demanding (uni-
testing nuclear weapons, Britain followed in 1952, lateral) nuclear disarmament (Fig. 2). As a member
France in 1960 and China in 1964. In the midst of of the newly-formed Direction Action Committee
this escalation of threat to the planets survival,
Britain detonated nine hydrogen bombs over islands 4 Cf., for example, K. Kolsbun, Peace: The Biography of
in the central Pacific Ocean (Operation Grapple, a Symbol, Washington 2008; B. Miles, Peace: 50 Years of
195658) and in the process became a thermonu- Protest, London 2008.

KHALDEI AND HOLTOM: SCHOOLING, WARRING AND PACIFYING 543

 against Nuclear War (DAC),
Holtom designed it to assist
the conducting of non-violent
action to obtain the total re-
nunciation of nuclear war and
its weapons in Britain and all
other countries as a first step
in disarmament.5 Initially, it
was to be used on the paci-
fists four-day, eighty-kil-
ometre Easter march from
Nelsons Column, Trafalgar
Square, London to the Atom-
ic Weapons Research Es-
tablishment at Aldermaston,
Berkshire (47 April 1958).
Barry Miles has provided an
informed, illustrated account
of its genesis.6 Further, surviv-
ing sketches by Holtom pro-
vide evidence of his concept
and indicate how it contribut- Fig. 3. The Peace Symbol, still from end of March to Aldermaston film (1959)
ed to a part-secularised vision
of traditional Easter proces-
sions.7 The first reports of Peaces place appeared his work as the unifying visual vocabulary for the
the day after the marchers set off, e.g.: Above peace movement. Significantly, the film has shots
them bobbed the signs of the Campaign for Nu- of marchers holding paper versions of the black-
clear Disarmament, a sort of formalised white but- on-white quadrilateral of Holtoms original sketch.
terfly which, it appeared, was the semaphore sign This was not simply the black circle around three
8
for N. D.. Lindsay Andersons pioneering cam- straight (one upright, two at 45 degrees below hori-
paign film, March to Aldermaston (1959), reveals zontal) lines that Peace was subsequently primarily
throughout its thirty-minute charting of the four identified with. Holtoms black arms gently splay
day procession that the marchers prominently held as they move outwards, turning the white disc from
up white-on-black versions of Peace as lollipops. a full moon to a veined quatrefoil, the four lobes of
The white Peace also appears at the end, emerging which appear as an organic orb. With the expanding
from the line of marchers and terminating as a white diagonals acting as buttresses to the upright, which
sign of hope in blackness (as opposed to the empty they meet in the centre, the whole becomes some-
blackness with which the film commences) (Fig. 3). thing akin to an abstract representation of unified,
In fact the documentary, made by The Film and coordinated, aspirational life and growth. The up-
T.V. Committee for Nuclear Disarmament, focuses per two lobes recall the shapes of human lungs, the
a great deal of attention on a distinctive set of ban- lower two petals, the whole a butterfly in flight.
ners by Holtom and thereby, along with the numer- The delicacy and poignancy of Holtoms design,
ous photographs of the march, helped established with the potential it contains for multiple readings
and meanings, are furthered (and complicated) by an
5 DAC Policy Statement, adopted 10 April 1958.
understanding of what it meant for him personally.
6 B. Miles, Peace, especially 6485.
The original has formal parallels with Kazimir Ma-
levichs early Suprematist work, with its non-objec-
7 The sketches are in the Commonweal collection, Univer-
tive, non-colour emphasis on basic geometric shapes,
sity of Bradford.
8 Our London staff, Early defections in march to Alder-
e.g. Black Quadrilateral and Black Cross (1915)
and Circle, Square and Cross (1920), which had in-
maston but 2000 still in the running, The Guardian, 5 April
1958. troduced to modern art an holistic, purifying sense

544 J. HOWARD
of overcoming corrupting human, earthly forces in
order to be in tune with a cosmic order. It can also
be compared with Nicholas Roerichs Pax Cultura
symbol (1935), with its triangle of red circles within
red-encircled white space, invoking the sacredness
of culture and its preservation. But Holtom apparent-
ly did not make these connections himself. Rather,
for him, there was a relationship with what may be
considered other symbolic icons and a self-portrait:
he explained... that it was the semaphore for
the initials N and D, Nuclear Disarmament,
but that the broken cross could also mean the
death of man, whereas the circle symbolised
the unborn child. In combination it repre-
sented the terrible threat nuclear weapons
posed to humanity, including the unborn.9
... I drew myself: the representative of an
individual in despair, with hands palm out-
stretched outward and downward in the
manner of Goyas peasant before the firing
squad... I formalised the drawing into a line
and put a circle around it... It was ridiculous
at first and such a puny thing...10
Given that the Aldermaston march was to com-
mence from the best known symbol of British en-
gagement in the Napoleonic Wars, the association
with Goyas anti-Napoleonic art is fitting. However,
while Holtom alluded to his inspiration being from
The Third of May 1808 (1814), the Goya may well
have actually been the frontispiece, Sad Presenti-
ments of what must come to pass, for The Disasters
of War (181820) series of prints, since this con-
tains more formal similarities. Sad Presentiments
is simply a full-frontal centralised, kneeling male
figure with arms outstretched downwards and open
palms who is surrounded by abstract darkness. One
of the last of the etchings that Goya made for the
set, the martyr, aware of his fate, looks up to the
black sky in a resigned, desperate appeal.
Peaces derivation from Semaphore also relates
it to the Peninsula War, and not least the Battle of
Trafalgar, since it was then that the modern naval
9 B. Miles, Peace, 78. Miles also indicates its probable in-
debtedness to the graphic symbols for the man dies (diago-
nals and upright) and the unborn child (circle) published
by Rudolf Koch, in his Book of Signs (Das Zeichenbuch,
1923; popular English edition, 1955).
10 Letter to Hugh Brock, 1973, as cited in B. Miles, op.
cit., 80.
KHALDEI AND HOLTOM: SCHOOLING, WARRING AND PACIFYING
system of distant visual communication was initiat-
ed. It was to employ handheld two-coloured square
flags on short poles with the positions representing
letters. N is with both arms lowered at 45 degrees,
D is with one arm raised and the other lowered ver-
tically. In stylised form, and within pencilled cir-
cles, the semaphore N and D are depicted (and ex-
plained by captions) astride Holtoms broken black
cross-in-square original Peace. In the accompany-
ing early sketch for DAC Holtom revealed alter-
native emblems for the march that were likewise
based on nautical visual alphabetic signs in this
case November and Delta from the Internation-
al Code of Signals (ICS). This sketch contains lines
of marchers carrying the squared emblematic ban-
ners, as well as two long, frieze-like banners pro-
claiming Nuclear Disarmament to the public on
the street. At each end of the smaller of these was a
circular Peace. At the left end of the larger one was
a square blue and white chequered flag, while at the
right end appeared a flag comprised of two hori-
zontal yellow bands surrounding a blue band. These
flags also appear among the marchers. Holtom has
captioned them: International Code Flag N (Nega-
tive) and International Code Flag D. (Keep out of
my way. Im manoeuvring with difficulty!). This
is exactly in keeping with their ICS interpretation,
which had been devised for transnational communi-
cation in hazardous situations.
Holtom and his assistants turned the Goya/
Semaphore-derived Peace into five hundred silk-
screened lollipop banners. Having avoided the cross
and its association with bloody crusades, he still
connected with a universal representation of hope
and rebirth after despair. In the sketch where they
appear with the ICS flags the Peace symbols are
variously coloured black, brown, red and green.
He subsequently revealed his concept for Peaces
colour-spiritual meaning:
This was an Easter March: the ancient
Spring Solstice Festival to which Christi-
anity had attached the Celebrations of the
crucifixion and the resurrection ceremony.
From Winter to Spring, from Death to Life.
It was my intention to use the black and
white symbols on Friday and Saturday and
change to green on Sunday and Monday as
a token gesture and prelude to a more dra-
matic revolutionary action... I made pockets
in the main banners so that they would take
545
 a bunch of spring flowers on Easter Sunday
and Monday... I intended the lollypops to be
stuck into the ground on their wood laths at
stopping places so that they would appear
like a Field of Remembrance in which a
great family picnic was taking place...11
Holtom goes to School
Holtoms reductive, encompassing visual lan-
guage, as witnessed in the Peace icon actually
owed much to his work as a textile designer. This
has received scant art historical coverage. Yet, in
a concerted attempt to raise the living conditions,
prospects and spirits of the masses, he joined many
other British artists who created public art for all
kinds of civic spaces that rose out of the bombed
urban centres. For all the financial constraints and
political foibles, the fifties and sixties marked a time
to start afresh and to reinvigorate. The wave of new
festivals, municipal authority buildings, community
centres, churches, libraries, entertainment venues,
schools, colleges, shopping centres and parks cried
out for artistic engagement.
Among those who were recruited to create civic
art in England were Kenneth Rowntree, Peter Peri,
Peggy Angus, Henry Moore and Gerald Holtom.
All of these agreed to decorate schools in one way
or another. Rowntree produced murals, Peri and
Moore sculptures, Angus tiled walls and Holtom
curtains. Andrew Saint seems to have been the first
to have realized that the latter marked an excep-
tional highlight in what he considers the otherwise
largely feeble and transient postwar attempts to
bring professional art into the new school environ-
ment and into the service of the child:
Holtoms series of curtains for halls and
stages, started for the Batford Primary School
at Harpenden in 1949, went on right through
the Herts [Hertfordshire] primary programme
and the Ministry of Educations experimental
schools up to 1962. Holtom began with sim-
ple, printed textiles and brought in Edward
Bawden to discuss the range and produce
a few designs. Later he was to move on to
some dramatic experiments in textile appli-
11 G. Holtom, article in Peace News, 1961, quoted from K.
Kolsbun, op. cit., 36.
546 J. HOWARD
qu work, notably a series of one-off stage
curtains for secondary schools which ex-
plored the history and location of each school
with audacity and wit. His curtains constitute
a unique record of accumulated thought and
attention to applied art in British schools.
And, as so often, the chance of working co-
operatively on a developing programme gave
Holtom a rational satisfaction which the iso-
lated artist rarely enjoys: It was an inspira-
tion which made possible and practical a way
of life for me which gave me the conviction
that I was doing something worthwhile in life
and to the limits of my capabilities.12
Saint avoids specific details and does not go
on to visually analyse the four Holtom school cur-
tains he reproduces. Yet a brief survey here can be
useful in isolating certain formal properties coin-
cident with those of Peace. Further, it also allows
Holtoms work to be placed in the context of other
leading British artists of the postwar era, not least
Peggy Angus and Ben Nicholson.
It is worth noting that the Holtom schools men-
tioned by Saint are from diverse parts of England,
e.g.: Hemel Hempstead, Hertfordshire; Whitley
Abbey Comprehensive School, Coventry; Looe
School, Cornwall; and The Parks Secondary Modern
School, Belper, Derbyshire. It is not known whether
the curtains have survived (the pioneering Whitley
Abbey and Parks schools have been demolished).
What is clear is that Holtom was collaborating on
the most innovatory English state school projects
of the 1950s, with leading architects such as David
Medd and Mary Crowley, and that his modern vis-
ual language provided a warm and rich counterbal-
ance to the functionalist, often prefabricated, con-
crete, steel, asbestos and glass structures. Thus at
Belper, in the school hall which doubled as a music
room and corridor, Holtoms stage curtains featured
stylised depictions of textile manufacture in accord
with the towns nineteenth century development as
a mill town. For Coventry, in 1955, Holtom provid-
12 A. Saint, Towards a Social Architecture. The Role of
School Building in Post-War England, New HavenLondon
1987, 93. Holtoms school work (and collaboration with the
much better acknowledged artist Bawden, requires consid-
erable further attention. Here, I can only offer some intro-
ductory observations. Holtom also designed appliqu wall
hangings and altar cloths for new urban churches (e.g. in
Coventry and London) in the late fifties and early sixties.
Fig. 4. G. Holtom, Stage Curtain, Whitley Abbey Fig. 5. G. Holtom, Stage Curtain, Looe School, Cornwall,
Comprehensive School, Coventry, 1955 c. 1950s

ed a curtain that, appropriately for a stage, played tone strips of coloured fabric stitched together as if
dynamically, abstractly and boldly with spatial il- a collage as that at Whitley Abbey. Now, however,
lusion (Fig. 4). Hinting at the medieval architecture the curtain appears as a montage of flags and the
of the Whitley Abbey estate on which the school scene is purely marine with a series of four, side-
was built, and adding religious iconography in the viewed sailboats depicted within an abstract ground
form of a linearly described angel with censor, re- that only in a couple of small places appears to
cumbent effigy gravestone and praying saint, the be water or sky. The sense of coordinated, nature-
curtain comprises several scenes of Gothic image- borne movement and navigation, not least that of a
ry. Through their interlinking the spectators eye modern yacht contained within a black rectangle,
moves from darkened broad archways to a narrow accords with nautical signalling sources of Peace.
curved staircase and on to silhouettes of high build- Even closer to such sources is the repeated pattern
ings punctuated by pointed windows and topped by seen on the full height curtain for the fenestrated
tall chimneys and an elaborate weathervane. For wall of the Hemel Hempstead school (Fig. 6). For
all the flattened, simplified surface treatment of the all its inland location (in a new town northwest of
large colour forms with their collage-like arrange- London), with its combination of red, white and
ment there is considerable sense of receding space. yellow squares, crosses and circles, this appears
This is created by the domi-
nant blackened arches, partic-
ularly that in the centre which
appears as a entrance into hal-
lowed cloister space, with its
Rest in Peace figure.
While Whitley Abbey con-
veys some of Peaces concern
with fate and harmonised,
collective and predominantly
civil energy, Holtoms cur-
tain for Looe connects with
Peaces maritime sources
(Fig. 5). Located on the south
coast of England, Looe was a
small community sustained by
fishing and its port life. The
stage curtain uses the same
large, mainly vertical mono- Fig. 6. G. Holtom, Window curtains, Hemel Hempstead School, c. 1950s

KHALDEI AND HOLTOM: SCHOOLING, WARRING AND PACIFYING 547

 as a flagship for Holtoms blend of maritime-
constructive-Suprematism. With this in mind it is
worth mentioning that Holtom graduated from the
Royal College of Art, London, in 1935 just at
the time that Naum Gabo was visiting and about
to embark, in the cause of abstract public art, on
the groundbreaking publication of Circle: An In-
ternational Survey of Constructivist Art, with Ben
Nicholson. The tapering white horizontals contain
red circles and therefore appear as the ICS pennant
for the number one. These are collated with regu-
larly repeated red and white vertical stripes which,
in ICS language, stand for H the twinned initials
of Hemel Hempstead as well as Hertfordshire, the
most advanced postwar educational authority in
England. Stylistic similarities may be found with
Nicholsons precise, interlocked abstract colour-
form painting of his Cornwall period. Further, and
perhaps more particularly, the Hemel Hempstead
school curtain, along with Peace, is worth com-
paring with Peggy Anguss tile designs, not least
the Circle, Wave and Stripe tiles created for of Soviet life (and ideology) in the fifties and six-
the Festival of Britain school at Lansbury, Poplar,
London, c. 1951. In yellow, grey and white these
abstract square tiles covered the main wall of the
entrance foyer. Their repeated combination, was
conceived to convey a feeling of peace and victo-
ry, jollity and flying flags.13 It was no coincidence
that Angus had also decorated a Hemel Hempstead
school (South Hill Primary, 1951) and that she had
been an active (and founding) member of the Art-
ists International Association, following her return
to London from a study trip to the Soviet Union in
1932. The proclaimed goal of the AIA was Uni-
ty of Artists for Peace, Democracy and Cultural
Development. Holtom, his Peace and his school
work, can be identified with such ambition.14
Khaldei goes to School
At precisely the same time as Holtom was spe-
cializing in decorating schools, Khaldei began to
specialize in photographing them. Having, on 7 Oc-
13 Peggy Angus, as quoted in K. Arber, Patterns for Post-
War Britain The Tile Designs of Peggy Angus, London,
2002 13.
14 Concerning the history, activities and membership of
AIA, which by 1958 was largely defunct, cf. for example,
R. Radford, Art for a Purpose. The Artists International As-
sociation 19331953, Winchester 1987.
548 J. HOWARD
tober 1948, lost the photojournalist post he had held
at the TASS (Telegraph Agency of the Soviet Union)
news agency since 25 October 1936, and only join-
ing the Pravda newspaper in c. 1958, he spent much
of the fifties working on independent projects. Fore-
most among these figure his photographs of school-
children. This concern appears to have developed
from his first assignment after being removed from
TASS: in November 1948 he began to work for the
USSR Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign
Countries, an early commission being to photo-
graph Children of Factory Workers for the Societys
Exhibition department. To this end, he was sent
to Moscows primary textile mill, the Three Hills
(Trekhgornaya) Manufactory to produce his first
batch of images. There followed more educational
and youth-centred projects for the Society, e.g. a se-
ries of photographs in Leningrad dedicated to Why
Soviet People want Peace (1949) and a photograph-
ic essay of Koreans at Moscow Higher Education
Institutions (1950).15 Khaldeis unique chronicling
ties is peppered with images of schools and pioneer
camps. In these the eye that he had shown on the
Reichstag roof reveals itself in new symbols of hope
for the future. Thus, for example, he would photo-
graph groups of grinning young boys and girls, the
latter with white bows in their tied hair and holding
bouquets of flowers, arriving for their very first day
of schooling (1st September). Being shepherded by a
young smiling female teacher ringing a bell in their
midst, and nourished by life-enhancing sunshine,
the call for collective optimism is clarion.
Khaldeis school photographs can be grouped
into sets, some of which overlap: 1st September;
lessons; performance; pioneer activities; the jour-
ney to and from school. These can be read in terms
of, e.g.: 1) contemporary pedagogy in the USSR;
2) Khaldeis artistry; 3) Soviet ideology and propa-
ganda; 4) the places, spaces, faces and materials of
Soviet education; 5) comparison with other (his-
torical and contemporary) representations and ac-
tualities of schooling across the world; and 6) what
they may say about the canons of art history. While
space in the current volume makes it impossible to
detail these levels of meaning or even the means by
which they are conveyed, a brief survey of a few
attributes is worth offering. First, though staging
15Y. Khaldei subsequently worked for the Soviet Club and
Amateur Performance magazines from 195157.
is virtually always manifested Khaldei avoids the for socialist art through non-individualized qualities
stiff conventions of year of class photographs and of peopleness, ideological content, class char-
instead adopts a range of viewpoints-interventions acter, Party spirit and typicality. What is clear
around the classrooms and outside of school. This is that he covers distinct ranges of institutions and
contributes to a sense of stylized informality and activities. The former include schools that are rural
spontaneity since he shoots from the back, front, and urban, southern and northern, day and evening,
side and above. Through such angles he reveals nursery and adult, technical and musical, naval and
a dynamic, orderly system with teachers mov- army, as well as pioneer palaces and camps. The
latter include biology, phys-
ics, geography, mathematics,
literature, dance and piano
lessons, as well as parading,
drilling, break time, school
visits, accordian playing,
singing, aeroplane modelling,
and picture studying. Where
actual locations are evident
these are revealed by promi-
nent signage, such as that of
the Giant (Gigant) Pioneer
Camp in Krasnodar region
or the Stalin Metal Works in
Leningrad.
Starting with the last (Fig.
7), here it is worth pausing
on two images that hint at the
extent of Khaldeis personal
panorama of Soviet educa-
tion. The Stalin Metal Works
(LMZ) had been founded in
1857 as the St. Petersburg
Metal Works by the merchant
Sergey Rasteryaev. The vast,
red brick factory was built on
the banks of the River Neva in
St. Petersburg and became one
Fig. 7. Y. Khaldei, Leningrad Metal Works named after Stalin, c. 1950s of Tsarist Russias primary
producers of steel structures,
machines, equipment and
ing among students, and pupils studying at desks, arms. In the Soviet era it was to be a fundamental
standing saying their lessons or walking collec- contributor to the industrialization and electrifica-
tively. Decorum is preserved not by remote disci- tion programmes of the Communist Party. In the fif-
plinarian teachers towering over a class from the ties, specializing in huge turbines for hydroelectric
front but by adequate light and space, regular hair power production and pioneering new steam and
and dress codes, standardized double desk rows, gas turbine types, the Stalin Metal Works became
clement weather, use of pristine teaching aids and an international showpiece for Soviet achievement
equipment, and by the children (often appearing (with, for example, Nehru and Nixon visiting in
unsupervised) themselves. 1955 and 1959 respectively). The factory had a his-
It is hard, from my distance at least, to identify tory of pioneering vocational-technical education
specific schooling sites in Khaldeis photographs. for the children of its (and other) workers. This had
Rather he fulfills Lenins generalizing prerequisites commenced in 1879 but been in interrupted by the

KHALDEI AND HOLTOM: SCHOOLING, WARRING AND PACIFYING 549

 1917 Revolution. In 1930 the USSRs first Higher es. The viewer is thus presented with the scene of
Technical Institute had been opened as part of LMZ learning as if a participant in the class. The actors
with teenagers being trained in turbine and boiler comprise three girls and a young female teacher.
manufacture. Following the Second World War, in Their positioning is symmetrical we observe, di-
which 3021 LMZ workers died, and in anticipation agonally from the right side of the room, the backs
of the massive expansion of Soviet heavy industry, of two girls seated at the front desk and the pro-
on 1st September 1947 the LMZ School for Work- files of the two young women standing before the
ing Youth No. 58 opened, with the youngsters being blackboard. Behind the teacher, who herself stands
given an elementary technical education in three abreast of the corner of the room, is a framed no-
shifts. Khaldeis photograph from a few years later tice announcing in Ukrainian that this is the Study
shows a crocodile of about fourteen boys walking Corner of Class 10-B. This could identify the
in uniformed unison along the pavement in front girls as seventeen or eighteen-year olds. Whether
of the tall brick building, towards, one assumes, the distinct dress/facial/hair types can identify the
its main entrance. The day is sunny. The road and girls as ethnically Ukrainian is beyond this com-
pavement are well asphalted, clean and clear. At- mentator, but what can be said is that the girl at the
tended at the rear by a striding male teacher the line blackboard, in her patterned short-sleeved blouse,
of boys parallels the horizontals of the pavement, knee-length pleated skirt and long muddy working
the factory windows, stringcourses and, most strik- boots looks like a healthy young country woman.
ingly, the frieze-like sign that shouts in upper case Seen full-figure, with hands behind her back and
Cyrillic LENINGRAD METAL WORKS NAMED smiling modestly towards the teacher (with whom
AFTER STALIN with the date 1857 enclosed by she is of equal height), she is brightly lit by Khal-
a circle at either end. While this might have formal deis artificial light source. This symbol of vigorous
similarities with the frieze banners made virtually youthful Ukrainian womanhood who has been out
simultaneously by Holtom for
the Aldermaston march, the
coincidence is accentuated by
the twinned lines of boys just
below the sign and the fact
that it ends in two verticals
(in this case not batons but a
drainpipe and masonry shaft).
The photograph also displays
badge art through two circular
Orders of Lenin placed sym-
metrically above the sign.
There is, however, one incon-
gruous element the verti-
cal of the second aluminium
drainpipe has been cut just
above the E of LENIN-
GRAD. Symbolism above
pragmatism.
The second Khaldei school
photograph (Fig. 8) has much
to contrast it with that of LMZ.
It represents a French Les-
son in a rural evening school
in the Ukraine in 1958. The
action takes place in a small
classroom and is seen from
behind two double desks with
sloping wooden work surfac- Fig. 8. Y. Khaldei, French Lesson in a Rural Evening School, Ukraine, 1958.

550 J. HOWARD
in the fields is juxtaposed with the literary interna-
tionalism of the blackboard. Written in white chalk
across the top of the board is the date, indicative
of the fresh start of the new school year, in French
Le premier septembre 1958. Beneath this on a
white panel, on which the girls profiled shadow is
cast, is, fittingly, the present indicative conjugation
of the French Se laver, to wash oneself. Inde-
pendent purification and transnational communica-
tion/understanding were what Holtom also sought.
3.
Using Khaldei and Holtom
for some Observations
on Anglophone Art History
Khaldei, who the world is belatedly getting to
know through a series of recent and posthumous in-
ternational one-man exhibitions and awards (e.g. in
France, the USA, Germany, Ukraine and Russia), is
often referred to as the Russian Robert Doisneau.
One day it might be possible to refer to Doisneau as
the French Yevgeny Khaldei, or indeed, them both
as counterparts to the Greek photographer of mid-
twentieth century war and schooling, Voula Papaio-
annou, herself a unique amazon for peace. One day
too, it would be nice to be able to consider Kha-
ldeis oeuvre in a broader interpretative context,
e.g.: first in relation to contemporary Soviet so-
cialist realist painting (e.g. that of Tatyana Yablon-
skaya) and school films (i.e. from Mark Donskoys
Village Schoolmistress, 1947); second as integral to
the historical development of photography and civic
art respectively; and third in relation to alternative
aesthetic and ideological developments.
For the time being, at least here in this nook of
the British isles, the situation for both Khaldei and
Holtom is representative of a wider problem. With
no art historical monographs in English on the art-
ists, the student of mid-twentieth century European
art must essentially rely on the internet. As a re-
sult of their two most iconic works both Khaldei
and Holtom have (currently highly flawed) en-
tries in the English language versions of Wikipe-
dia, scorned by orthodox, rigorous and penetrating
art history.16 Surely then, the artistic merit of their
16
Cf. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yevgeny_Khaldei and
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gerald_Holtom.
KHALDEI AND HOLTOM: SCHOOLING, WARRING AND PACIFYING
work is dubious. If what considers itself the art his-
torical establishment has decided to ignore them
then their place must be questioned. Or should it
be that the prevailing guidance of art history and
its criteria for worthy art should be questioned? A
healthy and confident discipline, for which enquiry
is paramount, should relish its approaches and con-
tent being critiqued. Let us check how robust it is
feeling... In 2010 the School of Art History at the
University of St Andrews, one of the leading and
largest art historical study centres in Britain, decid-
ed to retitle and reconfigure its collective-delivered
course on recent art. Having been The Interna-
tional Modern Movement 19051990 for two dec-
ades the second year survey module has begun its
transformation into Art, Culture and Politics, from
1900 to Now. So far so good.
Khaldeis and Holtoms work currently falls
right in the chronological centre of the period cov-
ered by the new Art, Culture and Politics, from
1900 to Now. Their relationship to the art and is-
sues dealt with could be regarded as pivotal. They
can be seen to archetypically represent two sides of
an artistic dialectic between east and west, left and
right, abstract and figurative, bourgeois and
proletarian (capitalist and socialist blocs), religious
and secular. At the heart of the St. Andrews module
is a week dedicated to Postwar Crisis, lectures
scheduled on Pollock and the Politics of Abstract
Expressionism, Gesture, Colour-Field and Criti-
cal Responses and Postwar Painting in Europe,
and a tutorial dedicated to comparing and contrast-
ing attitudes to figuration in the USA and Europe.
Yet neither Khaldei or Holtom currently feature in
the course readings, bibliography or seminar topics.
Indeed, the specified readings for the Postwar
week are crammed with studies of Jackson Pollock,
Abstract Expressionism, Alberto Giacometti and
Francis Bacon. Painting (and, to a far lesser extent,
sculpture), self and trauma rule.
The set texts and introductory readings for Art,
Culture and Politics are dominated by standard,
mainstream and very valuable English sources,
mostly edited by Paul Wood of the Open University
at Milton Keynes, southern England. Essentially, for
all their apparent inclusiveness, these are predicat-
ed upon the championing of a canon of European
and American so-called modernisms and what
are conceived as largely unsatisfactory alternatives/
responses to these. Two, of these textbooks are
vast surveys: Harrison and Woods Art in Theory
19002000. An Anthology of Changing Ideas (Ox-
551
 ford, 2002) runs to almost 1300 pages and 340 texts,
while Foster, Buchloh, Krauss and Boiss Art since
1900. Modernism, antimodernism and postmodern-
ism (London, 2004) charts a century-worth of devel-
opments through 700+ lavishly illustrated US letter-
sized pages. However, it could be contended that
for many, or most, artists, historians and students
of twentieth and twenty-first century art, questions
of modernism, let alone responses to it/them, are
irrelevant. Indeed it is possible to argue that just
as important as such theoretical straitjacketing by
distanced commentators for the benefit of conven-
ient (hegemonic) packaging of trends is an investi-
gation into certain aspects, artists, movements and
fields that they consistently ignore. Shedding light
on a couple of figures such as Khaldei and Holtom,
whose work has been globally disseminated and
recognised yet who remain excluded from the de-
bate, should help us to not only comprehend some-
thing of the contributions of those absent two, but
also something of the direction of the debate. Thus
limitations, agendas and, maybe, anachronisms of
the establishment discourse may be suggested.
Khaldei was a photographer of schools, Holtom
a designer of school curtains. There is an English-
language monograph on Khaldei but it features no
schools. There is no monograph on Holtom but he is
featured in books on activism. The Khaldei tome is
essentially a visual survey of his photographs of the
Second World War in central and eastern Europe.
The Holtom references are to the postwar peace
movement. He is also cited as a graphic designer
or commercial artist. Khaldeis and Holtoms war,
peace and schooling work were just as emblematic,
if not more so, of key trends in 1940s and 1950s
European art as the grotesques of Picasso (e.g. The
Charnel House), Bacon (e.g. Pope Innocent X), Jean
552 J. HOWARD
Fautrier, Jean Dubuffet and Lee Miller. In fact, if
anything, they should be joined on a pedestal of the
age by artists such as Voula Papaioannou, Bronislaw
Linke and Friedl Dicker-Brandeis, i.e. artists whose
experiences of the agonies of Second World War
were far more fundamental than these favourites,
who found different yet remarkable ways forward,
but whose work is, like Khaldeis and Holtoms, dif-
ficult for the Anglophone establishment to swallow.
Khaldei and Holtom can be construed as oppo-
sites: the continent-based east European Jew versus
the island Anglo-Saxon Christian; the witness of war
in military uniform versus the conscientious objec-
tor; the presenter of the deceitful face of a totalitari-
an, nuclear-armed regime versus the campaigner for
individual rights and a nuclear-free world. Khaldei
and Holtom can be construed as allies: at the heart
of their distinct approaches they both visualised a
humanist civic mission; both concerned themselves
with uplifting, wide-reaching, easily readable, aes-
theticised and idealistic child-centred art; their nur-
turing of the future generations involved rejection of
many of the visual vehicles of existentialism, as wit-
nessed in numerous postwar painterly examples of
contrived, and occasionally narcissistic, toying with
trauma, violence, emotion, sex and anti-aesthetic.
Rather than pose deep psychological questions,
rather than focus on the postwar loss of faith in hu-
manity and rather than aim for a possibly cathartic
invocation of brutality and torment through pain-
terly means, Khaldei and Holtom posited a positive
way forward. Their artistic distinctiveness and vari-
ety of media accords with the multiplicity of Left-
ish responses that surfaced as Europe necessarily
reconstructed itself after the devastation wreaked
upon the world by the political Far Right.
Raise the school curtain.
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KHALDEI AND HOLTOM: SCHOOLING, WARRING AND PACIFYING 553

EIN HINDURCHGEHEN DES HEILIGEN GEISTES
DURCH SEINE KIRCHE LITURGIE UND
KIRCHENRAUM IM 20. JAHRHUNDERT

Walter Zahner

In dieser Abhandlung wird die Entwicklung des Sakralbaus in Deutschland im 20. Jh. vorgestellt, in dem sich
der Autor vor allem auf das Verhltnis zwischen der Architektur und der Liturgie konzentriert. Das 20. Jahr-
hundert begann mit einem Phnomen, das wir Liturgische Bewegung oder Erneuerung nennen, schreibt der
Autor. Anhand einiger zentraler Marksteine (Licht, Raum, Liturgie) sieht er im programmatischen Zitat des
Papstes Pius XII, die Liturgische Bewegung sei ein Hindurchgehen des Heiligen Geistes durch seine Kirche,
den Ausgangspunkt fr die enge Verbindung der Liturgie mit der Entwicklung des zeitgenssischen Kirchen-
baus.
Schlsselwrter: Liturgie, Architektur, Liturgische Bewegung, Kirchenraum im 20. Jahrhundert, Kirchenkunst

P
apst Pius XII. bezeichnete die Liturgische
Bewegung in seiner Abschlussrede zum ers-
ten Internationalen Pastoralliturgischen Kon-
gress in Assisi im September 1956 als einen Kairos,
ein Hindurchgehen des Heiligen Geistes durch sei-
ne Kirche. Dieses programmatische Zitat ist Aus-
druck fr die enge Verbindung der Liturgie mit der
Entwicklung des zeitgenssischen Kirchenbaus, die
im Folgenden anhand einiger zentraler Marksteine
berblicksartig fr das letzte Jahrhundert vorge-
stellt werden soll.1
1 Grundlegend fr diesen Beitrag sind die beiden Artikel
von: A. Gerhards, Die Aktualitt der Avantgarde. Katholi-
sche Liturgie und Kirchenbau won 1900 bis 1950, in: Wolf-
gang Jean Stock: Europischer Kirchenbau 19001950. Auf-
bruch zur Moderne, Mnchen u.a. 2006, 7089 und ders.:
Rume fr eine ttige Teilnahme. Katholischer Kirchenbau
aus theologisch-liturgischer Sicht, in: Europischer Kir-
chenbau 19502000 (W. Jean Stock Hrsg.), Mnchen u.a.
2002, 1633.
Dabei ist zu bercksichtigen, dass zu Beginn
des 20. Jahrhunderts der Historismus und damit
zahlreiche Neo-Stile den Sakralbau prgten. Noch
1912 legte der Klner Kardinal Antonius Fischer in
einem Erlass fest, dass neue Kirchen [...] der Re-
gel nach nur in romanischem oder gotischem bzw.
sog. bergangsstile zu bauen seien.2
hnlich stark einschrnkend war der Einfluss
der Dizesanleitung auf das kirchliche Baugesche-
hen im Erzbistum Mnchen, wo in der Zeit un-
ter Kardinal Michael von Faulhaber (19171952),
insbesondere beim Kirchenbau der 1920er und
1930er Jahre, dessen Vorstellung [...] eines hei-
matverbundenen traditionellen Kirchenbaus vor-
herrschte.3
2 Zitiert nach W. Weyres, Neue Kirchen im Erzbistum Kln
19451956, Dsseldorf 1957, 27 (= Anm. 4).
3 H. Ramisch P. B. Steiner, Katholische Kirchen in Mn-
chen, Mnchen 1984, 33.

EIN HINDURCHGEHEN DES HEILIGEN GEISTES DURCH SEINE KIRCHE 555

 Facetten der Liturgischen Bewegung
Das 20. Jahrhundert begann mit einem Phno-
men, das wir Liturgische Bewegung oder Erneue-
rung nennen. Benediktinische Mnche in Belgien
und Deutschland, wie auch zahlreiche Mitglieder
der katholischen Jugendbewegung, suchten nach
dem Ursprung, den eigentlichen Quellen der Litur-
gie. Begleitet von der Bibelbewegung erkannten sie
die Wurzeln allen Glaubens und Lebens in der Ge-
stalt des Mahles, in der Versammlung der Gemein-
schaft um den einen Tisch des Herrn. Hier ist zu-
erst Pius X. Motu proprio Tra le sollecitudini zu
nennen, das am 22. November 1903 erschien und
sich gegen die Missstnde in der Kirchenmusik je-
ner Zeit richtete. An zwei Stellen des Textes spricht
Pius X. von aktiver Teilnahme der Glubigen am
Messgeschehen, was zu einer Art Initia tion fr
die Liturgische Bewegung wurde.
Im September 1909 fand in Mecheln bei Brs-
sel ein belgischer Katholikentag statt. Unter den
Rednern fiel der Benediktiner Lambert Beauduin
Abb. 1. D. Bhm, St Johann Baptist, NeuUlm
556 W. ZAHNER
aus dem Kloster Mont-Csar auf. Gleich zu Beginn
seiner Rede nahm er Bezug auf das Motu proprio
Pius X. und fhrte darin aus: Die erste und uner-
setzliche Quelle wahren christlichen Geistes liegt in
der aktiven Teilnahme der Glubigen an der Litur-
gie der Kirche. Das ist die Wahrheit, die Pius X. in
seinem ersten amtlichen Schreiben entwickelt. Um
dieses Ziels willen bieten sich zwei Mittel an: das
Verstehen der liturgischen Texte und der gemein-
schaftliche Gesang der Glubigen.4
Daraus folgt fr ihn, dass das Volk die berset-
zungen der liturgischen Texte in die Hand bekom-
men muss. Es soll dazu angeleitet werden, im Got-
tesdienst nicht Privatgebete zu verrichten. Lambert
Beauduin nahm das ppstliche Diktum Ihr sollt
nicht in der Messe beten, ihr sollt die Messe be-
ten in Mecheln auf, wenige Jahre nach dem Ersten
Weltkrieg folgte ihm der rheinische Geistliche Jo-
hannes van Acken.
Christozentrische Kirchenkunst
Van Acken, ein Gemeindepfarrer aus Gladbeck,
formulierte in seiner Schrift Christozentrische Kir-
chenkunst aus dem Jahr 1922 die grundlegende An-
frage an das Verstndnis des Kirchenbaus, indem er
die Konzentration der Architektur und der Liturgie
auf den Altar als Zentrum des Raumes anmahnte.
Er schreibt: Der Altar als der mystische Christus
sollte Ausgangspunkt und der gestaltende Mittel-
punkt des Kirchenbaus und der Kirchenausstattung
sein. Damit wusste er sich dem Christusprogramm
von Papst Pius X. eng verbunden.
Auf diese Schrift gab es zahlreiche Reaktionen:
Von theologischer Seite wurde etwa angemahnt,
dass die eigentliche Theozentrik, der Bezug auf
Gott, durch eine zu starke und einseitige Hervorhe-
bung Christi nicht verloren gehen drfe. Aber auch
aus den Reihen der Architekten gab es konkrete
Einwnde, etwa von Dominikus Bhm, der zu die-
ser Zeit mit Martin Weber gemeinsam das Atelier
fr Kirchenbaukunst betrieb. Unmissverstndlich
machten sie klar, dass die in der ersten Auflage
des kleinen Bandes angebotenen Beispiele fr Kir-
4 Zitiert nach R. Pacik, Aktive Teilnahme zentraler Be-
griff in Pius Parschs Werk, in: Winfried Bachler, ders., Pius
Parsch in der liturgiewissenschaftlichen Rezeption (Hrsg. A.
Redtenbacher), Pius-Parsch-Studien Bd. 3, Wrzburg 2005,
3152, hier 36.
Abb. 2. M. Weber, Heilig-Geist-Kirche, Frankfurt
chenbau wenig hilfreich seien. Bhm und Weber
bersandten van Acken deshalb eigene Entwrfe,
die unter der Bezeichnung Messopferkirche be-
ziehungsweise Lumen Christi und Circumstan-
tes bekannt wurden und in die zweite Auflage der
Schrift, die bereits 1923 erschien, Eingang gefunden
haben. Inhaltlich waren sich die beiden Architekten
und der Autor letztlich einig: Liturgie verstehen sie
als eine dramatische Entwicklung der Opferhand-
lung, die in einer ruhigen Bewegung um den Al-
tar als Mittelpunkt kreist. Auf jeden Fall mu der
Raum konzentrisch wirken, auch wenn er elliptisch,
rechteckig oder kreuzfrmig gestaltet ist. Ein Gott,
eine (einige) Gemeinde, ein Raum! Ein Gebet, die
hl. Messe, sendet diese Gemeinde zu Gott. ... Alle
vereinen sich in Christus.5
Dominikus Bhm entwarf zu Beginn der 1920er
Jahre im eher expressionistischen Stil, wie 1922
5 J. van Acken, Christozentrische Kirchenkunst Ein Ent-
wurf zum liturgischen Gesamtkunstwerk, Gladbeck 1923,
beide Zitate 50.
EIN HINDURCHGEHEN DES HEILIGEN GEISTES DURCH SEINE KIRCHE
die Kriegergedchtniskirche St. Johann Baptist in
Neu-Ulm (Abb. 1) oder 1926 die Kirche Christ-
knig in Mainz. Nach seinen Plnen entstanden
auch Zentralbauten: 1932 St. Engelbert in Kln,
dort allerdings mit einem an den Zentralraum an-
gehngten Chor, oder St. Wolfgang in Regensburg,
fertig gestellt im Jahr 1940. Mit Stella Maris, der
Sommerkirche auf Norderney, verwirklichte er
1931 einen Kirchenbau im Stil der Neuen Sach-
lichkeit. Eigens verwiesen sei daneben auf die im
gleichen Jahr 1931 in Frankfurt am Main vollende-
te Heilig-Geist-Kirche von Martin Weber (Abb. 2).
In enger Abstimmung mit dem Gemeindepfarrer
Georg Heinrich Hrle errichtete der Architekt eine
Kirche, welche die Gemeindebildung vom Altar
her anstrebte. Hugo Schnell hielt dazu fest: In
Hl. Geist wurde erstmals in Deutschland in einer
katholischen Kirche des 20. Jahrhunderts der Altar
fast in die Mitte gerckt.6
6 H. Schnell, Der Kirchenbau des 20. Jahrhunderts in
Deutschland, MnchenZrich 1973, 45, Bildlegende.
557
 Burg Rothenfels am Main
Ein Ort, an dem sich die Vernderungen im Kir-
chenbau der 1920er Jahre besonders gut festma-
chen lassen, ist Burg Rothenfels am Main, (Abb. 3)
in der Nhe von Wrzburg gelegen. Kurz nach dem
Ersten Weltkrieg vom katholischen Jugendbund
Quickborn erworben, wurde die insgesamt ziemlich
heruntergekommene Anlage ab 1924 vom Burgar-
chitekten Rudolf Schwarz unter aktiver Beteiligung
Abb. 3. R. Schwarz, Burg Rothenfels bei Wrzburg
des spteren Burgkaplans Romano Guardini umge-
staltet. Was dort im Rahmen zahlreicher Fest und
Werkwochen, durch die konkrete Anschaulichkeit
der vernderten Rume, die gemeinsame Einbung 9 Vgl. dazu ausfhrlich W. Zahner, Rudolf Schwarz
von Wort, Gestik und Gesang grundgelegt wurde,
kann fr den deutschen Katholizismus im Allgemei-
nen, den Kirchenbau im Besonderen und im Blick
auf die Vernderungen in der katholischen Kirche
bis hin zum Zweiten Vatikanischen Konzil nicht
558 W. ZAHNER
hoch genug eingeschtzt werden. Romano Guardini,
Anreger und Gestalter der Liturgischen Bewegung
(Hans Maier), erffnete mit seinen kleinen Bnd-
chen Vom Geist der Liturgie (1918), Von heiligen
Zeichen (1922) und Liturgische Bildung (1923)
eine neue Sichtweise. Dabei erlutert er die Verhlt-
nismigkeit von Privatfrmmigkeit, Volksandach-
ten und den Hochformen der Liturgie, stellt sie uns,
die schlielich auf Gott ziele, als frei vom Zweck,
dafr freilich voll tiefsten Sinnes7 dar, greift die
einfachen Zeichen und Handlungen auf und betont,
dass ein ruhiges Betrachten, ein ernsthafter Nach-
vollzug, wieder zu deren ursprng lichem Wesen
zurck und zu einer angemessenen Haltung fhre.
Seine Diagnose lautet:
Aus innerer Notwendigkeit wird unsere
Zeit reif zur Liturgie. ... Wir mssen wieder
symbolfhig werden.8
Guardinis berlegungen und Ideen betreffen das
Grundverstndnis der Liturgie und fhren damit,
sofern sie ernst genommen und umgesetzt werden,
zu einer Vernderung des glubigen Lebens auch
heute noch. Einen besonders gestalteten Ausdruck
fanden diese als Wegweisungen formulierten Arbei-
ten auf der Burg Rothenfels, insbesondere bei der
Umgestaltung der Kapelle und des Rittersaals.9 Die
kleine Kapelle, die seit 1910 von den Bewohnern
des Dorfes Bergrothenfels als Kirche genutzt wurde,
rumte Rudolf Schwarz erst einmal aus. Wir fhl-
ten, da durch unser Tun hier etwas zerstrt wurde,
denn was wir schufen, war zuerst ein leerer Raum ...
Weil wir etwas ganz Neues erproben wollten, fan-
den wir den Mut, das Alte zu zerstren. In Wahr-
heit sollte ja auch keine Leere, sondern eine andere
Flle entstehen,10 eine Flle, die von denjenigen
getragen war, die sich hier zum Gebet und zur Feier
der Eucharistie zusammenfanden. Noch klarer for-
mulierte Schwarz die Idee des neuen Kirchenbaus
bei der Umgestaltung des Rittersaals in einen Fest
und Feierraum. Als einzige Ausstattung erhielt der
7
R. Guardini, Vom Geist der Liturgie, Freiburg 1918, 69.
8 Id., Liturgische Bildung. Versuche, Rothenfels 1923, 13
und 30.
Baumeister der Neuen Gemeinde. Ein Beitrag zum Gesprch
zwischen Liturgietheologie und Architektur in der Liturgis-
chen Bewegung, Altenberge 19983.
10 R. Schwarz, Die neue Burg, in: Burg Rothenfels(Hrsg.)
19191929, Burg Rothenfels o.J. (1929), 2735, hier 28.

Abb. 4. R. Schwarz, Ring geschlossen
Abb. 5. R. Schwarz, Ring offen
Raum Hunderte Schemel, kleine schwarze Wrfel
aus Holz. Das war alles. Die Architektur war zu ei-
nem reinen, weien Behlter verhalten. Das andere,
den lebendigen Raum, mute die Gemeinde durch
ihre Versammlung erschaffen. Hier wurde damit
Ernst gemacht, da eine Gemeinde aus sich heraus
Raumgestalten hervorbringen kann. [...] Es ist schn,
wenn der heilige Raum ganz in der Gemeinde und
ihrem Tun grndet, aus der Liturgie errichtet wird
und mit ihr wieder versinkt, und auf jede architekto-
nische Veranstaltung verzichtet wird, anfangs nichts
da ist als Weltraum und nachher nichts da bleibt als
Weltraum: der Herr ging vorber.11 Schwarz um-
11 R. Schwarz, Kirchenbau Welt vor der Schwelle, Heidel-
berg 1960, 37 und 41.
EIN HINDURCHGEHEN DES HEILIGEN GEISTES DURCH SEINE KIRCHE
schreibt diese beiden Raumlsungen mit den Begrif-
fen des offenen und geschlossenen Rings (Abb.
45). Diese Wortschpfungen gleichen Urbildern ei-
ner ersten, vor aller gebauten Architektur, entwickelt
aus den Grundformen des kultischen Verhaltens.12
Abb. 6. R. Schwarz, Fronleichnamskirche, Aachen
Der Baumeister Rudolf Schwarz mchte mit ih-
nen Wesenheiten erfassen, die Ausdruck menschli-
chen Denkens und Tuns sind. Eine weitere Grund-
form, von der er berechtigterweise spricht, ist die
des Weges. Sie sieht er als Ausformung des offe-
nen Ringes, als entsprechende Versammlungsmg-
lichkeit fr die grere Gemeinschaft. Denn in der
gemeinsamen Ausrichtung der Einzelnen vollendet
sich die Fokussierung auf den Altar. Man kann Ihm
im gemeinsamen Zug entgegengehen, die gedach-
te Prozession hat somit ein Ziel. Bauliche Gestalt
findet dieser Plan in der Fronleichnamskirche in
Aachen, (Abb. 6) die Rudolf Schwarz nach einem
Direktauftrag 1929 plant und 1930 fertig stellt. Die
12 Cf. H. Muck, Liturgie und Kirchenraum, BL 38 (1964
65), 413419, hier 414.
559
 Klarheit und Einfachheit, mit der dieser Kirchenbau lerischer Sicht nicht vom katholischen Pendant.
seine Zeitgenossen berraschte, fhrte zu einem Er- Im deutschen Bereich hatte das Eisenacher Regu-
klrungsversuch aus der Feder Romano Guardinis. lativ von 1861 lngsgerichtete Bauten mit erhh-
In seiner kurzen Beschreibung des Bauwerks tem und damit abgesetztem Altarbereich, sowie die
hlt er fest: Ich knnte mir denken, da einer sag- Platzierung der Kanzel an einem der Strebebgen
te, sie sei leer. Dann wrde ich erwidern, er solle gefordert. Um dieser als katholisch eingestuften
tiefer in sein eigenes Fhlen hineinkehren, ob er Raumgestalt entgegenzuwirken, stellte man 1891
es richtig versteht. [...] Das ist keine Leere, das ist das Wiesbadener Programm auf. Darin wird der
Stille! Und in der Stille wohnt Gott! Mit seinen Versammlungscharakter und die Einheit der Ge-
Idealplnen legt Rudolf Schwarz eine Grundlage, meinde betont. Stilistisch befrdert wurden bis ins
der sich die Kirchenbaudiskussion bis in unsere 20. Jahrhun dert hinein basilikale Raumtypen und
Tage nicht entziehen kann. historistische Stile.
Romano Guardini, der vterliche Begleiter des
Quickborn, hat unabhngig von einem konkreten
Ereignis, die Stimmung zu Beginn der 1920er Jahre
in die Worte gefasst: Ein religiser Vorgang von
unabsehbarer Tragweite hat eingesetzt: Die Kirche
erwacht in den Seelen.13 Dieses Bild passt auch
sehr gut als Umschreibung der anhngigen zeitge-
schichtlichen Situation, der sich der Katholizismus
in den folgenden Jahren und Jahrzehnten gegen-
bersah. So einmalig die personelle Konstellation
und die Umstnde auf Burg Rothenfels waren, die
ausgesten Samenkrner gingen auf und trugen
Frchte. Es geschah nicht auf Rothenfels, aber
ohne Rothenfels wre es nicht geschehen, da die
Muttersprache das Latein in der Kirche ganz selbst-
verstndlich ablste, ohne jeden revolutionierenden
Gestus. Es geschah nicht auf Rothenfels, da die
Gemeinde am eucharistischen Becher teilhatte, aber
ohne Rothenfels wre es nicht geschehen. Denn
es war unmglich, da aus dem Schmerz des Ver-
zichts, den die Kirche dieser Entdeckergeneration
abgefordert hatte, eine neue, aus der lteren her-
vorgegangene Jugend bei Wahrung ihrer Wahrhaf- Abb. 7. O. Bartning, Sternkirche Entwurf
tigkeit und Identitt htte weiter verfahren knnen
und sollen wie die lteren. (Aloys Goergen)
Ein radikal zu nennender Wandel trat mit Otto
Bartnings Buch Vom neuen Kirchbau (1919)
Exkurs 1: Die Entwicklung im und seinem Entwurf der Sternkirche von 1922 ein
protestantischen Kirchenbau (Abb. 7). Dieser reine Zentralraum platziert mittig
die Kanzel, so dass der Prediger von allen Seiten
in der ersten Jahrhunderthlfte gesehen und gut gehrt werden kann. Ein klei-
nes Segment wird ausgespart, dort finden wir den
Der protestantische Kirchenbau14 unterschied Abendmahlstisch. Auch wenn Bartning selbst erst
sich zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts in bauknst- 1930 mit der Auferstehungskirche in Essen (Abb.
8) einen Rundbau realisieren kann, hatte dieser Ent-
13 R. Guardini, Vom Sinn der Kirche, Mainz 1922, 1. wurf Folgen.
14 Einschlgige Literatur hierzu sind G. Langmaack, Evan-
gelischer Kirchenbau im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, Kassel testantischen Kirchenbau zwischen 1900 und 1950, in: W.
1971 (mit zahlreichen Bild und Textdokumenten) sowie Jean Stock: Europaischer Kirchenbau 19001950, aufrbruch
Horst Schwebel Liturgie als Bauherr. Wandlungen im pro- zur Moderna, Munchen u.a. 2006, 149165.

560 W. ZAHNER
 Die verstrkte Ausrichtung der Liturgie am kul-
tischen Erleben, wie sie im protestantischen Teil
der Liturgischen Bewegung etwa im Berneuchener
Kreis oder durch die Vertreter der 1931 gegrnde-
ten Michaelsbruderschaft propagiert wurde, fand
insgesamt wenig Widerhall; sie galt als zu katho-
lisch geprgt.

Der Kirchenbau in der Nachkriegszeit

In der Zeit nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg muss-
ten zahlreiche Kirchen wieder aufgebaut oder neu
errichtet werden. Hier gab es im Sinne der Fort-
fhrung der Gedanken von Rudolf Schwarz so-
wohl zahlreiche Wegkirchen Bauwerke, die dem
traditionellen Plan des gerichteten Kirchenraums
nacheiferten als auch parallel schon in der Mitte
der 1950er Jahre Kirchenbauten, welche die Ideen
der Liturgischen Bewegung umsetzten und damit
das Zweite Vatikanum und dessen Vernderungen
vorbereiteten. Eine der Wiegenkirchen des 20. Jahr-
hunderts, die weit ber Deutschland hinaus Auf-
merksamkeit und Anerkennung gefunden hat, ist die
1955 von Emil Steffann und Siegfried streicher in
Mnchen-Gern erbaute St. Laurentius-Kirche (Abb.
Abb. 8. O. Bartning, Auferstehungskirche, Essen 9). Die beiden Architekten entwickelten aus den
Vorgaben Heinrich Kahlefelds einen zentral akzen-
tuierten Kirchenraum, der noch heute durch seine
So entwickelte Theodor Fischer in Planegg bei ursprnglichen Qualitten besticht. Dies ist umso
Mnchen eine achteckige Waldkirche, fertig ge- bemerkenswerter, als er die vielfach in katholischen
stellt 1926, in deren Zentrum
der Altar steht. Martin Elsaesser
schuf 1925 mit der Sdkirche in
Esslingen, wie in seinem Gefol-
ge dann auch Theodor Merrill
mit der Melanchthon-Kirche in
Kln im Jahr 1930, einen zwei-
geteilten Raum: der rechteckigen
Predigtkirche schloss sich dabei
eine kreisrunde Feierkirche an.
Dabei setzten beide Architek-
ten die noch aus dem 19. Jahr-
hundert stammenden Ideen von
Emil Sulze (Der evangelische
Kirchenbau, Leipzig 1881; Die
evangelische Gemeinde, Gotha
1891) um, dessen Ideal der ein-
heitliche, bersichtliche Raum
als Gemeindekirche war. Abb. 9. E. Steffann, St Laurentius

EIN HINDURCHGEHEN DES HEILIGEN GEISTES DURCH SEINE KIRCHE 561

 Kirchen nach dem Zweiten Vatikanischen Konzil (Art. 34). Das abschlieende VII. Kapitel (Art. 122-
von 1965 notwendig gewordenen rumlichen Ver- 130) ber die sakrale Kunst erffnet den Knsten
nderungen, insbesondere bezglich des Altares viele Mglichkeiten: Die Kirche hat niemals einen
und des Ambos, nicht bentigte. Es ist vielmehr Stil als ihren eigenen betrachtet ... (Art. 123).
gerade umge-kehrt: was Steffann und streicher
entwarfen, darf als ein Modell fr den nachkonzili-
aren Kirchenbau bezeichnet werden. Mit dieser ein-
fachen, der Idee des Rittersaals in Burg Rothenfels
nachempfundenen Scheunen-Kirche setzten sie
das Leitbild Reduktion (Ulrich Pantle) um, einen
zentralen Gedanken, der den Kirchenbau des 20.
Jahrhunderts bestimmte und in der unmittelbaren
Nachkriegszeit seine grte Blte hatte.
In diesem Zusammenhang muss ein weiterer
Mnchener Sakralbau, St. Johann von Capistran
von Sep Ruf, erwhnt werden (Abb. 10). Im Hin-
blick auf den im Jahr 1960 in Mnchen stattfin-
denden Eucharistischen Weltkongress errichtet, ist
er mit seinen beiden kreisrunden Schalen und dem
zentriert aufgestellten Altar sowie einer eigenen
Stele fr den Tabernakel nicht nur ein Modellbau
einer Zentralkirche, sondern wegweisend fr den
nachvatikanischen Kirchenbau im Allgemeinen. Der
diesen Bau begleitende theologische Berater Aloys
Goergen verfasste im Vorfeld des Zweiten Vatika-
nischen Konzils einen fundamentalen Text: Theo- Abb. 10. S. Ruf, St Johann von Capistran, Mnchen
logische Grundlagen des katholischen Kirchen-
baus15 Darin stellt er 16 Grundstze zusammen,
die er jeweils erlutert, daraus Folgerungen fr den
Kirchenbau zieht und weiterfhrende Erklrungen
beisteuert: Gott selbst schafft Begegnung; in der Exkurs 2: Der protestantische
einen Messfeier sind das gestiftete Gemeinschafts- Kirchenbau nach dem Zweiten
mahl wie auch die kultische Verkndigung mitein-
ander verbunden; die Gemeinde ist der Ort Seiner Weltkrieg
Epiphanie; der Altartisch ist die fassbare Mitte der
Eucharistiefeier; der Kirchenraum als Ganzes gibt Alsbald nach den enormen Zerstrungen fan-
diesem doppelten Ereignis der Begegnung in Wort den sich Theologen und Baumeister mit den Ve-
und Sakrament eine sinnenhafte Gestalt [...] Diese rantwortlichen aus den Gemeinden bei den soge-
Gedanken fanden Eingang in die 1963 verabschie- nannten Kirchbautagen zusammen, die zwischen
dete Liturgiekonstitution des Zweiten Vatikanischen 1947 (Hannover) und 2008 (Dortmund) bereits 26
Konzils und wurden in ihr ausfhrlich verarbeitet. Mal stattfanden. Deren Themenschwerpunkte und
Die Liturgie (ist) der Gipfel, dem das Tun der Kir- die oftmals verabschiedeten Memoranden geben
che zustrebt, und zugleich die Quelle, aus der all einen berblick ber die jeweils aktuellen The-
ihre Kraft strmt. (Art. 10). Die aktive Teilnahme men. So trat in den 1950er Jahren die Gemeinde
der Glubigen, die schon Pius X. eingefordert hatte, als Bauherrin erneut ins Zentrum. Diese berle-
ist das Ziel (vgl. z.B. Art. 11, 14 u. .). Und alles gungen wurden in den Rummelsberger Grundst-
zen des Jahres 1951 zusammengefasst, in deren
soll den Glanz edler Einfachheit an sich tragen
Zentrum der Gottesdienst steht, nach dem sich je-
der Kirchenbau auszurichten habe; jede stilistische
15 A. Goergen, Theologische Grundlagen des katholischen
Prferenz wird abgelehnt. Ab der Mitte der 1960er
Kirchenbaus, in: Kirchen. Handbuch fr den Kirchenbau
(Hrsg. W. Weyres O. Bartning), Mnchen 1959, 932.
Jahre tritt dann das Gemeindezentrum und in be-

562 W. ZAHNER
sonderer Ausprgung das Kirchengebude als Mul-
tifunktionsraum in den Blick.16 Damit verliert der
protestantische Kirchenbau seine geistige Mitte, die
Ausrichtung auf das Wort und das Sakrament.
Beispielhafte Kirchenbauten aus der zweiten
Hlfte des 20. Jahrhunderts sind in Deutschland
Egon Eiermanns Kaiser-Wilhelm-Gedchtniskirche
in Berlin (1963) und die Vershnungskirche in Da-
chau von Helmut Striffler (1967). Unter den Ge-
meindekirchen ragen diejenigen von Olaf A. Gul-
bransson heraus, die in ihrer klaren Ausrichtung auf
die Liturgie und dem Gebrauch einfacher Baumate-
rialien wie auch der herausragenden.
Nutzung des natrlichen Sonnenlichts in eine
Reihe mit den Kirchen in Finnland und Dnemark,
etwa der Kirche in Bagsvrd bei Kopenhagen von
Jrn Utzon (1976), zu stellen sind. Wenn auch Kers-
tin Wittmann-Englerts These, dass der evangelische
Kirchenbau in diesem Zeitraum kein Bedeutungs-,
sondern vielmehr ein Assoziationstrger sei, zuzu-
stimmen ist, so stellt sich nach dem zunehmenden
Rckgang der Gottesdienstbesucherzahlen immer
hufiger die Frage, wie mit den Kirchenrumen
knftig umgegangen werden soll.
der Gemeindekirche Zum guten Hirten in Frank-
furt Nieder-Erlenbach von Gnter Pfeifer aus dem
Jahr 2001. Von hier aus lsst sich nach dem wei-
teren Weg des zeitgenssischen Sakralbaus fragen:
Wie wird das Besondere, das Einmalige aktuell
umgesetzt ? Drei Begriffe weisen einen Zugang zur
Betrachtung: Raum Licht Liturgie.
Raum
Der sterreicher Ottokar Uhl errichtete nach
einem zehnjhrigen, unter Gemeindebeteiligung
sehr intensiv gefhrten Planungsprozess, mit der
St. Judas Thaddus Kirche17 in Karlsruhe-Neureut
(geweiht 1989) (Abb. 11) einen quer gelagerten
Raum, der die Gemeinde um ein mittig aufgestell-
tes Podest T-frmig versammelt. Der Vorschlag,
17 Cf. W. Zahner, Katholisches Gemeindezentrum St. Judas
Thaddus Karlsruhe-Neureut, Lindenberg 1998.

Kirchenbau an der Schwelle zum 21.

Jahrhundert
Einen Knigsweg fr den Kirchenbau gibt es
auch heute nicht. Aktuelle Beispiele zeigen viel-
mehr, dass nach wie vor Bauwerke errichtet wer-
den, die sich eher uerlicher Zeichenhaftigkeit
bedienen; daneben stehen diejenigen, die aus der
inneren Mitte, der Feier, heraus gedacht und ge-
plant sind. Auch die Urbilder von Rudolf Schwarz
finden sich immer wieder: der Weg bei der ganz
im Sinne der Wettbewerbsausschreibung eindeutig
gerichteten Herz-Jesu-Kirche von Allmann Sattler
Wappner in Mnchen, erbaut im Jahr 2000. Oder
der Ring, welcher der Idee der Versammlung der
Gemeinde um den Altartisch Gestalt gibt, wie bei

16 Cf. hierzu K. Wittmann-Englert, Zelt, Schiff und Woh-

nung. Kirchenbauten der Nachkriegsmoderne, Lindenberg
2006; R. Brgel, A. Nohr, Spuren hinterlassen... 25 Kirch-
bautage seit 1946, Hamburg 2005, und H. Schwebel, Eine
Scheu vor groen Gesten. Protestantischer Kirchenbau aus
theologisch-liturgischer Sicht, in: Europischer Kirchen-
bau 19502000 (Hrsg. W. Jean Stock), Mnchen u.a. 2002,
212223. Abb. 11. O. Uhl, St Judas Thaddus, Karlsruhe

EIN HINDURCHGEHEN DES HEILIGEN GEISTES DURCH SEINE KIRCHE 563

 die Raumbilder entsprechend
der Gemeindegre zu ndern,
wird zwar kaum umgesetzt,
doch ist diese Disponibilitt,
die Mglichkeit auf unter-
schiedliche Versammlungen zu
reagieren, kennzeichnend fr
die Konzentration auf die ge-
meindlichen Belange. Aus der
Zusammenkunft der Glubigen
erwchst je von Neuem eine
Form der Liturgie Austausch
zwischen Gott und Mensch.
Entsprechend der unterschied-
lichen Kommunikationssitua-
tionen, auf Gottes Ansprache
hin, antworten die Menschen
mit Lob und Preis, in Gebet
oder Gesang, wodurch auch
unter ihnen ein neues Mitein-
ander gestiftet wird.
Abb. 12. F. Hammoutne, Notre-Dame de Pentecote, Paris La Dfense

Licht
Nicht erst die mittelalterlichen Kathedralen ha-
ben die Bedeutung des Lichtes in der Architektur
deutlich gemacht. Auch im Kirchenbau von heute
wird sowohl mit dem knstlichen wie dem natrli-
chen Stoff gebaut. Ein besonders gelungenes Bei-
spiel stellt Heinz Tesars Kirche Christus, Hoffnung
der Welt in der Wiener Donau-City dar. Zahlreiche,
kreisfrmig durch die Auenhlle gestanzte Licht-
punkte, in der Gre abgestufte verglaste Eckaus-
schnitte und die zentrale Deckenffnung steigern
den lichten Zentralraum in seiner Wirkung. Die
Konzentration auf den Altar wird durch die in Form
eines offenen Rings darum angeordneten Sitzbnke
untersttzt, helles Birkenholz und dunkler Natur-
stein ergnzen sich dabei hervorragend.
Liturgie
Das Ziel jedes Kirchenbaus ist heute, der Ver-
sammlung der Glubigen ein Haus zu bauen. In den
Jahren nach dem Zweiten Vatikanischen Konzil ist
die Idee, den Altarraum als Mittelpunkt zu formen,
um den sich die Besucher scharen knnen, immer
strker in den Vordergrund getreten. Ein Beispiel da-
fr ist das kleine Pfarrzentrum Zum Guten Hirten
in Frankfurt Nieder-Erlenbach18 von Gnter Pfeifer,
geweiht im August 2001. Auf einem querrechtecki-
gen Grundriss versammelt sich die Gemeinde von
drei Seiten um die vorgezogene einstufige Altarin-
sel. Im Rcken des Priestersitzes befindet sich ein
Lichtkreuz. Der Kirchenraum stuft sich dreifach
vom Eingang zur Altarinsel nach oben. Der Licht-
einfall wird durch ein einfaches System mit mehr
oder weniger geneigten Holzlamellen geregelt. Die
im hchsten Bereich links wie rechts vom Altar
fr den Taufstein und den Tabernakel ausgesparten
Eckrume werden durch die Lichtfhrung, beim
Tabernakel direkt, bei der Taufe von oben, betont.
Die in ihrer schlichten Gestaltung berzeugende
Kirche erreicht es, die Versammlung der Glubigen
um den Altar zu untersttzen; der Kirchenbesuch
besttigt dies immer wieder von Neuem.
Seit Mitte der 1990er Jahre wird die von Ge-
meinden vermehrt angefragte und von Liturgiewis-
senschaftlern diskutierte sogenannte Communio-
Form19 bei Um bzw. Neubauten von Kirchen an
18
Cf. G. Pfeifer W. Zahner, Imagination und Liturgie.
Das Gemeindezentrum mit KircheZum Guten Hirten in
Frankfurt Nieder-Erlenbach, Darmstadt 2003.
19 Cf. ausfhrlich Communio-Rume. Auf der Suche nach
der angemessenen Raumgestalt katholischer Liturgie (Hrsg.
A. Gerhards T. Sternberg W. Zahner), Regensburg 2003.

564 W. ZAHNER
 Raum, auch der ellipsoide,
bleibt offen.
In Paris gibt es aus jn-
gerer Zeit gleich zwei beach-
tenswerte Realisationen dieser
Art. Zum einen die im Jahr
2000 im Stadtteil La Dfen-
se von Franck Hammoutne
erbaute Kirche Notre-Dame
de Pentecte, (Abb. 12) die
als nahezu reiner Communio-
Raum gestaltet ist, entwickelt
aus der U-frmigen Versamm-
lungsgestalt der Gemeinde, in
deren Mitte der Ambo seinen
Platz hat, in einer Ausrichtung
auf den separat stehenden Al-
tar. Zum anderen die Kirche
St-Franois-de-Molitor, 2005
fertig gestellt und im sdli-
chen 16. Bezirk gelegen, in
der vom Eingang her in einer
Abb. 13. Kister, Scheithauer, Gross, Maria-Magdalena-Kirche, Freiburg Achse der Taufstein, der zen-
tral stehende Altar und der
Ambo aufgereiht sind. Eine
manchen Orten verwirklicht. Hierbei wird der vom Communio-Lsung in Form einer Querachse, an
Zweiten Vatikanischen Konzil vertretenen Gleich-
der vom Auenraum her auch der Taufstein ange-
gewichtung von Wortgottesdienst und Eucharis
siedelt ist, findet sich in der Hamburger Vorstadt-
tiefeier dahingehend entsprochen, dass Ambo und
kirche St. Marien in Ahrensburg, 1953 erbaut und
Altar wie zwei Pole einer Ellipse im Raum aufge-
in den Jahren 2000 bis 2001 umgestaltet.20 Eigens
stellt werden, etwa bei der Umgestaltung 1998 von
erwhnt seien hier die liturgischen Handlungsorte,
St. Anton in Passau. Diese Figur ist auch aus zahl-
die mit hoher Sensibilitt vom Krefelder Knstler
reichen Klosterkirchen (vgl. La Tourette von Le
Klaus Simon in Holz gestaltet sind: Wort und Sak-
Corbusier) bereits lange bekannt. Ausgangspunkt
rament verweisen aufeinander.
sind die Grundfragen der liturgischen Kom mu-
nikation. Sie ist immer mehr als nur gemeinsamer
Austausch; Liturgie ist Austausch mit Gott. Aufga-
be des Communio-Raumes ist die Verbindung der Ausblick
Wegkirche mit der Circumstantes-Idee. Gesucht
wird ein Ereignisraum mit einem vernderten Al- Wohin sich der Kirchenbau in Deutschland ent-
tarraum, der zugleich ein freies Zentrum bildet. Die wickeln wird, bleibt abzuwarten. Die Zahl der Kir-
freie Mitte ist Erwartungsraum: Die Versammelten chenneubauten sinkt in den mitteleuropischen Ln-
finden sich ein, weil sie etwas erwarten, das sich in dern stetig. Viel hufiger ist der Um oder gar der
diesem noch leeren Raum ereignen wird. Sie fei- Rckbau zu gro gewordener Kirchen21 Eine seltene
ern sich eben nicht selbst. Die freie Mitte ist somit Bauaufgabe stellen kumenische Zentren dar. Ein
auch Ausdruck der Erwartung des sich schenken- Beispiel aus jngster Zeit ist die Maria-Magdalena
den ganz Anderen, der in der Gemeinde Wohnung
nehmen wird die leere Mitte ist ein Verweisraum. 20 Cf. K. Simon, Frontal oder von allen Seiten, ibid., 177
Schlielich ist die Liturgie zugleich ein Erfahrungs- 190.
raum, Raum, in den die Menschen ihre persnli- 21 Sekretariat der Deutschen Bischofskonferenz (Hrsg.):
chen Erfahrungen einbringen, in dem sie aber auch Umnutzung von Kirchen. Beurteilungskriterien und Ent-
Erfahrungen mit Gott und Christus machen. Der scheidungshilfen, Bonn 2003.

EIN HINDURCHGEHEN DES HEILIGEN GEISTES DURCH SEINE KIRCHE 565

 Kirche22 in Freiburg-Rieselfeld, 2004 vom Bro
Kister, Scheithauer, Gross aus Kln errichtet (Abb.
13). Den ebenso schwierigen wie interessanten
Auftrag haben die Entwerfen den in ein vielfach
gefaltetes und gezacktes Betonvolumen gegossen.
Zwei Kirchen sind in einem Gebude vereint und
lassen sich zu einem einzigen kumenischen Kir-
chenraum verbinden. Wie hufig die Grundidee der
Zusammenlegung der Rume, der kleinere evange-
lische ist dem katholischen Kirchenraum (bzw. um-
gekehrt) ber einen breiten, durch Schiebeelemente
abgetrennten Gang zuschaltbar, wirklich genutzt
wird, muss sich in der Praxis zeigen.23
Die gleichartige Ausstattung Altar, Ambo und
Sthle wurden von der Architektin entworfen stellt
eine gute Grundlage fr eine gemeinsame Nutzung
dar: Der katholische Kirchenraum bietet Platz fr
22 Cf. W. Zahner, Maria Magdalena. Katholische und evan-
gelische Kirche in Freiburg Rieselfeld, Lindenberg 2006.
23 Derzeit besteht im Rieselfeld ein reger kumenischer
Austausch, der in regelmigen kumenischen Feiern im
einen gemeinsamen Raum seinen Ausdruck findet. Diese
feiernd ge und erlebte kumene ist im jngsten Mnchner
Projekt, dem im Jahr 2005 fertig gestellten kumenischen
Kirchenzentrum in Mnchen Riem, in dieser Form gar
nicht mglich. Der Baukom plex beherbergt zwei komplett
voneinander getrennte Kirchenrume.
bis zu 250, der evangelische fr etwa 100 Glubige.
Die schrgen betonierten Auenwnde, die zentrale
Aufstellung von Altar und Ambo, der hauptschli-
che Lichteinfall von oben, die Holzbalkendecke, die
eher industriemige Beleuchtung das alles sind
Elemente, die teils gewhnungs bedrftig, letztlich
aber in ihrer Zusammenstellung berzeugend sind.
Die tatschliche kirchenpolitische Lage, den
schwierigen und steinigen Weg der kumene, kn-
nen solche Projekte wohl letztlich nicht beeinflus-
sen. Und ob die Vorstel lung, gemeinsam Kirchen
in Auftrag zu geben und damit Kosten, auch im
anschlieenden Unterhalt, zu sparen, Wirklichkeit
wird, kann hier nicht beurteilt werden. Spannend
ist und bleibt die Aufgabe Kirchenbau als eine der
grten Herausforderungen fr einen Architekten
ein Haus fr eine Gemeinde zu bauen, die zusam-
menkommt, um Dank zu sagen, dem, auf dessen
Frsprache wir vertrauen, dessen Zusage Ich bin
der Ich bin da immer wieder von neuem in Er-
fllung geht. Da wo zwei oder drei in seinem Na-
men zusammenkommen, ist er in ihrer Mitte (Mt
18,20).
Fotos Klaus Kinold, Mnchen

XX

.
- : -
, . - , -
XII - , -
, ,
, , - XX , -
-
-
- ,
. XXI .
XX ,
, ,
- . -
, -
, a .

566 W. ZAHNER
TOWARDS OSAKA EXPO 70: THE AVANT-GARDE
AND ART AND TECHNOLOGY IN JAPAN

Toshino Iguchi

In this paper I examine the development of the idea of art and technology in the 1960s. I focus on Osaka Expo
which was a significant turning point in the history of Japanese modern arts.
Key words: Osaka Expo, art, technology, avant-garde, Japan, Jikken Kobo, Gutai, Electromagica

Introduction art and technology. In making this argument, I

focus specifically on the inter-media group Jikken
Kobo and their activities in relationship to the

T
oday, we often see the media arts using high
technology at international festivals and art
exhibitions. At these exhibitions Japanese
artists always lead to the way in exploring the new
field of media arts. Looking back, we understand the
Osaka Expo in 1970 as a turning point in Japanese
art history, because of almost all Japanese modern
artists contributed to this national project. One ex-
planation for the birth of media art may lay in the
fact that the modernist idea of combining art and
technology was adopted in their works. In Japan a
lot of avant-garde groups were formed in the 1950s
and the 1960s. Some of them were anti-establish-
ment groups, but it seemed the groups interested in
new technology were indifferent to politics.
The purpose of this paper is to consider how the
avant-garde art movements responded to the poli-
tics of Japanese nationalism, Americanization and
economic growth, and how these fore-mentioned
political topics were represented in the Osaka Expo.
The Osaka Expo can be understood as making the
end of the Japanese avant-garde art movements, in
particular those from the 1960s, which incorporated
Osaka Expo.
1. Problems around the Osaka Expo
The Osaka Expo was the first international ex-
hibition to be held in Asia, and it was conceived
to reflect the rapid growth and achievements made
of Japan. Its theme was Progress and Harmony
for Mankind and it received a large number of
visitors: 64,210,000. The theme of progress re-
flected American success in Outer Space as well
as Americans utopian vision during the Cold War.
The harmony element came from Harmony for
Eastern and Western Culture, a slogan that had its
roots in the unrealized Tokyo World Fair of 1940,
intended to commemorate the 2600th anniversary
of the accession to the throne of the legendary first
Japanese emperor Jinmu. This theme was devel-
oped around culture and art, and a number of avant-
garde artists and intellectuals were involved in this
nation-led festivity.

TOWARDS OSAKA EXPO 70: THE AVANT-GARDE AND ART AND TECHNOLOGY IN JAPAN 567
 When architect Arata Isozaki who produced the
Osaka Expo looked back upon it, he said: When
the Expo was finished, I felt exhausted, as if I had
contributed to a war.1 What reason led Isozaki to
feel this way?
Sociologist Shunya Yoshimi, a member of the
committee for the Aichi Expo of 2005, wrote: The
function and fantasy of an Expo is to make possible
the publics desire to be rich and the governments
policy for development.2 In Osaka, the transpor-
tation network was developed for the Expo, which
included the construction of an expressway, a na-
tional highway, and a subway, as well as the main-
tenance of the citys water and sewage facilities,
accommodations, and so forth. The belief that hold-
ing an Expo attracts economic investment becomes
a factor in attracting others to hold Expos.
The decade before the Osaka Expo was held,
Japanese debate on the Japan U.S. Security Treaty
grew argumentative, and the Ikeda cabinet decided
on an income doubling programme. For 10 years
the Japanese government promoted land develop-
ment and finally, in 1970, the Japanese gross na-
tional product topped 73 trillion yen, a figure that
was 4.6 times that of 1960. The Japanese people
felt financially better off and had a desire to con-
sume. On the other hand, at the end of the 1960s
industrial pollution problems became apparent and
the worldwide East/West Cold War exposed social
contradictions; the Vietnam War seriously wors-
ened the situation, while the North-South divide in
income levels surfaced. But the Expo didnt reflect
such world problems, despite there being a lot of
anti-Expo activities in Japan. Indeed, controversy
was avoided. For instance, there is a widely publi-
cised story that the Japanese government intervened
to prevent the display of the Atomic Bomb memo-
rial photographs.3
These social factors split opinion on the content
of the Expo. A Japanese government led organiza-
tion controlled the artistic and cultural elements
of the Expo, and this control drew criticism from
within the art communities. Art critic Ichiro Haryu
1 The lecture by Arata Isozaki in March 5, 2006, and Mu-
seum of Modern Art, Kamakura and Hayama.
2 S. Yoshimi, Banpaku Genso, Chikuma Shobo 2005.
Yoshimi has studied the history of expositions: Idem, The
Politics of Exposition: Seeing at the modern times, Chuko
Shinsho 1992.
3 Ashahi Newspaper, the evening edition of February 6,
1970.
568 T. IGUCHI
criticized the whole idea of Expos: Expos are a
desolation of culture. Those in control of this event
seek to disguise the real issue of national opinion
being against the Japan U.S. Security Treaty, with
an expression of nationalism from a major world
power. The organisers ideology is for art, science
and industry to unite through technology.4
Meanwhile, the Kyoto-based performance group
Zero Dimension organized A joint Expo destruc-
tion meeting and held an anti-Expo demonstration.
In 1969 the group performed naked on a balcony at
Kyoto University before being arrested on a charge
of indecent exposure. Soon after the Expo opened,
artist Kanji Itoi performed a work in which he ran
naked around the bottom of the Sun Tower, which
led to him being removed from the hall and banned
from the Expo.
On the other hand, the American lifestyle and
consumer culture quickly became desirable to the
Japanese public following their introduction into
post-war Japan. There are a number of reasons for
this Americanization. In 1945 the General Head-
quarters / Supreme Commander for the Allied
Powers (GHQ / SCAP) led Japan, from politics
to culture. The aim of the GHQ was to eradicate
Japanese militarism and super-nationalism, and to
implement democracy. The Civil Information and
Education Section (CIE), a branch of the GHQ, was
established to provide information to the general
public. By 1951, the CIE had created twenty-three
libraries across the country. These CIE libraries,
called American Culture Centers (now Ameri-
can Centers), offered information and literature on
foreign countries, and were very popular. In 1953,
jurisdiction moved from the military to the Japan-
U.S. Public-Relations Cultural-Exchange Agency
(U.S.Information Agency) established through the
Department of State as part of the Japan U.S.
peace treaty. USIA was abolished by an adminis-
trative reform under the Clinton administration in
1999, and is now once more part of the Department
of State.
Media artist Katsuhiro Yamaguchi said in ret-
rospect that he visited the CIE Libraries and read
Moholy-Nagys Vision in Motion and The New
Vision.5
4 I. Haryu, Expo as a desolation of the culture, KEN 1
(1970), 111, Shaken.
5 K. Yamaguchi, Experimental Workshop and the Deter-
ritorialization of Art, Exhibition Catalogue of Experimental
 These institutions played the important role of
mediating artistic exchange between Japan and the
United States. It will be important to keep these
points, especially the relationships between Japan
and America, in mind as we examine the develop-
ment of Japanese media arts.

2. The Avant-garde group

Jikken-Kobo in the 1950s
Several avant-garde groups formed in the 1950s.
Writers, painters, and critics formed one group af- Fig. 1. K. Yamaguchi and H. Suzuki editing their automatic
ter another, intent on pushing forward artistic de- projection at the studio of Tokyo Tsushin Kogyo, Tokyo
bate following years of war-time inactivity. Jikken 1953. Katsuhiro Yamaguchi Archive
Kobo (The Experiment Workshop) was an impor-
tant group of special mention for art and technolo-
gy post war in Japan. Jikken Kobo was formed in
Tokyo in 1951 by the poet-critic Shuzo Takiguchi
(19031979) and fourteen other members, includ-
ing five visual artists, five music composers, a pi-
anist, a critic, a lighting designer and an engineer.6
The group produced of eighteen events by the time
it ended in 1957. The leader, Takiguchi who had
an extensive knowledge of the European modern
art and a good relationship with foreign artists, had
introduced Marcel Duchamp, Lszl Moholy-Nagy
and others into the Japanese art world since before
the war.
From the beginning, Jikken-Kobo did not have
a style or mode of expression that was common Fig. 2. Still from Adventures of the Eyes of Mr. W.S., and
throughout the group. However, members from the Test-Pilot an automatic projection, composed by Jikken
Kobo, 1953. Katsuhiro Yamaguchi Archive
Workshop: the 11th Exhibiton Homage to Shuzo Takiguchi,
Satani Gallery 1991, 24.
6 The list of their names and specializations are as fol- field of product design shared Constructivist ideals
lows: visual arts: Shozo Kitadai (19232001), Kiyoji Otsuji and an interest in media and technology, and fa-
(19232001), Katsuhiro Yamaguchi (b.1928), Tetsuro Ko- voured art forms that incorporated photography and
mai (19201976), Hideko Fukushima (19271997), music
film. According to Yamaguchi, their purpose was to
composition: Kazuo Fukushima (b.1930), Toru Takemitsu
(19301996), Keijiro Sato (b.1927), Joji Yuasa (b.1927), Hi- combine the various types of art, various art forms,
royoshi Suzuki (b. 1930), piano: Takahiro Sonoda (b.1928), reaching an organic combination that could not be
criticism: Kuniharu Akiyama (19291996), engineering: realized within the conventions of a gallery exhibi-
Hideo Yamazaki (19201079), lighting design: Naoji Imai tion, and to create a new style of art with social rele-
(b.1928). Useful information on Jikken Kobo is given in vance, closely related to every day life.7 These art-
the Exhibition Catalogue, cf. Experimental Workshop: the ists had access to materials and technology through
11th Exhibiton Homage to Shuzo Takiguchi, Satani Gallery the industrial companies they produced work for
1991; M. Tezuka, Jikken Kobo (experimental Workshop):
and often produced their own work in response to
avant-garde Experiments in Japanese Art of the 1950s,
PhD., dissertation, Columbia University 2005. The exhibi-
the support and commissions they received. For ex-
tion catalogue of Experimental Workshop: Japan 1951
1958, Annely Juda Fine Art, London 2009. 7 K. Yamaguchi, op. cit., 26.

TOWARDS OSAKA EXPO 70: THE AVANT-GARDE AND ART AND TECHNOLOGY IN JAPAN 569
 ample, the Tokyo Communication Industry Corpo-
ration (presently Sony Corporation) commissioned
the production of the auto slide work in 1953 a
multimedia machine comprised of slide projection
and tape recording (Figs. 12). Using this technol-
ogy Akiyama and Yamaguchi proposed to produce
musical poetry recorded on the tape recorder, which
incorporated the sound of the tape processing.
The group also was involved in the production of
a famous commercial for the international market in
1955 Gin-rin (Silver bicycle) was produced for
the Japan Bicycle Manufacturers Association / PR
(12 minutes, 35 mm, colour English-language edi-
tion) by the New Riken Movie Company, Jikken-
Kobo, and Tsuburaya Eiji (the same company that
produced the special-effects technology for the SF
film Godzilla). Using Music Concrete, Take-
mitsu transformed the bird song, while Tsuburaya
and Toshio Matsumoto created the surrealist style
imagery.8
Through these experiments, as well as through
subsequent activities by them after the disbanding
the group in 1957, these artists moved in the direc-
tion of what is today known as inter-media activity
(Fig. 3).
Fig. 3. Stage of LEve future designed by Jikken
Kobo, the Experimental Ballet Theater, 1955. Katsuhiro
Yamaguchi Archive
When considering the avant-garde movement,
we should compare group Gutai with Jikken
Kobo. The anti-art group Gutai (195472) was
very progressive and very active. For instance, at
the Gutai painting shows artists pounded the can-
8 The lecture by Toshio Matsumoto in 18 August, 2005 at
National Film Center Tokyo.
570 T. IGUCHI
vas with boxing gloves or crashed into the paper
with their own bodies. Gutai remained involved
in painting rather than exploring new media. On the
other hand, the purpose of Jikken Kobo was not
anti-art but rather aimed for destroying the frame of
a genre of art in order to create new forms of art by
inter-media methods via larger projects using elec-
tronic technology and more frequent collaborations
with international artists.
The year after the end of Jikken Kobo, the
Sogetsu Art Centre opened to function as the home
of the Japanese avant-garde art movements. Many
artists experimented and performed there until the
centre was closed in 1971. Most artists who worked
at the Sogetsu Art Centre endeavoured to create
new art combined with new technology. John Cage,
David Tudor, Merce Cunningham Dance Company
and Robert Rauschenberg, amongst others, were in-
vited to the Centre to work with the artists there.
The artists and architects involved with the Centre
were interested in internationalism and the joining
of art and technology; many of these artists were
involved in the Osaka Expo. For these artists, the
word avant-garde symbolised internationalism,
and it was believed that the Expo could present
Japanese originality by creating pavilions designed
by the members of Jikken Kobo.
3. Pre-opening event for the Osaka
Expo: Experimental exhibitions
in the 1960s
3.1. Inter-media Exhibitions:
From Space to Environment
In 1966, thirty-eight artists from various fields
including fine art, design, architecture, photography,
and music collaborated to establish The Environ-
ment Circle. They organised an exhibition entitled
From Space to Environment that was shown at
the Matsuya-Ginza department store in Tokyo from
November 11th16th 1966, as part of the pre-opening
events for the Osaka Expo. There were 35,000 visi-
tors to the exhibition during its six-day run.9
Members of the group who contributed to this
exhibition became directors and designers of the
9 K. Yamaguchi, From Space to Environment Exhibition,
Shoten Kenchiku 1964, 101105.
Osaka Expo, including Kuniharu Akiyama, Kiyoshi
Awazu, Joro Takamatsu, Katsuhiro Yamaguchi, and
Tadanori Yoko.
The monthly art magazine Bijutsu-Techo pub-
lished a special edition on the From Space to En-
vironment exhibition and made an appeal for en-
vironmental art.10 It not only proposed to include
in the Expo the ideas that lay within this exhibi-
tion but also sought the inclusion of contemporary
art work from Japan and abroad, especially work
concerned with science and technology. On the last
page of the feature, one finds the following group
statement: We perceive environment as an idea.
We dont perceive the city as a mass of architecture,
space, form and function, but as an environment,
that is to say, an environmental design.11
Artists from different fields began to collaborate
on plans concerning the environment for the Osaka
Expo. Thus, Arata Isozaki set up a company named
Environmental Planning Association in January
1968 and started to produce plans for the Mitsui-
Group pavilion entitled Total Theatre with art-
ist Katsuhiro Yamaguchi and architect Takamitsu
Azuma.12
3.2. CTG and the Exhibition Cybernetic
Serendipity: The Computer and the Arts
After the advocating of the cybernetic theory
by Norbert Wiener in his book The Human use of
Human Beings in 1950, cybernetics theory drew
attention in the every academic field and was the
subject of heated discussion in regard to information
technologies. In the second half of the 1960s, it
seems that it was natural to reconsider new arts
and the role of artists in the information society. As
we know, during this time light and kinetic arts ap-
peared in Europe and the U.S. These groups included
GRAV (Groupe de Recherche dArt Visuel) in Paris,
the German ZERO group, Group T in Mirano,
and E.A.T. (Experiments in Art and Technology) in
New York. This art trend became widespread and
10 Bijutsu Techo, ibid.
11 The environment circle, A purpose of From Space to
Environment Exhibition, ibid., 118.
12 K.Yamaguchi, 1970. The pavilion of Mitsui Group in
Expo 70: Total Theater Plan for free human environment
two ideas of space modulator = recovery for biological
function and creation for theatre space, Japan Interior,
February, 2031.
TOWARDS OSAKA EXPO 70: THE AVANT-GARDE AND ART AND TECHNOLOGY IN JAPAN
exhibitions were held from the middle of the 1960s
onward; for example, Light and Moving (1965) in
Berlin, Art, Light, Art (1966) in the Netherlands,
and 9 Evenings: Theater and Engineering by
E.A.T. (1966) in New York. In addition, a symbolic
event in art history occurred when The Machine:
As Seen at the End of the Mechanical Age (1967
78) was held by Pontus Hulten, at MoMA in New
York. In 1967, Jack Burnham reconsidered modern
art history from the point of view of Systems in
his book, Beyond Modern Sculpture: Effects of
Science and Technology on the Sculpture of This
Century. Furthermore, the international journal
for the arts, sciences and technology Leonardo was
published in 1968.
In Japan, too, reflecting these world tends, new
arts forms appeared. CTG (Computer Technique
Group) was formed by a young artist named Masao
Komura and computer programmers when they met
at the competition organized by IBM Japan Corpo-
ration in 1966.13
In their manifest from 1967, CTG declared
we are an activist group seeking to rehabilitate
the human being under the control computer and
machine.14
Indeed, their computer-produced drawings were
among the most imaginative to have been done
anywhere. In graphics they have explored the pos-
sibilities of transforming one image into another,
as in Running Cola is Africa, and pursued the
results of distorting of a single image as in Shar-
aku. CTG also produced a CG work via the meta-
morphosis of data conversion. It included icons of
1960s United States culture; silhouettes of portraits
of John F. Kennedy and Marilyn Monroe and the
Coca-Cola bottle were used as motifs symbols
of American culture that were familiar in Japan. In
1968, CTG held the exhibition entitled Computer
Art: media transformation through electronics at
the Tokyo Gallery, and they showed an Automatic
Painting Machine No. 1 with a plotter of X and
Y axes that could automatically draw pictures ac-
13 The members of CTG: Haruki Tsuchiya (system engi-
neer); Masao Kohmura (product designer); Kunio Yamana-
ka (aeronautic engineer); Junichiro Kakizaki (electronic
engineer); Makoto Otake (architectural desgner); Okji Fu-
jino (system engineer) and Fujio Niwa (system engineer).
Jasia Reichardt, The Computer in Art, Studio Vista, London,
1971, 81.
14 CTG, Manifest, Tama Art college, 1967.
571
 sented in this show were bought and because part
of the permanent collection of Exploratorium. Then
the new idea of art and technology with Cyber-
netics Serendipity spread through the works at the
Exploratorium to become known to all over the
world.

3.3. Cross-Talk / Inter-Media, 1969

The Cross Talk / Inter-Media festival, held for
three nights at the Tokyo National Stadium in Feb-
ruary 1969, was intended to be a progressive explo-
ration of new artistic trends in Japan and the United
Fig. 4. The Poster of the Cybernetics Serendipity, 1968 States. It was organized by composers Yuasa Aki-
Collection of Masao Kohmura yama, Roger and Karen Reynolds and the director
of the American Center, Mr. Albright. The sponsors
of the event were Pan American World Airways, Pi-
cording to the way people moved and by pressing
oneer Electronic Corporation, John D. Rockefeller
buttons.15
3 Fund, Sony Corporation, Teac Corporation and
The work of CTG was included in the exhibi-
Fuji Productions. The Japanese television network
tion entitled Cybernetics Serendipity shown at NHK provided technical support.17
the ICA (Institute of Contem-
porary Arts) in London in Au-
gust 1968 (Fig. 4).16
At the exhibition, work
involving computer and elec-
tronic technology, including
painting, sculpture, graphic
art, film and poetry, was ex-
hibited alongside Tinguely's
Painting Machine, Edward
Ihnatowiczs Sound Activat-
ed Mobile (SAM), Nam Jun
Paik's Robot K456, and
Nicola Schaeffers Cyber-
netic Sculpture.
The following year, this
exhibition travelled to the
Exploratorium: the Museum
of Science, Art and Human
perception in San Francisco
which was founded by physi-
cist Frank Oppenheimer as an
opening memorial exhibition. Fig. 5. Robert Ashley, That Morning Thing for Cross-Talk Inter-Media, 1969.
Photo courtesy: Kiyoji Otsuji, Musashino Art University Museum & Library
At that time some works pre-

15 J. Reichardt, op. cit., 81.

16 This exhibition was organized by Jasia Reichardt. She
also organized the exhibition Japanese Contemporary
Arts: Fluorescent Chrysanthemums at ICA London (1968
December 1969 January).
The festival included works by Jikken Kobo and
composer Toshi Ichiyanagi, Takehisa Kosugi and
17 The pamphlet Program of Cross Talk Intermedia, 1969.

572 T. IGUCHI
Mieko Shiomi, John Cage and
Gordon Mumma (a musical
associate of the Merce Cun-
ningham Dance Company),
film maker Matsumoto Tosh-
io, members of Expanded
Cinema Stan Vanderbeek and
Ronald Nameth, dancer Tat-
sumi Hijikata, and stage de-
signers Katsuhiro Yamaguchi
and Naoji Imai. Twenty-one
works, using sound, film and
light were performed over
three nights to successive
audiences in excess of three
thousand people each night,
filling the hall.
This experience, in a dis-
cotheque-like-space consist- Fig. 6. Toshino Matsumoto and Joji Yuasa, Cross Tolk Inter Media, 1969.
ing of a huge circular dome, Photo courtesy: Kiyoji Otsuji, Musashino Art University Museum & Library
included images and sounds
produced through a fourteen
channel machine designed es- 3.4. International Psytech Art Exhibition
pecially for the event; resulting in an experience in
extreme contrast to the established exhibition envi-
Electromagica 69
ronment. The festival was conceived from an idea While final preparations were being made for the
to combine a concert-like event consisting of elec- Osaka Expo, Sony Corporation built a new corpo-
tronic technology and live electronic sound, with rate headquarters building, which included a display
the performance principles of John Cage. There space, in the Ginza area of Tokyo. In fact, due to the
can be no doubt that this festival was inspired by cost of the building, the company had to abandon its
the E.A.T. event 9 Evenings held in New York in plans for a pavilion at the Expo. However, though the
1966, which was likewise a collaboration between use of this new Tokyo space, they wanted to proceed
artists and engineers; however, the Cross Talk with an event similar to that planned for the Expo in
/ Inter-Media festival was far more ambitious in order to promote their new headquarters.
content and scale (Figs. 5, 6). The International Psytech art exhibition Elec-
When one considers American corporate sup- tromagica 69 was held at the Sony Building in
port for the event in Japan, one sees an example
of American corporations investing in an emerg-
ing Asian market. It is clear that the Cross Talk
/ Inter-Media was an exercise of the Osaka Expo
for American artists and engineers, because E.A.T.
members including David Tudor, started to pre-
pare the Pepsi Pavilion, which was designed as an
interactive multi-media environment. A Japanese
artist of E.A.T., Fujiko Nakaya also created the
cloud sculpture (water smoke) for that pavilion
(Fig. 6).18

18 Exhibition catalogue of E.A.T. The Story of Experiments

in Art and Technology, NTT InterCommunication Center, Fig. 7. The Poster of the Electromagica, 1969 Katsuhiro
2003, 5657. Yamaguchi Archive

TOWARDS OSAKA EXPO 70: THE AVANT-GARDE AND ART AND TECHNOLOGY IN JAPAN 573
 Tokyo in May 1969 (Fig. 7). According to the exhi-
bition organizer, the meaning of Psytech Art was
art incorporating psychology and technology,
Electromagica referred to magical devices ena-
bled by electricity.19
The exhibition included works of art from
France, Germany, U.S.A. and Japan. These works
developed the use of kinetics and light within mul-
ti-media installations which included laser beams,
ultra-violet lights, strobe lights, and electronics, as
well as televisions and video tape recorders. Inter-
national artists participating included the French
sculptor Nicolas Schffer, who combined cybernetics
and art, (Fig. 8) American Stephan von Huene, who
created strange sound sculptures, and the German
light artist Heinz Mack, who created optical illusions
with Perspex and electric bulbs. The exhibition also
included eight Japanese artists and the CTG.
Fig. 8. N. Schffer, Cronos 8, 1969
Katsuhiro Yamaguchi Archive
Isozaki, one of the exhibition organizers, de-
scribed the purpose of the exhibition as follows:
Our living spaces reach urbanization and the age
of new technology and electronics. In such an age
of urbanization, art and design presents new meth-
ods and forms. What needs to be recognized is the
relationship between science, technology and art
in the context of the present world situation. We
should work together as humans and machines, not
work against each other. There is a new trend need-
ed that expresses urban art through the relationship
of art and technology.20
19 The poster of Psytech Art exhibition, Electromagica
69, a special number of Bijutsu Techo, May 1969.
20 Ibid.
574 T. IGUCHI
On the exterior wall of the Sony Building there
were one-hundred strobe lights flashing on and off,
and in the square an exclusive display of art works
and the magical event of an elevator up to the 8th
floor; all of this and more created a fabulous atmos-
phere.21
4. Designing the Osaka Expo site
and pavilions
The Osaka Expo site was conceived as a fu-
turistic city that incorporated a monorail, a mov-
ing walkway and information systems.22 Utopian
design was also introduced, examples of which
included: unit rooms like a space station, an auto-
mated-type human-body washing machine, an au-
tomated kitchen system, and mobile telephones us-
ing transparent chairs. Pavilions were conceived as
Utopian designs to demonstrate future hope to the
public. The American pavilion portrayed a futuristic
dream. Included was moon rock which had been
transported to Earth by Apollo 11 the previous
year, as well as equipment from the spaceship and
that was used by the astronauts. It presented a new
epoch of Outer Space.
The pavilions were designed to use light and
images, and, therefore, the Osaka Expo has been
called the image exhibition. Every space used
electronic technology. For example, the pavilion
of a steel company presented a sound and light
show, which included laser beams. The pavilion of
a fibre company projected psychedelic images onto
strange dolls. Japanese companies illustrated their
recent developments by producing pavilions that
consisted of futuristic city environments that uti-
lized new technology. The Mitsui Group pavilion
was a notable example (Fig. 9).
The Mitsui Group pavilion was based upon the
concept of Invisible Architecture23 and the crea-
tion of a space that was an architectural structure
21 Ibid.
22 A. Isozaki, A proposition for the theme pavilion at Expo:
Invisible Architecture. Yamaguchi archives.
23 Staff of Mitsui Group pavilion were as follows: chief
producer, Katsuhiro Yamaguchi: architect, Takamitsu Azu-
ma: sound design, Toshi Ichiyanagi and Keijiro Sato: light
effects, Masaharu Sakamoto: film, Hideo Horie: plastic arts,
Michio Ihara: interior design, Shiro Kuramata. Expo 70
Mitsui Group Pavilion, Japan Interior, May 1968, 1117.
which moved via a Space
Modulator dependant on time.
The basic idea of the pavilion
was decided upon by chief
director Yamaguchi, architect
Azuma and sound designer
Ichiyanagi in March 1968.24
The theme of the pavilion
was Paradise for Creation,
and it was to include kinetic
effects inside and outside the
pavilion, thereby creating a
total theatre. They had three
basic theories: 1) Moving Ar-
chitecture, 2) Combinations,
and 3) Montage Theory.25 Fig. 9. The Mitsui Pavilion at the Osaka Expo, 1970 Katsuhiro Yamaguchi Archive
The first theory Mov-
ing Architecture was de-
rived from Endless Theatre Later, in 1978, Yamaguchi published his book
(192324) conceived by Austrian architect Fred- entitled Environmental Artist Kiesler.29
erick Kiesler. The third, Montage Theory, came
Reflecting upon this illustrates that the design of
from the ideas of Russian filmmaker Sergei Eisen-
stein.26 The plan for Kieslers Endless Theatre the Mitsui Group pavilion represented the ideas of
consisted of a theatre where there was no physi- the avant-garde artists during the early 20th century.
cal separation between the stage and seating areas, How then was the idea of total theatre repre-
and in which the actors performed inside of two sented in the pavilion? The original model of the
moving elevators, which were located in the cen- pavilion was a paper collage, but its strange organ-
tre of the theatre. The actors and members of the ic forms were impossible to construct. Therefore,
audience moved throughout the areas of the theatre Azuma changed its forms to those that became well
via a bridge. Sound and imagery were added to the known. Inside the pavilion was a huge mechanical
movement of actors and audience, creating a dy- device consisting of capsules suspended by three
namic environment.27 cranes in which members of the public could en-
When this idea appeared in the 1920s, Moholy- ter in order to experience an environment with im-
Nagy, a professor at the Bauhaus, published a book ages and sounds. Inside the dome there were discs
with Oskar Schlemmer entitled The Theatre of (six meters in diameter) moving up and down, and
Bauhaus. Mitsui Group pavilion chief director turning around, on which it was possible to seat 80
Yamaguchi, proposed a display machine which used people. On the wall of the dome there was a multi
an automatic control device reflecting Moholy-
projection display consisting of three screens (each
Nagys idea for total theatre where the elements
11 meters high, 26 meters wide), 18 projectors, and
light, space, plan, form, movement, sound, human
joined together to make one organism. 28 3 stroboscopes, and computer programmed sound
effect devices (Fig. 10).30
24 K.Yamaguchi, 1970. Expo 70 = from idea to accom- According to Yamaguchi, the pavilion could
plishment: try for total theatre, Bijutsu Techo, April, 923. create experiences that were different from tradi-
25 From interview for Katsuhiro Yamaguchi, April 4. 2005. tional art spaces or communications like musicals,
26 K.Yamaguchi, 1978. Environmental Artist Kiesler, Bi- opera, ballet and film.31
jutsu Shupansha, 37.
27 29 Id., Expo 70 = from idea to accomplishment: try for
K.Yamaguchi, The pavilion of Mitsui Group in Expo
70: Total Theatre Plan for free human environment two total theatre, op. cit., 923.
ideas of space modulator = recovery for biological function 30 Ibid.
and creation for theatre space, op. cit., 25. 31 Invitation for environment art, Ashahi Graph, special
28 K.Yamaguchi, Environmental Artist Kiesler, ibid. edition, April 1. 1970, 6773.

TOWARDS OSAKA EXPO 70: THE AVANT-GARDE AND ART AND TECHNOLOGY IN JAPAN 575
 space of multi-media by art
and technology, which avant-
garde artists had been ex-
perimenting with during the
1950s and the 1960s.
The idea of art and tech-
nology transformed envi-
ronment art at the moment
that was the Osaka Expo. The
giant national project gave
avant-garde artists an oppor-
tunity experiment, and the
nation benefited from their ef-
forts, which constituted shin-
ing examples of modernity.
It was an epoch when people
Fig. 10. The plan for the Mitsui Pavilion Katsuhiro Yamaguchi Archive believed that the progress of
science and technology prom-
ised a rich future. We can see
Around the time of the Osaka Expo, the word that the root of the achieve-
environment began to appear in magazine arti- ments of Japanese media arts lay in the activities by
cles, for example Invitation for Environmental the avant-garde artists during Cold War period.
Art Asahi Graph32 and Blossoming Environmen-
tal Art Sunday Mainichi33 This illustrates that the
media played an important role in popularizing the
concept of environment. Thus the idea of envi- Acknowledgments
ronment came from the creation of the interactive
I would like to thank Katsuhiro Yamaguchi and
32 Flowering environment art, Sunday Mainichi, special his archives, and the National Museum of Mod-
edition, April 30. 1970, 105. ern Art, Tokyo, for help with research to write this
33 Expo guide, Expo for everybody, 1970, 1113. paper.

EXPO 70:

, Osaka Expo 70 - -
- .
, XX -
. - -
- . - Jikken Kobo (195157)
. Expo , -
- - Gutai
. - High Red Centre. Jikken

576 T. IGUCHI
Kobo
E.A.T. Expo, -
. - , .
- Future City
, Rich Future.
. -
From Space to . , -
Environment (1966), Cross-Talk / Inter-Media (1969),
Electromagica (1969), ,
. .

TOWARDS OSAKA EXPO 70: THE AVANT-GARDE AND ART AND TECHNOLOGY IN JAPAN 577
HETEROCHRONY IN THE ACT:
THE MIGRATORY POLITICS OF TIME

Mieke Bal

The article explores video art engagement and migratory culture through an analysis of a few works relating to it.
It is proposed that an engagement with current migratory culture represents a key to understanding processes of
actuality of viewing and actuality of the transformations in which heterochronous aesthetic works.
Key words: video, politics, moving image, Mimoune, memory, movement, performance, heterochrony

Introduction

O
n rst viewing, Gon-
zalo Ballesters vid-
eo work Mimoune
(2006) appears to be quite
simple and straightforward.
Mimoune, an immigrant sin
papeles (undocumented)
who is living in the south of
Spain, enters the frame and
begins to talk to his family
in Morocco. In the next shot,
which is of a different tech-
nical quality that ctionally
suggests it was shot with an Fig. 1. G. Ballester, Mimoune (2002)
analogue camera, we see the
family speak back to him.
Mimoune is based on episto-
lary aesthetics. Instead of consisting of letters read mobile phone and the digital camera, video today
and images added, however, it is itself a letter or, is a widespread instrument of cultural practice. In
better, a correspondence; conducted by means of particular, it is used a great deal by migrants as a
video. Video: an electronically processed moving means to connect across great distances to fam-
image, and image of movement. Along with the ily and friends back home, thus supplementing

HETEROCHRONY IN THE ACT: THE MIGRATORY POLITICS OF TIME 579

 their existence in movement with moving images
of that existence.1
The moving image and migration were both
phenomena of substantial currency and effect dur-
ing the twentieth century. In the present moment
it appears that the visibility of video and migra-
tion is increasingly enhanced based respectively on
the sheer volume and variety of populations on the
move, and the pyramiding appeal and accessibility
of video. As a work about migration, Mimoune
demonstrates anew that the aesthetic dimension of
the social phenomenon of the movement of peo-
ple moves in two asymmetrical directions. On the
one hand, migrants influence their host countries
cultures, enriching them with new possibilities of
experience. On the other hand, their stay in these
host countries influences the subjective relation-
ships between migrants and their attachments and
situations with respect to their places of origin.
The former influence is future-oriented, the lat-
ter anchored in the past, and primarily entertained
through memory.2
But memories are often permeated with longing,
the unbridgeable gap of desire. And desire, in turn,
is infused with futurality. Thus, memory skips over
the present, as if exercising a cinematic cut of cos-
mic proportions. Mimoune is permeated with these
temporal tensions, and its images of longing shape
them. The sense of pastness, which is central to the
relationships between migrants and their home-
lands, provides, in effect, the temporal sustenance
for a life that entails at once existing in the now
and striving for a future. This dynamic is operative
whether or not they have personal memories of their
homeland; whether their homeland is imaginary or
the product of post-memory.3
1 The notion of an epistolary aesthetic is propounded by
Hamid Naficy in his discussion of accented cinema. Cf.
H. Naficy, An Accented Cinema: Exilic and Diasporic Film-
making, Princeton University Press 2001.
2 On migration and its history cf. the work of S. Sassen,
Cities in a World Economy, Thousand Oaks, CA 20063.
For the history of the moving image, cf. M. A. Doane, The
Emergence of Cinematic Time: Modernity, Contingency, The
Archive. Harvard University Press 2002. On memory: Acts
of Memory: Cultural Recall in the Present (eds. M. Bal
J. Crewe L. Spitzer), University Press of New England
1999.
3 The term post-memory has been proposed by Marianne
Hirsch. Cf. M. Hirsch, Family Pictures: Maus, Mourning,
and Post-Memory, Discourse, Journal for Theoretical Stud-
ies in Media and Culture 152 (1992 / 1993), 329, espe-
580 M. BAL
In spite of the century-long history of the mov-
ing image, by virtue of its widespread use and its
now predominantly digital mediality, video is the
medium of our time. It is also the medium of time;
of time contrived, manipulated, and offered in dif-
ferent, multilayered ways. Time is no longer cap-
tured, as was the case with the very first strips of
celluloid. Nor is it even sampled in bits separat-
ed by cuts. Time is framed, made to appear real
but no longer indexically attached to the real time
that it purportedly represents. Like filmic cinema,
it offers images moving in time slow or fast, in-
terrupting and integrating. Similarly, and again,
in spite of its extensive impact throughout world
history, as a cultural phenomenon, migration is the
situation of our time. But it is also an experience
of time; of time as multiple, heterogeneous the
time of haste and waiting; the time of movement
and stagnation; the time of memory and of an un-
settling, provisional present, with its pleasures and
its violence.4
Video and migratory life thus have something
in common. A complex, and sometimes confusing,
challenging multitemporality characterizes both. I
will approach this communality obliquely. First, I
seek to illustrate how video art can contribute to a
better understanding of migratory culture through
an analysis of a few video works relating to it.
This approach primarily concerns the experience
of time. Conversely, I will argue that migratory
culture helps us to engage with video art on a dif-
ferent, more socially engaged level than might be
obvious, also, particularly, in terms of temporality.
I proceed in this oblique and dialogic manner be-
cause video, as an artistic medium, can, arguably,
provide an experiential understanding of what such
cially 89. Ernst van Alphen contests the appropriateness of
memory in this term, cf. E. van Alphen, Second-Genera-
tion Testimony, Transmission of Trauma, and Postmemory,
Poetics Today 272 (2006), 47388.
4 Cubitt goes so far as to identify the flicker effect of early
film with the pixels of digital video. Although this identifica-
tion seems to make short shrift of the technical differences,
the concise formulation of the differences among a cinema
that represents, one that reproduces, and one that generates
(360) makes sense, albeit not ontological sense. S. Cubitt,
The Cinema Effect, MIT Press 2004. Manovich uses the
phrase sampling time (50). L. Manovich, The Language
of New Media, MIT Press 2001. Stewart speaks of framed
time, referring to the contemporary (digital) aesthetic in
Hollywood cinema, cf. G. Stewart, Framed Time: Toward a
Postfilmic Cinema. University of Chicago Press 2007.
a multitemporality means. I refer to the phenom-
enon itself as multitemporality; to the experience
of it as heterochrony.5
I contend that the concept of heterochrony is
indispensable for gaining insight into the micro-
politics of migratory culture, and that, therefore, it
should be added to the toolbox of cultural analysis.
In making this argument, I follow a key argument
from the work of anthropologist Johannes Fabian.
He repeatedly argues that culture is not a situa-
tion, space, or state but a process of confrontation.
Otherwise conceptualized, attempts to study cultures
invariably rely on an allochronic approach that rel-
egates others into a contradictory pastness and time-
lessness. Such an approach denies the coevalness of
the encounter between the native and the other, ographic and migratory cultures inspired Miguel
which is the conditio sine qua non of any study of
cultural difference, multiplicity, or alterity. Migrato-
ry culture provides an eminently suitable model for
understanding the value of Fabians view.6
In line with this dual argument, I propose that
an engagement with current migratory culture is
key to understanding such a process of confronta-
tion, since it is clearly based on coevalness as well
as its spatial counterpart, colocation. But neither
shared space nor shared time is homogeneous.
Limiting my argument to time, I put forward the
concept of heterochrony to foster insight into the
state of migratory culture and its politics, and seek
5 Foucault favors the term heterotopia over heterochro-
ny, a term he also uses. Cf. M. A. Doane, op. cit., 139.
6 For an expos of micropolitics, cf. M. . Hernndez-
Navarro, Little Resistances: Contradictions of Mobility,
in: 2MOVE: Video, Art, Migration, Murcia, Spain: CEN-
DEAC. 83151. Fabian forcefully proposes the concepts of
allochrony and coevalness. J. Fabian, Time and the Other:
How Anthropology Makes its Object, Columbia University
Press 1983. His later work continuously reframes these is-
sues. For a demonstration of an alternative, performance-
based approach, congenial to the exhibition discussed in
this paper I rely on his 1990 book Power and Performance:
Ethnographic Explorations through Proverbial Wisdom and
Theater in Shaba, Zaire, University of Wisconsin Press.
Fabian usefully sums up the relation between a static con-
cept of culture and the denial of coevalness in 1992. Cul-
ture, Time, and the Object of Anthropology, in: Time and
the Work of Anthropology: Critical Essays 19711991, Har-
wood, 191206. In an article published in 2001, the issue of
temporality is brought to bear on the -graphy of ethnog-
raphy and, by implication, of, my case here, videography.
Id., Time, Narration, and the Exploration of Central Africa,
in: Anthropology with an Attitude: Critical Essays, Stanford
University Press 2001, 14057.
HETEROCHRONY IN THE ACT: THE MIGRATORY POLITICS OF TIME
to demonstrate how such insight enhances our abil-
ity to understand video art that is related however
loosely to the migratory.7
Video and migration are both anchored in the
conceptual metaphor of movement. But this is a
movement that cannot be taken for routine, natu-
ral, or realist. On the one hand, there is the mov-
ing image with its video-specific effects of digital
video, specifically in installation and other exhibi-
tionary practices that multiply and complicate,
and then frame, time. On the other hand, there are
moving people, with the moving including mov-
ing in the emotional sense images they gener-
ate in the temporality of the social landscape. Our
intuitive sense of the connection between vide-
ngel Hernndez Navarro and myself to create an
exhibition of video art that explores this connection
further. To highlight the common aspects of moving
images and moving people, we called this exhibi-
tion 2MOVE. In this paper, I single out this double
movement of temporality for closer scrutiny.8
In the following section, I present three works
that demonstrate how the concept of heterochrony
I wish to put forward enhances our understanding
of the double movement the mutual illumination
of the migratory and the videographic. From the
vantage point of these three works, here consid-
ered as theoretical objects, I will then point out
forms of heterochrony and their political potential
in a number of other works from the exhibition
2MOVE.
7 For my thoughts on the concepts of time in narrative
theory, cf. M. Bal, Narratology: Introduction to the Theory
of Narrative, University of Toronto Press 20093. For the
purpose of this essay, Verstraten helpfully aligns film analy-
sis with narrative theory in P. Verstraten, Film Narratology
(Trans. S. van der Lecq), University of Toronto Press 2009.
In film studies, the handbook by Bordwell and Thompson is
most widely used. D. Bordwell K. Thompson, Film Art: An
Introduction (10th ed.), McGraw Hill 2010. On performance
and performativity treated as neither identical nor entirely
distinct, cf. M. Bal, Travelling Concepts in the Humanities:
A Rough Guide, University of Toronto Press 2002.
8 2MOVE: Migratory Aesthetics was first held in Mur-
cia, Spain, in Sala Vernicas and Centro Prraga from
March 8 to May 13, 2007; then in Enkhuizen, the Nether-
lands, Zuiderzeemuseum from September 20, 2007 to Janu-
ary 6, 2008. From March 27 to May 11, 2008 it was held in
the Stenersenmuseet in Oslo. Finally, it was simultaneously
on display in the two Irelands, in the Solstice Arts Centre,
Navan, Ireland (May 3June 2 2008) and in Belfast, UK, at
Belfast Exposed (May 3June 6, 2008).
581

Fig. 2. R. Theuws, Gaussian Blur, 20052006
My inquiry focuses on three aspects of this larger
issue. First, I examine how the relationship between
video and heterochrony can be clarified by viewing
it in terms of performance and performativity. Sec-
ond, one obvious realm of both experience and aes-
thetics, where heterochrony intersects provocatively
with both migratory culture and video, is memory.
That is why I discuss memorys entangled relation-
ship to both movements. Third, in a final section I
discuss heterochrony in the present, the here-and-
now of migratory culture its violent potential and
the possibilities for dealing with it ethically within
the migratory culture of the present.
Videos of Temporalization
Having looked at Mimoune, which deals explic-
itly with migration and its temporality of delay, I
will now address a work that has no explicit con-
nection to migratory culture at all, but in which
time is a key player. Roos Theuwss Gaussian Blur
(200506) is an experimental video with a double
image stream, each stream moving at a slow, but
different, pace. Through its slowness, the video
probes the question of whether we are more deep-
ly touched, and transformed, by image fragments
582 M. BAL
that float in our subconscious
than by our more conscious
responses. The underlying
stream consists of images of
idyllic rural landscapes, popu-
lated by animals and children,
trees, barns, and water. Super-
imposed over these images is
a layer of flickering points of
light. They move faster than
the other images, thus making
the underlying images very
hard to see, and sometimes
giving them an eerie, unset-
tling appearance. A childs
sunhat comes to resemble a
soldiers helmet, for exam-
ple. A kind of timelessness
infuses the videos undeni-
ably slowed-down movement.
Yet, time is at the heart of the
slowness. Vision becomes
more difficult and demand-
ing, and the effort required to
discern the images qualifies the viewers participa-
tion, or performance of looking. While the viewer
is physically aware of the temporality of his or her
physical body an awareness augmented by the
points of light that prick our consciousness with a
very different pace another temporality reaches
out, interferes with ordinary haste, and insinuates
slowness into the sensation of looking.9
Far from being a video on migration, Gaus-
sian Blur is an abstract work in several ways that
all bear on the temporality I consider significant
for migratory culture. Hence, while this work has
no thematic engagement with migration, it nev-
ertheless sets the tone for the focus of inquiry of
the exhibition. The works first form of abstraction
emerges from its experimentation with movement
on the edge; movement, that is, dressed down to its
bare essence. This is abstraction as the presentation
of what is barely visible; of looking around the cor-
ner of routine vision. Since one of the tools used
(but by far not the only one) is an extreme retarda-
9 R. Theuwss Gaussian Blur (20056) and Mona Hatoums
Measures of Distance (1988) were the two starting points of
the exhibition. While the former is a self-reflexive work on
video and the latter a visual essay on migration and inti-
macy, screening them in immediate proximity to each other
turns the tables on such thematic divisions.
tion of the flow of images, the works second form
of abstraction resides in its experimentation with
temporality.
When we approach this work, heterochrony
sets in as our routine temporality is confronted
with the artificial one presented. The third form of
abstraction comes from the works uncontrollable
figurations, our sense that our routine templates and
narrative fillers are inadequate in their capacity to
enable us to account for or engage with what we are
seeing. The fourth form of abstraction is best char-
acterized as an entirely new, sensate production of
surface as skin. The surface of the second layer of
images, then, in its very abstraction, anthropomor-
phizes the video. It is no coincidence that the flick-
ers of light look like blisters. They hurt; they touch
us; they make contact, but not an easy, self-evident
contact. Vision made difficult; a slowed down tem-
porality; uncontrollable, non-narrative figuration;
and a sense of a new, as yet unseen, skin: these are
four forms of abstraction that provide access into
the migratory aspect of culture.
Challenging its viewers to see beyond the rou-
tine, to take or give time, to open up to unexpected
figurations and to sensitize themselves to the pain
of excision, this work mobilizes abstraction in
terms that can suitably address the confrontational
nature of migratory culture. The cuts from clip to
clip, behind the skin of the video, never mitigated
by smoothing transitions, are significantly abrupt.
The flickering points of light can be read as blisters
on the skin of the visible, kinetic world. The works
varied forms of abstraction harbor confrontation as
abstractions natural state.10
A second key work is Mona Hatoums Measures
of Distance (1988). This video, in contrast to Theu-
wss work, is thematically devoted to migratory cul-
ture. It consists of still images that are over-layered
by Arabic letters, a soundscape of the artists home
in Bayreuth, and a voice-over of the artist reading,
in English, letters that her mother sent to her, letters
that were written and sent following their separa-
tion. The bidirectional but asymmetrical movement
of migration is aesthetically elaborated. If we look
back, preposterously, from the now, with Ball-
ester and Theuws, to this earlier work from 1988,
10
I have developed the concept of abstraction I am using
here in M. Bal, Inside the Polis, in: Ann Veronica Janssens:
An den Frhling, Museum Morsbroich Leverkusen, Cologne
2007, 165201.
HETEROCHRONY IN THE ACT: THE MIGRATORY POLITICS OF TIME
we see how it, too, elaborates on videos potential
in ways that integrate the double movement of mi-
gration.
Fig. 3. M. Hatoum, Measures of Distance, 1988
In the mothers letters, there is a movement from
home to the far-away place where the daughter
has ended up. The other movement takes place in
the memories of the daughter, who is located in
Bayreuth. These memories are presented in layers;
through the voices, the lettering, and through im-
ages of the body of Hatoums mother in the shower.
The recorded Arabic voices from home speak
at a rapid clip; the reading in English is slow and
delayed; the lettering is permanent, and the body,
rather than moving, morphs. All these media deploy
different temporalities, so that multi-temporality is
implicit in the work itself. Thus, the video repre-
sents, explains, generates, or conveys the ex-
perience of heterochrony.
Like Theuwss video, Hatoums work articulates
videos most significant characteristics as a moving
medium, in the triple sensethe moving image, the
movement of people, and the emotionally moving
quality of the resulting situation. In this respect it
is important that the movement is not recorded but
constructed. It is made, as if the artist were dem-
onstrating medium specificity by making a video
out of what it is not. Still photographs are blurred
into one another. The movement, then, is only that
of the surface, the screen, not of the figures in
the image. Hatoums work, layered like Theuwss,
makes the surface of the screen opaque, and only
slowly reveals the mothers body. First covered by
the opaqueness of the shower curtain so that it looks
583
 abstract, then by water, and, throughout, by the Ara-
bic lettering of the mothers own words, the mother
is not given over to the viewer without several lay-
ers of protection. The transitions from one still im-
age to the next, the rapidly spoken Arabic followed
by a slower and delayed English voice, make time
a multifaceted experience; a heterochrony. The de-
layed temporality of epistolary contact, moreover,
is another layer that complicates visibility.
Together, these three works offer specific ele-
ments that may flesh out the concept of hetero-
chrony. Mimoune stages the discrepancies in the
gap between emission and reception, eliding the
real, slow time of epistolary traffic. Thus, it empha-
sizes the heterochrony inherent in video the gap
of the cut and, or as an image of the cut in migra-
tion the gap of distance. Revisiting the Deleuz-
ian distinction between movement-image and time-
image, Gaussian Blur emphatically slows down the
viewers experience of visible movement, offering
a meditative viewing experience that counters both
routine pace and narrative (page-turning) haste.
Moreover, the difficulty of seeing the underlying
images heightens the viewers visual engagement;
the desire to see who and what is there. Measures
of Distance offers a temporal cacophony of differ-
ent paces within a single videographic space. This
entices the viewer to juggle different temporalities.
These videos transform our experience of time
they temporalize.11
Performance and Performativity
Heterochrony, then, is a primary point of inter-
section between the videographic and the migrato-
ry. The superimpositions, tensions, and incongruous
encounters between different temporalities alert us
to the simple but oft-forgotten fact that time is not
an objective phenomenon. A relentless clock, and
the fixed schedules it prescribes, regulates our lives.
This makes other temporalities that we also live al-
most invisible. This regulation based on calendars
and clocks, on productivity measured in time, and
capitalist governance is called time reckoning.
It interferes with rhythms and durations that have
11 For the distinction between movement-image and time-
image, cf. G. Deleuze, Cinema 2: The Time-Image, Uni-
versity of Minnesota Press 1989; D. N. Rodowick, Gilles
Deleuzes Time Machine, Duke University Press 1997.
584 M. BAL
personal impact on individual lives. Through time,
politics enters the private lives of all. As a conse-
quence, video art that solicits the performance of
heterochrony by the viewer (who is compelled to
such a performance by the multitemporal works on
display) might produce new if precarious and pro-
visional communities along experiential lines. If
and when this happens, the works can be said to
have performative force.12
The genesis of such performativity lies in the
identificatory politics of time. People in situations
of migrancy are often torn between haste and sta-
sis. This simple experiential discrepancy is com-
pounded by political and economical temporal mul-
tiplicities in the postcolonial era. Time, in spite of
all its internal differentiation, is usually, sometimes
forcefully, relegated to one aspect only, that of the
chronology of divisible units. This linear logic has
a profound sensate effect on everyone, and more
strongly so on those whose relationship to the local
chrono-logic is oblique. Thus conceived, chronol-
ogy is a stricture that looms over events and thus
colors the experience of time with a dark shadow of
inevitable inadequacy.13
Imagine the everyday life of someone who is
waiting for legal residency, or for much-needed
employment permits, or for news from far-away
family members. At the same time, as they say, the
clock is ticking. That person needs to earn money
to support his family back home and thus justify
the tearing apart of his family, his life. This is, in
short, the stage on which Mimoune is set. In such
situations, the hectic rhythm of social and econom-
ic life, always too fast, contrasts sharply with the
time of waiting, always too slow. Although tempo-
ral discrepancies and disturbed rhythms occur in all
human lives, it is easy to realize that heterochrony
12 The formulation I use here intimates that experience,
like memory, is something we do, not something that just
happens to us. Cf. Acts of Memory: Cultural Recall in the
Present (eds. M. Bal J. Crewe L. Spitzer), University
Press of New England 1999, where this performativity is
explained in relation to memory.
13 For a comprehensive presentation of issues of tempo-
rality in anthropology, cf. N. D. Munn, The Cultural An-
thropology of Time: A Critical Essay, Annual Review of
Anthropology 21 (1992), 93123. More detailed but more
limited in scope is A. Gell, The Anthropology of Time: Cul-
tural Constructions of Temporal Maps and Images, Oxford
1992. On the oblique but enforced impact of chrono-logic,
cf. J. Toufic, Vampires: An Uneasy Essay on the Undead in
Film, Post Apollo Press 2003, 31.
is specifically tangible in the life of someone who
is, in one way or another, as the saying goes, on
the move. Seen in this light, the deceptively smooth
and fast editing of Mimoune constitutes a sliver of
monotemporality, a resting place within a hectically
heterochronic life.
Heterochrony is more than subjective experi-
ence, however. Because it contributes to the tem-
poral texture of our cultural world, our ability to
understand and consciously experience it is a politi-
cal necessity. Living heterochrony means that we
perform our lives within it. Precisely because it is
a formally experimental work that comprises mul-
tiple levels of abstraction, Gaussian Blur captures
the profound and physical sensation of a multitem-
porality that entails the experience of heterochrony
in its bare essence, outside of the distractions of a
captivating narrative. There is a relentlessness to
the slowness, an insistence on the ongoing quality
of time, that stems directly from the almost unbear-
ably slow pace. The storm-riddled tree branches, a
dark leaf falling on a child, become more threaten-
ing as a result. The human figures and the horse de-
tach themselves through this slow movement from
the still, impressionistic atmospheres of the paint-
ings they invoke. They move infinitely slowly, yet
infinitely faster than their painted counterparts. Our
visual memory infuses the former with the latter.
Meanwhile, the flickering of points of light on the
outer layer or skin of the video, which makes the
underlying images hard to see and dreamlike, keeps
us aware of the fleeting speed of time outside the
slow unfolding of movement. Reminiscent of the
flicker in early cinematic images, as well as of the
video effect called Gaussian Blur that is evoked but
not used. The somewhat faster speed of the flow of
the surface images is disjunctive in relation to the
slower speed of the images it covers.
Mimoune, in contrast, appears to be set in real
time. This work is based on a very simple idea a
fiction. It is a postcard made using video with a
second card sent in response. As with all epistolary
traffic, there is a time gap between dispatch and de-
livery. This gap is constitutive of writing, with all
its political and juridical consequences. At the same
time, this gap is a profoundly personal experience.
In this light, to see the interchange between senders
and receivers occur more rapidly than reality would
allow is a poignant experience for the viewer. We
see Mimoune sitting down and saying hello, and in
HETEROCHRONY IN THE ACT: THE MIGRATORY POLITICS OF TIME
the next instant we see his wife, children, and other
relatives watching and reciprocating the greeting.
It all looks so simple, so normal, yet it is impos-
sible.14
Time, its elision, lies at the heart of fiction
the fiction that is truer than reality. The simple
aesthetic that this work mobilizes makes that fic-
tionality look deceptively real. In stark distinction
from the sophisticated aesthetics of both Gaussian
Blur and Measures of Distance, the look of the im-
ages evokes home video, in two distinct ways. The
images in Spain have the clarity of digital video.
But Mimoune barely fits in the frame. It is as if he
needs to bend his body and bow his head to enter
it. He is to record a video message under condi-
tions of confinement. His visual confinement in the
space of the frame can be read as a metaphor for
his temporal confinement in heterochrony. The im-
ages shot in Morocco, in contrast, have the grainy
quality of analogue transferred to digital. Here, the
frame is larger and the homemade quality is not de-
rived from narrow framing but from an uncertain
engagement with the camera. The relatives are do-
ing their best to perform the script.
Far from being a simple aesthetic, this variegat-
ed home video look creates a surface that some-
times evokes an uncertainty of looking a look
that wavers between its possible inappropriateness,
even voyeurism, and its necessity, because it ac-
knowledges the tearing apart of the family through
migration. It is as if the surface affects the perform-
ance. We see people who long to be together, yet
seem to have little to say; whose hearts probably
are full, but who lack the time to express what is in
them. Groping for words, they slow down the event
of speaking. Pressured to speak, however, they also
speak before they find the right words. And the
gaps are elided but not hidden. Time is completely
messed up.
14 The plot of the biblical Book of Esther is largely based
on this motif of epistolary delay. Cf. M. Bal, Lots of Writ-
ing, Semeia 54 (1991), 77102, reprinted in: Ruth and Es-
ther: A Feminist Companion to the Bible (ed. A. Brenner),
Sheffield Academic Press 1999, 21238. The temporal
discrepancies of writing are, of course, most forcefully
explained by Derrida. Cf. J. Derrida, Of Grammatology,
Johns Hopkins University Press 1976. By the change in im-
age surface quality between the footage shot in Spain and
in Morocco, entirely constructed, Mimoune explodes the
inevitable gaps in the temporality of film, exacerbated, in
turn, in video. On the inevitable discontinuities in film cf.
M. A. Doane, op. cit., 177.
585
 In other video works, too,
double or multiple temporali-
ties are the engine of a het-
erochronous viewing experi-
ence that obstructs a smooth
performance. While Ballester
uses video editing to close
the gaps between timeframes
separated by migration, Gary
Wards installation Inflection
(20027) constitutes hetero-
chrony as a sense of stagnation
through circularity. This work
consists of two videos pro-
jected on screens standing, at
a ninety-degree angle to each
other, on a glossy surface. One
video is a portrait of the Afri-
can janitor at the school build-
ing in which the artist studied.
The other, set in a launderette,
is a self-portrait of the artist.
Both portraits are indirect, and
consist mainly of projections
in water, in shiny surfaces.
While the cleaner makes cir-
cular movements with his wet
mop, we see the artist reflected
in the round eye of the wash-
ing machine.
In cultural studies of time,
circularity, or circular move-
ment, is opposed to the relent-
less linearity of evolutionist
culture (e.g. Kristeva 1986).15
But, as Nancy Munn (1992,
101)16 and others have point-
ed out, circularity is not ex-
actly the opposite of linearity; Fig. 4. G. Ward, Inflection, 20022007
each repetition necessarily
occurs later than the previous
one. Both the circularity-in-linearity of time, and The self-portrait, 8Till8, is mainly composed of
the loop that is the constitutive form of exhibition- the rotating inside of the washing machine, as seen
ary video are principles informing Wards installa- through the window in the machines door. All im-
tion. Circularity is embodied in the loop. In Wards ages of the artist are indirect, either shadows or re-
double reflection, time is (fictitiously) presented as flections. The spinning of the washing machine, in
circular.17 the eye of which the artist sees himself distorted,
is a visual model of the circularity in which peo-
15 J. Kristeva, Womens Time Trans, in: The Kristeva Reader
ple can be caught. The machine is the maddening
(ed. T. Moi), Columbia University Press 1986, 188213.
16 N. D. Munn, op. cit., 93123. of the work, each reflecting on migration and alterity as
17 Wards reflection is double in two distinct ways: as well as (self-)portraiture, and reflection of self and other
reflection on and reflection of, but also in two parts as linked.

586 M. BAL
clock that goes round and round and will not let
go of the subject caught up in its wheels. Wards
reflected face is distorted and mangled by the turn-
ing backdrop of the machine. This turning can be
seen as a critique of capitalist time the divided,
streamlined, and exchanged time that precludes yet
initiates heterochrony. On the soundtrack, a quiet
voice speaks of climbing mountains in search of
confidence and security (you trust the rope). The
rhythmic contrast between the turning machine and
the voice installs multitemporality into the experi-
ence of the work. The mountain climbing narrative
thus becomes a little resistance a barely notice-
able resistance against the image of the artist/view-
ers absorption by capitalist time.18
Then, when the viewer looks to the other screen,
at Kofi Cleaning, that circularity becomes embodied
in the act of labor, and the pace in the crush of bore-
dom. Slowly moving his wet mop around the floor,
Kofis presence is at once invisible and an indis-
pensable condition for life as usual in the building
to continue the epitome of capitalist time. Here,
too, most of the images of Kofi are reflections of
him; in the water or the wet tiles of the floor. As
the viewer shifts her attention between the screens,
it becomes apparent that the pace of the two loops
is different, as if they were slightly out of sync. At
the same time, these two portraits seem to need and
sustain each other, and it falls to the spectator to
perform their togetherness. Their simultaneous dis-
play sets up a different kind of multitemporality, a
psychosocial one, not within but between the two
wings of this diptych. Together, they explore the
irruption of otherness within the self and between
self and other that the viewer as intermediary is
asked to perform.
This irruption is visible both in 8Till8 and in that
self-reflexive works encounter with Kofi Clean-
ing, which, when exhibited at a right angle to it,
literally touches it. It is between the two screens
that otherness irrupts. Hence, there are three, not
two time frames, each with a different rhythm: the
self-portrait in the glass door of the spinning wash-
ing machine; the mop of the slowly cleaning Kofi,
turning in circles as does his life; and the time de-
fined by the two videos joined together, out of sync
18 For an important discussion of capitalist time and al-
ternatives, cf. C. Casarino, Time Matters: Marx, Negri, Ag-
amben and the Corporeal, Strategies 162 (2003), 185206.
I owe the term little resistance to Hernndezs catalogue
essay for the 2MOVE exhibition.
HETEROCHRONY IN THE ACT: THE MIGRATORY POLITICS OF TIME
yet embracing each other in a silent dance. Circu-
larity changes into engagement. This joined and out
of sync quality turns the encounter with otherness
into an everyday moment of migratory culture. In
Wards loops, the migratory erupts to stipulate that
one plus one makes more than two it makes a
world.
Like Mimoune, William Kentridges Shadow
Procession (1999) appears to be temporally straight-
forward, yet harbors great complexity. During most
of the twenty-minute video, cut-out silhouettes
march from left to right across the screen, to the
sound of merry street music. Two temporalities
are merged, yet inscribe opposite moods into the
viewing experience. First, the haunting street mu-
sic elicits a feeling of cheerfulness; then the relent-
less procession, including absurd figures, conveys a
sense of unsettledness. The rhythm of the figures
movements is unreal in its regularity. This is yet
another way of foregrounding and denaturalizing
time to political effect. Implicit in this heterochrony
is a double reference to two distinct, early forms
of political art: Brechts anti-empathic theatre, and
Goyas ambivalently dark, yet often comical draw-
ings. Goyas depictions of horror, the awkward pos-
es of his figures, which are recognizably evoked in
Kentridges, produce an openness and ambivalence
of mood that democratizes affect understood
here as the transmission of intensity from work to
viewer. The theatre as play(ful) and as public ritual,
and the still image as record, merge in this work.19
The paradoxes in these artists works raise the
issue of time in exemplary fashion. Time made so
dense, contradictory, and, almost nonlinear, first
sharpens, and then overcomes, the opposition be-
tween still and moving images. Hence the rel-
evance of Hatoums video, which consists of still
19 Cf. Goyas famous series of etchings, Los desastres de
la guerra (The Disasters of War), from the second decade
of the nineteenth century. Although Goya was one of several
artists to respond to the gruesome carnage of the Napoleonic
wars, his etchings focus on the horrors of war in general.
They are not a nationalistic protest but a humane one. As
one of the last of the old masters as well as the first modern
artist in Western Europe, Goya helped the contemporary art-
ist to position himself more specifically in relation to the
post-apartheid South Africa on the one hand, and on the
other to the global migration such situations set in motion
literally, in the case of Kentridges work. On affect in this
(Deleuzian) sense, cf. E. van Alphen, Affective Operations
of Art and Literature, RES: Anthropology and Aesthetics
5354 (2008), 2030.
587
 images made to look as if they
are moving only by means of
fades. Theuwss work, in turn,
also exemplifies this over-
coming by effecting a slow-
ness that all but cancels the
movement. The importance of
this slow-down resides in its
affective impact. For, through
this, it also overcomes the gap
between an object and its af-
fective charge; in other words,
between the object perceived
at a distance and the viewer
whose act of viewing affects
her, beneath consciousness.
That is Gaussian Blurs pro-
posal for an affective aesthet-
ic. Among the consequences Fig. 5. W. Kentridge, Shadow Procession, 1999
of this paradoxical state is
a complex relationship, not
approach the kind of temporality that is at stake in
only with representation and figuration the work
Biemanns ongoing search for an effective, newly
with the human form but also with another aspect
conceived, political art through temporal and spa-
of human nature, that of existing in time.
tial foreshortening. Actuality sometimes pricks us
Video and the migratory intersect at these dif-
suddenly, sometimes pops out of its dreariness.
ferent aspects of temporality: heterogeneous time,
Representational third-person narrative as a read-
slowdown, the past cut off from the present, and erly attitude is no longer possible here. Biemanns
the need for active acts of looking in actuality sequences of dramatically different shots preclude
as Attridge would have it, in the event (2004).20 that. Her film relentlessly moves from global per-
The ambition of our exhibition is to draw viewers spectives from above to the horizontality of fast-
into the heterochrony of these video works, and the riding trains to the unsettling proximity of people in
migratory. This is where it can gain actuality not drab streets at night.
or not only political actuality, but aesthetic, social, Biemanns work foregrounds the antinarrative
and semiotic actuality as well. Actuality is the ex- thrust of heterochrony. Narrative strives to an end
perience of the now removed from its mundanity. a word that intimates both death and goal and its
Actuality can come across as a moment of shock, suspension or disruption constituted the politics of
as in some frames in Ursula Biemanns video essay time for the early twentieth-century avant-garde.21
Remote Sensing (2001), where the drabness of ex- Informed by Biemanns video, we can see that the
istence seems to wake up and come to life. This is migratory temporality of contemporary culture its
an effect of the temporal discrepancy between the defamiliarizing multitemporality, its suspension of
past and the present, when our acts of viewing sud- narrative linearity is itself infused with a politics
denly become acts of a different nature than that of of time.22
routine looking in a continuum. Remote Sensing exemplifies a genre that me-
Something happens that links the violence of diates between documentary and narrative fiction,
such moments, the disappearance of linear time
itself, to us, now. It is a mobilization of actuality 21 P. Osborne, The Politics of Time: Modernity and Avant-
as a temporal unit, an experience, and a political Garde, London, 1995.
urgency. Attention and actuality together begin to 22 Whereas Osbornes study focuses on the historical avant-
garde, Ruby develops a concept of the contemporary as itself
20 D. Attridge, J. M. Coetzee and the Ethics of Reading political by definition. Cf. R. Christian, Devenir contempo-
(Literature in the Event), University of Chicago Press 2004. rain? La couleur du temps au prisme de lart, Paris 2007.

588 M. BAL

Fig. 6. U. Biemann, Remote Sensing, 2001
avoiding the illusions of both. Biemanns chosen
genre, the video essay, is particularly apt for pro-
posing visions of migratory culture that neither of
the two traditional genres can capture quite as ef-
fectively. This is so partly because, as an essay, the
work avoids narrative, with its chronological pull.
Explaining her interest in the video essay, Biemann
remarks that she sees the genre as falling between
institutional contexts:
For a documentary, they are seen as too
experimental, self-reflexive and subjective,
and for an art video they stand out for be-
ing socially involved or explicitly political.
(2003, 8)
Biemann aptly sums up the positive features of
the genre in relation to its literary counterpart:
The essay has always distinguished itself
by a non-linear and non-logical movement of
thought that draws on many different sources
of knowledge. (2003, 9)
This formulation non-linear, non-logical
resonates with the notion of multitemporality that
informs heterochrony. In this sense, the video es-
say, rather than being marginal, can be seen as cen-
tral to the concept of this exhibition. When, later,
Biemann characterizes the video essays aesthetic
HETEROCHRONY IN THE ACT: THE MIGRATORY POLITICS OF TIME
as more dissociative, multi-
perspective and hypertextual
in the structuring of images
and sounds (9) this is as
good a characterization as any
of the work(ing)s of 2MOVE
as a whole. The genre of the
video essay is subjective and
speaks from placelessness
(10); it displays the traces of
mediation and the processes
of perception, in and through
temporalities that allow for
heterogeneity.
Heterochrony can be seen
as a form of foreshortening.
Like its better-known spatial
counterpart, foreshortened ti-
me is distorted made wider
or thicker and condensed.
It thus comes forward like
Christs arm in Caravaggios
Supper at Emmaus (1601,
National Gallery, London) to
affect the viewer, so that we experience the almost
tangible push of time. It also challenges the onto-
logical temporal cut between past and present. In
terms of grammar, time becomes what the French
linguist Benveniste calls discourse (as opposed
to story). Such time is expressed in tenses and
verbs. Discourse manifests itself in tenses that con-
nect the past to the present, as opposed to ones that
separate the two, and in verb forms in the first and
second person between which speech emerges,
rather than those in the third person, which refer to
someone or something that is being spoken about.
The viewer is thus drawn into the work, because,
as the second person to which it speaks, she must,
in turn, following the example of Mimoune and his
family, take on the exchangeable role of first per-
son. But in order to do this, one must play the game
of the cut; suspend ones disbelief in its capacity to
link rather than sever. This is how fiction becomes
a reality-shaping tool.
In different ways, the works discussed so far
all deploy multitemporality to draw viewers into
a heterochronic experience that prepares them for
an understanding of and engagement with the mi-
gratory culture that surrounds them, and in which,
unwittingly or not, they take part. With foreshort-
ened time specifically, this also happens between
589
 the viewers present, and the past that the works so
precariously hold. Thus, video effectuates the visu-
alization of duration, as can be sensed in works that
are both time-specific and time-dependent, in terms
of the works themselves, of the past they carry, and
of their relationship to the viewer. This time-spe-
cificity raises a question that is crucial to video in
installation: that of the meaning and performativity
of actuality.
Actuality the actuality of viewing, the actu-
ality of the transformations of migratory culture
is the arena in which this heterochronous aes-
thetic works. It is the now-time of the viewer,
the existence and significance of which the latter
is hardly aware. Each moment of viewing takes one
such instant between the ticks of the watch, a dark
moment between the flashes of ordinary life and
captures it, in an image, a frame, a slowed-down or
sped-up sequence, where it then lingers.23 Thus the
art in this exhibition fights the standard narrative
push to the end, and the anonymity as well as the
ephemeral quality of actuality. There lies its perfor-
mativity. This, then, is how actuality makes time for
memory.
Memory and Forgetting
in Now-Time
If heterochrony disrupts the traditional linear
narratives onto which routine responses and images
are grafted, it also offers temporal shelter to mem-
ories. Memories are themselves heterogeneous,
multisensate, as well as multitemporal. The most
important, and perhaps counter-intuitive, aspect of
memory is that it takes place in the present. Memo-
ry is not passive recollection, a kind of invasion of
the mind by the past. It is neither passive nor past-
based. People perform acts of memory, and they
do so in their present moment. Without memory
there can be no livable present. Without a position
in the present one cannot have better, perform
memories. In times of political and social hard-
ship in the present, acts of memory become both
indispensable for psychic survival and attractive for
their comforting allure, suggestive of a privacy one
can fall back on. And because memories are acts,
23 G. Kubler, The Shape of Time: Remarks on the History
of Things, Yale University Press 1962, 17.
590 M. BAL
they can be performative in the agential sense of
speech-act theory.24
Video can serve as a tool for bridging the gap
between the illusion of privacy and the need for
public recognition of the importance of the mem-
ories of others. The fleeting instants of actuality
within which someone who is subject to the chro-
no-logic of Western temporality lives do not of-
fer sufficient time to harbor the necessary memory
acts. The heterochronous variability of the video
works displayed here contributes to our awareness
of that lack, and points up a way of remedying it.
These video works fill actualitys voids, or dead
moments, stretching their space to make time for a
remembrance of a past that is now lost but, often
violently, present in actuality, irrupting when it is
least desired.
Migratory experience is exemplary of the pres-
ence of the past within the present. It is what rhyth-
mically defines the letters written, read of the
mother in Measures of Distance. Time is foreshort-
ened to the extent that it is distorted, so as to stag-
ger forward from the black hole of linearity. Walid
Raads Hostage: The Bachar Tapes (2001) struggles
and plays with this foreshortening, while also ex-
ploiting it to poke fun at the television-fed viewers
confidence in the news media and the compressed
duration of the sound bite. The artist presents this
work as a deadpan documentary project while, in
the same presentation, he uses words that indicate
that the work is fictional.25
The narrative action of Raads work is double.
The work is nominally presented as a segment from
an archive collected by the Atlas Group (Raads ar-
tistic nom-de-plume). It represents the lived past of
a Lebanese man, Bachar, who has been accidentally
taken hostage along with the, targeted, Americans.
He has spent ten months in forced intimacy with
these strangers. The video, intentionally made to
appear to be of wavering quality again, among
other technical oddities, looking as if it has been
transferred from analogue tells the story of his
captivity. Bachar says he wishes his account to be
narrated by a young female citizen of the targeted
24 For the various consequences of this view of memory,
cf. the essays in Acts of Memory: Cultural Recall in the
Present.
25 W. Raad, Civilizationally, We Do Not Dig Holes To Bury
Ourselves, in: Stuff It: The Video Essay in the Digital Age
(ed. U. Biemann), Zurich 2003, 3545.

Fig. 7. W. Raad, Hostage, 2001
country. Memory-based, this work does provide in-
formation. But is it factual? We soon realize that
this is unlikely.
Seeking to subvert any implicit trust in the facts
a trust that is still rampant, in spite of an abun-
dance of ideological critiques the artist stages an
act of memory that is, because of its (fictive) docu-
mentary status, inherently distorted, fictionalized.
Thus, he questions the terms by which facts can
be made visible, and thereby precludes the escap-
ism that adheres to the belief in truth. War, violence,
hostage-taking, and other atrocities committed in
the world in general, and in the context of Leba-
nons war in particular, cannot be distanced nei-
ther in time nor in space as long as such distanc-
ing comes with the documentation of the truth. The
video employs its fictionalized documentary format
to drive a wedge between the viewers notion of the
substance of truth as opposed to the fact of truth.
The figure held hostage for many years tells the
viewer about his ordeal positioned in front of an
off-white cloth. This cloth resembles a film screen
but, then, an improvised, sloppy, and overly small
one; a Hollywood unmasked. That makeshift screen
is also a motif that is shared by the cinema and the
genre of videotaped confession in particular the
final speeches of martyrs the latter of which are
notoriously hard to date, hence, to time. But, despite
all of the tricks that infuse this video with allusions
to the different temporalities of media culture, the
contemporary history of Lebanon in this video
is present and actual, including the event from the
past it tells. In view of Israels invasion of Leba-
non in the summer of 2006, the work can even be
seen as prophetic. This is how history catches up
with its memories to become now-time. Fiction is
HETEROCHRONY IN THE ACT: THE MIGRATORY POLITICS OF TIME
deployed, then, to propose prophetic memory as a
tool for political action.
In terms of heterochrony, Hostage uses its dis-
turbing merging of fact and fiction to make the fol-
lowing point. Foreshortening remains an illusion,
but one in which the deception flaunts itself. Fore-
shortened time is both irresistible and disenchant-
ingly unreal. At no time does the foreshortened
duration offer us a bridge to the past, to the other
(life), yet it makes time so sticky that it feels as
though we are touched by, in touch with, the past.
For example, we cannot suffer with the displaced
among us or inhabit their longings. Sympathy, com-
passion, even identification, do nothing to reduce
the unspeakable traces of what is buried in another
time. But what we can do is remember with.
William Kentridge works with memory through
a complex entwining of personal and cultural mem-
ory. In Felix in Exile (1994), one of Kentridges
most famous animations, the tool he uses to achieve
heterochrony is the trace. A hyperbolic focus on the
trace makes a point concerning migratory politics
as it is temporally defined. It does so in three ways:
through a slowness that competes with historical
time; through the artists engagement in manual
labor in solidarity with workers; and through in-
scription comparable to the traces left by the suf-
fering that pushes people away from their homes.
Kentridge makes his films out of large-scale draw-
ings in charcoal and pastel. Each drawing contains
a single scene. He photographs it, and then alters
it, erasing and redrawing the scene. After a while,
the sheet becomes a palimpsest of its many earlier
stages.
This, of course, can be read as a metaphor of
memory, but it is much more than that. It is the result
of labor of labor as solidarity; of hope, of making
as building. Like Theuws, who painstakingly imitates
the easily accomplished video effect called Gaussian
blur without using it, Kentridge also uses the model
of a much easier mode of achieving the effect, here,
of animation. Instead of many drawings leading to
one film, a single drawing slowly morphs into a film
out of many photographs, before it is transferred
onto video. Thus, he invents a new-old technique
that commemorates as it innovates a history of me-
dia in its complicity with political history.26
26 Kentridges technique is extensively described by Staci
Boris in an essay that helps to understand the meaning of the
acts of memory the artist performs. Cf. S. Boris, The Proc-
591

Fig. 8. W. Kentridge, Felix in Exile, 1994
This reversal is a matter of time a materiali-
zation of time. Thus, the labor-intensive method
becomes homage paid, by means of a humble aes-
thetic, to the subject that emerges ever so slowly.
Accompanied by Philip Millers and Motsumi Ma-
khenes haunting music, the character, who is a re-
curring figure in the artists films, is alone in a ho-
tel room pouring over the drawings made by Nandi,
an African woman. These drawings represent or
rather, explore and remember the violence com-
mitted against South Africa, both the land and the
people. The drawings that float through Felixs field
of vision are of the devastated landscape of min-
ing and massacre. The land itself bears the traces
of South Africas violent history. Nandis drawings
result from her activities surveying the land, and
watching bleeding bodies. When Felix looks into
the shaving mirror, he sees Nandi as if at the other
end of a telescope. Close proximity and vast, even
cosmic distance are joined in an unbreakable bond.
When Nandi is shot and melts into the landscape
like the subjects she was drawing, Felixs hotel
room is flooded with blue water, water of tears, of
ess of Change: Landscape, Memory, Animation, and Felix
in Exile, in: William Kentridge (ed. M. Sittenfeld), New
York: New Museum of Contemporary Art 2001, 2938. The
importance of the trace and its relation to indexicality in the
history of the moving image is analyzed in M. A. Doane,
The Emergence of Cinematic Time: Modernity, Contingency,
The Archive, Harvard University Press 2002.
592 M. BAL
animation itself, of the possi-
bility of new life. When Felix
is almost flooded by the water
(of his own tears?) he almost
merges with the history the
traces of which the artist and
his African-female counter-
part are insistently engaged in
keeping alive.
Traces, then, are more than
leftovers of the past. They are
the stuff of this work; they are
the work. Temporally speak-
ing, they bind the past to the
present, and are thus multi-
temporal by definition. They
include traces of Kentridges
drawing, which transforms
itself without erasing its past;
traces of the land scarred by
the mining and the digging
of graves; traces of the Afri-
can womans drawings, of her drawing the traces.
These indelible traces on the palimpsestic images
suggest that the brutality of the racist regime cannot
be erased. Forgetting, necessary as it sometimes is,
must be paired with acts of remembrance. Draw-
ing is such an act. Drawing traces is a manner, a
method, of animating history and the memory of
it in the present. And if the single sheets that bear
the charcoal traces of their earlier appearance also
present layers of landscape and layers of history,
this means that both time and space must be kept
alive in the present.
But heterochrony has more layers than this
memory-complex. While erasing the past is neither
possible nor acceptable, the very mode of setting the
images in motion in both Felix in Exile and Shad-
ow Procession also intimates the changeability of
space, of history, and of the landscape in now-time.
The procession of the latter has neither beginning
nor end; the slice of duration that moves on and on
also refuses to yield to the pressure of a narrative of
closure. In Felix, Kentridges acts of drawing fore-
ground the nonlinear, multitemporal movement that
is so essential for video as well as for migratory ex-
istence. Felix demonstrates that space, while bear-
ing the traces of its past, can be transformed. The
work constantly produces transformations, from
drawings into landscape, from one figure into the
other, from bodies to the ground in which they dis-
appear. This is how this artist makes actuality the
time for hetero-memory in the present.
Temporalizing the Present
The present that is, the time of the viewing. A
time that thinks itself as overwhelmed by migratori-
ness, forgetting the entire century that came before
it, under the sign of migration. Ultimately, it is in
and for the migratory culture we live in, now, includ-
ing the heteropathic memories of its past, that the
video art works in this exhibition can deploy their
multitemporal experiments; a culture where het-
erochrony is the standard way of life. The vector of
connection, then, is the act of viewing, an act that is
itself heterochronic; video installation by definition
imposes such a temporality. To begin with, in the ex-
hibition, an event that is by definition situated in the
present, the participation of these works harks back
to the heterochronic movements, slow or fast, that
underlie the other works in whose proximity they are
installed, and whose striking force they help sustain.
I understand the ensemble and installation of the
video works here not within an art-historical move-
ment within the story of videos evolution but self. The womens experience of being excluded
as a moment, a slow-down, of visual politics in and
for the present. The word politics is meant here
to indicate the collective affect the videos, together,
facilitate; the solicitations of the performance of het-
erochrony mentioned above. This exhibition deploys
heterochrony to question the ontological distinctions
that define fiction as distinct from political reality
in that other sense of politics. This is why Ball-
esters erasures and foregrounding of the temporal
gaps of epistolary traffic is a way of making fiction,
on the basis of a profoundly political reality.
In this final section, I try to make the political
work of video in exhibition more explicit. The best
entrance point is the work that most emphatically
questions the medium and the way it prestructures
and colors the world for us. Raads Hostage ques-
tions the possibility for media to even be in touch
in actuality with reality. His work exemplifies a
crucial ambivalence that defines political art today.
It proposes how narrative as the carrier of precon-
ceptions can yield to a new narrative anchored in
heterochronous actuality. This attitude allows the
work to tell the story and, at the same time, identify
its constructedness. It is in his acts of undermining
HETEROCHRONY IN THE ACT: THE MIGRATORY POLITICS OF TIME
the (classical) truth status of his characters testi-
mony that he offers his own touch with reality
the reality of media as mediation and fabrication.
One ground where the truth status of media re-
porting flounders is language. Bachar translates
his own discourse into English that does not quite
match the Arabic, and then insists that it be read by
a young female voice in the target language. When
asked by his alter ego why the English does not
match the Arabic he says: I have nothing to say
about the second part of your question.27 Asked
why he insists on a female reader, he answers with
a comment on media:
A fascinating and revealing aspect of books
written by the Americans [his fellow hos-
tages] is that of the literary contributions of
the hostages girlfriends and wives [...] In
many reviews of the books in the U.S. pop-
ular press, I was surprised that critics have
characterized the contributions of the wives
as odd and distracting.28
By questioning from what these accounts of
the women distract, Bachar questions not only the
struggle about who owns the truth of events. He
goes beyond that issue in expanding the event it-
from the (political) event and the act of remember-
ing it in writing, the interview intimates, is no less
real than the captivity narrative Bachar character-
izes as male. Hence, the respective durations of the
two events mingle.
Bachars appearance and the female voice that
speaks for him, over his voice, slightly belatedly,
capture the heterochrony of this narrative. Tempo-
ral aspects of this sequential displacement are dis-
crepancy, belatedness, delayed focusing, vanishing,
re-emerging, and performance; in short, a multi-
facetted heterochrony. The resulting temporal fore-
shortening is a device of primary importance. This
is what makes these works political in the specific
way art can be political, without it being thematical-
ly about migration or about politics, for that
matter. It is their timing that constitutes the politics.
In different ways, the temporal foreshortening at
work deploys the specificity of heterogeneous time
in migratory culture. The artist is a witness able to
make this multitemporal, heterogeneous experience
palpable.
27 W. Raad, op. cit., 38.
28 Ibid., 40.
593
 A final example shows
how memory acts can in and
of themselves transform vio-
lence into political agency.
Melvin Moti, in search of
his ancestors who came from
India to Surinam in the early
twentieth century, turns the
traveling shot of the land-
scape, the haunting song, the
slow speeches and the old
faces into tools for perform-
ing acts of remembrance with
such political effect. Moti
felt an urgency to make a
connection to the past of his
ancestors, a past about to be
extinguished, even rendered
extinct; receding into oblivion
as the elderly people were Fig. 9. M. Moti, Stories from Surinam, 2002
disappearing. He wished to
acquire their memories as his
heteropathic memories, which he needs in order ture whose memory it was in the brief experience,
to be who he is in the present. This is how Sto- in the shock of recognition of the passers-by or the
ries from Surinam (2002), a collection of memo- visitors in the gallery who are witnessing it. Their
ries captured like butterflies, becomes itself an act acts of seeing constitute the visual event these works
of memory an image that can stop the relentless are meant to effectuate. Thus, video intimates, the
course of a time moving too fast. It is only as an here and now of viewing is the present here, where
image, which flashes up in the moment of its cog- political agency, activist or simply at work in social
nizability, never to appear again, that the past can living, takes shape and is performed.
be apprehended wrote Weigel (9), paraphrasing This brings me back to Theuwss work, exem-
Benjamin (257). 29 plary in its fourfold deployment of abstraction.
As the provisional outcome of an ongoing search Through the abstraction, the work makes possible
for the possibility of deploying time as a weapon the emergence of forms or shapes within which the
against oblivion, the gap between the occurrence images of the past can be encapsulated. It hosts past
of the event and its remembrance is made visible. images in now-form. Slow-down, in art, has politi-
Comparing memory with video, that gap is that of cal ambitions in itself. Beyond the everyday bom-
the edit, the montage that opens the conjunction of bardments of fleeting images, art seems a suitable
two clips for the viewers imagination. In that gap, place for us to stop and to invest the events from
the meaning is made, the memory is constructed, peoples past they carry on their backs (Kentridge),
and the present is acted upon. The event flares up or that resonate with the epistolary reminiscing of
for those same, but belated, hours in the present that Hatoums mother, with cultural duration. Accord-
the event had occupied in the past, and the memory ing to my interpretation of temporal foreshortening,
could only effectively inscribe itself in the cul- Theuwss work thickens time to the extreme with-
out entirely freezing it. This does not make the im-
29 S. Weigel, Body - and Image-Space: Re-reading Wal- ages still and available for contemplation. On the
ter Benjamin, Routledge 1996; W. Benjamin, Theses on the contrary, they are just barely, with difficulty, availa-
Philosophy of History, in: Illuminations (ed. H. Arendt), ble for participation. Moti shows that need for time
New York 1968. I borrow the concept of heteropathic mem- in now-images retrieved from the past.
ory from K. Silverman, The Threshold of the Visible World, Let me give an example of how this works. At
Routledge 1996. This study is, in its entirety, extremely rel-
the beginning of Stories, a hand-held shot of a de-
evant for the current topic.

594 M. BAL
crepit building remains in the frame for quite a long
time. During this shot, a haunting song begins. This
song, sung by an elderly voice, tells the story of the
cruelties committed in the past the singer has pre-
sumably experienced. The shot is rather wobbly;
not because it is poor camerawork, but because it
is empathic camerawork: it moves on the rhythm of
the song. This coordination of the image to the song
foregrounds the sense of the present; singing by defi-
nition happens in the present, even if it tells a story
from the past. The precariousness of the transgenera-
tional passing on of what are memories for the singer
and building blocks for his identity for the filmmaker
is thus given shape in the interstices of the irreduc-
ible gap between the audio and the video.
The experience of belatedness Moti stages is,
ultimately, the political arena a migratory politics
of temporality in which these video works seek
to transform the relationship to a past we cannot
reverse, into a present in which we can work. It is
the intersection of form and time as the construction
site of a politically effective affect toward which the
deployment of the videographic imagination works.
The interval that separates us from the past when
the violence, exploitation, depletion occurred is the
moment, the submoment, of actuality that is fore-
shortened. Not quite frozen, but slowed down below
perceptible time thus making now-time sticky.
As a result we cannot ensconce ourselves in the eth-
ical indifference of aesthetic contemplation defined
in a misguided distortion of Kantian disinterested-
ness, for we are touched by that moment, now,
even though we cannot appropriate it. But it does
leave a remainder if only we can hear it.30
For every image of the past that is not recogni-
zed by the present as one of its own concerns threat-
ens to disappear irretrievably.31 And that present,
that here-now, is an experiential, and, if the videos
are effective, a corporeal time. We need the hetero-
pathic memories, traces, and fictions that constitute
the texture of the migratory culture we share, in or-
der to live in an actuality saved from its dreariness.
30 I borrow the term remainder from Lawrence Venuti.
In three different publications, Venuti makes a fabulously
productive, differentiated use of this concept, cf. L. Venuti,
Translation and the Formation of Cultural Identities, Current
Issues in Language and Society 1, 3 (1994), 20117; id., The
Translators Invisibility: A History of Translation. Routledge
1995; idem, Translation, Philosophy, Materialism, Radical
Philosophy 79, September/October (1996), 2434.
31 W. Benjamin, Theses on the Philosophy of History.

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Collection of Papers Dedicated to 40th Anniversary of the Institute for Art History,
Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade

/ Edited by Ivan Stevovi

/ Associate Editor
/ Jelena Erdeljan

/ Secretary
/ Jasmina iri

/ Proofreading of texts in Serbian

/ Aleksandra Anti

/ Correcting
/ Biljana Djordjevi

/ Technical Design
/ Irena Djakovi

/ Circulation
400

ISBN 978-86-88803-05-2 ()
ISBN 978-86-6047-078-4 ()

CIP
,
75.046(082) 726(082)
SYMMEIKTA :
=
collection of papers dedicated to the 40th Anniversary of the Institute for arts history,
Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade / = edited
by Ivan Stevovi. Beograd : Filozofski fakultet, 2012 (Beograd : Dosije studio).
XXII, 596 str. : ilustr. ; 28 cm
Radovi na vie jezika. Tira 400. Str. XIXXX: [Predgovor] / I. S. Napomene i
bibliografske reference uz tekst. Summaries; Rezimei.
ISBN 978-86-88803-05-2 ()
ISBN 978-86-6047-078-4 ()
1. Stevovi, Ivan [] [ ]
a) b)
COBISS.SR-ID 193022988
 ,
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. ,
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,
.

In a milieu laden with all forms of discontinuity, four decades of existence of an institution is
unquestionably a cause worthy of noting. By publishing this volume the Institute for Art History of the
Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade, honors its tradition and remains true to the esteem attained
in the long years of its presence and activities in the professional and academic field. The texts published
in this collection of papers represent a significant contribution to scholarly study of subjects ranging from
the art and culture of Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages to those of modern and contemporary times.
Each in its own right, unquestionably, enhances and broadens the conceptual scope of perceiving artistic
production and visual culture within both the framework of analysis of visual utterance and that of the
world of ideas and ideologies of the ambience of its making.

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