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Gender and Lifecycles
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Oxfam GB 2000
Published by Oxfam GB, 274 Banbury Road, Oxford OX2 7DZ, UK.
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ISBN 085598 450 3
Editorial 2
Caroline Sweetman
Intact or in tatters? Family care of older women and men in urban Mexico 47
Ann Varley and Maribel Blasco
Resources 89
Compiled by Erin Murphy Graham
Publications 89
Organisations 93
Websites 95
Videos 96
Editorial
W
hy have development policy- Sustainable human development depends
makers, practitioners, and not only on recognising and supporting
researchers been slow to women in their social and economic roles,
recognise the contribution, needs - and but on recognition of, and support for,
rights - of older and younger people, in the contribution of younger and older
both South and North? The overemphasis people of both sexes.
of mainstream development on young and Articles here focus on a wide range of
middle-aged adults is understandable to topics relating to gender, age, and
some extent, since it is at this stage of life generation. These include women's life
that both women and men are physically histories, reproductive health education
and mentally mature, become parents, and of adolescents, trafficking of young girls,
are most capable of work. However, as the survival strategies of child-headed
articles here show, this is only part of and grandparent-headed households
the picture. An enormous contribution, affected by HIV/AIDS, older women's
including both paid and unpaid work, is marginalisation from community-based
made to all our societies by the young and organisations (CBOs), and the attitudes of
the old. If these groups were better older women and men to living alone or
represented in civil service, government, entering care homes when they reach the
and development funding agencies (all point where support is needed. Articles
institutions that replicate the age and examining the issues facing older women
gender biases of surrounding society), and men slightly outnumber those that
policy might reflect reality more accurately. focus on the younger generation. Articles
Older women and young girls, in on other key aspects - such as girls' formal
particular, make a contribution to
education, and harmful traditional
household, community, and national
practices, including child marriage - can be
development that is not only undervalued
found in recent issues of Gender and
by their own households and communities,
Development, on Education and Training,
but ignored by policy-makers who assume
and Violence Against Women.1 It is hoped
them to be dependants, cared for by their
families. 'One of the most overpowering to include articles on child soldiers in a
myths in contemporary development future issue on Humanitarian Work, to be
thinking and strategies is that women and published in 2001.
children do not work' (Sohoni 1995, 117).
Editorial
abuse in the brothels of India and other and argues that it can enable them
'receiving' countries, increasing numbers to challenge gender relations (although in
of young girls are being returned to Nepal a limited way) within their families. They
to die of AIDS. Ostracised by their are living proof that education and
communities in poverty-stricken rural employment really can create a new
areas, many continue selling sex as their 'life-stage' for women.
sole means of livelihood.
Recognising the labour of
Young women's experience older women
of employment The world of older people - in particular,
If young girls are married in adolescence, the world of the 'old old', aged 80 and over
they become wives and mothers before they - is a predominantly female world.
can experience independent adulthood. Throughout the world, male life-expectancy
However, some do manage to break away is lower than that for women. While social
from gender norms to take up income- issues may be a factor in some contexts,
generating activities or paid employment. there is also a universal biological cause.
Two articles in this collection examine Older populations are thus predominantly
different experiences of this nature. composed of widowed females. In 1981,
Rachel Slater's article is based on research in India, the average time that a man could
into the life stories of four South African expect to be a widower was 6.2 years; for
women who migrated to Cape Town a woman, widowhood lasted an average
during different eras and with different 11.5 years (Owen 1996,148).
kinds of family ties and obligations. Two of The year 1999 was designated the
the women she talked to arrived at a young United Nations International Year for the
age and survived on their wits, 'seeking Older Person. The invisibility of older
social and financial independence from people from development debates is a
their families in the city' (Slater, this issue). grave mistake in economic and social terms:
Rachel Slater points out that young the contribution that these groups make to
unmarried women with no children are human welfare and development is huge,
able to adapt to changing economic and and could be even greater. In their article
social circumstances much better than those focusing on three low-income urban
who have responsibility for children. As a communities in Lima, Peru, Fiona C Clark
result, many employers are now recruiting and Nina Laurie state that elderly people -
young women to work in factories and and in particular women - have contributed
offices, in contexts as different as the export much to the rise of social movements in
industries of Mexico and the telephone call Peru. Their article, like two others in this
centres of Europe. While much attention collection, reflects the progress made in
has been given to exploitative wages and parts of Latin America and the Caribbean
conditions that this type of employment towards addressing the needs of older
may involve, in the eyes of the young people. In this region, it has been argued,
women workers themselves many jobs are 'perhaps the role that so many Latin
liberating. In her article, Mary Kawar of the American and Caribbean women at midlife
International Labour Organization (ILO) and older play within their families and
turns the focus away from what young within society can serve as our example and
women can offer the world of work, to our guide. Steered by this, we can pursue
what the world of work can offer young solutions that are less "medicalised", more
women. She analyses the impact of paid humanitarian, and more caring' (Guerra de
work on young women in Amman, Jordan, Macedo, in PAHO/AARP1989, viii).
However, this hope is not always solution to poverty, this does not generally
achieved. In their article, Clark and Laurie happen with older women. Older women
argue that the feminist movement in Peru are assumed either to be supported by their
has been surprisingly slow to adopt the families, or - in all post-industrialised
concerns of older women into its agenda. countries and in some 'developing'
They argue that the very same countries - to have a pension to fall back
organisations that have benefited from on. However, neither of these is a guarantee
older women's activities - and leadership in of security in later life. In situations of
the past - refuse to see them as legitimate extreme poverty, families often do not have
beneficiaries of welfare in very old age. adequate income to support an extra
In old age, as in earlier stages of life, member, and need a pension to help with
gender stereotypes operate. Women who survival: in some situations, an older
are past their childbearing years are seen as person's pension may ensure survival for
less useful and less attractive as marital their entire family. However, access to
partners. Commonly, widows are not pensions depends on one's gender identity.
allowed to marry again, but sometimes Fiona Clarke and Nina Laurie's article
(as in parts of Southern Africa) they are traces the ways in which pension reforms
'inherited' by the male relatives of the and cutbacks have affected women. They
deceased husband (Chitsike 1995). point out that the gendered division of
Inheritance laws that pass on possessions, labour makes it very hard for women to
including land, through the male line will make all the personal contributions
by-pass widows, but customary practices required of them. As a result, in Peru, 99.6
obliging relatives to support them may per cent of all those who lack their own
have been eroded, while income-generating pension and rely on that of a spouse are
opportunities may be hard to come by. women (Clarke and Laurie, this issue).
There are relatively high levels of illiteracy
among older women, and the education Countering negative
offered to generations born in the first third stereotypes of old age
of the twentieth century tended to reinforce,
rather than challenge, ideas of them as Older people themselves - and women in
wives and mothers (Owen 1996). In short, particular - are influenced by the negative
'female poverty at the end of life is a stereotypes about old age that surround
consequence of all the inequalities a woman them. In their article, Jacquie Cheetham and
has endured since birth' (ibid, 163). Wendy Alba examine a participatory
In her article, Sylvia Beales of HelpAge research exercise carried out by two
International draws on her organisation's organisations working in the Dominican
research and work around the world, to Republic. The article has several lessons for
highlight similarities in the experience of policy-makers. These include the fact that
older women in poor communities. She negative images of old age and older people
asks: 'While longevity is in many ways a abound, and that older people themselves
triumph of social development, if it means are as likely to equate positive qualities
that women and men are growing older with youth as young people are. Respect for
without becoming any less poor, and that older people is being eroded in the current
they undergo additional years of struggle era of rapid social and economic change,
and 'globalisation' of culture as well as the
for daily survival, can we really claim that
economy.
this is social progress?' (Beales, this issue).
While efforts are made by development One of the most interesting findings is
policy-makers to integrate women and girls that the older people in the Santo Domingo
living in poverty into the labour market as a study emphasised their need for education.
Editorial
Most policy-makers tend to focus either on her article, arguing that work to address
the education of children, or non-formal older men's issues needs to be considered a
education or training for adults. It is clear part of 'gender and development' work.
from this article that older people have a
very clear idea of what education can do for Life histories and
them, in terms of enabling them to
contribute more to society, ensure their
generation
own economic stability, and organise in Rachel Slater's article looks at the collecting
political groupings. The older people of life histories as a method of development
involved in this research have since become research and a way of assessing the impact
an active political force for change, of particular trends or events on various
organising classes, political activities, and people, thereby informing future
welfare support, from the first community development policy. Since society changes
centre for older women in Santo Domingo. around us, our choices are different from
Older women in the research saw their those of our mothers or daughters. In Cape
interests in terms of family wellbeing, and Town, the context of her research, the
tended not to see themselves as individuals political upheavals and legal changes of the
with separate needs. Many equated their apartheid regime meant that luck played a
needs with those of their families. In their part in determining different women's
article on urban Mexico, Maribel Blasco and chances of survival and stability. As
Ann Varley focus on the relatively high individuals, we are shaped not only by our
number of older women - one in ten of the age, gender, and other aspects of social
over-sixties - who are living alone rather identity, but also by the unique times and
than with their families or in institutions. events through which we live, at a
Older people in developing countries are particular stage of our life course.
much more likely to live with their families;
for example, in Brazil and Hong Kong, Conclusion
around half the elderly live in extended
families (United Nations 1995, 4). However, We all acquire valuable experience and
Blasco and Varley encountered some older understanding in the course of our lives,
women who seemed to prefer solitude and and this should shape development
insecurity to continuing to care for analysis and policy.
households and grandchildren into their All writers here argue that younger and
later years. older people cannot be assumed to be
Like older women, older men face dependent on the generation in-between.
difficulties rooted in social expectations of Gender analysis allows researchers and
them connected with their gender identity. policy-makers to investigate who does
Many suffer from their inability to live up what in households and communities, how
to the widespread stereotypes of them as time is used, and what different people
family breadwinners. Maribel Blasco and gain from their work. Similar methods can
Ann Varley found that people pitied older be used to determine the contribution of
men who were on their own, since they had different generations, and these must be
lost their identity as breadwinners. (Of sensitive to gender issues too. The fact that
course, it should be said that not all young children and very old people have
younger men live up to this social welfare needs must not be forgotten, but
expectation of them!) Older men who are equally it is critical to recognise the young
unable to contribute are marginalised and and the elderly - and in particular girls and
abused. Sylvia Beales also discusses this in older women - as economic contributors.
Just as women's work is made invisible by
conventional assumptions about male designed to address over-work and
breadwinners, the labour of children and exploitation, policy is needed that will
older people is obscured by social norms eradicate the extreme poverty experienced
which treat them as dependants. by many young and old people, and end
As stated above, different people gain prejudice against them.
different things from their work. Gender
and development approaches demonstrate Notes
that there is a link between the recognition
of one's contribution and the degree to 1 Gender and Development, Vol. 6, No. 2,
which one is then able to eat, rest, and - 1998, a n d Gender and Development,
crucially - participate in decision-making Vol. 6,: No. 3,1998.
at many different levels. Older people are
more commonly acknowledged than References
children to have the 'right' to participate in
decision-making, but even this is not often Chitsike C (1995) 'NGOs, gender, culture
respected in development policy and and multiculturalism: a Zimbabwean
practice. Sylvia Beaks' article lists many perspective', in Gender and Development
different suggestions for ways in which her Vol3, No.l
organisation is considering ensuring the Johnson, V, Ivan-Scott, E, Gordon,
active participation of older people in G, Pridmore, P, and Scott, P (eds) (1998)
development policy-making, to everyone's Stepping Forward: Children and young
benefit. Increasing interest in the principle people in the development process,
of involving children in development IT Publications, UK
policy-formulation can also be seen: Kurz K and Prather C (1995) Improving the
'We risk more than adversely affecting the Quality of Life of Girls, UNICEF, USA
quality of children's lives by not Leach F (1998) 'Gender, education and
listening to their voices and views. We risk training: an international perspective' in
missing out on the richness and innovative Gender and Development, Vol. 6, No. 2,
perspectives that can be offered by Oxfam GB, UK
children and young people of varying Owen M (1996) A World of Widows,
experiences and from varying situations' Zed Books, UK
(Johnson et al 1998,4). PAHO (Pan-American Health
In conclusion, it is critically important Organisation)/A ARP (American
that commitments to promoting the rights Association of Retired Persons) (1989)
of children and older people to equality Mid-Life and Older Women in Latin
and development, made during the past 15 America and the Caribbean,
PAHO/AARP/WHO, USA
years, strengthen and are strengthened by a
commitment to equality between males Sen, G and Grown, C (1987) Development,
and females. It is gender stereotypes that Crises, and Alternative Visions: Third
World Women's Perspectives, Zed Books,
send little boys into battle and banish older
UK
men into the bush when they can no longer
be seen as breadwinners. It is gender Sohoni, NK (1995) The Burden of Girlhood:
A global inquiry into the status of girls,
stereotypes that lead older women to
Third Party Publishing Company, USA
labour inside the home, doing work that
is invisible to the outside world and United Nations (1995) The World's Women:
Trends and statistics, UN, USA
undervalued by their own families.
In addition to having this contribution
recognised and valued through policies
Why we should invest in
older women and men:
the experience of HelpAge International
Sylvia Beales
In this article, I explore the roles of older women and men in the developing world, and the barriers
they encounter in the course of contributing to their families and communities. Older women face
multiple disadvantages arising from gender-based prejudice, the heavy burden of manual and
reproductive labour that they bear, and the longevity of females in comparison to males.
Discrimination against women needs world-wide acknowledgement and action; yet, as is argued here,
it is important to broaden our analysis of gender issues. Many men, too, face marginalisation, as the
ageing process undermines their ability to provide for their families.
C
urrently, the world is undergoing HIV/AIDS, UN projections indicate that
profound demographic changes, deaths from AIDS will change the
which pose great challenges young-old ratio in sub-Saharan Africa from
to development and social policy-makers. 15:1 in 2000 to 4:1 in 2050 (UN 1996).
One of these changes is the growth in the For many, old age is a period of chronic
number of older people in our societies. poverty and powerlessness. Throughout the
Old age has been typically seen as a world, older people are often economically
phenomenon of developed countries, but, in poorer and suffer worse social and polit-
fact, the great majority (two-thirds) of those ical exclusion than do other age groups.
over 60 years of age live in the developing In developing countries, the problem is
world. This proportion is increasing made worse, given that large numbers of
steadily, due to improvements in health, people of all ages endure extreme poverty,
hygiene, and basic services, and will reach which affects all aspects of their material
nearly three-quarters by the 2030s (UNFPA and social existence. The cumulative effect
and CBGS 1999). The US Bureau of the of marginalisation and poverty throughout
Census (Washington DC) calculates that by the life span is absolute poverty in old age.
2020 countries such as Cuba, Argentina, While increased longevity is in many
Thailand, and Sri Lanka will have higher ways a triumph of social development, if it
proportions of older people than the US means that women and men are growing
does today. By 2025, numbers of older older without becoming any less poor, and
people in the developing world are on that they undergo additional years of
course to double to 850 million, comprising struggle for daily survival, can we really
12 per cent of the global population. claim that this is social progress?
The proportion of younger and older
people is changing dramatically. Globally, HelpAge International
the young still outnumbered the old by 7:1
in 1995, but this ratio is declining (UNFPA The information in this article comes from
1998, 13). In spite of the global challenge of research and programme experience in
10
during HAI research, 'We are poor, we are reproductive labour into very old age
old, we are women - so no one wants us. We are (Graham 2000). In many contexts, older
alone' (HelpAge et al. 2000). women have a special responsibility
In HAI's experience, the concerns voiced for family care, including caring for
by older women are similar to those of the 'old old', and the sick and disabled.
younger women. These are to maintain the HAI's experience is that older women can
good health of themselves and their family, demonstrate remarkable flexibility in
and to provide for their own and their adapting this role to new economic and
family's economic security, and their own social conditions. For example, they may
care needs. Good health is critical for take on additional care burdens for
survival, and illness is expensive. However, grandchildren, caused by the absence
a lifetime spent battling against the effects or death of their children (for example,
of poor nutrition, violence, onerous through changing migration practices, or
working conditions, multiple pregnancies, AIDS-related death), or changes in family
and lack of education means that many structures caused by conflict and natural
women are already in declining health disasters. In addition, older women often
when they reach old age. The burden of organise themselves into groups, and
caring for the old still falls on female family become involved in community activities.
members, often on women who are Older women may be rewarded for their
themselves ageing and in failing health. industry by their children: in Ghana, for
Most older women continue to work example, they have reported that their
into very old age: for personal survival, to contribution was recognised by their being
support others, and for pleasure. Research made the guardians of valuable cloth and
in various contexts from Asia, Africa, and seeds (Ahenkora 1999). However, in other
Latin America confirms that older women cases, women may find themselves cast out.
do not want to be dependent on their Inheritance laws that exclude women have
children or to cause them anxiety (Sim and a pernicious effect on older women, who
Ree 1997, in the context of Korea). Many forfeit land-based assets on being widowed.
spend more time working than the men in A respondent in the HelpAge International
their communities. Participatory research research in Bangladesh put the issue very
in Zanzibar, Tanzania, recorded that the starkly: 'If the house burns, residue remains; if
daily rest period of older men in the the husband dies, nothing remains'
community was approximately seven (HAI/BAAIGM et al 2000).
hours. In comparison, older women were Religion and culture can also conspire to
occupied during those hours with multiple isolate older women, as a woman's status in
tasks, such as cooking, cleaning, fetching many societies is very dependent on having
firewood, child-care, and pounding grain. a husband, and divorce or widowhood can
Despite this, older women received few lead to a woman spending the rest of her
material benefits and had less control lifetime in misery (Owen 1999). Older
and ownership over income-generating widows rarely have the opportunity to
activities than the men (Forrester 1999). marry again, and so their lives may be
In addition to producing food or earning consigned to loneliness and much greater
income themselves., many older women dependence on their children. Since they
perform reproductive work at home, can no longer produce children, they may
thereby freeing other family members to have also lost a major 'function' in the eyes
work outside the home. HAI participatory of society (Forrester 1999). It is socially
research in Lao revealed that older women acceptable in most cultures for men
continue to carry the greater burden of to marry younger women, and this may
12
lead to older wives being abandoned. suggests that men's power is conferred by
In Tanzania, women rarely take their cases this productive capacity. The studies show
to court, for fear of reprisal and ridicule that the status that accompanies men's
(ibid). productive role does not automatically
In HAI's experience, most of the older transfer to the older man. A report from
people who live alone are women. Bolivia, from organisations working with
For example, in our research in Laos the HAI, states that older men who are no
figure was 73 per cent. Such women can longer producing a recognised income for
experience extreme destitution. One older the household are given 'the smallest plate
woman in Laos told the research team: of food and left outside the house in the
'It is hard for me to come and meet with you for cold for hours'. In Bangladesh, a story is
three days, because I have to go to the forest to told of a disabled grandfather who is being
find food to eat and sell. If I don't go, I won't removed from the family home in a basket
have any food to eat' (Graham 2000, 27). by the son, so that the 'burden' of the old
In Tanzania, witchcraft was raised as a man can be disposed of in the forest.
key issue for older widows living alone: On seeing this, the grandson observes,
'The solitude of a widow brings additional 'Father, please be sure to bring back the basket'.
problems - if she is not seen much about On being asked why by the father,
the village, an air of mystery may grow up the grandson replies: 'Because I will need it
around her, which contributes strongly to when you grow old' (HAI/BAAIGM et al
accusations of being a witch. ... they are 2000,15).
alone, so have no support to ward off the This story justifies the anxiety of many
accusations, they are weak and vulnerable, older men as they become increasingly less
they are poor, so do not have resources to able to earn income. Employers may be
fight, they are often seen as being cleverer unwilling to hire an older man, who may
than older men, they often have physical be illiterate and lack documentation (ibid).
signs of being a witch, for example Older men's ability to set up in business
red eyes,1 wrinkles, bags under the eyes, is often curtailed by age-related
twisted limbs, gnarled hands' (Forrester discrimination on the part of credit
1999, 53). providers. Despite this, older men are often
still financially responsible for younger
Issues facing older men family members. In both South Africa and
Bangladesh, old age was defined by older
While many projects in HAI's international men in HAI research as increasing
programme explicitly target older women, dependency on others, due to physical
both as 'clients' and as agents of change, limitations (such as loss of eyesight),
we have not to date been sufficiently declining mobility, and failing health, all
thorough in applying a gender analysis to of which make it difficult for them to
men's experience of ageing. contribute economically (HAI/BAAIGM
The economic roles assigned to males et al 2000; Mohatle and Agyarko 1999).
from early youth mean that the loss of All HAI's studies reveal that older men
earning power has serious consequences experience feelings of rejection when they
for men's position in society. In youth and are no longer able to earn income.
middle age, many men are household In addition, older men do not seem to
heads, and are seen (accurately or not) as be as adaptable to changing situations as
the main breadwinners for their families. women. An interesting aspect of HAI's
Evidence from HAI participatory research Ghana study is its analysis of the collapse
and project experience in all regions of the mono-crop, cocoa, and the
Why we should invest in older women and men 13
traumatising effect that this has had on Some research suggests that the tendency
older men. Older men still see a revitalised of men of all ages not to develop support
cocoa industry as the way out of their structures among friends and community,
economic plight, while older women are as women do, results in greater exclusion
busily making headway in agriculture and of older men than women (Sheldon and
petty trading (Ahenkora 1999). In the 1990s Van Ommeren 1999).
in the Russian Federation, rapid social and
economic change, community breakdown,
and financial insecurity, including
Development responses to
declining pension payments, have
age and exclusion
triggered alcoholism among many older Most international development
men. Male life-expectancy fell from 65 to 58 programmes fail to support older women
between 1987 and 1994 (Gorman 1999). and men as they make their substantial
Ironically, while older women's economic and social contributions. Indeed,
economic contributions are often policy-makers are often unaware that older
underrated, by themselves and their people - particularly women - make a
community and family, they are accepted contribution at all. This lack of basic
as retaining a useful role for longer than knowledge leads to flawed policy-making.
men, in that they are able and willing Our experience is that it is rare for older
to continue reproductive work in the people to be included in any discussion
household, which is essential for family about issues that affect them directly.
survival. Older men have difficulty in A widow aged 71, invited to an HAI
shifting their activities to these functional, research meeting in Bangladesh, stated:
household roles, owing to stigma, lack of 'This is the first time I have been in a meeting
confidence, or cultural barriers associated like this. I want to do it again' (HAI research
with performing 'women's work'. Those report 1999, unpublished). This is a refrain
who do make the adjustment may be that we commonly hear in HelpAge
rewarded with care and prestige, as is the International. There is a tendency among
case in communities where elderly men are policy-makers, development workers,
left to care for orphans whose parents have younger people - and often some older
died of AIDS (Gurmessa 1999). people themselves - to assume that older
Older men are more likely to live with a people can have their concerns met
spouse when they reach old age, due to through some form of welfare service.
women's longer life-expectancy in most However, this is often very far from the
regions and the accepted social practice of needs and wishes of older people
older men marrying younger women. themselves. As an older Rwandan woman
However, when they are frail, the care they said to us during research on older people
receive may not be appropriate, and there in emergencies: 'Why don't the agencies
is little research in developing countries to support our projects? This would be much
explore this question. Chronic conditions better than us waiting for them to bring things
linked to the natural ageing process, such to us. We want our projects to keep moving and
as incontinence and dementia, may growing - we can look after ourselves'
precipitate the abandonment and abuse of (HAI/UNHCR/ECHO 1999,40).
men. Research in St Lucia points out that How should support be offered? In the
more older men beg for a living than analysis of women's and men's experience
older women, and that they are less likely of old age given above, it is clear that
to be supported by their offspring than older people experience social and
older women (HAI 2000, forthcoming). economic exclusion in the areas of health
14
and material security/social status. Agyarko 1999). In such cases, the economic
Tensions between generations may result in support to the extended family given by the
violence and abuse, and violation of their pension raises the self-esteem and status of
human rights. pension-holders as providers to the family.
South African respondents told us: 'We are
Health important to our families when we get our
Declining health and chronic pensions.' However, others told us that the
impoverishment are huge barriers that pension can 'expose older persons to abuse by
daily confront older women and men unscrupulous and uncaring family members'
in their struggle to survive and fulfil (ibid).
their obligations. The exclusion and
powerlessness associated with ageing Tensions between generations
affect both women's and men's ability to The quotations above illustrate how chronic
interact with service providers, officials, poverty and socio-economic change is
and family members on key questions placing increasing pressures on traditional
regarding welfare entitlements and care family-based reciprocity. As a young
issues. For example, the principle of State woman interviewed in HAI's Lao study
provision of essential drugs for older pointed out, poverty is the critical problem.
people is meaningless if older people 'Sometimes we have to care for our in-laws as
cannot reach health centres. Even if they do well as our parents. Taking care of much older
manage to get there, many older people are parents is very difficult - harder because we are
simply misdiagnosed or not treated, and very poor and do not have enough food'
simple, cheap, and effective operations, (Graham 2000, 22).
such as cataract removal to restore sight, Demographic change increases strains
are not routinely done. Gender-based on hard-pressed family-support structures,
discrimination means that women in as falling fertility rates combine with
particular have great difficulties in increasing longevity. The impact of
accessing and paying for modern medical phenomena such as HIV/AIDS, conflict-
care; older men tend not to seek medical induced migration, and refugee
help until there is a crisis. Older people the resettlement has changed the expectations
world over are likely to rely more than and behaviour of older and younger
younger people on traditional remedies; people. Rapid urbanisation and migration
although these may be expensive and are for work have begun significantly to alter
not always effective, they have the family and community relationships. Urban
advantage of being accessible and can be living, with its restrictions on physical
paid for in kind, when resources are space, makes the close proximity of a
available (Ahenkora 1999). relatively large number of family members
of different generations more problematic.
Material security and social status Older people have to cope with changes
Some of the barriers preventing older in social status and changing attitudes to
women and men producers from accessing older men (and women in some cultures),
income are outlined in earlier sections. who were often regarded in the past
In countries that provide old-age pensions, as a source of wisdom and knowledge.
this is often the most important source of A common complaint in the Tanzania
income for older men and women. In some research was that, these days, older people
contexts, including South Africa, the had 'less support from the family and the
pension is increasingly the economic community' (Forrester 1999, 60). But it has
mainstay of the entire family (Mohatle and to be recognised that responsibility for the
Why we should invest in older women and men 15
care of older people is falling on fewer of older people in social and economic
children, and the impact is felt most by development, and progress will be
those with least resources. considered in the follow-up conference
These changes require flexibility and recently agreed for 2002 in Spain.
adaptation of older people, whose The United Nations Social Summit of 1995
expectations of what would happen in old agreed an overarching priority to
age may be turned upside down by forces achieve 'a society for all', and affirmed
beyond their control. Adaptation through that economic development, social
training is hindered by high rates of development, and environmental
illiteracy; the general lack of attention to the protection for all people are interdependent
importance of education for older people is and mutually reinforcing components of
a further factor compounding exclusion sustainable development. The most positive
and discrimination. trend - and accompanying challenge -
during the 1990s was the progressive
Violence and abuse recognition, by all ratifying governments,
The nature and extent of the violence and of the 1986 United Nations Declaration on
abuse of older people by younger the Right to Development for all people,
generations is only just becoming known. regardless of age, gender, religion, class,
Abuse of older women by older men, nationality, and ethnic groupings. The 1999
reflecting a lifetime of gender inequality, is report of the High Commissioner for
also being recorded. Older survivors of Human Rights centred its argument on the
abuse are reluctant to come forward, importance of governments working to
because much of the abuse happens within make measurable progress on recognising
the domestic environment, and they are this right. The Beijing Declaration
both ashamed and afraid to disclose (UN 1995) provided an opportunity for
evidence (personal communication, 1999). older women, by urging an approach to
Spurred on by the extreme example of development that was explicitly inclusive
witchcraft-related atrocities, social policy of women of all ages (paras 8, 32, 34).
makers are only just beginning to track However, the poverty of older women
how abuse and violence is often linked to and'men is still not included as a core
declining status and the barriers concern in the social, economic, and ethical
encountered in contributing to family debates of our time. The 1999 report of the
survival. Abuse may take a number of United Nations High Commissioner for
forms. Physical abuse may include not only Human Rights (UN 1999) did not mention
injury but also malnutrition or the age-based poverty, or the vulnerabilities of
withholding of physical care. Psychological older women and men; likewise, age-
abuse, such as threats, verbal assault, or related issues struggle for room in the
isolation, may be used even where physical current preparations for the historic
violence is absent. Indeed, in Chile, Millennium Summit of the United Nations,
attitudes among the younger public and in September 2000.
policy-makers that exclude older people
and contribute to their vulnerability are
considered to be a form of abuse (Lowick The way forward
and Avalos 1999, 22). A first step would be to recognise the rights
of older people. HelpAge International is
Denial of basic human rights asking that the rights and contributions of
In 1982, the Vienna Plan of Action on older women and men be specifically
Ageing set specific targets for the inclusion acknowledged in the agreements of United
16
HAI (HelpAge International) Sim, C-S and Ree, K-0 (1997), 'Variations in
(forthcoming), Care of the Elderly in preferred living arrangements among
St Lucia, HAI for the Government of Korean elderly parents' in Journal of
St. Lucia (available from HAI) Cross Cultural Gerontology, Vol. 12, No. 2
HAI/Earthscan (1999), The Ageing and UN (1995), Beijing Platform of Action,
Development Report, HelpAge UN, USA
International and Earthscan, UK UN (1996), Sex and Age Quinquennial
HAI/BAAIGM/BRAC/RIC/BWHC (HAI 1950-2050, UN, USA
with the Bangladesh Association for the UN (1999), Report of the High
Aged and Institute for Geriatric Commissioner for Human Rights,
Medicine, Bangladesh Rural Agenda Item 14(h), delivered at the
Advancement Committee, Resource Substantive Session of 1999, 5-30 July
Integration Centre, and Bangladesh 1999
Women's Health Coalition) (2000), UNIS (United Nations Information Service)
'A Situation Analysis of Older People in (1995), Report of World Summit
Bangladesh - "Uncertainty rules our for Development, Copenhagen,
lives'", unpublished report New York/Geneva
HAI/UNHCR/ECHO (HAI with United UNFPA (United Nations Population Fund)
Nations High Commission for Refugees, (1998), State of the World Population,
and the European Community UN, USA
Humanitarian Office (1999), The Ageing UNFPA and CGBS (Population and Family
World and Humanitarian Crisis: Study Centre) (1999), Population Ageing:
Background Research Papers, UK Challenges for policies and programmes in
HAI/UNHCR/ECHO (2000), Older People developed and developing countries,
in Disasters and Humanitarian Crises: UNFPA and CBGS, Belgium
Guidelines for Best Practice, UK WHO (World Health Organisation) (1999),
Heslop, A (1999), Ageing and Development, Ageing: Exploding the myths, Ageing and
DFID Working Paper No.3, DFID,UK Health
Lowick, J and Avalos, R (1999), Maltrato en
la Vejez, Orientaciones Generales para su
Investigacion, Centro de Capacitacion
(CEC), Study Document 1, Chile
Mohatle, T and Agyarko, de G (1999),
The Contributions of Older People to
Development, the South Africa Study,
HelpAge International, UK
Owen, M (1999), A World of Widows,
Zed Press, UK
Peachey, K (1999), Ageism - A Factor in the
Nutritional Vulnerability of Older People
HAI/ODI (report available from HAI)
Sheldon, T and Van Ommeren, T (1999),
Portraits of Ageing Women, Wemos
Foundation, Amsterdam, The
Netherlands
'At my age I should be
sitting under that tree':
the impact of AIDS on Tanzanian
lakeshore communities
Judith Appleton
In 1992, the author led a participatory rural appraisal (PRA) exercise for a community fisheries
project in Kagera region, on the western side of Lake Victoria, Tanzania. The PRA team visited four
settlements: the prime harbour settlement on Kerebe Island; N'toro beach, in Bukoba district, near
the Ugandan border; Chamkwikwi landing site in Muleba district; and Buzirayombo bay settlement
in Biharamulo district in the south. This article draws on that research, to give an outsider's
analysis of the ways in which AIDS was changing livelihoods in poor fishing and farming
communities.1 On the lakeshore and islands, adults were falling ill and dying. This loss of men and
women in their prime was causing major economic and social stresses for the single parents,
grandparents, and orphans whom we met. They showed resilience and adaptability in the face of this
threat to their already precarious livelihoods. The article ends by suggesting ways in which
development policy makers and practitioners should support livelihoods in the era of AIDS.
L
ake Victoria has long supported an bays. Twenty-five years later, this
artisanal fishing industry, and fish- carnivorous, deep-dwelling species not only
processing and marketing activities dominated the catch of fish in the lake, but
which extend far beyond its shores. had also consumed most of the other
Throughout East Africa, the work of species (including haplochromis, cichlids, and
catching, drying, selling, and transporting tilapia) in the depths of the shallow lake.
the small dagaa (L. rastrineobola argentea) However, it has not affected the dagaa,
provides a variety of ways of making an which are a surface species.
income. Ultimately, the dagaa ensures a
tasty relish for eating with maize-meal, or
nsima. Along the way, it provides a means Livelihoods in Kagera
of support to many: the lakeshore farmers The appearance of the giant perch may
who share-crew on the boats (similar to have been a disaster for all those palates -
share-cropping on land); the women who local and farther afield - that were fond of
are involved in processing the fish and the succulent though bony cichlids and
gathering grass for the drying-beds; the tilapia; but it was a boon to poor Haya cash-
general and specialised traders; the casual croppers.
labourers; and all kinds of large- and small- Haya people were originally
scale entrepreneurs along the supply chain. pastoralists, who were living in this area
Other native species of fish, including prior to colonisation in the mid-nineteenth
haplochromis and tilapia, are sun-dried or century. The colonial regime introduced
smoked on wood or grass, and have also coffee cultivation to Bukoba and Muleba, in
been part of the lake's fish trade. the hilly north, and cotton in the flatter,
Around 1970, the giant Nile perch found hotter southern part of Muleba. Haya men
its way to Lake Victoria from the lakes in became cash-croppers, relying on their
the north, where it had first been wives to produce the maize and banana
introduced in the 1960s. It spread to all staples for the family. At first, they were
parts of Lake Victoria, except the shallow little involved in the fisheries, which were
20
and rural areas was found to be high in or a birth. Before marriage, a Haya girl
1989: 43 per cent among men in their might have sexual experience deriving from
twenties, and 52 per cent among women of this rule of hospitality, but pre-marital
the same age-group (Barnett and Blaikie pregnancy was not tolerated. Consequently,
1992, 32). In Rakai, the Ganda people's Haya girls have been married off young, to
patterns of frequent and diverse sexual prevent them being drowned or ostracised
relationships, including transient ones, have should they become pregnant before
been a widely acknowledged factor in the marriage. As recently as the 1950s, early
rapid spread of HIV infection. A similar marriage was also a defence against girls
pattern of sexual behaviour is a feature of being taken to be concubines to the 'royal'
the lives of Kagera's Haya population. lineages (Pratt, personal communication)
A Haya woman traditionally occupies an In the 1920s and 1930s, significant
inferior position in the household. Until the numbers of Haya women found a way
middle of the twentieth century, her to escape daily drudgery and their
subservience was rendered visible in the subjugation to husbands and chiefs.
heavy metal ankle rings that restricted her While some girls and women found havens
mobility. Traditionally, she was secluded in Christian missions, others turned their
for eight months after marriage, and fed a experience of sex with different partners,
restricted non-protein diet, allegedly to born of subservience in marriage, to
control her sexuality as well as to teach her economic benefit. Making use of the new
generally to mind her place in the family road, steamer, and rail links to travel, Haya
and society. That place included accepting women became known as among the more
social, economic, and legal dependence, desirable, and best organised, commercial
polygamy, and marital violence, and sex workers in urban areas throughout East
showing deference to the men in the Africa. A contributory factor to the
household. A Haya man might divorce a enterprise of prostitution may well have
wife for many reasons, including lack of a been a spirit-medium movement
male heir, adultery, or sexually transmitted (embandwa), which has not completely
disease (Pratt, personal communication). disappeared among Haya women, and
Together with growing food crops provided a focus for their resistance to
(while her husband tended the livestock, male and royal control of their behaviour
and later grew cash-crops and fished), the and fertility, exempted them from
bearing of children was a Haya woman's field-work, and freed them to travel, to
main role in marriage. However, these dance, and to charge fees for their services
children might be the fruit of unions with (Pratt, personal communication)
other men within her husband's family or The PRA revealed that gender relations
with friends, instigated by her husband or have changed significantly since then:
his relatives, rather than her own idea, material, social, and economic
which would have been cause for divorce. developments have increased Haya
Fathers-in-law had rights to sexual relations women's opportunities to determine their
with their sons' new wives on the first night own lives, and have transformed many
of marriage, and there was a common traditional relationships. Haya woman may
practice of wife-sharing with other male now divorce their husbands, and these days
relatives of the husband, and as hospitality the majority of women-instigated divorces
to the household's male visitors. are on grounds of husbands' neglect or
The children might even be claimed by the inability to support the household.
biological fathers according to bisisi - the However, much still survives: not least, the
right of first intercourse after menstruation sexual legacy. Many Haya women are still
22
commercial sex workers; some have earned productive activities), by sale of other
enough to support their families back home assets, and by the spending of savings,
and buy their own land. Participants in the and /or remittances from absent fishermen,
PRA told us that other former sex workers on household survival. The need to care for
have returned to Kagera and appear to anyone with AIDS-related illnesses leads to
have avoided AIDS; they are heading their an increase in household expenditure on
own households, and frequently rank medical treatment, transport, and special
among the better-off in the community. foods.
This cycle not only spells a descent into
The impact of AIDS on deeper poverty throughout the region, but
livelihoods in Kagera is further exacerbated by the social and
economic stigma experienced by relatives
The next section moves beyond a health- of people known to have AIDS. The issue
related focus on sexual behaviour and HIV of stigma came up in the PRA that we
transmission to examine the impact of carried out in Biharamulo. The fact that
AIDS-related illness and death on the Biharamulo is the one district out of the
livelihoods of fisher-farmer households. four that we visited with a lower Haya
In particular, it considers the impact of the population may suggest there is less stigma
deaths of young and middle-aged adults of attached to AIDS in Haya villages.
both sexes on the economic survival of
household members, who are pre- Direct costs
dominantly elderly people and children. Women in the villages to which N'toro
Overall, the impact of AIDS illness and fishermen belong told us that the costs of
death on livelihoods in Kagera is in many care during illness were minimal, since
respects similar to that in other rural 'There are no medicines ... well, the clinic's
settings of sub-Saharan Africa. The loss of closed. The sick ones are just weak, have no
adults in the prime of life leads to serious appetite and sit around indoors. And the men
labour shortages for fishing and farming, in don't bring in money or fish. That's much
addition to child-care and household worse.' The women were far freer with their
maintenance. The symbiosis between male- comments than the men, some of whom
dominated fishing and female-dominated were now single parents. One woman said:
farming, on which household survival 'A husband with AIDS is worse than a lazy
depends, ceases if adults of either sex fall ill husband, because you can't divorce him -
or die. More dependants rely on a smaller it's not his fault.' Women we met at the
number of productive family members. clinic in Biharamulo claimed that there
The decline in the productive (and were medical costs, but could not specify
reproductive) capacity of the household how much.
leads to a loss of fishery income, a knock-
on loss of investment in the farm and /or Food security and diets
reduced agricultural production, and The local porridge (matoke) is made of
changes to agricultural decisions because of plantain and beans: it contained relatively
a need to save labour (for example, which fewer beans in the poorer households we
crops to grow, or whether to leave land visited, and these families also eat fish
fallow). This in turn leads to a general infrequently. The effect on a family's food
decline in household income and access of a combination of reduced income,
to food. This needs to be made up by the labour-saving cropping, and limited access
sale of fishing or farming equipment to fish, is clearly poorer diets. Poor diets in
(in turn constraining the remaining turn reduce resistance to any infection.
The impact of AIDS on Tanzanian lakeshore communities 23
One woman in Muleba told us that she bladders, in boats that make the run under
had a friend caring for a sick brother, who cover of night to evade the coastguards.
was being advised by a clinic supported by By contrast, in lakeshore N'toro, there
a foreign HIV/AIDS project to buy and were children with their fathers and
prepare food for him that she could not brothers on the beach, watching the
afford for her children. Her friends thought landings and helping to hold the nets
she should feed the children better instead. during mending. There were also several
quite elderly men who were not just
Changes in the inter-generational mending nets (a usual activity for older
division of labour men) but also crewing and engaged in
There were striking differences in the com- beach-seining (shore-based fishing)
position of the fisher populations in
the camps on Kerebe Island, and those Case study 1: a grandparent-headed
in the village and on the beach at N'toro, household
the northernmost camp we visited. One of the elderly men on the shore at
In Kerebe harbour, the 'boom-town' of N'toro took us to meet his equally elderly
perch-fishing, the beach was crowded with wife, who was making reed mats in a
energetic fishermen. Their usual behaviour shelter along the beach, while looking after
was to leap out of their boats, grab their three grandchildren, including a toddler.
pay, and make straight for the pombe Their son and daughter-in-law had died
(banana home-brew) bars until the next recently of AIDS. The grandparents were
day. Because Kerebe is the most lucrative doing full-time child-care: she provided the
place to fish and to offer fishing labour, secure base, while he kept the older ones
there is a constant flow of young male amused and busy. They had found it
labourers through the harbour town of impossible to replace the labour of their son
Furuza, some of whom have left wives or and daughter-in-law in the boat and on the
parents to take care of children and farms farm, since the old man was not sprightly
on the lakeshore. and the old woman had a bad leg. 'I should
On Kerebe, there are few children, social be sitting under that tree at my age, not
structures are undeveloped, and there is no working in the sun,' said the old man. 'All
police force. However, the island - and the this will drive me to an early grave, but not as
settlement of Furuza in particular - is run early as my son, I guess.'
like a feudal realm, controlled by four The solution for the extended family
'perch lords' and their retainers. The perch had been for the grandparents to move in
lords have offices on the hillsides with a daughter, in the same village.
overlooking the harbour, where they own They had enlarged her house, and with the
bars as well as boats and equipment money that the old man made from the
enterprises. We were told in PRA sessions fishing and the old woman earned from her
that labour laws were brushed aside here: mats their daughter was able to hire labour
the perch lords hire and fire at will, to maintain both her own land and half that
profiting both from the abundant catches in belonging formerly to the dead son and
the middle of the lake, and from the low daughter-in-law. She was able to provide
wages that they are able to pay. Few all of them with maize and plantains.
labourers actually complain, because of the The village chief's spokesman told us that
widespread desperation that drives people the old couple had been allowed to use
out here to subsist for a season. Some are their son's land after his death, since the
even persuaded to take part in the illegal village had plenty of land. He said the
export trade to Uganda of the prized perch problem for the elders was to make sure
24
that enough land was being cultivated to the shore, dropped it, and rowed back,
feed everyone, particularly in that year pulling the end into an arc against the
when cash-crop (coffee) prices were low. current, while the beach team on the other
This way of living was just adequate to end was composed of a line-up of adults
ensure the extended family's survival until and children, in order of decreasing size.
the next death, or until the old man or The youngest involved were around ten
woman was unable to continue to work. years old. As the net came in, the larger fish
were picked out and went to the men,
Case study 2: a child-headed household while the boys got smaller ones, according
On N'toro beach we also met a household to both their stature and the contribution
consisting of orphan boys, the eldest of they had made to pulling the net in. The
whom was 14. They had chosen to live on formula was working: there was little
their own. The village chief's spokesman squabbling.
told us that orphans were generally taken
in by relatives or neighbours, but there Women, widowhood, and changes in the
were more and more of them, and he did gender division of labour
not know how families would cope if it Many changes in the gendered division of
continued, even though orphaned children labour are likely when Haya women are
could offer their labour for farming. widowed and take on household headship.
The orphaned teenager household-head Colonial legislation of 1944 has acquired a
had been taken on in his dead father's place new importance in the context of men's
in the 'best' boat in N'toro (the only one deaths from AIDS. This legislation
whose owner had acquired an engine for recognised Haya women's right to inherit
it). The boy was delighted to have been their husbands' farmland. At the time it
taken on, although he was only getting was passed, the legislation was likely to
half-pay, and he had to wrestle with the have been a measure intended to forestall
other crew for his share of the landed catch. destitution among women who were losing
The boat-owner would not talk to us. access to land, since this was being
The older man mentioned in the case study increasingly occupied by men for use as
above commented that the boat-owner had coffee plantations (Pratt, personal
been reluctant to take on the boy, since he communication).
wanted experienced men in the boat now In contrast, non-Haya women from
that it was powered to take them farther Mwanza, whom we met on Kerebe Island,
out on the lake, but he had bowed to told us of the emotional distress and
community pressure. He commented that economic destitution caused by their in-
the boy was one of many who were laws claiming the estate of the women's
desperate to work and, since the boat- deceased husbands - including the
owner had to finance his engine, it was not children, as well as land and material
surprising that he wasn't giving money possessions. We noted that non-Haya
away in higher wages. women were now working in other parts of
The local jobbing fishermen had taken the fisheries industry: for example, Kerebe
their own initiative vis-a-vis the gang of Island boasted a fish-smoking enterprise
younger boys on the beach who had lost owned and run by women. Haya women
fathers and needed fish for their suppers. are restricted to selected parts of fish-
They had worked out a formula to processing, reflecting the strict gender
incorporate them into the work of beach- division of labour of their pastoralist
seining and to share the catch with them. past, when men cared for the livestock
The men rowed one end of the net out from and women were restricted to milking.
The impact of AIDS on Tanzanian lakeshore communities 25
land falling fallow and into disuse as a We also noted various socio-cultural
result of AIDS-related shortages of phenomena and anomalies related to HIV
household labour; and AIDS. The first two of these concern
children taken out of school because transmission of HIV. First, there are mixed
parents can no longer afford the fees, messages about the safety of breast-feeding
due to adult illness and death in the in communities where there are high levels
family; of HIV infection and no testing is available.
increasing numbers of children working Breast-milk supplies high levels of
(although we did not come across this, immunity to infection, and current
the potential for the unscrupulous to international guidelines (WHO, 15 May
exploit children's and whole families' 2000) recommend breast-feeding,
desperation is there); particularly in contexts such as Kagera
downward pressure on fishing wages, as where there is no safe alternative, and
casual work is sought by members of where most infants are at high risk of
AIDS-depleted families, and a buyer's morbidity and mortality from diarrhoeal
market develops; disease and other infections, especially if
lower-value diets in families adapting to they are bottle-fed. However, at the time we
loss of income, food crops, and fish; visited the area, at least one international
increasingly regular income from NGO working in the area was counselling
commercial sex work (commonly against breast-feeding by HIV-positive
through tea-houses and potnbe bars), mothers. Secondly, we noted the
particularly for women who lack other phenomenon of noisy, new Christian youth
skills, or who decide that this is the groups, whose members are asked to
easiest way to earn cash for children's pledge themselves in public to sexual
upkeep. abstinence before marriage, and monogamy
within it: a source of some amusement to
Positive ways of coping with the impact of the staff in our hotel, where we were
AIDS-related illness and death also existed regularly entertained by different groups.
in Kagera. We judged these to include: Another set of social phenomena
affects those living with HIV and AIDS.
villagers taking in orphaned children Around Kagera, fishermen who know they
who were not relatives, leading to their have the virus have joined outlaw groups
being able to maintain food production on the islands, providing the cheap labour
with the extra labour (we witnessed this on which whole communities - such as that
occurring in cases where children had run on Kerebe by the perch lords -
already given up school, and others are built. They are believed, probably
where they had left when school fees correctly, by the surrounding community
could no longer be paid); to be spreading the disease. In these
conscious adaptation of lake- and, communities, there is widespread
particularly, beach-fishing, to enable alcoholism, particularly featuring pombe
AIDS orphans to participate and feed and distilled banana alcohol.
themselves;
other methods of coping at community What is needed for the
levels, including pragmatic land-use future?
arrangements designed to help the needy
families, which effectively change Development organisations working in
patterns of tenure. regions affected by a high prevalence of
HIV/AIDS need urgently to develop their
The impact of AIDS on Tanzanian lakeshore communities 27
understanding of the economic and social women's access to credit, labour, inputs,
processes triggered by this disease (Barnett and information. It is also important to
and Blaikie 1992). It kills those of combine these with support for education
productive age, and leaves children and (for example, in-school feeding) to
elderly people to make a livelihood as best encourage continued school attendance by
they can. This suggests additional the children of AIDS-depleted families.
development priorities in the supporting of
livelihoods of AIDS-depleted households. Judith Appleton is a food-security specialist.
HIV/AIDS is not only a health issue that She was working for FAO's Fisheries
demands prevention and care for the sick; Department when she visited Kagera. For her
it is also a livelihoods issue, since, if AIDS- work as a nutritionist with Save The Children
depleted households are not the target of Fund(UK) during the 1983-85 famine in
particular support, the precarious Ethopia, the UK government made her an MBE
livelihoods of survivors are likely to (Member of the Order of the British Empire).
collapse under the impact of the epidemic. Her address is 197 Knowlwood Road,
Our PRA exercises enabled us to make a Todmorden, West Yorkshire, OLU 6PF, UK.
tentative and preliminary exploration of E-mail: judith.appleton@zen.co.uk
the impact of AIDS in Kagera. There is now
an urgent need for case studies like this to Note
be followed up and verified, for pointers
given here to emerging trends and coping 1 The primary source of information for
strategies to be amplified, and for lessons to this article comes from the PRA exercise
be drawn from them and applied. Rapid with members of Haya fishing
research, identifying livelihood trends in communities in Kagera, and interviews
AIDS-affected areas, should lead to with key informants. The article is based
establishing the validity, extent, and on more women's voices than men's,
development of the above trends and since I was involved in more of the
others, the setting of precise targeting women's interviews. The article also
criteria for household vulnerability due to draws on subsequent discussions and
AIDS-depletion, and the provision of communications with Marion Pratt, on
precise and appropriate support packages her own findings in the course of
for different types of household. anthropological research in the region.
Government, funding agencies, and
NGOs involved in development need to
adopt a consultative approach, to identify References
the key occupations that need support in
local AIDS-depleted populations. This will Appleton J (1993), Lake Victoria Fisheries and
allow invention and adaptation to flourish, Development in Kagera Region, Tanzania,
as it did in the case of the N'toro report for GCP/INT/467/NOR to
fishermen's own initiative to ensure that URT/90/005, FAO Rome
AIDS orphans were able to take part Barnett A and Blaikie PM (1992), AIDS in
in seine-fishing. In particular, because Africa: Its present and future impact,
women generally have fewer social rights, The Guildford Press, London.
for example to land, support is needed for Hivinsite http:/ /hivinsite.ucsf.edu/
those women's enterprises that help them international / africa
and their families to survive despite AIDS WHO (World Health Organisation)
illness and death in the household. http: / / www.who.int / chd / publication /
This support would include promoting newslet / dialog / 9 / update
Providing sex education to
adolescents in rural
Bangladesh:
experiences from BRAC
Sabina Faiz Rashid
The Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC) set up an Adolescent Reproductive Health
Education (ARHE) programme in 1995, to provide information about reproductive health to
adolescents in rural areas. New ideas and information are breaking the silence and shame about
'sensitive' topics, and proving a positive influence on the relationships between adolescents and their
parents and teachers, and among adolescents themselves.
T
wenty-three per cent of the total 1999). Moral disapproval of sexual activities
population of Bangladesh is aged outside marriage means that overall
between ten and 19. Over the next discussion and knowledge of such issues
decade, these adolescents will enter their tend to be limited. Friends and older
prime reproductive years. Like other South cousins, brothers, and sisters are the main
Asian states, Bangladesh is a conservative source of information for adolescents, but
country. In addition to the effect of these informants are often ignorant about
conservatism and strong patriarchal reproductive health matters themselves.
structures, rural Bangladesh is influenced As a result, young adolescents have
by Islam, Hinduism, and traditional inadequate knowledge and often indulge in
religious beliefs. The predominantly risky behaviour.
traditional and conservative nature of
Bangladeshi society demands that young
unmarried adolescent girls are modest and
The ARHE programme
- at least in theory - sheltered from In 1995, the Bangladesh Rural
sexuality and knowledge of sexual Advancement Committee (BRAC)1 set up
reproduction. Low levels of education an Adolescent Reproductive Health
combine to create an environment of Education (ARHE) programme. ARHE
misunderstanding regarding reproductive classes are provided through BRAC's Basic
and sexual health (Nahar, Amin et al, 1999). Education for Older Children (BEOC) or
Despite the fact that socio-cultural Kishor Kishori (KK) schools, which run for
values in Bangladesh prohibit premarital three years. Pupils are adolescent boys and
sexual activity, research findings indicate girls over the age of 12 who have never
that about half of all young men in rural been enrolled in school. They are from very
areas have pre-marital sex, although the poor socio-economic backgrounds. Almost
figures are lower for women, who are all parents are illiterate and have had very
subject to greater social control (Aziz and little formal schooling. ARHE classes are
Maloney 1985, cited in Caldwell and Pieris
provided in the third year of schooling.
Providing sex education to adolescents in rural Bangladesh 29
thus sharing of knowledge with peers was As long as she is learning all this, it is less
confined to limited comments such as, worry for me, and she will know what to do.'
'If someone goes to a bad person (prostitute) Girls' sharing of new knowledge of
they will get AIDS', or '[having] too many family-planning methods was confined to
partners causes STDs'. Boys' knowledge of sisters-in-law2 and close friends. 7 told my
STDs and AIDS was also limited. bhabi to use something - not to have too many
Adolescent boys were mainly interested children. I told her about the methods I had
in sharing what they had learnt in their learned. She listened to me and asked me for
ARHE classes with their friends and male more information, but I could only tell her what
cousins. One boy commented, 'At our age I knew. She said she would discuss it with my
when the boys go to the bad place, they don'tbrother.'
use In one case, a girl discussed STDs
condoms... I told my cousin that the illnesseswith her older sister-in-law: 7 told her that if
[AIDS and STDs] spread if one does too much someone has an STD and has relations with his
mixing. He became very quiet. I told him if he wife then she - the wife - can also get it, and the
used condoms, as apa [teacher] had explained to can also be born with the illness.'
child
us, he would prevent the illnesses from In all, the implementation of the ARHE
happening.' Another boy explained: 'What I programme within the schools, and the
found most important was family-planning sharing of knowledge by adolescents via
methods - if we don't know this now, it can be personal channels, have generated a new
damaging for us later. I told my friend - consciousness about reproductive health
he studies in high school, and he does not know matters. The ARHE programme has to a
that if one does not use a condom when he goes certain degree legitimised 'making the
to the bad place he can get AIDS.' unspoken spoken', in that the shame and
silence surrounding girls' and boys' bodies
Wider dissemination of ARHE has been broken, with the adolescents freely
information discussing 'taboo' subjects. Other studies of
It is clear from the above that the newly adolescent intervention programmes have
acquired knowledge among adolescent also found that they result in adolescents
boys and girls is also passed on to their peer 'breaking] the culture and shame
networks in the villages. The adolescents surrounding their bodies' (Mamdani 1998).
who attend AHRE classes become an
important source of basic knowledge about Love and romance
health for their unmarried and married ARHE classes also seem to provide an
peers, and for members of their families. opportunity for some adolescent girls and
Some girls had also shared aspects of boys to share their feelings about prem
their new knowledge with their mothers. (love) and 'romance'. This would have been
One mother remarked: 'My daughter and I considered unthinkable for previous
talk about everything. She told me what to do generations
if in rural areas. In a culture
there is menstruation and how to keep myselfwhere social interaction between a non-
clean. I am learning from her now.' Other related adolescent male and female is
mothers knew of their daughters' newly disapproved of, and female virginity highly
acquired knowledge about hygienic valued, the fact that adolescents -
practices during menstruation, without particularly females - are speaking about
having had an open discussion about it. love shows a significant change in attitudes.
One mother explained: 'I buy her soap, as sheIn rural areas, if an adolescent girl is
said she needs to wash her things with it. perceived to be behaving inappropriately -
forI example, not covering her body
She asked me for the soap, so I got it for her but
don't say anything to her. What is there to say? sufficiently modestly,3 laughing and talking
32
with boys or men, walking in a particular they are far more vulnerable to coercive,
manner, being seen in 'public' spaces, and unsafe, and unplanned sexual intimacies.
so on, she is subject to harassment, and the Many of the female adolescents' narratives
family faces dishonour as well. However, about the consequences of prem dwelt on
despite social pressure to conform, not all betrayal, punishment from the village
adolescents are following the norms. elders, jail, and unmarried girls getting
Although some of the boys and girls pregnant. Some of the stories centred on
said they wanted to make their own revenge, where the girl was gang-raped, or
choices regarding their marriage partners, acid was thrown to scar her face. Parents'
many admitted that their parents were the stories mirrored that of the adolescents.
main decision-makers. Nevertheless, a However, their stories were tinged with
number of adolescents said that they anxiety and tension for their daughters:
resorted to 'falling in love' secretly, in the 'What to do if they (adolescents) run off and do
hope of finding themselves a partner to bad work? How will we show our face in the
marry, or in some cases, to elope with. village? We worry about our girls!'
However, usually these statements were
accompanied by contradictory remarks Discussions of sexuality
such as 'good romance remains pure', or 'if The AHRE classes seem to have provided
two people like each other, then there is nothing adolescent girls and women with a means
wrong with the prem as long as it is not bad of discussing sexuality. Young adolescent
prem [sex is involved]'. Good love was girls, and some of the teachers, were
defined as the boy and girl ultimately willing to speak out about their sexual
getting married to one another, and desires, satisfaction, and needs with the
'bad' or 'impure' love was defined as sex researchers. This openness is particularly
before marriage, or the boy and girl not significant in a society where a woman or
marrying each other after having a girl is seen as good and pure if she is
relationship (even if it was 'pure'). sexually passive, and any overt expression
Some adolescents said that boys initiate of sexuality is considered shameful. One
a relationship with girls through letters. girl who spoke about sexual satisfaction
Many of the boys' and girls' statements said: 'My friend is very nice and he prays five
revealed emotions partly influenced by the times a day. He kissed me - I think that is
romantic impressions made by movies, normal ... Both men and women have equal
films, and television. In a culture where rights in the sexual relationship.'
boys and girls have few opportunities to The language used by the teachers and
practise conversing in a romantic way, adolescents implied that individuals are
the popular films provide inspiration driven by some primal need, and are
(Pelto 1999). A few of the boys and girls therefore not fully responsible for their
went beyond the letter stage and shared a own actions. Adolescent boys - and girls,
kiss; another young couple went into town too - mentioned that young people are
to take a picture of themselves; and another unable to control their sexual urges, which
even went to the cinema together. Most usually leads to extra-marital activities.
couples resorted to meeting secretly after Some referred to 'too much desire/needs',
dark, in the fields or in empty schools, and 'uncontrollable urges' brought on by
when family members were asleep. hormones: 'Boys and girls get involved in
Only a few adolescent girls and boys sexual relations to meet their sexual needs.'
mentioned incidences of romances having This echoes another study in Bangladesh,
happy endings. Situations such as these in which several unmarried respondents
expose adolescent girls to particular risk, as blamed their sexual behaviour on 'urges',
Providing sex education to adolescents in rural Bangladesh 33
Power relations play a role in the occurring in the context of a wider process
acceptance of the programme. Most of the affecting rural areas of Bangladesh,
families from which ARHE participants involving the media, books, exposure
come are very poor, and dependent on to urban and non-traditional ways of life,
BRAC for educating their children. One boy and schooling.
explained the reasons why his mother did In future, additional research will be
not protest: 'She is scared - what if they ask me needed, with a greater focus on adolescents
to leave the school, if she complains? who participate in the programme and go
She doesn't want to anger the programme staff.' on to marry. Will they be able to negotiate
Another reason could be that in a number and decide on contraceptive methods
of the areas the teachers of the school come together, and to what extent will their
from rich, influential families, some having knowledge of reproductive health issues
direct links with authority figures in the have a positive effect on their lives and the
village. Many poor people would feel development of their communities?
uncomfortable questioning the 'authority'
of a teacher who is not only educated but Sabina Rashid is a research anthropologist
has a high social status. working in the Research and Evaluation
Finally, with the increasing exposure of Division of BRAC (Bangladesh Rural
adolescents to outside influences, a large Advancement Committee), Bangladesh, the
number of the mothers expressed worries largest non-government organisation in the
that they were unable to control their world. Her postal address is A23 Century
adolescent boys and girls, and felt that 'life Estate, Bara Maghbazaar, Dhaka 1217,
skills' and 'health education' were Bangladesh. Email: srashid@citechco.net
important for their children. Although
some community members stated that Notes
providing information about reproductive
health would encourage promiscuous 1 BRAC is one of the world's largest
behaviour, most have accepted the need for indigenous NGOs. Established in 1972, it
it. As one teacher and mother explained: has three main integrated but distinct
'This is the age when they make mistakes - programme areas: education, micro-
so they need to know how to be careful...' credit, and health. The ARHE
programme is under the umbrella of
Conclusion BRAC's health programme, the Health
and Population Division (HPD).
Our research into the impact of the ARHE 2 The sisters-in-law are not much older
programme highlights the need for such than the adolescent girls themselves.
education in rural areas. The programme 3 When discussing the issue of 'covering
provides information to young adolescent one's body', we are not referring to the
girls and boys in the programme, but also veil but to the appropriate covering of
to other adolescents, and adults, who are one's arms, hands, legs, chest, and so on.
not targeted by formal programme 4 Interestingly, in most rural areas, the
strategies. ARHE has mobilised the better-off families have televisions in
community, helping to break the silence their homes - and other families come
and shame about 'sensitive' topics, and has over to watch programmes. Adolescent
thus affected relationships between boys collect money and rent a television
adolescents and their parents, and among and video recorder from nearby video
adolescents themselves. The diffusion of stores to watch pornographic films.
knowledge as a result of the ARHE is
Providing sex education to adolescents in rural Bangladesh 37
5 The fathers are usually busy and do not Nahar Q, Amin S, Sultan R, Nazrul H,
play a role in their children's education. Islam M, Kane T T et al (1999), Strategies
It is mainly the mothers who attend the to Meet the Health Needs of Adolescents:
monthly school meetings, and they were A Review, Operations Research Project,
always available at home when we went Health and Population Extension
to interview. Division, Special Publications No.91,
ICDDR, Bangladesh
Nahar Q, Huq N L, Reza, M, Ahmed, F
References (1999), Perceptions of Adolescents on
Physical Changes During Puberty,
Amin S, Diamond I, Naved R T, Newby M ICDDR and Concerned Women for
(1998), 'Transition to adulthood of Family Development, Dhaka,
female garment-factory workers in Bangladesh (working paper, ICDDR)
Bangladesh', in Studies in Family Pelto P J (1999), 'Sexuality and sexual
Planning, Vol. 29, No. 2 behaviour: the current discourse', in
Caldwell B K and Pieris I (1999), Pachauri and Subramanian (eds),
'Continued high-risk behaviour among Implementing A Reproductive Health
Bangladeshi males', in J C Caldwell , Agenda in India: The Begi7ining,
P Caldwell et al, Resistances to Behavioural Population Council, New Delhi
Change to Reduce HIV/AIDS in Rashid S F and Michaud S (2000), 'Female
Predominantly Heterosexual Epidemics in adolescents and their sexuality: notions
Third World Countries, Health Transition of honour, shame, purity and pollution
Centre, Canberra during the floods', in Disasters, Vol. 24,
Gage, A J (1998), 'Decisionmaking No. 1,: pp.54-70
regarding sexual activity and
contraceptive use', in Studies in Family Acknowledgements
Planning, Vol. 29, No. 2
Hashima-e-Nasreen, Chowdhury M, I would like to thank my colleagues
Bhuiya A, Chowdhury S, Ahmed S M Mahmuda Sarker, Nicci Simmonds,
(1998), Integrating Reproductive and SexualDr Shamsher Khan, and Iftekar Khan for
Health into a Grassroot Development their assistance during project-designing
Programme, BRAC-ICDDR, Bangladesh and data-collection. For their useful
Mamdani M (1999), 'Adolescent comments and critical feedback I am
reproductive health: experience of grateful to my research coordinator,
community-based experiences', in Fazlul Karim; my research colleague,
Pachauri and Subramanian (eds), Nusrat Chowdhury; and my husband,
Implementing A Reproductive Health Safi Rahman Khan. I would also like to
Agenda in India: The Beginning, thank my field-research assistants for their
Population Council, New Delhi hard work. I am grateful to the BRAC field-
Mita R, and Simmons R. (1995), 'Diffusion office staff for their assistance. Finally, my
of the culture of contraception: program thanks to BRAC ARHE programme staff,
effects on young women in rural adolescents, parents, and community
Bangladesh', in Studies in Family members, who bore our endless questions
Planning, Vol. 26, No 1 with patience and humour.
Using life histories to
explore change:
women's urban struggles in Cape Town,
South Africa
Rachel Slater
This article examines the lives of four women who live in Cape Town, South Africa.
Age and stage in the life cycle determined their ability to make a living in Cape Town,
to survive shocking outbreaks of violence in the Crossroads squatter camp in 1983, and to avoid
arrest under the 'pass laws' of the apartheid era. It shows how useful investigating people's
life histories can be in developing understanding of the way in which their freedom to act
is both constrained, and supported, by their context.
A
nthropologists, sociologists, and chances of making a livelihood. These
historians have recorded and constraints include not only the political,
analysed people's life histories in economic, and social limitations placed on
their research for a long time (Denzin and black South Africans under apartheid, but
Lincoln 1998). More recently, development also constraints related to gender and age.
researchers in both academic institutions I argue that, regardless of the historical
and development organisations are using context, younger women were more
this technique increasingly frequently. successful in negotiating the daily struggle
This article shows how life histories can of urban township life than older ones who
be useful in analysing the impact of arrived in the city at the same time.
political and economic change on the lives
of individuals and social groups. It draws Using life histories in
on my own research in Cape Town, development research
South Africa, which focuses on four black
South African women and their experience Research into people's life histories has two
of urbanisation. It starts by discussing life particular strengths, which are especially
histories as a method for development important in the context of development.
research. From there, it moves on to outline First, life histories enable development
the social, economic, and political context in researchers to understand how the impact
which women migrated to Cape Town of social or economic change differs
under apartheid.1 Four case studies are according to the unique qualities of
used to highlight the shared, and individual women or men. This is because
individual, experiences of four women who they allow researchers to explore the
arrived in Cape Town between 1949 and relationship between individual people's
1986, in defiance of the pass laws, which ability to take action (their 'agency'), and
prohibited such migration. 2 The case the economic, social, and political
studies show very clearly the structural structures that surround them. Researchers
constraints that have shaped these women's often choose to use alternative research
Using life histories to explore change in Cape Town, South Africa 39
and forced removals under the 1913 book to be presented on demand to the
Natives Land Act meant that more people police or pass inspectors.
sought work in the city. By 1920, The application of pass laws to women
manufacturing was established in was to be central to their experiences of
Cape Town, and urban slums were urbanisation, and would define their
developing at the city's periphery. capacity to make a living for decades to
The Natives (Urban Areas) Act of 1923 follow. The intended impact of government
aimed to prevent Africans from entering policy on African women and family life
and residing in cities, and it entrenched the was spelt out clearly in 1954 by the
notions of residential segregation and the Cape Town City Council: 'The policy of
principle that Africans were permitted into this government is to reduce the number
urban areas for labour purposes only of African families in the Western Cape ...
(Davenport 1991). The 1923 Act applied to The labour needs of the peninsula are to be
African men alone, as they formed the met by migratory labour .. .Those who have
majority of migrants to Cape Town. the right to stay will be allowed to remain,
Women and children remained in rural the rest will go home' (quoted in Cole
areas and relied on remittances from their 1987, 7).
husbands. In the 1960s, shifts in the price of gold
The Second World War and its brought changing economic conditions in
aftermath saw rapid economic growth, Cape Town. There was a stricter imposition
matched by urban African population of the Coloured Labour Preference Policy,
increase. A big demand for labour in and the South African government took
Cape Town meant that influx control was stringent measures against illegal dwellers
implemented only half-heartedly (Nattrass in Cape Town. But it was not until the
1981). However, a whole series of laws 1970s that the economy took a sharp
enacted in the 1950s later became the tool downward turn, and, for the first time since
by which tens of thousands of people were the 1920s, African population increase in
moved out of Cape Town in the 1970s the city outstripped economic growth
(Cole 1987). In 1950, the Population (Preece 1994). The government launched a
Registration Act required that all total onslaught on squatting in Cape Town.
South Africans be classified according to In the late 1970s and early 1980s, forced
racial origin. The predominance of removals involved more people, and were
the Coloured (mixed-race) population in enacted more brutally and destructively,
Cape Town led the city and its hinterland to than at any other time in the Cape. In the
be classified as a Coloured Labour area called Crossroads, the government
Preference Area (CPLA) in 1955 (Riley used divide-and-rule tactics to pitch one
1991). By protecting Coloured labour in the community of squatters against another.
city, the government could further Eventually, the conflict boiled over when
constrain African people from moving into the witdoeke, an alliance of people identified
the city. by their white headscarves, attacked and
Until 1952, women were not subjected burned down the shacks of other squatters
to the laws that required African men to in 1986 (Cole 1987)
carry documents certifying their right to In the townships, women became the
work and reside in urban areas. In 1952, primary targets of pass raids and
the Natives (Abolition of Passes and harassment by the police. Women were the
Co-ordination of Documents) Act main targets of day-time raids on
stipulated that all Africans over the age of workplaces and of night-time and early-
16 years were required to carry a reference morning raids on hostels where they
Using life histories to explore change in Cape Town, South Africa 41
mother, who had left the Transkei after passes. On one occasion, she saved herself
being mistreated by her in-laws. Thokozile from arrest by stripping naked and lying on
arrived in Cape Town without a pass, a bed surrounded by women. When the
but, clutching a glowing reference from pass inspectors burst through the door,
Father Fisher, secured employment in a they were confronted by the sight of
hospital laundry. She called herself Thokozile, seemingly in the late stages of
Virginia. The pass inspectors soon caught labour, and they made a hasty retreat.
up with her. Thokozile eventually found stability in
Cape Town, when Father Fisher found her
'So I started work there - it was in January. a job as a cleaner at an adult education
In April, I saw two men standing in the centre in Langa. She was taken to the
laundry and they were asking for Virginia and I administration office at Langa, to try to
told them "I am Virginia", and they said "You organise a pass.
are coming with us." I asked them why, and
they said "You are not allowed to work here '... in 1982, Sister Alfreda took me to Langa
because you haven't got a pass."' pass office. Mr Lawrence was working there,
and he asked me "Where have you been all these
Thokozile found herself in a police cell. She years?" I told him "I have been playing hide
was searched, her pockets were emptied, and seek with the police1." And Mr Lawrence
and she was told that she would be locked laughed, so he fixed my pass. I couldn't believe
up that night and then taken to court in the it. It was the first time I had the pass!
morning. From 1964 until 1982 I had been doing hide and
seek with the inspectors.'
'It was a terrible day that day. I will never
forget it because it was hot outside, and Nolindile
everything was locked, and it was the first time Nolindile could not tell me when she was
I was locked up, and the window was so small. born, but she had grown up in a remote
I was sweating. I didn't have anything to part of the Transkei and was married there
eat that day, for the whole day - I didn't eat at the age of 18. For the first 20 years of
until supper.' their marriage, her husband Mackenzie
worked at the mines near Johannesburg.
The next day, Thokozile was sentenced to He was dismissed when he contracted
two months' imprisonment. After serving tuberculosis. For a while, farming
her sentence, she was escorted back to the supported the family, but the drought of
Transkei by the wives of two African police the late 1970s turned Ngcobo into a dust-
officers. On arrival, she collected money bowl. When his father's entire stock was
that had been mailed to the post office from wiped out by liver disease in the drought,
Cape Town by her boyfriend, bought a Mackenzie went to seek work in
ticket, and caught the same train back to Cape Town. Nolindile was reluctant for
Cape Town along with her two escorts. him to leave, because she feared he would
Thokozile was arrested on two more find a new wife in the city.
occasions. Each time, she was imprisoned
and escorted back to the Transkei, where 'During the drought there was no water. Cattle,
she bought a ticket straight back to sheep, and goats were dying. Grass was dry.
Cape Town. At other times, she evaded That is why he decided to come here. My heart
arrest by sleeping in the bush, or by was sore, because I didn't know whom he was
outwitting the inspectors who came to going to stay with.'
places of work and residence to check on
Using life histories to explore change in Cape Town, South Africa 43
She successfully registered for a new site- other factors beyond the immediate social,
and-service stand in Macassar, fleeing from economic, and political context have
violence for the third time in less than shaped their lives. These are gender, age,
ten years. and the stage of life that women had
At the time I met her, in 1996, Funeka reached when factors in the external
was living in Macassar, Khayelitsha, context affected them.
an area of Cape Town established in 1983. Comparing the four stories, it is clear
She lived with her son Vusumzi and her that certain aspects of South Africa's influx
brother. Peter, Vusumzi's father, also lived controls affected all the women as women.
with them, but often disappeared for days There was a distinct gender dimension to
on end. He rarely gave Funeka money for urban apartheid. Women were the targets
food; she relied heavily on income made of most pass raids in the townships,
from sewing, and money contributed by hostels, and squatter camps, and occupied
her brother. Funeka was not in love with a much more precarious position in the city
Peter; with no illusions about her than men. The policy of influx control
relationship with him, she was honest approved the presence of limited numbers
about its limited benefits. of African men in cities as temporary
labour, and the authorities had built single-
'The main reason why (I wanted to have a sex hostels to accommodate them. The fact
boyfriend): I was alone. I built this house. I had that African women were not welcome was
no boyfriend. Now, there was a girl staying reflected in the limited family housing that
alone, and her house was burnt down, and no- existed in the two townships of Gugulethu
one saved this girl. If there was a man, he and Nyanga. This housing was very
should have saved her, and there is this overcrowded. During the Crossroads
breaking-in of skollies (vandals) at night. I was conflict, the South African government set
also afraid of that. Well, I decided to have women against men, in order to divide
somebody to stay with.' communities. It actively undermined the
women's group that sought to find a
After years of forced removals, evading the solution to the conflict, and supported the
pass laws and being shunted from pillar to witdoeke as they attacked other squatters
post to escape appalling violence, it is not (Cole 1987). Women of all ages were very
surprising that Funeka views Khayelitsha vulnerable to attack by the witdoeke, and to
as a city of broken people. However, she is rape and sexual assault.
finally finding some peace in Macassar. Women's ages, and the stages they had
Perhaps because she is the youngest of the reached in their life cycles, were
women whose life stories I collected, determining facts in their experience of
her feet seem to be firmly rooted in town. arrival and survival in Cape Town.
In spite of the endemic violence, unrest, Vuyelwa and Funeka were both very
and poverty that characterise life in young when they arrived, and both seemed
Khayelitsha, I felt that Funeka somehow to have adapted relatively easily to town
maintained the energy to keep going, life. Vuyelwa's path was made easier
whatever life threw at her. because she automatically qualified for a
pass on arrival in 1949, but both she and
Gender, age, and life-stage: Funeka, who arrived in 1986, were better
shaping women's lives equipped to cope with nights in the bush
and evade pass inspectors, particularly
When I looked in detail at these four because neither had small children to look
women's experience of apartheid policies after. Both were seeking social and
in an urban setting, it became clear that financial independence from their families,
Using life histories to explore change in Cape Town, South Africa 45
and may well have fared better for feeling housing in Gugulethu. Younger, unmarried
much less loyalty and responsibility women without children could often find
towards their families in the Transkei than accommodation with homeboys, but the
older women. homeboys were frequently reluctant to
In contrast, women arriving at an older house older women or women with
age had usually come to Cape Town at a children, who were viewed as a
moment of crisis, fleeing dire economic greater burden.
conditions in the Transkei. They had
stronger family ties and a sense of Conclusion
responsibility for children and other
dependants. Consequently their sense of Each of the women's stories that are
the need to support people back in the presented here has painted a different
Transkei was much stronger. Of the four picture of the experience of migration to
women above, Nolindile had struggled Cape Town and survival in urban areas
through illness and years of drought at under apartheid. The technique of
home before moving to Cape Town with analysing women's life stories shows that
her children, leaving other family members there are common aspects in their
behind. Thokozile abandoned her job in the experience, some of which are related to
Transkei after several months of loneliness, their gender, age, and life stage; in
following family problems and her addition, there are aspects that are unique
mother's departure. to particular women. Funeka and
Age and stage in the life cycle were Thokozile come across as having both the
important also in the sense that the length strength of character and the adaptability
of time that women spent in Cape Town to respond to changing opportunities and
influenced their capacity to seize constraints on life in Cape Town, while
opportunities that came their way, or find Nolindile did not seem to adapt to town
their way around constraints affecting life at all. Thus, it is difficult - if not
residence and employment. As described impossible - for a researcher to understand
earlier, one common effect of apartheid the impact of particular policies or
policies in Cape Town was the shortage of development interventions by untangling
housing for Africans. However, while all common experiences from those that are
the women had problems in establishing unique. Urban apartheid and influx control
secure, stable homes, these difficulties were governed the working and social lives of all
compounded for those with fewer years' the women, but not necessarily in the same
experience in Cape Town. When I met manner, at the same time, or to the same
them, Thokozile (who arrived in 1964) and extent. It is only possible to understand
Vuyelwa (who arrived in 1949) occupied women's experiences of urbanisation by
brick houses with full services, while analysing the way in which factors
Nolindile and Funeka, who both arrived in particular to individuals, such as age and
1986, lived on site-and-service stands, at stage in the lifecycle, cross-cut the
risk from annual flooding in the winter structural context that shapes women's
months. The women's ability to get access lives.
to housing was dependent on a series of So what are the implications of this for
prerequisites, such as whether they had policy-makers and planners in
children, possessed passes, or could call on development? It seems to me that the use of
people from the same area of the Transkei life histories in development research
who now lived in Cape Town. Married enables us to examine the impacts of
couples - with or without children - who policies on different kinds of people, rather
possessed passes could apply for family than homogenising people's experiences of
46
poverty and the ways in which a policy groups were expected to subsist through
affects them. Furthermore, life histories agriculture.These areas were an
offer a good opportunity to inject humanityimportant source of surplus labour for
into our analyses of social and economic the mines and South Africa's urban
change. areas.
6 A plot of land with water and electricity
Rachel Slater is Research Officer at the supplies laid on.
Institute for Development Policy and
Management, University of Manchester,
Crawford House, Precinct Centre, References
Oxford Road, Manchester, M13 9GH, UK
E-mail: rachel.slater@man.ac.uk Bozzoli, B (1991), Women of Phokeng:
Consciousness, Life Strategy and Migrancy
Notes in South Africa, 1900-1983, Ravan Press,
South Africa
1 Apartheid was the policy of separate Cole, J (1987), Crossroads: The Politics of
development for people of different Reform and Repression, 1976-1986,
racial groups (black, white, 'Coloured' Ravan Press, South Africa
and Indian) in place in South Africa Davenport, T R H (1991), South Africa:
from 1948 until the first fully democratic A Modern History, Macmillan, UK
elections in 1994. Keegan, T (1988) Facing the Storm: Portraits
2 The 'pass laws' were laws enacted and of Black Lives in Rural South Africa,
amended from 1923 onwards that David Philip Publishers, South Africa
governed the residence and movement Marks, S and Anderson, N (1987), 'Issues in
of blacks in South Africa. The main the political economy of health in
objective of the laws was to prevent the South Africa', Journal of Southern Africa
entrance of blacks into South Africa's Studies, Vol. 13, No.2, pp.175-86
urban areas, except where and when Preece, H (1994), 'The economics of
their labour power was required. apartheid' in Harker, J, The Legacy of
3 'Victims' are people viewed as having no Apartheid, Guardian Newspapers, UK
agency and whose lives are determined Nattrass, J (1981), The South African
by the structures that surround them. Economy: Its Growth and Change, Oxford
The idea of 'happy peasants' suggests University Press, UK and South Africa
people who, despite their impoverished Riley, E (1991), Major Political Events
state, are unaware of the hardships that in South Africa, 1948-1990,
they endure and the social, political, and Oxford University Press, Facts on File
economic inequalities that straddle all Slater, R (1998), 'Putting Down Roots:
parts of the globe. African Women's Lives and Livelihoods
4 In the South African context, the term in the Townships of Cape Town,
'African' is used historically to denote South Africa', PhD Thesis, Institute for
the black population, since the Development Policy and Management,
South African government renamed University of Manchester
Africans as 'blacks', 'natives' and 'bantu' West, M (1982), 'From pass courts to
at various times. It is not meant deportation: changing patterns of influx
to suggest that white or Coloured control in Cape Town', African Affairs,
South Africans are not African. No. 81, pp.463-77
5 The 'homelands' were areas reserved for Wilson, F (1972), Migrant Labour in
African settlement under apartheid in South Africa, Johannesburg, South African
which Africans of particular tribal Council of Churches
Intact or in tatters?
Family care of older women and men In
urban Mexico
Ann Varley and Maribel Blasco
This article asks how family relationships affect the living conditions of low-income elderly
people in urban Mexico. There is little State provision of accommodation for the elderly, forcing
older people to rely on their families for care. Yet many poorer families cannot afford to provide
care, and some are unwilling to do so. In addition, families treat elderly men and women
differently, with significant consequences for women's and men's housing conditions and
wellbeing in later life.
T
he material that we analyse comes questionnaire surveys in each area,
from a three-year research project on concerning individual housing histories
gender and housing in Guadalajara, and the broader response to issues
Mexico's second-largest city.1 The research discussed in the groups. Finally, we
has a variety of aims. One of them is to undertook interviews in several asilos
identify new directions for gender-sensitive (homes for the elderly). The names of
policy formulation. We also plan to produce people quoted have been changed.
a small publication for grassroots and non-
government organisations working from a
gender perspective, looking at how housing
The caring family as
issues can be incorporated into the
safety-net for the elderly
empowerment process. In Guadalajara, our The proportion of the population aged over
work focused on four low-income 60 is rising in developing countries. The
neighbourhoods that we considered offered question of who will care for these growing
all the main housing options open to the numbers of elderly has, until recently, been
low-income population. The first was a neglected (Tout 1989). It is often assumed
recent self-help settlement on the edge of that the family will automatically take on
the city; the second was a similar settlement this responsibility, yet little is known about
dating from the 1950s; the third, a the reliability of this safety net in practice
government-housing project of apartment (de Vos 1990).
blocks; and the fourth, an inner-city area In Mexico, strong family ties are often
with a high proportion of rental housing. thought to be a distinguishing feature of the
In each area, we organised discussion national soul, and the family is popularly
groups with residents: one of women, one seen as an unfailing source of support to its
of men. Each group met on six occasions, members. The possibility that families
discussing a variety of topics. In addition to might refuse to care for elderly relatives is
the eight discussion groups and individual seemingly too remote to be worth
follow-up interviews, we conducted two considering (see, for example, Contreras de
48
Lehr 1992). This myth of the ideal family is In the following discussion, we explore
a persistent one, but many elderly people some of the housing options available to
cannot, in fact, rely on their families for the elderly, and some of the things that can
housing and support. Some of those who render older women and men vulnerable.
are housed by relatives are neglected or
abused: the family is not always an ideal
Living alone or with
solution. Yet idealisation of the caring
family: differences between
family provides hard-pressed governments
with a pretext for them to pass the buck to women and men
relatives, expecting them to care for the In 1990, nearly two-thirds of older people
elderly with minimal support from health living alone in Mexico were women.
or welfare services. Nearly one in ten women of 60 years or
The mistaken belief that the family will more was living alone.2 Women's greater
automatically support its members is longevity means that there are more older
reflected in the lack of institutional women than older men, but those living
provision for the elderly. In Guadalajara, alone outnumber men even more.
demand for asilos has increased There were 112 women for every 100 men
dramatically over the last decade or so, far of 60 years or more, but 170 (and as many
outstripping supply. This is particularly as 224 in the largest urban areas) for every
problematic for low-income elderly people. 100 men living alone.
Few asilos are free, and for the very poor, The existence of so many elderly
who usually do not receive pensions, even women living alone in Mexico is at odds
a small charge is prohibitive. It is estimated with cultural beliefs portraying mothers as
that of tomorrow's elderly population the archetypal recipients of family charity.
(those currently 45-65 years old), only Mothers are supposed to be objects of near-
42 per cent will be covered by some form of veneration for their children. This has been
social security provision (Montes de Oca, used to help to explain census data
1999). The institution that caters for the revealing that elderly women enjoy better
most vulnerable sectors of the elderly physical housing conditions than their male
population is the DIF (Desarrollo Integral de counterparts. The family is thought to be
la Familia - 'Integral Family Development'). 'more willing to provide help or financial
However, the DIF attends to only a few support to their mother or female relatives
hundred elderly people in its asilos in each than to their father or male relatives'
of the major cities. (Llera Lomeli 1996,166).
Another unfortunate consequence of the Since family care for elderly women is
ideology of the responsible family is the taken for granted, those who, for whatever
belief that if you are not cared for by your reason, live alone are particularly
children, you must have done something vulnerable to being judged as 'reaping
in earlier life to merit the otherwise what they have sown'. If Mexican children
inexplicable treatment of being left to fend do not support their mother in her old age,
for yourself. When we asked the personnel she 'must' have been a bad mother. So, in
of asilos why elderly people live in these addition to their precarious living
homes, they sometimes suggested that the conditions, older women may have to face
residents had somehow deserved this fate. being blamed for being 'rejected' by their
The director of a home for abandoned family. Those who have never married -
elderly men and women told us: 'It's always because of their sexual preferences, for
said that what you sow is what you'll reap' example - are also vulnerable to this type
(interview, Guadalajara, May 1998). of moralising, since they may be seen as
Family care of older women and men in urban Mexico 49
having failed in the task of developing traditionally the older woman has taken it
'normal' bonds of affection with others that on herself to teach the younger one to
will sustain them in later life. The 'know her place'. As Mexico has changed
proportion of never-married women in from a rural to an urban society, the country
asilos is far greater than any other category, has seen a growing rebellion against that
suggesting that childless women are the tradition. As one younger woman told us:
most vulnerable group among elderly 'Women were more submissive in the past -
women. if they were taken to live with their husband's
Why do women live alone more parents, they stayed put and didn't protest.
frequently than men? It is well known that Nowadays they rebel, so when he says
they live longer. In Mexico, women "We're going to live with my mother", they
generally marry men a few years older than reply, "No way! Your mother doesn't like me -
them, and they are less likely than men to go and find me a place where we can be on our
re-marry if they are divorced or widowed. own" ... I think it's because women work now,
Older women are therefore less likely than and we feel we have more right to have our say'
men to have a surviving spouse. In 1990, (group discussion, older self-help
76 per cent of men of 65 years or over were settlement, Guadalajara, November 1997).
married or living with a partner, compared Older women can therefore no longer
with only 44 per cent of older women rely on living with their married sons.
(Lopez and Izazola 1994). Neither can they count on living with
Thus, older women are more likely to their married daughters. According to one
live alone, partly because of their longer life social worker whom we interviewed in a
expectancy, which increases their chances State-supported home for elderly people,
of finishing their lives without a partner. women who do not have jobs find it
This observation leaves unanswered, difficult to persuade their husbands to
however, the question of why these women house their mothers (interview,
are not living with relatives. Guadalajara, May 1998).
Our work in Guadalajara suggests that There is a flaw in some discussions of
elderly women may increasingly be forced older people living in extended households,
to fend for themselves as a result of changes which assumes that the elderly have moved
in family relations and female employment in with their children. This reflects a
patterns. In Mexico, as elsewhere, it is widespread tendency to view older people
younger women who have typically cared as passive and dependent, and ignores the
for elderly relatives (Lloyd-Sherlock 1997). important question of whose house it is.
Yet women's role as carers can no longer There is a considerable social and
be taken for granted, due to their increased psychological difference between having a
participation in the labour market. son-in-law or daughter-in-law move in with
This, coupled with greater access to you, and moving in with a married child
schooling, has led to changes in younger and his or her family. We therefore sought
women's attitudes, so that they no longer to see which of these situations was more
unquestioningly submit to their husbands' common in the areas where we were
wishes (LeVine with Sunderland Correa working. Our questionnaire survey yielded
1993). individual information on only a small
Many younger women now object group of older people: 131 people of
vociferously to living with their in-laws. 60 years or over. It is interesting, however,
There is a long history of poor relations because we distinguished between those
between mother-in-law and daughter-in- with and without a partner, and between
law, creating lasting bitterness, as those who were living in a house they
50
owned or had rented and those who were In spite of these disadvantages, over
living in someone else's house. two-thirds of the women aged 60 or more
We found, as expected, that more men with whom we spoke in Guadalajara said
(82 per cent) than women (50 per cent) that they would prefer to carry on living in
still had partners, while more women their own homes as they grew older.
(10 per cent) than men (3 per cent) lived Although most wanted to be with their
alone. But while almost one-quarter of children or husbands, just over one in ten
women without a partner (11 per cent of all specified 'alone'. 3 When asked why
the women) were living with a son's or they should want to live alone, women
daughter's family, no men were doing so. (of all ages) often said they wouldn't
Three-fifths of the men were still living in want to 'make a nuisance' of themselves.
their own homes with their wives or wives A few explicitly mentioned not wanting to
and children. In all, 17 per cent of women have problems with their daughters-in-law,
were living in a relative's house, but only or to cause trouble between their daughters
5 per cent of men. In short, older men are and sons-in-law. Some (although fewer of
more likely to be cared for by their spouses the older women) said they'd rather be in a
in their own homes, whereas women are home, 'so my children don't get tired of me,
more likely than men to live alone or be and so as not to be a burden' (questionnaire
'taken in' by adult children. survey, Guadalajara, April 1998).
It is tempting to see these responses as
Not being a burden, or expressing the traditional feminine ideal of
self-denial (abnegacion). They should not,
getting some peace: however, always be taken at face value, as
older women on their own they may conceal women's own fears and
Significantly, although living alone is concerns - particularly about having to
generally negatively portrayed, many look after the grandchildren. Some women
women whom we interviewed said that were happy to say straight out that they
this would be their preferred housing didn't want this: 'on my own, so no-one can
option when elderly. Living alone clearly cause me any trouble', or 'on my own, so I
has certain practical disadvantages, such as don't have to be battling, either with my
not having any one around if you are daughters-in-law or with my grandchildren'.
suddenly taken ill. Even having family They had worked hard enough bringing up
nearby, as many people do, is not their own children in poverty, and felt they
necessarily going to solve that problem. deserved a break. For others, however,
Women in the oldest age groups are more 'not wanting to be a burden' expressed,
likely to be infirm and in need of medical indirectly, a complaint about being
attention, and most at risk on their own. expected to look after their grandchildren
Their alternatives are also more limited, as or do housework for their children's
the social worker in a State-supported families (Varley and Blasco, 1999).
home mentioned earlier told us: many
asilos will not admit people who are
incapacitated - imposibilitadas - or ill 'Fathers are two a penny':
(interview, Guadalajara, May 1998). older men's problems
In addition, people can clearly suffer Older men are far less likely to live alone or
problems of loneliness and low self-esteem be dependent on relatives for care than
resulting from internalisation of the notion women. During their lives they have had
that 'what you sow, you reap'. greater access to education, formal-sector
employment, pensions, and health care.
Family care of older women and men in urban Mexico 51
More men than women work, mirroring success in itself, being a father is not
employment patterns in earlier life. As we enough on its own. As one 68-year-old
have seen, older men are more likely to grandmother put it in one of the group
have surviving spouses than women. discussions: 'Fathers are two a penny, but
Consequently, they are less likely to live mothers don't grow on trees.'
alone during the final years of their lives. Divorced and separated fathers, and
They are less frequently dependent men who have children with different
on relatives and are usually financially women or abandon young families, are all
better off (Llera Lomeli 1996, INEGI1993). particularly at risk of rejection by their
Our research nonetheless revealed some children when they become elderly.
unexpected problems that elderly men can As responsibility for child-care after a
face. As with women, many of these separation almost always falls to the
problems derive from constraints and woman, men's links with their children can
cultural norms operating at earlier stages be very fragile, or non-existent. Should a
in their lives. We found that those men man abandon his family or behave
who do become dependent in old age can abusively towards them, he cannot count
experience more extreme destitution than on receiving support in later life.
women, for several reasons. Furthermore, relatives may be less
According to both older and younger willing to take in elderly men, since they
men in our study, Mexican men's most are perceived as incapable of carrying out
significant role is still that of breadwinner. child-care and housework and thus 'paying'
Men who cannot live up to this ideal risk for their keep. Men may also find it more
losing their family's respect, and their own difficult to fit into another household.
self-esteem. Being a good father, and When a man is taken into a married female
therefore a good man, depends on being a relative's household, her husband may
good provider. Other contributions that a resent the attention she gives to the older
father may make, such as providing care man. Men are also regarded as less morally
and nurturing, may not be highly valued. 'trustworthy', and their sexual behaviour as
Widespread poverty means, however, that questionable, regardless of their age, as men
many men are unable to fulfil their from the older self-help settlement said:
breadwinner role adequately. In old age,
a man who has barely been able to scrape Jaime (aged 67): No one's going to trust a
a living has few bargaining counters, man, no matter how old he is. He won't be
since respect for fathers is often based on trusted in anyone's home.
largely material considerations. He cannot
always offer his children a house or other Jesus: You never know what mafias [habits;
inheritance, in exchange for their caring with strong sexual overtones] he might have.
for him.
Moreover, the need to earn a living in Jaime: But with a woman it's different. They
harsh circumstances means that most low- adapt better. People say: 'You can stay here if
income men spend little time with their you haven't got anywhere to go.' Anyone will be
families. Ironically, the pressure to provide willing to take them in. Any family. But with a
prevents men from developing good man - no-one's going to take him in anywhere,
relationships with their children. Older men and less still if he's a dirty old devil [manoso].
may find that, having failed to invest
emotionally in their families during their If men are indeed less capable of looking
working lives, they are rejected when they after themselves and the home, they will
need support. Whereas being a mother is also find it more difficult to cope with
52
living alone in old age. In Mexico, and for the very elderly. Many children have
other countries, older men are documented genuine affection for their parents, and feel
as receiving less help from children, and morally obliged to help them. A woman in
having less contact with other kin than the older self-help settlement identified a
elderly women (Llera Lomeli 1996, sense of obligation towards her parents as a
Barer 1994). They also tend to be more specifically female responsibility, and even
readily isolated from their families and a right: 'We women take care of our parents
social networks by bereavement, owing to when they get old, because they're our parents,
weaker relationships in earlier life. As one it's our right and our duty to take care of them.'
respondent put it: 'It's more difficult for an Others expressed the responsibility to
elderly man to live alone, because people visit look after their parents in terms of a 'do-as-
women a lot more.' All these factors can you-would-be-done-by' logic: 'The way you
threaten men's well-being in old age. treated that person, that's the way they're going
to treat you.' This moral accounting
Living with family: a haven sometimes takes the form of an explicitly
for the elderly? Catholic morality: 'building up your stock of
virtue in heaven', as one 68-year-old
Living with family is usually thought to be grandparent put it.
a better option for older people. However, Some interviewees expressed
we should not assume that this guarantees appreciation of elderly people's
their well-being. In Mexico, we heard of 'folk knowledge': stories from the past,
cases where elderly people had been recipes, herbal remedies, and other
physically or emotionally abused at the lore that might otherwise be lost.
hands of their relatives. This intangible contribution to family life
Although we have suggested that was one of the main reasons that people
owning a home gives older people a gave for wanting to care for older relatives.
'bargaining counter' to exchange for care The flow of benefits in the relationship
from relatives, it can make them more is not, then, always unidirectional, with
vulnerable to abuse. When we asked elderly parents on the receiving end.
discussion-group members whether or not Children may remain with their parents
older people should put their children's because they cannot afford independent
name on property documents, the men in accommodation. Some stay in the hope that
the younger self-help settlement they will be left the house when their
immediately responded 'no!' - because, parents die. There has been a tradition of
said one, 'they'll chuck you out'. Both women the youngest son remaining at home,
and men cited examples of children caring for his parents and subsequently
cheating or trying to cheat their parents of inheriting the property. Although this is
their property, and the staff of government normally described as a rural tradition,
agencies legalising land tenure in self-help women with whom we talked in the inner
settlements told us of others. Most low- city agreed that it was usual to leave
income people who own a housing plot in property to either the youngest child or a
urban Mexico acquire the land illegally. daughter or son who had cared for their
Too often, people registering their property parents.
in a son's or daughter's name have ended Grandparents, especially grandmothers,
up 'out on the street'. often fulfil important functions within their
Of course, living with children is not children's household. They frequently help
always such a gloomy experience. It can be out with household chores or care for
an invaluable housing option, particularly grandchildren to enable another family
Family care of older women and men in urban Mexico 53
member to go out to work. While these years in a home? We found that men and
activities may be tiring for the elderly women reacted very differently to the
person, they can also help them to feel that prospect. Many women said they would
they are 'paying their way'. Accounts of like to live in a home: retaining their
mutually beneficial relationships between independence, resting, and receiving the
parents and children sharing care they need. Men, on the other hand,
accommodation should not, however, be flatly rejected the asilo for being 'like a
taken at face value. The idea of symbiosis, prison', where they would be badly treated.
though appealing, should be treated with Men's objection to institutional
some scepticism. At a workshop at which accommodation reflects their feelings about
we discussed these issues, one participant the (family) home. Many find it difficult to
who had worked on social provision for relate to the home, because they spend so
older people in Mexico City commented little time there during their working lives,
that listening carefully to women talking and because culturally the home is the
about their role within a relative's home woman's sphere. 'Men are for the street
may reveal insecurity and even fear and women for the home', as a Mexican
behind the rhetoric of mutual support. saying puts it. Many men we spoke
The gratitude they express towards their to appeared to feel far more 'at home'
relatives could be better described as a at work: when we asked older men to tell
'gratitud-esclavitud' (slavery-gratitude). us about the houses they had lived in over
Some women who were initially the course of their life, they often turned
enthusiastic about support groups that he the conversation around to their work,
had organised for them did not, in practice, not housing, history.
turn up. He later learned that they were
The things that make it hard for elderly
afraid to leave their daughters' homes or
men to adapt to the home also make it
neglect their domestic work (International
difficult for them to adapt to asilo life.
Research and Policy Workshop on
Homes for the elderly are generally run by
Reducing Vulnerability Among Families in
women, often nuns. Men can feel out of
the Mexico and US Border Region,
place in an environment where women are
Desarrollo Integral de la Familia (DIF)
in control, and asilo rules are anathema to
National and University of Texas, Tijuana,
them, because they have been used to
March 1999).
coming and going as they please. 'Men want
As the authors of a study of women's to be free, they want to go wherever they like,'
lives in Cuernavaca have written, one asilo director told us: 'They're not used to
'poorer women were having to make being at home all the time, they always want
themselves as useful as possible to adult to be free, right?' (interview, Guadalajara,
children, thereby building up credit for the May 1998). Institutional life drives home to
time when their health failed and they men the fact that that they are now
could no longer "earn their keep'" (LeVine dependent, and they can experience this as
with Sunderland Correa 1993,193). an affront to their dignity. As the director
of an asilo for men told us, 'Here they have to
obey the rules and schedule. That's very hard
The asilo: attractive option for them and some of them never get used to it'
or prison sentence? (interview, Guadalajara, May 1998).
We have noted that the amount of Reluctance to face life in an institution
accommodation on offer in asilos is very may lead some men to end up on the
limited; but how do people in Guadalajara streets. In a study of vagrants in Mexico
respond to the idea of spending their later City, almost four out of five were found to
54
be men, with an average age of 53 families. It is ironic, however, that the very
(Montes de Oca 1999). Older men may also skills that enable older women to 'fit in'
be less welcome in mixed asilos than also make it easier for hard-pressed
women. According to staff, they are more relatives to feel that they will be all right on
troublesome: more often violent and even their own.
sexually abusive. The director of one home Researchers often warn against the
for older women in Guadalajara told us: dangers of translating policy prescriptions
'No one wants to look after men, even in their from one cultural context to another.
own homes. Women are loved more than men. It is tempting to interpret the strong
Men are more difficult in every respect' cultural emphasis on family solidarity in
(interview, Guadalajara, May 1998). Mexico as meaning that older people would
Institutional accommodation is not, be happiest living with their relatives.
then, always a viable solution for older We have tried to show that this is not
men. Its combination of home-like and necessarily the case, and that we should not
institutional characteristics makes it always take what people say on this matter
unpopular with them, as they are at face value. We are not suggesting that we
unaccustomed to having their freedom know better than older Mexican women
curtailed. Women's greater willingness to and men what is in their best interests.
contemplate life in an asilo may express To do so would be both unacceptably
both the desire to 'retire' from a life of arrogant and extremely foolish. What we
domestic labour, and the knowledge that are saying is that it is important to listen
women generally survive their husbands, very carefully to exactly what people are
and few can rely on being cared for by their saying. When your feelings are at odds
spouses. Perhaps seeing other women with cultural norms - for example, about
widowed leads women to think about their mothers putting their family first -
own options for the future more seriously you may half-hide them behind a fagade
than men. that is more culturally acceptable.
'Not wishing to be a burden on my
children' is a good example. Sometimes this
Conclusion
sentiment conceals a 'selfish' wish to get a
In his book Ageing in Developing Countries, bit of peace and quiet after a lifetime of
Ken Tout remarks on his impression that work, or a fear of being unwelcome.
the saddest individual experience tends to At other times, it can be taken at face value:
be that of the widowed aged man, the speaker means just what she says. It is
particularly where incompetence in the task of researchers and policy-makers to
domestic matters aggravates his try to distinguish between these different
abandonment. But, en masse, it is elderly possibilities, not on the basis of our own
women who are more likely to suffer preconceptions, but by being as sensitive as
problems (Tout 1989, 289). possible to the nuances of what people say,
Our research in Guadalajara supports and what lies behind their words.
this conclusion. While it is widowers In conclusion, we believe there are
abandoned by relatives whose plight may grounds for basing provision for older
be most acute, it is older women living people in urban Mexico on the same
alone who represent the greater challenge principle as in Europe or the rest of
for social policy: there are more of them. North America: supporting people living
We have seen that elderly women are more independently in their own homes as long
likely than men to live with, or be taken in as possible. Networks of relatives and
by, married sons or daughters and their friends living close to each other provide a
Family care of older women and men in urban Mexico 55
T
his article is based on research that I 1990s, and the Iran-Iraq war of the 1980s.
undertook1 into the current trend for These conflicts prompted much business
young women in Amman, the capital and private capital to relocate to Jordan,
of Jordan, to take up paid employment. and, during the Iran-Iraq war, goods bound
I set out to explore how young women's for land-locked Iraq passed through
employment affects - and is affected by - Aquaba port in Jordan.
their relationships with their families, and However, Jordan's growth has been
how conventions about gender and age are hampered by two economic 'shocks'.
challenged by this development. The first of these was the debt crisis, and
Jordan, a small country in the the ensuing economic stabilisation policies
Middle East, has enjoyed remarkable of the late 1980s. During the 'oil boom'
growth over the past 30 years. Reasons for years, Jordan had accumulated billions of
this growth include its favourable dollars in debt (Satloff 1992). The global
geopolitical location during the oil boom in recession of the late 1980s and early 1990s
the neighbouring Arab Gulf Region in the caused an economic crisis in oil-producing
1970s. Jordanian skilled workers migrated countries, and this had a knock-on effect for
to the Gulf countries and sent substantial Jordan, reducing employment of migrant
remittances home as a result. In addition, workers in the Gulf, and reducing financial
Jordan has attracted substantial financial aid to the government of Jordan from the
aid from oil-rich Arab countries Gulf States. In addition, Iraq's invasion of
(World Bank 1994). A related reason for Kuwait in 1990 caused an alarming influx of
economic growth is Jordan's quasi-liberal an estimated 300,000 'returnee' migrant
regime, which has aimed to foster stability - workers into Jordan. In 1988, Jordan
and hence investment - in a turbulent unveiled a major austerity plan, including a
region of the world. Jordan has indirectly 50 per cent devaluation of the Jordanian
benefited in economic terms from two dinar, in addition to new duties and taxes
conflicts in the region: the civil war in to reduce the budget deficit.
Lebanon from the mid-1970s until the early
The impact of paid work on young women's work in Jordan 57
The preoccupation with keeping young they did not trust the boss or co-workers.
women's sexual reputations intact has Many of the young women interviewed
resulted in some cases in a rather rigid knew of stories about unknown women
form of male-boss/female-worker relations who have been taken advantage of in
in the workplace: employers need to act unknown workplaces. There was no way
like fathers, and young women need to act of telling whether these accounts were fact
like daughters, and it is necessary for or fiction.
young women and employers alike It seems that young women's need to
constantly to prove their innocence. This protect their sexual reputation reinforces
has been described as the 'de-sexualisation' their economic and psychological
of workplace communities, as men and dependence on their families. It was a
women seek to de-emphasise the sexual common belief among respondents that
connotations of their physical closeness in women in dire economic need are more
the workplace, and thus defuse the threat exposed to harassment by employers.
to their reputation (Kabeer 1995). Some women interviewees expressed
However, sometimes the idea of a relief that their own families would never
'father-daughter' relationship can allow expose them to situations where their
employers to harass young women. reputations might suffer, no matter what
One young woman told me: their economic needs.
'One day, my boss, whom I respect very much, Young women's views on
touched my hand and then my hair. I screamed. employment
He then said: "What's the matter? You are like
my daughter." He never touched me again. This section explores the perceptions
I think he was testing how I would react, and of young women workers themselves.
my reaction made him treat me like a daughter. How do they perceive the existing gender
He takes care of me, and recently asked the division of labour in employment?
management to give me a raise. All the other What do they think of their experience of
secretaries are jealous of me, and started employment? How does it affect their
rumours about me and my boss. He is a very perception of their role as daughters and
good man, and when he was sick I visited him siblings within the household? Finally, has
in hospital and gave him flowers. His wife does going out to work given them more
not like me.' personal autonomy to determine their own
paths in work and marriage?
Young women who know very few men,
apart from their own fathers and relatives, Attitudes towards 'acceptable' female
may find it hard to distinguish between work
harassment and filial relations. In addition, All young women respondents were asked
they may themselves become attracted to to say what they thought were the three
men whom they work with. (As in this most suitable professions for women.
particular case, this may take the form of A substantial number - 44 per cent -
innocent admiration or respect.) The fact said they thought that women should work
that young women are conditioned to see in professions consistent with their 'nature'
themselves as the vulnerable sex means as women. This particular attitude was
they may take measures to avoid similar among all women respondents,
harassment. For example, some young regardless of whether they were
women claimed to me that they had categorised as employed, unemployed,
refused employment opportunities because or inactive. Not surprisingly, 66 per cent of
The impact of paid work on young women's work in Jordan 61
the sample survey thought that the most home environments, where they are bored,
appropriate profession for a woman is and establish social contacts. Most of them
teaching. The reasons given were that it realise that there is a lack of future
is consistent with their roles as mothers. opportunities, but said that they do not
Also, 65 per cent of the sample survey aspire for more in any case.
thought that women should work in Even the young women who are in
sewing and embroidery - an extension of professional occupations, and should
women's 'natural' abilities in handiwork. therefore be able to establish a career, tend
Such attitudes are not necessarily to be seen by employers and families in
determined by what these young women terms of conventional gender roles.
think about female ability, but by the Ambitious young women may be afraid to
options that they perceive are available for distance themselves from their female and
women (Nawar et al 1995). Even those who male colleagues, and/or deter marriage
believe that women can perform any kind prospects through unconventional
of occupation would not necessarily take behaviour. Ambitious and confident
up the challenge of an unacceptable woman can be described in Arabic by
occupation. In assessing young women's employers and colleagues as mistarjileh.
attitudes towards the gender-typing of jobs, This has a double meaning: 'she is like a
therefore, differences must be made man', and 'she would rather be a man'.
between beliefs and actual behaviour. In other words, the aspirations that make
an enthusiastic or efficient worker are
What makes for work satisfaction? considered to be masculine.
Because of the various constraints placed Young women professionals in
on finding appropriate employment, very non-segregated occupations reported
few women are in what they perceive to be trying to work hard and yet remain
'unsatisfactory' working conditions. carefully 'feminine', avoiding being
However, since most respondents who are described as similar to men in their
working are employed in jobs that behaviour. This balance is achieved
are conventional for women, the through working hard and securing
overwhelming compromise is accepting employers' approval, while remaining
low pay: 17 per cent think they are generally undemanding and non-assertive.
underpaid. Despite this, women said they As one young woman architect explained:
rarely demand rises in pay, since they
know their working conditions are 'I am the only woman architect in our firm.
attractive to many other women. In finding Before my arrival the other women were the
appropriate working environments, secretaries. I work the hardest and currently
they are effectively constrained from have the heaviest load. However, when we need
expanding their earning powers. to go to the site, my boss sends my male
As far as personal fulfilment is colleagues. He says the labourers on the
concerned, it seems safe to say that very construction sites will not take me seriously.
few young women in low-paid jobs in When clients come, he never lets me sit in
conventionally 'female' sectors experience meetings, but male colleagues are usually
much sense of achievement. The majority, invited in. For this he always has excuses,
who are in the manufacturing sector or the like he does not want to waste my precious time.
lower echelons of the services sector, said I feel that if I want to continue with my current
that they did not really enjoy their work. work, which I enjoy and which gives me a lot of
The greatest - and only - satisfaction is that responsibility, I need to undermine my
they are able to move out of restrictive achievement, especially in front of my male
62
colleagues. As for my boss, he does appreciate He did not talk to me until I gave him money
me and never stops praising me, but only when the following month. My married sisters
we are alone.' continually expect me to loan them money
and give them presents. When I don't, they
Impact of earning income accuse me of being stingy. Work has brought
Perhaps the most revealing assessment of me nothing.'
the impact that earning income can have on
young women's lives came from those with In short, the impact of earning on the role
previous work experience, but who were and status of young women differs from
unemployed at the time of the interview. household to household. Earning
Several such women stated that when they sometimes increases status, and at other
were income-earners they were more times increases subjugation. The two
involved in family decisions, and felt that conflicting case studies above are both
they were treated with more respect than based on low-income families where young
their current situation. One young woman women's pay is limited. In higher-income
stated: households, the dependence on daughters'
wages is not an issue, and therefore
'These days, my brothers keep interfering in my does not pose threats to power relations -
life. They want to know where I go and who in particular, to the position of males.
I see. When I used to work, things were
different. They were hard up, and I used to loan Impact on personal autonomy
them money. It gave me so much pleasure, I asked about the issue of personal
because they could never interfere in my life and autonomy by focusing on two elements:
I even controlled their expenses. As soon as they first, the impact of work on physical
tried to assume the big-brother role, I would mobility and social freedom, and second,
threaten that I would not give them any more young women's personal aspirations and
money. One day, as I was leaving to visit a whether they manage to fulfil them.
friend, my brother wanted to know where I was However, the degree to which an
going. I said: "Listen, one more question and individual can behave autonomously
you hand back every penny you owe me right always depends on the specific or
now." Now, things have changed. It is they who individual social context (Nawar et al 1995).
are working and I am unemployed.'
Mobility and social freedom
However, there are also many young Physical freedom, in particular, is closely
women who did not feel that earning related to young women's psycho-social
income had any effect on their status within development as girls, irrespective of
the household. Several even thought that whether or not they are employed.
they would be better off if they were not Girls learn to fear being alone in certain
working. One stated: places from a young age, and this, in effect,
limits their confidence in being in public
'My mother expects me to do all the housework spheres as adults.
after my return from work. She thinks that since The young women in my research had
she always cared for us, now it's my turn to different concepts of freedom of movement.
care for her. She does not realise that I am One respondent defined it as being free to
exhausted, and accuses me that I am lazy. visit relatives, while for another it meant
All my father cares about is my money. being able to travel abroad. With this in
One month I could not give him any and he mind, I asked the young women to say
screamed: "Damn you and your money." whether they were free to go to various
The impact of paid work on young women's work in Jordan 63
joined the ILO, and opinions expressed here do Kabeer, N (1994) Reversed Realities:
not necessarily reflect the views of the ILO. Gender Hierarchies in Development
Thought, Verso, UK
Notes Kabeer, N (1995), Necessary, Sufficient or
Irrelevant? Wages and Intrahousehold
1 My research was undertaken for a PhD Power Relations in Urban Bangladesh,
degree completed in 1997. Working Paper 25, IDS, University of
2 I am using the standard ILO definition Sussex, UK
adopted in 1982. The unemployed are Kawar, M. (1997), 'Gender, Employment
defined as those 'without work', and Life Course: The Case of Working
'currently available for work', or Daughters in Amman Jordan',
'seeking work'. Work is assumed to be unpublished PhD thesis, London School
paid. I defined 'economically inactive' as of Economics
those with no desire to work, rather than Lin Lean Lim (1996), More and Better Jobs for
those who are simply not taking active Women: An Action Guide, International
steps to seek work. This is because many Labour Office, Switzerland
women in the context in Jordan (and in Moore, H (1988), Feminism and
many other contexts) do not have the Anthropology, Polity Press, UK
freedom to seek work, regardless of their Papps, Ivy (1993), 'Attitudes to female
desire, sometimes because they lack the employment in four Middle Eastern
access to formal channels to seek work. countries', in Afshar (ed): Women in the
(For more on definitions of employment Middle East: Perceptions, Realities and
status or measurements of female Struggles for Liberation, Macmillan Press,
labour-force participation, see Lim 1996, UK
and Anker and Anker 1995). Nawar, L, Lyod, C and Ibrahim, B (1995),
'Women's autonomy and gender roles in
References Egyptian families', in Makhlouf
Obermeyer (ed): Family, Gender and
Abu Lughud, L (1993), Writing Women's Population in the Middle East:
Worlds: Bedouin Stories, University of Policies in Context, American University
California Press, USA of Cairo Press, Egypt
Anker and Anker (1995), 'Measuring Sage, C (1993), 'Deconstructing the
female labour force participation with household: women's roles under
emphasis on Egypt', in Khoury and commodity relations in highlands
Moghadam (eds): Gender and Bolivia', in Momsen and Kinnard (eds):
Development in the Arab World, Zed, UK Different Places, Different Voices:
Department of Statistics (1999), Women and Gender and Development in Africa, Asia
Men in Jordan: A Statistical Portrait, and Latin America, Routledge, UK
Department of Statistics, Amman, Jordan Satloff, R (1992), 'Jordan's great gamble:
Economic Research Forum (1998), economics of crisis and political reform',
'Economic Trends in the MENA Region'. in Barkey (ed), The Politics of Reform in
Website: http://erf.org.eg the Middle East, St Martin's Press, USA
El-Solh, C (1999), 'Gender Poverty and World Bank (1994), Hashemite Kingdom of
Employment in the Arab Region', paper Jordan Poverty Assessment, Vol. 1, report
presented at the Sub-Regional Planning number 12675-JO, World Bank, USA
Seminar on Gender Poverty and
Employment for the Arab States, Beirut,
Lebanon, 1^4 December 1999.
Community research on
older women in the
Dominican Republic
Jacquie Cheetham and Wendy Alba
This article looks at action-research into the interests and needs of older women in 11 urban
communities in Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic. The research was instigated by Aauelarre
(CEAPA), with help from International Co-operation for Development (ICD); Fundompromued
(the Dominican Foundation for the Protection of Women of the Third Age); and informal women's
groups. The findings of the research have become the basis offurther community development work,
which is being undertaken by the older women themselves.
T
he Dominican Republic (DR) is one of 34 per cent of the population is under 14
the Spanish-speaking Caribbean years (CIA 1999). However, there are
islands, with a population of growing government concerns, which are
8 million (Centre of National Statistics), of shared by NGOs working with older
whom approximately 2.5 million live in its people, about the welfare of the DR's
capital, Santo Domingo. According to some elderly. Currently, the official figure for the
international studies, about half of the proportion of the population aged over 60
country's population - some 3,300,000 is 6 per cent, and it is estimated that this
people - live in poverty (The World Guide will grow to 14 per cent by 2030 (Centre of
1997/8,30). National Statistics). There is currently no
The DR was the first colony established social-security provision for older people,
in the Americas by Christopher Columbus unless they have been employed as civil
in 1492. The DR has had a tumultuous servants. Basic services including water,
history, beginning with the genocide of its sanitation, and electricity supplies are
indigenous population, the importation of inadequate: for example, only 59 per cent
African slaves from the start of the sixteenth have access to safe drinking water
century (which enabled the DR to become a (The World Guide 1997/8). The lack of State
major sugar-producing country), and later support, allied to the poor public health
occupations by neighbouring Haiti, and the service, and year-round hot and humid
United States of America. The DR has been weather conditions, leave many older
ruled by a number of powerful dictators, people at risk of disease and illness.
who have played a key role in suppressing Another factor that is important
the social, economic, and political in understanding the situation of the
development of the nation.1 elderly is changes in roles and attitudes
However, today there is a thriving with economic globalisation, growing
interest in politics among the population, urbanisation, and deepening poverty.
which is relatively young, in common with There is a common conception in many
many other Latin American countries: 'developed' countries that the older people
Community research on older women in the Dominican Republic 67
in poorer 'developing' countries are valued The focus groups included some women
and respected as important community aged below 55 who were interested in
members, and have clear roles. However, participating. The research was planned
this seems to be changing fast. and implemented with the invaluable help
of women community leaders, who acted as
Working with older women group co-ordinators, observers of the
research process, and evaluators.
Since 1993, Aquelarre has been working in
Santo Domingo, to end child abuse and
violence against women in the home, Problems and needs
promote good health among women, and identified
the well-being of older women. Our anti-
violence work is in partnership with other Women were encouraged to identify their
women's groups in DR, but ours was the needs and problems, rank them in order of
only organisation in DR to focus specifically priority, and identify any solutions that
on older women as a target group. they felt would resolve these problems.
Aquelarre began working with older Most women identified health as their
women as a separate socio-economic group major concern, followed by economic issues
in 1993, inviting them to join support and education. The fourth priority
groups and learning about the needs identified was 'family aspects': that is, their
of the groups. Women in communities on relationships with their families, family
the western fringe of Santo Domingo have problems, and the needs of their children,
formed community groups, while some grandchildren, and other relatives.
women from 12 communities from eastern (It should be noted that throughout the
Santo Domingo formed their own research there was a tendency for
organisation - Fundompromued - in participants to focus on the needs of their
July 1997. loved ones, rather than their own needs and
Aquelarre has continued to work in problems.)
partnership with Fundompromued, and, in
1998, the organisations began a joint study Health
of the needs and priorities of older women One of the principal rights with respect to
in 11 communities in the north-east and older people defined by the United Nations
north-west of the city (nine communities with respect to older people specifies the
where Fundompromued had a presence, right of maintaining health: 'Older people
and two others where informal support should have access to health care to help
groups had formed). The areas we focused them maintain their optimal level of
on are densely populated, economically physical, mental and emotional health and
poor, and lack basic services. During the to prevent deterioration and the
course of the research, participants commencement of illness' (UN Principles
identified a series of social problems in the for Older Persons, Article 11).
areas, including insecurity, delinquency, When they were discussing health, older
drug abuse, disputes with neighbours, and women seemed to be most comfortable
lack of recreational spaces. about identifying their own personal needs,
The research was informed by action- rather than focusing only on the needs of
research principles.2 Techniques included their families or communities. 85 per cent of
individual interviews with 70 older women, those involved in the research identified
focus-group sessions with 120 women, and health as their number-one personal
interviews with key community members. priority. Two representative comments
68
were: 'Health is the most important' and '... families. It is ironic that such points need to
without health there is nothing'. be made, bearing in mind 'the number of
Many conceptualise old age as a stage older people leading the governments and
of life where people suffer a physical and institutions of the world' (Garrett 1993, 99.)
mental deterioration. While the physical While the majority of older people
changes associated with the ageing process maintain their mental abilities, it is of
are visible to all, good health requires course possible that health problems can
both emotional and physical well-being. arise in older people. The women involved
When we asked key community members in the action-research felt that good health
what they considered to be old age, a large and adequate health care were essential to
proportion replied that they viewed their enjoyment of their lives as older
' old age' not only as the number of years women. They discussed their physical
that a person has lived, but also as an health problems, the lack of public health
attitude or emotional state. It was pointed services, and the prohibitively high cost of
out that old age is usually seen as a private heath provision. Lack of basic
negative stage of life. It is equated with services was seen as a major problem for all
a lack of energy, illness, lack of desire involved in the research - older women
to do things, lack of vision, serious and other community members alike.
and conservative behaviour, and so on. The older women pointed out that the lack
Older women all too often internalise such of water and electricity in the areas where
myths and stereotypes about themselves, they live often results in more work for
which are common in many contexts. them, and in health problems. If services
Some older women in the research used could be provided, life would change
phrases like 'I am like a girl of 16' in a dramatically.
positive way, implying that it is a good There are few specialist health facilities
thing for an older woman to behave as if for older people in the DR, and little
she is younger. The women who used such education on the health needs of older
phrases said they mean that they are people. In our research, many older women
energetic, fun-loving, and happy. discussed mental health problems in
Such stereotypes are very misleading. relation to the impact of poverty, social
The emotional problems of weakness and isolation, and family difficulties. It is clear
lack of physical energy are not solely that health services need to be holistic in
experienced by older people. Not all young their approach, and social services need to
people have the positive attributes listed be developed alongside medical ones, in
above; rather, some people are challenged order to facilitate a healthy old age.
by depression, lack of energy, or illness Some health problems associated with
throughout their lives. In the words of one ageing are caused by physical problems,
of the women in the research, 'lack of and others by social difficulties.
strength ... this is my problem from birth'. The majority of these may be temporary
In contrast, the majority of the older and could be reversed with treatment, but
women with whom we work do not others may be permanent, and it is very
experience old age as a stage of either important to distinguish between problems
emotional or mental deterioration. On the that can be treated, such as depression, and
contrary, they are active, keen to work and more permanent problems which do not
plan strategies to improve their lives and have a known treatment at this stage, such
resolve their problems, and preoccupied as as dementia, in order to treat people
much with the future of their communities appropriately (Garrett 1993, 99). It is not
as with their own future or that of their uncommon for treatable health problems
Community research on older women in the Dominican Republic 69
Twenty-four per cent of the participants they support themselves, or free others to
showed great resourcefulness in eking out work, but because they contribute to the
a living through selling their services and wellbeing and development of their
working from home, in mainly traditional community. Even those who are vulnerable
female roles: 13 per cent said they wash, and in need of economic and social support
cook, or sell food items and other things can play a part in shaping the future by
from home for money; 11 per cent said that sharing their past experience with the
they get paid for caring for children or younger generations' (Payne 1995).
other people, from their own or other
families. Education
Economic necessity apart, many older While education is often associated with
people still wish to work, and continue children and young people only, women in
contributing in a multitude of ways, using the study did not only stress its importance
skills that they have developed over years. for their children and grandchildren, but
The women in the research stated very they identified it as a need they face
clearly that they wanted to work not only themselves. The desire for education is
for economic reasons, but also from a fuelled by the belief that with education
desire to feel useful and active in the one can improve life, both economically
community, acknowledging the fact that and emotionally. Sixty-eight per cent of
work and self-esteem are intertwined. those interviewed4 said that they could
Women said they were proud of the work read and write, compared with an overall
that they had done in their lives, and proud literacy rate in the DR of 82 per cent.
that they still had the ability and strength However, among those who said they
to work. 'I feel proud: I am 68 and have done a could read and/or write, we observed
lot of work.' 'I have the desire and energy to many having significant difficulty doing
work like any other.' so, beyond writing a few words or their
Throughout the world, older women names. Because of this, it was often difficult
undertake long hours of unremunerated to find a scribe to record the small-group
work within the home. Eighty-three per activities.
cent of the women in the research said that Many women said that they wanted
most of their time is spent in household to strengthen their literacy skills.
chores. Forty-nine per cent said they spend They challenged their exclusion from
a lot of time caring for their grandchildren, educational opportunities, and were very
but only 11 per cent are paid for this work. keen to become involved in workshops and
Throughout the life-course, women's courses in order to learn: 'We want to
unpaid work in the home goes largely educate ourselves, to pass our old age learning
unrecognised by policy-makers, and is to be useful or more useful'. The w o m e n said
often not appreciated by the community. they needed an opportunity to learn
However, it is a great support to the family. alongside each other as older women, a
In the DR, as in other areas of the curriculum focusing on the topics and
world, the work of older women provides themes that they are interested in, transport
the opportunity for the mothers and fathers to educational facilities, financial support
of young children to work outside the to pay for education, and understanding of
home without the worry of child-care. any limitations on grounds of health and
'Older women are not the passive other commitments.
consumers of benefits sustained by the Women also said that they were keen
efforts of a younger workforce. They are to be education providers as well:
productive in old age, not only because 'Those that know something can teach others,
Community research on older women in the Dominican Republic 71
although it may not be the quality of a teacher' In contrast to the role of adviser, which
While some women were keen to teach many have lost, women in these Santo
children, others wanted to teach other Domingo communities do retain a very
women, and exchange their knowledge active practical role, as carers for their
with others. grandchildren. Although many women
were enthusiastic about this role, some
'Family aspects' pointed out that they lacked the physical
As stated earlier, women in the research and mental strength to bring up a second
selected 'family aspects' (relationships with generation of children. Typical comments
their family) as the fourth most pressing were: 'They leave the children here a lot, and it
issue facing them. During the course of the distresses me too much, to the point that I feel
research, we saw that the women were bad from the tension.' Another said: 'In part I
always thinking of their families and the feel good, because I have become accustomed to
problems of their family members. the children, but sometimes 1 get too desperate
We constantly reminded them to think of ... I don't know what to do with them. It makes
the issues that they themselves faced, and me want to cry, the way they make me feel.'
that were experienced by older women in Discussions at the focus-group sessions
general. However, this was difficult. about the difficulties of being a
For example, women did not tend to look grandmother highlighted the fact that often
at their own economic poverty in isolation there is no private or personal space for
from that of their families. Because their them within the house.
communities are very poor, the issue of Caring for grandchildren limits older
family survival colours women's attitudes women's options and independence.
to many of the issues facing them as This was clear during the course of the
individuals. The women emphasised that if research, when we found that it was often
they had more money, they would be able very difficult for women to attend meetings
to solve many of their family problems. with us; some partly solved the problem by
The experience of migration shapes bringing their grandchildren with them.
older women's roles and status in family Many women expressed discontent with
and community. The majority of older their families for having such expectations
women in the research - including 90 per of them and putting pressure on them in
cent of the women who completed the this way.
individual questionnaires - had migrated The treatment of older people obviously
from a rural area to Santo Domingo earlier varies between families, but there
in their life-course. These moves had was widespread recognition of the
usually occurred for family and economic maltreatment of older women in the family,
reasons. Women in our research said they and in society in general. One woman
believed that if they still lived in rural stated: 'They don't give you care, they don't
areas, they would have retained traditional give you affection, don't pay attention to the
roles as advisers to younger people, and opinions of older people and have a lack of
would have been respected figures in the affection to the older people'. This, she
community. Organisations representing the admitted, is 'not in all cases, but it happens'.
interests of older people, including The perception that there is a lack of
HelpAge International, have argued that respect for the older women from their
these roles within the community children and grandchildren was also
contribute to the preservation of older mentioned frequently. 'I have a son who
people's dignity and well-being and doesn't respect me. I am tired of talking and not
ultimately to their health (Garret 1993). being listened to.'
72
agreement with a local doctor to run a services to older people, including a system
small health clinic once a week for the older of social security.
women in north-eastern Santo Domingo.
It is presently trying to raise enough capital }acquieCheetham(jacquie_cheetham@
to purchase a flat to use as premises for its hotmail.com) and Wendy Alba (ceapa@aacr.net)
activities, and to enable it to provide work for El Centro de Apoyo Aquelarre.
services. All these activities have developed
as a result of the issues raised as priorities
during the action-research.
Notes
The other two community groups 1 For more background information on the
involved in the research have also received Dominican Republic, see The World Guide
a small grant from the UK Lottery Small 1997/8, and Ferguson 1992.
Grants Fund, to open a Community Centre 2 For further information on these
for Older Women: this will be the first in principles, see Pretty et al., 1995.
the country. Here, services offered will 3 Point 110, p.54.
include weekly exercise classes, health 4 We tried to collect statistical information
services, educational and literacy classes, a of this nature in individual interviews.
support group, and a small coffee shop.
An integral part of the work of establishing References
the Centre is developing a plan for how to Alba, W and Cheetham, J (1999),
make the centre self-sustainable after the 'Diagnostic Comunitaio con mujeres
funds have ceased in a year's time. maoyres'; CEAPA, Dominican Republic
During the action-research, participants (unpublished as yet)
frequently emphasised that they needed CIA (1999) The World Fact Book
solutions now to address poverty and lack http: / / www.odci.gov / cia / publication /
of services: they have therefore prioritised factbook/
the activities outlined above. At the same Ferguson, J (1992), The Dominican Republic:
time, they are involved in other activities, Beyond the Lighthouse, Latin America
including participating in talks and Bureau, UK
interviews with the local media, and Garrett, Gill (1993), Adding Health to Years: a
holding activities in their communities to basic handbook on older people's health,
change the perception of older people and HelpAge International
to promote intergenerational mixing. HelpAge International -
The women in each of the communities are http:www.helpage.org
involved in the activities of Red por Una Payne, K (1995), ' Shaping the future -
Vejez Digna (Network for a Dignified Old the contribution of older women'
Age), an alliance of local government and in Sharman (ed.), Older Women in
NGOs, working together to lobby the Development, HelpAge International, UK
government. Pretty, J, Guijt, I, Thompson, J, and
In September 1998, the Network Scoones, I. (1995), A Trainer's Guide for
celebrated the result of its work: new Participatory Learning and Action,
legislation on the rights of older people in International Institute for Environment
the Dominican Republic. The Law for the and Development (IIED) Participatory
Protection of Older People (No. 352-98) Methodology Series, Russell Press, UK
is a great step forward in favour of older The World Guide 1997IS, CD-ROM,
people in the DR. The Network must now Hillco Media Group, Storgatan, Sweden
lobby the government to comply with
the law, which guarantees rights and
Girl-trafficking, HIV/AIDS,
and the position of women
in Nepal
Pratima Poudel and Jenny Carryer
This article focuses on trafficking of young Nepalese girls and women. Trafficking is an integral
part of the social and economic fabric of Nepal, as in other parts of the world. The practice
causes intolerable degradation and suffering for the girls and young women involved, who are
treated as a commodity. It presents a risk to their physical and mental health, and in particular
to their sexual health. The article examines the connections between coercive sex work and
HIV infection, and community and government responses to HIV infection among trafficked
sex workers. In particular, it considers the current AIDS prevention and control programme
in Nepal, and criticises it from the feminist perspective of the authors, who are a Nepalese nurse
who has undertaken academic work in New Zealand related to women's health, and a
New Zealand feminist academic, who is also a nurse.
A
t present, very high numbers of Control Act (1987), and the Special
young girls are being taken across Provisions of Human Trafficking Act
Nepal's borders, as trafficked sex (1996). These laws impose penalties of 5-20
workers, to destinations that include India. years for trafficking, depending on the level
The number of girls being trafficked to of involvement. However, trafficked girls
India is estimated to be 5,000-7,000 per and women are mostly illiterate and poor,
year, with 20 per cent of them aged under and are therefore very unlikely to be able to
16 (Thapa 1997). Trafficking causes fight against trafficking in a court of law. If
immense suffering to individual girls and someone decides to file a case, the slow
women, and as such should be of extreme pace of investigative and judicial processes
concern to all human-rights activists, and constant political intervention
governments, and non-government discourage her from fighting to the end.
organisations (NGOs) concerned with Another discouraging fact is that the State
human development. It is widely does not provide protection for witnesses.
acknowledged at international level to be a The trafficking of girls and young
serious violation of human rights, both women in Nepal has its roots in gender
internationally and in Nepal itself. In 1949, politics and sexual inequalities, linked to
the United Nations passed a Convention widespread economic poverty. Nepal is one
for the Suppression of the Traffic in of the poorest countries in the world, with a
Persons and of the Exploitation of the gross domestic product (GDP) of US$1137
Prostitution of Others. Nepal is a signatory (CIA 1999). About 85 per cent of the
to this, which should logically lead to a population live in the rural areas, and
commitment to prosecute traffickers. agriculture is the main source of
The trafficking of girls and women for livelihoods. Nearly half of Nepal's
prostitution is publicly recognised in Nepal population lives below the poverty line.
to be a social evil: this is reflected in The level of educational attainment is very
legislation against it, for example New low, with one-third of males and two-thirds
Muluki Ain (1963), the Human Trafficking of females having never attended schools in
Girl-trafficking, HIV I'AIDS, and the position of women in Nepal 75
whereas unofficial estimates claim that Some national and international NGOs,
there are 20,000-25,000 infected Nepalese including Maiti Nepal, ABC Nepal, and
(Maiti Nepal 1997). According to them, CWIN, are currently active in the
60-70 per cent of the prostitutes returning prevention of girl-trafficking and in the
from India carry HIV or other STDs. rehabilitation of trafficked girls.
There are no reliable figures, mainly due to They provide the returnees with food and
under-reporting and unrecognised cases. shelter, psychological treatment, medical
The medical and social needs of those treatment, legal support, and non-formal
returning to Nepal, in such circumstances, education like training in basic literacy,
are considerable. These women need tailoring, weaving, and fabric-painting.
medical services for physical treatment,
they need emotional and counselling The AIDS prevention and
support, and they need to maintain control programme:
confidentiality (Suvedi 1997). However, a critique
there is widespread ignorance and
prejudice about HIV/AIDS-related illness In co-ordination with NGOs, the AIDS
and death in Nepal. HIV-positive ex- prevention and control units of the
prostitutes are usually rejected by their government of Nepal have undertaken
families, as well as ostracised by the wider several activities since 1995 (Gurubacharya
society. These attitudes are perpetuated by 1997). The AIDS-prevention programme,
a very low literacy rate in rural areas, as formalised in 1996, has focused on
discussed above. If the HIV-positive status provision of information. A campaign has
of ex-sex workers comes to the attention of been carried out, using electronic media,
the police, they may be subjected to including radio and television, and face-to-
physical and mental torture, enforced face dialogues, via workshops and
medical examinations, and public exposure, seminars. In addition, the prevention
often in the media, which will result in programme has included surveillance of
their being stigmatised for the remainder the regions of the country (in particular, the
of their lives (Ghimire 1996). Kathmandu valley), where trafficking and
Even if ex-sex workers can avoid such sex work is prevalent. This is carried out by
treatment on re-entering Nepal, they have social workers, and supported by NGOs.
few alternatives for survival. There is very Outreach clinics give health education and
little support from development policy offer condoms. People suffering from
or practice, whether governmental or AIDS-related illnesses are referred to other
non-governmental, for women who have health providers for treatment.
been trafficked and return to Nepal. The way in which sexuality is
Skills-development programmes started by understood in a society determines the
the Ministry of Social Welfare for the measures that it decides to take to prevent
general population are insufficient to meet sexually transmitted diseases, including
the level of need (ibid). The State has not HIV/AIDS. In Nepalese society, sexual
established rehabilitation centres for such relations are only understood as
returnees, although in the current context heterosexual encounters, and all other
this may not be desirable or effective. forms of sex are deemed illegal, as well as
Many young girls and women who still culturally unacceptable. Many women are
have good health return to making confused by the contrast between their
money through sex work, facilitating the experience of sex and their expectations of
continuing transmission of HIV infection. romance, love, and caring. In Pratima
Poudel's experience, women are expected
Girl-trafficking, HIV/AIDS, and the position of women in Nepal 77
The designation of 1999 as the United Nations International Year for the Older Person has
brought the issues of ageing and old age to the attention of policy-makers and governments.
However, despite a series of recent international reports1 which demonstrate growing
awareness among international development organisations of the need to focus on elderly
people worldwide, Peru's elderly population continues to be marginalised from formal support
and is, therefore, increasingly dependent on informal social organisations to meet its needs.
'I am very sad to be here, I can't get used to it. alleviation, specifically through improved
Everything is very strange. I feel lost ... nutrition. Through them, women have
Now I don't eat properly, I don't have an lobbied on issues such as provision of
appetite ... 1 don't know how to read or write, education and health services, and
and because I am old and ill I can't work ... campaigned against the guerrilla
I live imprisoned in the house, I know nothing insurgency of the 1980s and early 1990s
and no-one in the community ... If I do go out, (CENDOC MUJER 1991). However, we
I get lost, so my children won't let me out ... argue here that these organisations seem to
I am dependent on them.' have done little to include or empower
(Senora Mancario, elderly woman in her women in old age. While the elderly were
sixties from Tablada, Lima, Peru, 1996) initially targeted by both, service provision
for them has declined significantly over
time. This is occurring at a point when
T
his article focuses on two successful
grassroots women's organisations in economic adjustment and pension reform
Lima, Peru: the Comedores Populares have made elderly people increasingly
(soup kitchens) and the Vaso de Leche needy.
(glass of milk) Programme. The Comedores The article is based on information from
Populares are predominantly locally three low-income settlements on the
organised and informal communal outskirts of Lima: Tablada de Lurin,
kitchens, which establish individual San Juan de Dios, and Independencia.
relationships with a variety of NGOs and The work on which the article is based was
charities (Vargas 1991). In contrast, the carried out during two periods: the first,
Vaso de Leche is a State-organised national in 1996, lasted nine months and consisted
programme, relying heavily on of research into the inclusion of elderly
international food aid and political people in social movements. Two years
patronage. However, at the local level, both later, follow-up work consisted of
are run by women in their communities. examining the role of pension reform, and
The primary aim of both is poverty focused specifically on three clubs for
Gender, age, and exclusion in Lima, Peru 81
elderly people. During these periods of data old age, due to their comparatively limited
collection, we were assisted by having long- access to education and employment earlier
established relationships with a small, local in life. They therefore face a number of
Peruvian NGO which runs a range of barriers to securing assets for their old age.3
community projects. Both the authors have
long had an interest in women and social Gender and ageing in
movements in Peru. Fiona Clark was a structural adjustment
volunteer in this project in 1996, and
Nina Laurie has collaborated with the In 1990, Peru became one of the few
organisation for eight years. countries to introduce a programme of
economic structural adjustment
The ageing population in independent of the World Bank and the
Peru International Monetary Fund (IMF).
Critics of economic structural adjustment
Endemic poverty still persists in Peru. It is policies have argued that these have a
particularly acute for older people, and 'gender bias', and that because of this it is
especially indigenous women, who make women who suffer more in times of
up the largest proportion of the illiterate austerity and economic rationalisation
population in Peru. Of Peru's population (Elson 1991). However, such analyses have
of 25 million, just over one million seldom been extended to include women
(4.5 per cent) are aged over 65 (WDI 1998). beyond child-bearing age. However, Peru's
Peru's elderly population has grown by recent State and pension reforms and
76 per cent since 1980, compared with an cutbacks in public-sector expenditures have
increase of 43 per cent for the population as affected spending on health and pension
a whole (ibid). This rise in the elderly funds severely (Barrientos 1996), with
population is occurring without an particular consequences for women. In the
accompanying rise in affluence, thus past decade, reform to the pension system
creating an ever-larger, and poorer, sector has aimed to make pensions economically
of the population. The existing State social- sustainable. The main aim has been to
security systems do not have the resources remove the burden that they place on the
to satisfy the growing elderly population. State (James 1998, World Bank 1994), thus
Furthermore, the limited coverage of these not "extending their reach to poorer, less
formal systems leaves many still beyond 'secure' investors.
the reach of social support programmes. While preliminary evidence suggests
Elderly populations are 'feminised', that this reform has been successful in
in the sense that women's greater longevity achieving these particular aims (James
means that they are a numerically 1998), it has failed to address prevailing
dominant group among the very old biases against women, informal-sector
(James 1998). In the elderly subset of the workers, and rural dwellers that make it
population 2 of Peru, men represent difficult for these groups to secure
45 per cent and women the other pensions. In 1994, 90.6 per cent of people
55 per cent (WDI 1998), a sex ratio of aged 60 or over in Peru who received a
100 men to 122 women, compared with a State pension were men (INEI1995).
sex ratio for the whole population of
100 men per 98 women. The age cohort over 'There are no services for the elderly here.
80 shows an even greater imbalance. The State doesn't provide social security for
Elderly women are often more vulnerable them. I worked in the haciendas (large farms)
than elderly men to economic instability in from the age of nine. Later I became a chauffeur
82
with a company, but they didn't pay enough, so Exclusion within New
1 set up on my own ... then I had my car stolen, Social Movements: two case
so I couldn't work any more. At the end of it all studies
I had 43 credits4 in my pension fund, and they
(the social security) took away 30! They onlyDuring the 1980s, the economic crisis
pay me for 13, a pittance1. They don't value my
suffered by much of Latin America
years of service. They've robbed me of my provided the platform for the emergence of
pension. 1 went to complain ... "A new system",
what came to be termed 'New Social
they said. They were only counting the last Movements' (Escobar and Alvarez 1992).
13 years! Then they took away my driving Increasingly desperate living conditions
licence to make sure I didn't work again. and severe poverty fuelled the growth of
The authorities really abuse people, there are
numerous small-scale, localised initiatives
many that should be receiving pensions and in the fight for daily survival. Lima has a
aren't getting a penny.' (Senor Perez, in hislong history of vibrant social movements,
seventies, 1996) through which women and men have
struggled to improve housing and address
Women, in particular, have difficulty in social needs in a context of urbanisation
making pension contributions for the and increasing poverty (Moser and Peake
minimum period of 20 years, due to 1987, Peattie 1990). These movements date
frequent gaps in formal employment, and back to the land invasions of the 1960s and
low and unreliable income. A large 1970s, which created the pueblos jovenes
proportion of women's paid and unpaid (new towns) that emerged on the edge of
work is concentrated in informal-sector the city (Lloyd 1980), and have since been
activities (Tanski 1994). In addition, it is the focus of much study. More recently, the
typically interrupted by periods of child- pueblos jovenes have become famous as
birth and child-rearing. Furthermore, places where 'popular feminisms' have
women are more likely than men to get emerged, through the multitude of
non-monetary payment for their work women's grassroots organisations that were
(Grown and Sebstad 1987). All these factors established during the political and
make contributing to a pension very economic crises of the 1980s and early 1990s
difficult. (Laurie et al 1997).
As a result, many Peruvian women Peruvian women's activities at
rely on their husbands' pensions, or on grassroots level have been seen as
alternative methods of survival. Of those emblematic of the success of the New Social
reliant on their spouses' pensions, Movements, and have received much
99.6 per cent were women (INEI 1995). attention from researchers. The two
On her husband's death, a widow receives organisations on which we focus here - the
a severely reduced survivor's pension of Comedores Populares and the Vaso de Leche
between 35 and 42 per cent of the pension Programme - were set up to meet basic
for male employees. As Gorman (1995) needs. They have worked to alleviate
suggests, 'for many women in developing poverty for two decades, and have been
countries the descent into total dependency integral to community survival during this
begins with the death of the husband' time. They are particularly noteworthy for
(Gorman 1995,121). their wide geographical and social
coverage. The first Comedores began to
appear in Lima at the start of the 1980s,
when mothers started to pool food
and money as part of household
Gender, age, and exclusion in Lima, Peru 83
and community survival strategies. the local municipality to allow six group
The Vaso de Leche scheme also started in this members to eat free in the municipal
period, initially aiming to provide a ration Comedores. However, this Comedor
of milk a day to children under six, was located in central Independencia -
pregnant women, and elderly people a 10-minute bus-ride or half-hour walk
(El Sol 1996). away - and the six members were not able
The following section examines how to take up the offer, because they could not
elderly people, and particularly women, are manage the long walk up and down a steep
seen, and their interests and needs hill, nor afford the daily return bus fare.
understood, by the Comedores Populares and The national Vaso de Leche programme
the Vaso de Leche. It identifies the limited initially included the elderly among its
extent to which elderly women are target groups. However, recent cuts in milk
included as beneficiaries and social actors. rations, related to the funding crisis caused
by the retraction of most foreign aid during
The elderly: an unserved the civil war, and subsequent government
target group cuts in welfare expenditure, had the
inevitable outcome that the little milk that
7 used to receive milk from the Vaso de Leche. remained was channelled to children and
Now they don't include me any more. I don't pregnant mothers. The ration for the
get anything, not milk nor food at the elderly was the first to be reduced. As a
Comedores. If my children don't give me any, consequence, in Tablada, 31 per cent of
I have nothing ... I am totally dependent on older people interviewed reported having
them.' (Senora Rosario, in her sixties, 1996) been withdrawn from the programme.
Some centres are even explicit in their
Comedores seem to have excluded elderly exclusion of elderly people from the
community members in a number of programme:
contexts. Interviews with the dirigentes
(leaders) of three elderly people's clubs in 'Even the Vaso de Leche hasn't given me any
Tablada, Independencia, and San Juan de help. I went and said to them: "Please, I too
Dios revealed that none of them had need milk", but they said: "No, not for old
successfully managed to obtain support women. This is for babies, for the little ones."...
from the local Comedores for their members, They clearly told me that the Vaso de Leche was
despite having asked for it repeatedly. only for children. I even stood in the doorway
In 1996, Tablada had 62 Comedores Populareswaiting for left-overs, and they still didn't give
(Gamarra 1996), and, while 81 per cent of me any.' (Senora Huaman, in her sixties,
the 35 elderly people interviewed from this 1998)
area mentioned having the facility of a
soup kitchen near them, only 23 per cent of Even those who previously received help
this group said they used it regularly. from centres when these first started
Nineteen per cent said they used it reported that they now received very little:
occasionally, while the rest did not use it at
all. In Independencia, none of the 28 'When I arrived from the mountains (1991)
members of the old people's club had they gave me a whole bag full of milk - a whole
access to a Comedor, and in San Juan de bag. Now they give so little.' (Senora Vega,
Dios, only two out of 40 members were in her fifties, 1996)
given rations as 'special cases'.5 The club in
San Juan de Dios did manage to arrange for
84
while the other women are there sitting idle have emerged in Lima in recent years.
with their husbands and children, and don't The impetus to set them up often comes
help with even one glass of milk. All her life my from the recognition that elderly people
mother has gone and fetched the milk, ever since have no alternative to self-help, due to their
the centre opened, while other (younger) exclusion from long-standing social
Seiioras sit and complain that "no, I can't go movements: in many cases, the very social
because I have to look after my children, I can't movements that, as younger people, they
go because I've too much to do"' ... And my helped to organise. While feminist
mother? I suppose she doesn't have anything literature has heralded the success of
better to do? She, as it happens, has to look after organisations such as the Comedores
her grandchildren, because her daughters are Populares and the Vaso de Leche in providing
out working.' (Sefiora Gomez, younger strategic opportunities for low-income
single mother, Tablada, Lima, Peru 1996) women (Barrig 1989, Gaiter and Nunez
1989), the role-loss and isolation
Sefiora Gomez's words challenge an experienced by elderly women who were
important assumption about the once their founders have not been
Vaso de Leche and other women's acknowledged.
organisations like it. This is that they
'empower' women and relieve them of 7 have always been in the Vaso de Leche and
their drudgery: in fact, they may place an the Comedores, but once I got older and
extra burden on the very women whom started not feeling so well, I had to withdraw
they are meant to target and who already from my activities. I felt very poorly and so I
face a heavy workload. Under such had to stop. So now I am sat here, stuck in my
circumstances, the running and, continued house, I am very lonely. I had got used to
'success' of these programmes very often always mixing with local people and having
relies on the work of the very household contact with local institutions. Now I've been
members (the elderly) who are excluded left feeling very alone, uncomfortable. It really
from their direct benefits. hit me hard, and I was very depressed. I saw
To summarise, no long-term support is myself getting worse because I wasn't
available from these organisations to participating any more. So that's when I
promote the welfare of elderly people. decided to form my own group of Senoras like
Second, the contribution that elderly me, a group for elderly people. So since 1993,
members of households make to the work my husband and I have been working on this -
of the organisations is invisible and working - but still we receive no help, and yet
undervalued. Therefore, even in the most every day I see more elderly people [who are]...
successful New Social Movements in Lima, lonely. (Senora Castro, a woman in her
rather than being seen as social actors and seventies, Independencia, Lima, Peru 1998)
citizens in their own right, elderly people
are often perceived as non-priority and The groups have met with varied success in
passive members of society in need of terms of providing for the nutritional needs
'charity'. of their members. For example, while one
club failed to establish workable links with
'Self-help': an alternative to a local Comedor, it has been more successful
social movements? with the Vaso de Leche, which now gives the
group 12 bags of milk and seven bags of
A number of Clubes de Tercer Edad oats each week. It is important, however,
(elderly people's clubs), focusing not to over-estimate the extent of this help,
exclusively on the needs of the elderly, as each individual receives a ration of two
86
bags of milk and one of oats - a weekly elderly women seem to be an invisible
ration for the usual recipient of the group in feminist debates in Peru.
Vaso de Leche - only every six to seven For example, a leading Limenan feminist
weeks. organisation said 'we deal with women, not
with elderly people', when they were
A gender analysis of contacted concerning the research for this
exclusion project. Why is it that contemporary
debates on gender and development in
Mainstream development policy has Peru have not addressed the issue of
concentratedtoo much on 'developing' elderly women? One of the reasons
people in the productive part of their suggested by an activist on issues of old
life cycle, and this has tended to age in Tablada is the fact that few older
marginalise elderly people from women themselves have reflected upon
development programmes and agendas. their gendered experience of poverty:
More specifically, feminist analyses of
development have tended to focus almost 'The majority of women have not thought about
entirely on young, often single, their gender roles or how this affects their life.
metropolitan women and their They will tell you how much they suffered and
involvement in employment and social how hard they have had to work, but they will
movements, at the expense of including say "I suffered because I am poor", rather than
older, 'provincial' women (Laurie 1999). "I suffered because I am poor and a woman".'
Such analyses have failed to acknowledge (Mili Castro, leader of club for elderly
the cumulative effect of social, economic, people, 1998)
and political biases against women
throughout their life course, or the impact It would appear that, despite more than
this has on their well-being in old age. three decades of active middle-class and
The desire of the elderly to do 'popular' feminisms, there is a generation
something to meet their own needs could of women, now of advancing years, who
be seen in the same positive light as have not yet had the opportunity to reflect
feminists and gender and development on their experience of poverty and
workers saw the early self-help housing discrimination, or to understand it as
movements of the 1970s, or the anything more than class-based.
opportunities afforded to young women
leaders who started the soup kitchens in Conclusion
the 1980s. On the other hand, we could also
see it as proof of the failure of the New This article has pointed out that the ageing
Social Movements to adapt to the changing of Latin American populations is an issue
needs of the communities in which they that has to be taken seriously very soon.
work. These movements, set up to meet Social security systems are currently faced
basic needs, seem to have been unable to with the challenge of a growing elderly
incorporate difference between members, population, which is predominantly
or to create fluid institutional structures female. In Peru, the privatisation of the
and targets capable of meeting the needs of pension system has highlighted the
ageing members. inherent gender, urban, and formal-
Despite the fact that elderly women are economy biases that continue to exclude
'likely to suffer problems accruing not only many people, and especially women, from
from present abandonment, but also from its benefits. The Peruvian State should not
earlier disadvantage' (Tout 1989, 289), rely on the family, or social movements, to
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Environment and Planning 'A' , Vol. 31, UK
No. 2
Compiled by Erin Murphy Graham
Kids for Hire: A Child's Right to Protection Disposable People: New Slavery in the Global
from Commercial Sexual Exploitation (1996), Economy (1999), Kevin Bales, University of
Save the Children, Mary Datchelor House, California Press, 1600 Hershey Hall,
17 Grove Lane, London SE5 8RD, UK. 610 Young Drive, University of California,
Kids for Hire looks into various ways in Los Angeles, CA 90095-1373, USA.
which the problem of sexually exploited Drawing on case studies from Thailand,
children can be addressed by development Mauritania, Brazil, Pakistan, and India, this
organisations, focusing its attention on six volume explores modern-day slavery and
areas: good information and research, what can be done to end it. The last section
prevention, protection, rehabilitation, focuses on what can be done to stop
co-ordination among NGOs, and the slavery, and offers five specific actions that
participation of the children themselves in individuals can take.
addressing the issue. Brief case studies are
included on children from Vietnam, Street Children: Struggling Against the Odds
Cambodia, Philippines, Brazil, Honduras, (1992), World Association of Girl Guides
and the UK. and Girl Scouts, 12c Lyndhurst Road,
London NW3 5PQ, UK.
The Human Rights Watch Global Report This booklet contains a brief introduction to
on Women's Human Rights (1995), the problems of street children, stressing
Human Rights Watch, 33 Islington that street children are not just found in
High Street, Nl 9LH, London, UK. developing countries, but in European
A compilation of investigations by Human cities. Street girls are among the most
Right Watch from 1990 to 1995 is presented vulnerable and exploited of all street
in this volume. Several case studies are children. Profiles of street girls from
included on the forced prostitution, coerced Manila, Brazil, and London are included, as
marriage, and trafficking of women and well as information about projects to help
girls in South and South-East Asia. street girls in the UK, Philippines, USA,
General recommendations to governments, Brazil, Peru, and Rwanda.
the United Nations, and donor countries are
included. Street and Working Children: A Guide to
Planning (1994), Save the Children.
Wish You Weren't Here: The Sexual This manual is relevant for both researchers
Exploitation of Children and the Connectionand those working directly with street
with Tourism and International Travel (1993),children. It argues that over the past decade
Kevin Ireland, Save the Children, street children have received increased
Mary Datchelor House, 17 Grove Lane, attention because of tourism, international
London SE5 8RD, UK. press coverage, and films or documentaries,
This report attempts to explore the links and that many inter-national development
between international tourism and the agencies have based successful fundraising
sexual abuse and exploitation of children by campaigns on images of street children.
tourists and international travellers. Compared with street children, working
The last section of the report presents children do not receive the same response,
intervention strategies, including despite the fact that millions of them work
international co-operation, and argues that in agriculture, workshops, and factories,
action must be taken within countries of and as domestic servants. The manual
tourist origin. includes chapters on carrying out first-hand
research, project options, common
problems, and suggested solutions.
92
PLAN International, 5-6 Underhill Street, HelpAge International (Help the Aged),
London NW1 7HS, UK. 67-74 Saffron Hill, London EC1N 8QX, UK.
Tel: 020 7485 6612; fax: 020 7485 2107 Tel: +44 171 404 7201; fax: +44 171 404 7203
Http: / / www.plan-international.org / uk / http: / / www.helpage.org/index.html;
home.html e-mail: hai@helpage.org
PLAN International is a child-focused HelpAge International is a development
development organisation that, for more agency that works through a network of
than 60 years, has helped millions of development, research, and community-
children, and their families, throughout the based and social-service organisations that
world. PLAN International now works in share the goal of improving the lives of
14 donor countries (including the UK) and disadvantaged older people. Founded in
in over 40 programme countries, with more 1983 as an independent charity by HelpAge
than one million sponsored children world- India, Help the Aged Canada, Pro Vida
wide Colombia, HelpAge Kenya, and Help the
Aged UK, it has grown to include the
Street Kids International, 398 Adelaide St. W, present membership of 62 organisations
Suite 1000, 10th floor, Toronto, Canada world-wide.
M5V 1S7.
Tel: 416 504 8994; fax: 416 504 8977. The International Institute on Ageing,
Http:/ /www.streetkids.org/about.html United Nations-Malta, 117 St Paul Street,
E-mail ski@streetkids.org Valletta VLT 07 Malta.
Street Kids International works to help Tel: 2430044/5/6; fax: 230248
those who work with street kids at the local http:/ /www.inia.org.mt/;
level: front-line workers who can respect email: inia@maltanet.net
their individuality, understand their The main objectives of the Institute on
dilemmas, and create opportunities for Ageing are to fulfil the training needs of
them to build better lives. Street Kids developing countries and to facilitate the
International attempts to help street implementation of the Vienna International
children by creating and sharing innovative Plan of Action on Ageing. The Institute
approaches to both urgent needs and provides multi-disciplinary education and
underlying causes. training in specific areas related to ageing,
and also acts as a catalyst as regards the
International Programme on the Elimination of exchange of information on issues
Child Labour (IPEC), International Labour concerned with ageing.
Organisation.
Tel: +41.22.799.8181; fax: +41.22.799.8771. UNAIDS, 20 Avenue Appia, CH-1211
Http: / / www.ilo.org/ public/ english/ Geneva 27, Switzerland.
standards / ipec / index.htm, Tel: (+4122) 791 3666; fax: (+4122) 791 4187
E-Mail: ipec@ilo.org http: / / www.unaids.org
The aim of IPEC is to work towards the email: unaids@unaids.org
progressive elimination of child labour by The mission of UNAIDS is to lead,
strengthening national capacities to address strengthen, and support an expanded
child-labour problems, and by creating a response to the AIDS epidemic that will
world-wide movement to combat it. prevent the spread of HIV, provide care
The priority target groups are bonded child and support for those infected and affected
labourers, children in hazardous working by the disease, reduce the vulnerability of
conditions and occupations, very young individuals and communities to HIV/
working children and working girls. AIDS, and alleviate the socio-economic and
human impact of the epidemic.
Resources 95
This site has detailed information on the news leads, statements by UNICEF's
Platform for Action adopted at the Beijing Executive Director, and B-roll footage.
Conference in 1995, which defined nine The State of the World's Children 1997
strategic objectives for the girl-child. video calls for an immediate end to
The Girl Child Working Group homepage hazardous and exploitative child labour.
discusses how these strategic objectives Featured are testimonials from working
have been met and what lessons have been children - bonded child labourers in India's
learned in efforts to achieve these goals. bidi (cigarette) industry, street beggars in
Senegal and under-age garment workers in
Children and Aids International Non- Bangladesh - that illustrate the appalling
Government Organisation Network (CAINN)conditions endured by millions of children
http: / / www.pedhivaids.org / education / each day.
children_living.html
The CAINN network was established in 'Rights of Passage (1994)
1996 by NGOs and community-based This film depicts the hardship and
organisations to promote the voices, rights, challenges faced by four girls reaching
and needs of children and young people adolescence in Burkina Faso, India,
infected by, affected by, and vulnerable to Jamaica, and Nicaragua. It presents a
HIV /AIDS. Its key objective is to promote sensitive and personal portrayal of their
the implementation of the UN Convention lives and the issues of drug abuse, teenage
on Rights of the Child and other relevant pregnancy, education discrimination, and
international declarations and agreements. female genital mutilation - problems faced
by many girls around the world.
Videos
Soldier Boy (1997), UNICEF and Danish TV
This film depicts the tragic consequences of
Karate Kids (1989), Street Kids International violence for the lives of children in Liberia,
See contact information above West Africa, where thousands of children
This animated video story serves as a aged seven or over are fighting as soldiers
discussion tool, aimed at 8-14 year olds, in a civil war that began in 1989.
about HIV/AIDS prevention and sexual One quarter of the combatants are children.
health issues. It attempts to encourage
young people to ask questions about street Dream Girls (1996)
life and sexually transmitted diseases. This documentary follows four girls living
It is available in 23 languages and is on the streets of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, three
currently used by youth workers in more of whom make their living through
than 100 countries. prostitution.
The following videos are available from In Uganda, Caring for Children Orphaned
UNICEF (see contact information above). by Aids
More information is available at Video clip in Real format available at
http://www.unicef.org http: / / www.unicef.org / pon99 / video.htm
In Uganda today, a stunning 11 per cent of
The State of the World's Children, 1997 (1996) the total child population are now AIDS
This 1997 video report consists of succinct orphans. Grandparents are playing a
video news items that accompany the leading role in supporting children
report published every year. The video orphaned by AIDS.
report includes short stories for timely