Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Gender, Religion, and Spirituality
Gender, Religion, and Spirituality
and Spirituality
Edited by Caroline Sweetman
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A double-edged sword:
Challenging women's oppression within Muslim society in Northern Nigeria 56
Fatima L Adamu
'The way to do is to be': Exploring the interface between values and research 73
Sharon Harper and Kathleen Clancy
Resources 81
Compiled by Sophie Dodgeon
Books 81
Video 85
Organisations 85
Web resources 86
Editorial
uch development thought has customs, means that the distinction between
F
eminists have tended to regard religion
as just another of the sources of women's unsurprising that Western feminists have not
subordination, citing the manner in drawn upon Islamic texts when addressing
which women are often represented as gender inequalities in Muslim societies. In
subordinated in religious texts, and the this article, however, I shall question such a
frequency with which religion is used to position and argue that, for a variety of
justify and maintain men's dominant position reasons, feminists may have more to lose
in society (White 1992). Although these than to gain from maintaining such a view.
charges are levelled at all the major religions,
Islam in particular has a reputation for being
'anti-woman' and for supporting a segregated Islam and the West
social system where women are economically The first issue that must be addressed when
and politically marginalised. considering the relationship between fem-
Many Muslim women and men disagree inism and Islam is the historical relationship
with such a view, arguing that the Qur'an between Islamic and Western societies, as this
provides significant rights for women, which has important ramifications for both Muslim
are often far more wide-reaching than the women in general and feminists, Muslim or
rights which secular legal systems provide for otherwise. This history is best described as
a state's female citizens. However, many one of conflict and mistrust, stemming from
Muslims are frequently mistrustful of the real - and perceived - economic, political,
feminism, because they see the feminist and theological threats which Islamic and
emphasis on equal rights as at odds with the Western social systems have posed to each
Islamic notion of the complementarity of the other. This tense relationship has continued,
sexes, and the specific roles and rights laid and even intensified, in the modern era,
down for men and women, which they particularly since the 1970s, when the world
believe reflect their particular strengths and began to witness something of an Islamic
weaknesses (Afshar 1997). revival (Esposito 1992).
In the West, the enmity between these ideas (An-Na'im 1995), while local partici-
ideological positions is reflected in the repre- pants in a development project lay themselves
sentations of Islam which conjure up images open to accusations of betrayal (Kandiyoti
of totalitarian states and irrational believers - 1991). These considerations provide the first
violent, oppressive men and powerless, reason for feminist engagement with Islam.
submissive women. This misrepresentation A further problem with a feminist position
in the West has been a means of supporting which totally rejects Islam is that this does not
and maintaining its position of dominance take into account the importance of Islam for
(Said 1978). Stories of the poor treatment of women. Women do not tend to report religion
Muslim women were used by colonial as the source of constraints placed on them
powers (Ahmed 1992) and missionaries (Shaheed 1995); moreover, religion often gives
(Kandiyoti 1991) to discredit Islam, and 'the women a sense of identity and belonging, not
custom of veiling and the position of women to mention psychological support. This makes
in Muslim societies became, in their rhetoric, it almost impossible for the average Muslim
the proof of the inferiority of Islam and the woman to retain her identity and position in
justification of their efforts to undermine society, were she to reject religious laws and
Muslim religion and society' (Ahmed 1992, customs (Shaheed 1995), especially because
236-7). The result has been that as a defensive 'in the absence of alternatives it is unlikely
reaction, the Islamist position regarding that women will abandon precisely those
women has become even more retrogressive structures that provide them with solace and
and reactionary, to the extent that Afkhami, supporf (ibid., 92). Therefore, secularist argu-
an academic and political activist, goes so far ments will have little or no appeal to Muslim
as to suggest that 'contemporary Islamist women. Many women are, moreover, inter-
regimes are most lucidly identified, and preting religion in their own way as a means
differentiated from other regimes, by the of responding to oppression. For example,
position they assign to women in the family practices such as the Zar (spirit possession) act
and in society' (Afkhami 1995,1). Any inter- as legitimate opportunities for the oppressed
vention targeted at women, or any attempt to 'let off steam' (Kandiyoti 1998), and some
by feminists to change the position of argue that women also use them to 'form
Muslim women from a position which friendships and patron-client relationships, to
totally rejects Islam, results in accusations of promote economic transactions and to offer
cultural imperialism or neo-imperialism and gain services' (Constantinides 1978, in
(Kandiyoti 1991). Hale 1996, 234).
It is therefore highly relevant for develop-
Reasons for feminist ment practitioners to take into consideration
the relevance of local beliefs. The importance
engagement with Islam of making interventions appropriate to the
Currently, accusations of neo-imperialism are indigenous context has recently been
most visible in the context of development recognised in development thinking as central
work, as it is in this arena that most feminist to the effectiveness of planning and imple-
thought is 'delivered' to Muslim countries. menting development work (Stirrat and
For example, Rashiduzzaman (1997) reports Henkel 1996). From this perspective, it is
on increasing attacks on non-governmental important that development practitioners and/
organisations (NGOs) by Islamist groups in or feminists address Islam, not only to avoid
Bangladesh, who see these NGOs as cultural inappropriate interventions which might
adversaries, and part of the more general alienate the communities in which they work,
'Western' project of domination. Such views but also to be aware of existing social structures
can all too easily be used by opponents of and norms which might promote more
women's rights to rally opposition to feminist effective implementation.
Reconciling Islam and feminism 9
houses and make not a dazzling display, like conditions in Medina at the time. It requires
that of the former Times of Ignorance'; and a significant stretch of the imagination to
stating: 'And when ye ask (his ladies) for interpret these verses as meaning that women
anything ye want, ask them from before a should be totally covered or confined to their
screen: that makes for greater purity for your homes. Furthermore, if women were to be
hearts and for theirs'. These verses often form entirely covered, there would be no need to
the basis for arguments in favour of veiling ask men to also lower their gaze and guard
and seclusion; other Islamic scholars argue their modesty (Shabaan 1995). Similarly, it
that such interpretations are inaccurate, has been argued that, as it is compulsory for
particularly in light of the fact that women in women not to cover their faces during
general, as well as the Prophet's wives - pilgrimage and prayer, two of the central five
particularly Khadija - were often publicly pillars of Islam, then it would be nonsensical
visible, and independent, wealthy, and active to do so ordinarily (Al-Ghazali in Shabaan
in their own right (Stowasser 1987). Such 1995). Women's public visibility during the
interpreters suggest that rather than an Prophet Mohamed's own life-time
injunction to cover up and stay behind closed undermines the arguments for seclusion.
doors the first of these verses is an injunction Finally, if women were to be in seclusion and
against parading finery, in keeping with the thus not actively engaged in earning an
Islamic ethos of not coveting or valuing income, what would be the purpose of the
material goods (Ali 1993). Similarly, the verse that states 'to men is allotted what they
second of these verses can be interpreted, earn and to women what they earn' (4:32)
even by non-feminists, as a mark of respect (Abu Shiqa in Shabaan 1995, 75)?
for the Prophet's wives rather than a demand Although there are many problems with
for their seclusion (Ali 1936). Even if one the representation of veiling and purdah in
disagrees with these interpretations, the Western, and early feminist, literature, which
Qur'an states clearly that the Prophet's wives has helped to perpetuate an image of Muslim
are not like other women (33:32); conseq- women as victims, and denied the diversity
uently, the verses directed at them can be of meaning and practice associated with this
argued not to apply to women as a group tradition, it is generally accepted that these
(Stowasser 1987). practices contribute to women's subordination.
The two verses that refer to women in They frequently restrict women's movements,
general have been similarly challenged. affecting their access to production and
These state: 'O Prophet! Tell Thy wives and economic autonomy, and increasing their
daughters, and the believing women, that dependence on men (Gardner 1994). Veiling
they should cast their outer garments over has become an institutionalised aspect of
their persons (when abroad) that is most Islam in many Muslim societies, which serves
convenient that they should be known as to illustrate both the importance of a
such and not molested' (33:59); 'And say to knowledge of Qur'anic injunctions, and the
the believing women that they should lower need to challenge patriarchal interpretations
their gaze and guard their modesty; that they which are used as a justification for practices
should not display their beauty and orna- which maintain an inequitable status quo. As
ments except what (must ordinarily) appear for purdah, while interpretations of the Qur'an
thereof; that they should draw their veils over which have obliged women to remain within
their bosoms and not display their beauty...' the household have not always precluded
(24:31). The first of these, however, must be Muslim women from earning a living - a well-
read in context: Ali (1936) explains that the known example in the gender and
object was not to restrict the liberty of women, development literature is of the lace-makers of
but to signify their identity as Muslims, and Narsapur - the degree to which they have
thus protect them from harm in the insecure control over these earnings is questionable,
Reconciling Islam and feminism 11
given their inevitable marginalisation from aspects of Qur'anic instruction: the socio-
institutions which could represent them, and economic and the ethical-religious categories.
dependency on male relations for the While women's status is inferior to men's in
marketing of goods (Mies 1982). the former category, they are full equals in
the latter. Muslim reformists argue that the
difference between men and women in the
Reconciling Islam and socio-economic sphere belongs to the cate-
feminism by returning to gory of social relations (mu'amalat), which are
the Qur'an subject to change, whereas their moral and
religious equality belongs to the category of
Despite the various advantages of drawing
religious duties towards God (ibadat), which
upon Islam when addressing women's
are immutable. The moral and religious
position in Muslim societies, some might
equality of men and women represents the
argue that Islam is ultimately a religion
highest expression of the value of equality
which provides men with status, control,
and therefore constitutes the most important
and authority over women, and which
aspect of Islamic instruction. Since men and
supports a system of inequitable gender
women are full equals in creation, in mind,
relations, and that one should not attempt
and in their spiritual and moral obligation
to tackle women's subordination through a
(i.e., the category of ibadat), there is no
religion which is, in the final analysis,
justification for inequalities between the sexes
inegalitarian. However, of recent years
(Shabaan 1995; Stowasser 1987).
activists have made efforts to reinterpret the
Islamic sources, suggesting that these can be Although one might dismiss these argu-
read as fully supportive of equal human ments as an intellectual exercise with little
rights for all. practical use for women, feminist theologians
These arguments are complex. Put are using these reinterpretations to challenge
simply, this strategy involves returning to and amend civil legal codes. For instance,
the Qur'an, and conducting a study of the Iranian feminists have concentrated on one
value system presented in the holy book. particular verse of the Qur'an (4:34), part of
The first point these activists make is that we which reads 'Men are the protectors of and
must look to the Qur'an, not the other maintainers of women because God has given
Islamic sources - the hadith, the sunna, and the one more (strength) than the other, and
the shariah - for guidance. The hadith and because they support them from their means'.
sunna are commentaries on the Prophet's Feminist theologians in Iran argue that as the
life, tradition, and sayings, while the shariah only distinction made between Muslims in
refers to laws created in the first centuries the Qur'an is that between the pious and the
after the Prophet's lifetime (An-Na'im 1995). impious (49:13), the word taken to mean
In other words, all these sources are the 'protectors and providers' in the verse above
outcome of human understandings of the is more appropriately interpreted as 'initiator
Qur'an, which are influenced by the context in affairs'. Since social transformations such
in which they were conceived. As this was as women's education and employment, as
an era which was organised hierarchically well as their participation in politics,
and patriarchally, these sources inevitably economics, and even warfare, have occurred,
reflect this reality, and the identity of the the Iranian civil code, which gives husbands
commentators, who were overwhelmingly the status of head of household and
men (Afkhami 1997). establishes unequal conjugal rights on the
On this basis, these theorists argue that we basis of this verse, is no longer appropriate.
need to return to the Qur'an as the true Not only is it inappropriate but it is un-
source of guidance, as this alone is the word Islamic, as the Qur'an makes no distinction
of God. The theorists also identify two on the basis of gender (Afary 1997).
12
A further tactic used by Iranian women is Having said this, I do not wish to present
to concede to the notion of complementarity, an over-simplistic or over-optimistic view of
but to emphasise that women are not 'forever the potential for women's emancipation as a
mothers and that the public domain too is in result of either knowledge of their rights or
great need of women's specific talents and feminist reinterpretations of the Qur'an. This
valuable contributions' (Afshar 1997, 764). strategy is, of course, insufficient in and of
Iranian women also highlight that comple- itself. Many Muslim women are politically
mentarity refers to both men's and women's and economically marginalised, and this in
roles in creating social units and in sustaining itself prevents them from claiming their
growth and development. Women have rights, let alone from using theological
demanded that the skills involved in the care arguments to do so. In this sense, reinter-
and management of home and family be both pretation of the Islamic texts from a feminist
recognised and valued, and that the govern- perspective remains an academic and
ment help them fulfil these roles as well as intellectual exercise, and it is primarily more
facilitate their return to the workplace. In this affluent and educated women who are able
way, a number of limited measures to both to engage in this debate and to benefit
improve the position of the women in the from its argument. Moreover, women's
labour market have been achieved, including experiences of Islam are myriad, and their
paid maternity leave, shorter working hours, subordination is not only based in so-called
and an earlier retirement age, in recognition Islamic practices. Consequently, one cannot
of women's double burden of unpaid prescribe some form of universal formula to
domestic work and paid employment (ibid.). overcome the constraints Muslim women
face, and strategies adopted must respond to
Overall, by drawing upon an Islamic
these contextual constraints.
discourse, Iranian activists have had a
measure of success in improving women's Incorporating the study of rights accorded
rights and social position. to women in Islam into the awareness-raising
and educational components of development
interventions could be very effective in
Conclusion improving women's lives. Addressing these
I have argued that there are significant reasons issues from within an Islamic perspective
why feminists might benefit from drawing would prevent opportunistic accusations of
upon Islam when attempting to address the cultural imperialism (intended to prevent
particular subordination of Muslim women. feminism from entering an Islamic culture),
At an individual level, Muslim women will and would be more likely to appeal to
be unlikely to subscribe to a Western notion Muslim women. Although egalitarian rein-
of feminism, which would mean abandoning terpretations of the Qur'an are currently
beliefs which they have a commitment to and relatively marginalised and limited in their
which provide them with mechanisms to deal scope, Muslim women (and men) are actively
with and resist the oppression they face. working not only to reinterpret the Qur'an,
Moreover, the Qur'an lays down significant but also to educate the political elite and
rights for women, of which they are often provide them with new interpretations of the
unaware, but which can be drawn upon to sacred texts which can be used as a basis for
address and improve their circumstances. At legislation. Activists are also making efforts
the political level, women's exclusion from to mobilise grassroots support for these
religion in the past has resulted in the domi- activities and to establish a dialogue between
nance of patriarchal interpretations of the people at the grassroots and national and
Qur'an. It is only from a position of knowledge international decision-makers, in order to
that women can claim their rights and contest ensure the dissemination and adoption of
patriarchal interpretations of Islam. these interpretations (Afkhami 1997).
Reconciling Islam and feminism 13
(eds.) Feminist Visions of Development, 2:229, 2:236, 2:237, 2:241, 4:20, 4:21, 4:35,
Routledge: London and New York. 65:6, 4:130; Polygamy: 4:24, 4:3, 4:129;
Mies, M (1982) The lace makers ofNarsapur : Inheritance and Property RightsA:7, 4:11,
Asian housewives produce for the world 4:12; Veiling and Purdah: 4:32,24:30, 24:31,
market, Zed Press: London. 33:32, 33:33,33:53,33:59
Rashiduzzaman, M (1997) 'The Dichotomy 2 Using this argument is a relatively
of Islam and Development NGOs, contentious issue, given that feminists
Women's Development in Bangladesh' in frequently call for the equality of the sexes.
Contemporary South Asia, Vol. 6, No. 3. To take such a position could be seen as
Said, E (1978) Orientalism: Western Conceptions playing into the hands of those who would
of the Orient, Pantheon: New York. argue that such an interpretation conforms
Shabaan, B (1995) 'The Muted Voices of to a notion of a 'weaker sex', reliant on male
Women Interpreters' in M, Afkhami, (ed.) relatives for support. Moreover, challenging
Faith and Freedom: Women's Human Rights this interpretation is precisely what Iranian
in the Muslim World, I. B. Taurus & Co.: feminists are doing in their fight for a more
London and New York. equitable interpretation of the Qur'an
Shaheed, F (1995) 'Networking for Change: (as discussed later). Nonetheless, for
The Role of Women's Groups in Initiating communities who do subscribe to such a
Dialogue on Women's Issues' in Afkhami, conceptualisation of gender roles, this
M (ed.) Faith and Freedom: Women's Human interpretation could be used to great effect.
Rights in the Muslim World, I. B. Taurus & 3 Cf. Shabaan (1995) for a comprehensive
Co.: London and New York. discussion of this.
Stirrat, R and Henkel, H (1996)
'Fundamentalism and Development', un-
published report, ODA: London.
Stowasser, BF (1987) 'Religious Ideology,
Women and the Family: The Islamic
Paradigm' in Stowasser, BF (ed.) The Islamic
Impulse, Croom Helm: London and Sydney.
White, S (1992) Arguing with the Crocodile:
Gender and Class in Bangladesh, Zed Books:
London.
Notes
1 Those ayas considered to be the most
significant to women and gender relations
are listed here. However this list is by no
means comprehensive. They are refer-
enced according to the sura (chapter) and
relevant aya (verse). Thus 33:25 refers to
the thirty-third chapter and twenty-fifth
verse of the Qur'an. All are taken from
Yusuf Ali's (1936) translation of the
Qur'an. Spiritual and Moral Issues: 2:256,
3:195, 4: 1, 4:80, 4:124 , 4:92, 6:107, 9:71,
9:72, 10:99, 16:125, 33:35, 40:40) 48:5, 57:12,
88:21, 88:22; Marriage 2:187, 2:221, 2:223,
4:19, 4:34, 4:4 , 5:6, 30:21, 33:52; Divorce:
15
Christianity, development,
and women's liberation
Bridget Walker
Development practitioners working for gender equity must understand the significance of
religion for many women who live in poverty. Both development interventions and religion are
concerned with poverty; and both have often been problematic for women. Religious faith can offer
women the opportunity for liberation; but it can also encourage conformity.
thinking as a feminist and a development claimed the word of God in the scriptures as
worker. I shall look primarily, but not the supreme authority, thus challenging the
exclusively, at the tradition and legacy of the priestly hierarchy. The Bible became
churches which emerged in the West1 and accessible to people in their own languages
missionised the Americas, Africa, and Asia. I and their own homes. It continues to be a
shall examine briefly what these churches resource for Christians working for change
have to say about the nature of women, family today. The Jubilee 2000 Coalition3 is an
relations, and other social institutions, and international movement of churches and
how women in the South have responded. development agencies which bases its
messages about the cancellation of Third
World debt on the Biblical imperative of
Christianity and justice for the poor. In Africa, Christians have
'development' sought an authentic, 'de-colonised' theology,
while in Asia the struggle for human rights
Christians have always described
has focused the thinking of Christian men
development in terms which go beyond
and women. The church in the Philippines
conventional definitions of development as
was divided during the years of repression:
modernisation and economic growth. The
the establishment supported the state, while
papal encyclical Populorum Progressio (1967)
many individual Protestants and Catholics
claimed development as a new name for
joined Muslims and Marxists in the people's
peace. A Christian Aid pamphlet2 published
struggle for change (Duremdes 1989, 38).
in 1970 states: 'Development means growth
Throughout Latin America, a theology has
towards wholeness: it describes the process
emerged which explicitly names itself a
by which individual persons and
theology of liberation.4 In situations where
communities struggle to realise their full
there was no freedom to speak directly about
potential; physical and intellectual, cultural
the political and economic situation in Latin
and spiritual, social and political. Thus,
America, it was still possible to tell stories
development is a Christian concern'
from the Bible. People immediately
(Christian Aid 1970, 5).
understood the messages of the Old
However, in countries of the South, Testament prophets who condemned unjust
development interventions have succeeded landlords, the sharp practice of profiteers,
colonialism, which was influenced by the and the corruption of the courts; they
Christian missionary activities of imperial identified with the gospel narratives of the
powers. Religious authority has often been New Testament in which the sick are healed,
allied with social, political, and economic the hungry fed, outcasts are befriended, and
power. As a consequence, theological doctrine which presents a vision of a kingdom of
has reflected establishment interests, given justice and love. Liberation theology has
ideological support for the rise of capitalism, influenced current development thinking
and, through missionary activity, imposed a about participation and empowerment (Eade
Western world-view on the religious 1997). I return to consider women's relation-
consciousness of other cultures. 'When white ship to liberation theology in the next section.
people came to South Africa, they had the
Bible, and we had the land. But now we find
that they have the land and we have the
Bible.' (Roxanne Jordaan in King 1994, 155).
Christianity, women, and
However, there have always been
social institutions
challenges to the religious institutions of the In this section, I examine the opportunities
establishment. In Europe in the sixteenth and constraints which exist for women in
century, movements to reform the doctrines the tradition of mainstream Christianity
and institutions of the Christian church regarding their sexuality and family life - at
Christianity, development, and women's liberation 17
community level, within the church itself women's full participation in the life of the
and in convent life, in the economy, and at church; the global economic crisis and its
the wider national and international levels. effects on women; racism and xenophobia
and their effects on women.
Sexuality and the family More than 200 people were engaged in
The churches have often interpreted human making the visits. Each team wrote its own
nature in a manner that is profoundly report, which was then forwarded to the
damaging to women. In particular, the church concerned. Living letters, published
control of female sexuality is of concern to by the WCC in 1997, is a digest of these
patriarchal society: this control is expressed reports with extensive quotations from the
in many religious and cultural forms. discussions5. In Living letters, the authors
Christianity may be used to deprive women comment that the dominant model of the
of autonomy over their own bodies, for family they encountered was a traditional,
example, through the prohibition of abortion hierarchical, and patriarchal one, in which
(as in the case where the Pope, head of the women played a submissive role.
Roman Catholic church, advised the A different view of women's role in family
Archbishop of Sarajevo that the women who and society can sometimes be conveyed
had been raped had a duty to bear the effectively through discussions of gender
children thus conceived (Gnanadason 1997). issues in development. At a gender-training
The negative impact of this attitude not only workshop in which I participated, organised
affects women at the level of their personal by Oxfam GB in Kenya some years ago, we
and social relations, but also shapes the discussed women's and men's roles in the
legislation of states which have a Christian home and in agriculture, and their different
tradition which makes women subordinated, workloads. The values underlying Oxfam's
second-class citizens. work in development were discussed, such as
The fact that women often seek support the need for everyone's participation - men's
from the churches in family matters is ironic, and women's - in planning processes and in
considering their record. Aruna Gnanadason, making decision which would affect their
of the World Council of Churches, has lives. There was a lively discussion of these
commented: 'Our concerns have been the issues, with much use by participants of
sanctity of the family, reconciliation, restoring scriptural references to support their points of
marriages, when often the first need is for an view. A proverb which suggested that beating
end to violence, for safety for women and and love were connected was firmly
children, and for justice for the oppressed' repudiated by a participant who quoted 6the
(Gnanadason 1997, 43). Bible. Love, she said, is patient and kind. In
From 1988 to 1998, Christian churches took the closing session, a church leader who had
part in the Ecumenical Decade of Churches in at the outset quoted scriptural references to
Solidarity with Women, which was designed support male authority, and who had claimed
to keep alive the concerns of the UN Women's that the equality of women and men was
Decade (1975-85). One of its activities was a 'against God and nature', said thoughtfully
four-year process of visiting all members of that he needed to re-think the way in which
the World Council of Churches (WCC) and his church was governed, and his role in it.
analysing the findings from these visits. The Perhaps, he said, he should not be doing
teams (usually two women, two men, and a everything himself.
WCC staff member) met church leaders, Mercy Oduyoye, a theologian from Ghana,
members of congregations, students and comments caustically: 'African men sing
teachers of theology. The WCC's main topics "Viva" when people talk about racial and class
of research mirrored the priorities of the UN exploitation, but they can hang you if you dare
Women's Decade: violence against women; talk about sexism. They say African culture
18
legitimates it and, if they are Christians, Here women are free to read and reflect on
sections of the Bible seal it for them' (King, the Bible from their own perspective and to
1994, 66). Women become dangerous when relate it to their own lives.
they question patriarchal models in this way,
for this is to question the foundation of Religious orders: an alternative model
institutions as broad as the state and as of community
intimate as the family. Christian feminists may The convent may at first glance seem an
be regarded by men and women alike as unlikely launch pad for women's liberation.
destructive of relationships, the family and all Yet some women in Europe struggling for
that is sacred. the right to vote in the nineteenth century
looked back on the convents of the past and
Organisation and leadership in the claimed that 400 years earlier, these had been
churches communities in which women could
Throughout most of history, the Christian develop their potential and serve society.
churches have been run by men, and Religious women today suggest that
leadership is still largely in men's hands. Yet, religious communities represent an alter-
paradoxically, many churches have also native 'corporate' model in social structures
provided the opportunity for women to which remain dominated by men, and which
meet, discuss, organise, and learn new skills. still position women in family or kinship
Rigoberta Menchu, the Guatemalan groups, and identify them as daughters,
revolutionary leader, describes in her wives, and mothers.
autobiography how, at the age of 12, she
became a lay preacher, and how the church The church in the market place
provided her with the opportunity to While the members of religious orders
develop leadership qualities and to organise usually make vows of poverty, Christian
(Burgos Debray 1984). However, she religious foundations often hold substantial
criticises the way in which the priests company shares to provide income. In
encouraged her people to remain passive Britain, Canada and the United States,
and accept the status quo. Menchu calls for a religious women have played a key role in
church of the people, organised by them, shareholder action9, challenging trans-
and reflecting their experience of hunger and national corporations (TNCs) to take ethical
oppression. She sees this church as more considerations into account in their
than a building or an organisational operations in countries of the South. This
structure; it is a real change within people. challenge is one form of working in
This change should also address the solidarity with those women and men
relations between women and men and the
struggling for the liberation of Third World
'machismo' (male attitude of domination)
countries. Sharon Ruiz Duremdes from the
which she likens to a sickness. Ofelia Ortega
Philippines, writing in Women in a Changing
from Cuba7 argues that the contribution of
World (WCC Women's Unit 1989), sees this
Latin American women is essential for the
as an important way of 'doing theology' for
maturity of liberation theology. Its message
of good news and deliverance from bondage women in the countries of the North.
for the poor must reflect poor women's International networking for change in
experience and needs. In the Christian Base the churches
Communities8 of Latin America, women are The WCC has supported a range of global
represented in significant numbers - the
initiatives focusing on women, of which the
structure of organisation is more
Ecumenical Decade of Churches in Soli-
participatory, and less formal, clerical, and
darity with Women has been one of the most
hierarchical than in the traditional church.
far-reaching, challenging member churches
Christianity, development, and women's liberation 19
and providing a voice for women of faith. At times of personal or political upheaval,
Theirs is a voice of critical solidarity. Living women may choose to reaffirm their
letters (WCC 1997) makes a series of religious affiliation. This may be a source of
recommendations to churches. One of them solace, or offer a form of identity; it may be a
argues that the churches should denounce conservative or a radical move, or it may,
violence against women, regardless of paradoxically, contain elements of both. For
whether it is culturally sanctioned; another example, women and men who supported
that they should recognise the links the Catholic church in Poland in the days of
between sexism and racism, and combat the Cold War were participating in religious
them at the centre of church life. Another practice which presented a radical challenge
recommendation is that economic injustice to the Marxist government of the day, yet the
against women should be addressed Polish church remained deeply conservative
through development programmes and in its attitude to women. 'Resistance
advocacy concerning the root causes of theology', like 'resistance polities', has seldom
women's poverty. Economic justice must reflected women's interests until challenged
also be practised in the way churches are to do so by women in the movements.
run, through equal opportunities and equal
pay. The forms and substance of religious Reclaiming the faith
practice need to be re-examined in the light It has been important for many women of
of women's experience and perspective, different traditions of faith, including
and their need for liberation. Christianity, to return to the roots of religious
belief, in order to analyse how some aspects
have been given prominence by religious
The voices of women institutions, while others have been ignored.
What are women themselves saying about They argue that men have used religion to
religion today? In many social contexts, serve their patriarchal purposes, but that
'feminism' remains a suspect and threatening there is a more woman-friendly tradition to
concept, and many women would reject the be reclaimed: the early Christians lived in an
title of feminist, while nevertheless following egalitarian community of women and men,10
the first principle of feminist theology - being and women held positions of leadership.
faithful to their own experience. There are a Christian women have looked for liberating
number of positions which I would like to models in the Bible: Deborah the Judge and
categorise, rather crudely, as follows: re- Esther the Queen in the Old Testament, and
affirming the faith; reclaiming it; reforming it; the women in the community around Jesus in
and rejecting it. the New Testament. Mary, so often presented
as an impossible ideal of the woman as virgin
Re-affirming the faith and mother, is reclaimed as the strong
Women in the Orthodox churches have 'female face' of the faith, proclaiming the
argued that it is possible to be faithful to reversal of the established order: 'he [i.e.,
church tradition, and work for change God] has pulled down princes from their
within it. The Living Letters initiative found thrones and exalted the lowly; the hungry he
that, in Russia, the specificity of the roles of has filled with good things, and the rich sent
women and men means that, in the parishes, empty away' (Luke 1,52-23). The Bible offers
the priest has a mostly spiritual role, whereas a diversity of images of God, from which the
the administrative decisions are taken by church has selected mainly masculine terms;
women, who run the parish council. Women feminist theologians argue that to name God
are active in social and work and in religious only in terms of father, warrior, king, and
education; they feel that their contribution is lord is to limit our understanding of the
recognised and appreciated (WCC 1997). divine-human relationship. Ofelia Ortega
20
suggests that this task of reclaiming also is tional masculine image of God, asserting that
important for men, whose spirituality she God can be depicted in alternative, and
sees as having been damaged by the female forms; and that new and diverse
distortion of biblical revelation (WCC 1989). models of God should be developed to
include the experience of all peoples.
Reforming the faith
Many feminist theologians argue that Rejecting the faith of the fathers
reclaiming the faith is not enough, because Many women reject organised religion
religions arise in specific historical contexts, because they see it as part and parcel of a
and are formed by the political and profoundly contaminating patriarchy, built
economic forces and social attitudes of the on, and maintained by, violence. The
time. Therefore, the codes and practices Christian churches are judged to have been
developed at one time need to be reformed complicit in the violence of colonialism in
for a changed social context. Movements for the past, and genocide in this century. But
the ordination of women have used this women from formerly-colonised countries,
argument. Feminist theology takes as its whose consciousness has been formed in a
starting point the search for women's Christian tradition, continue to seek means
identity, grounded in women's own of articulation of their spiritual experience,
experience, rather than in the forms often drawing on their Christian heritage.
imposed by a patriarchal culture. This leads Oduyoye looks at the tradition of
to personal and social transformation. independent Christian movements which
Women theologians of the South have also have emerged in opposition to the racism
stressed the necessity of addressing the and ethnocentrism of Euro-Americans on
inheritance of cultural and spiritual impe- the African continent. At some churches,
rialism from the missionary endeavours African Christian women have tapped into
which brought Christianity to continents the primal religious sources of their
including Africa. Teresa Hinga, from Kenya, communities, for example through the
sees Christ as an ambivalent figure for African healing ministry of a prophetess.
women: he is both conqueror and liberator.
She suggests that it was the latter perception
of Christ and the 'emancipatory impulses'
Conclusion
within missionary Christianity which led to a At the beginning of this article, I stated that
positive response from Africans. Hinga those concerned with social development and
quotes the example of women among the social justice should analyse the role of
Kamba of Kenya, who tried to break away religious institutions in the lives of women,
from unsatisfactory marriages or harsh and understand their relationship to them. I
parental control by seeking refuge with the have outlined how the traditions of the
Africa Inland Mission, a Protestant mission in Christian church have often demeaned
that area (Hinga, 1994). women, but have also, paradoxically,
Another important focus for feminist supported them within the parameters of
theologians has been that of language: the existing social structures. Through a brief
translation of the Bible, and the words of the discussion of how women have claimed
liturgy. Gnanadason argues that the images liberation from a perspective grounded in
of God in Western Christianity are based on their faith, I have examined different per-
the 'social norms and gender role specifics in spectives on the extent to which forms of
that culture's national, ecclesiastical, business Christianity offer scope for women's
and family level' (Gnanadason 1989, 29). liberation or oppression. Women's continued
Drawing on examples from India, she points critique of Christianity demonstrates that
out the need to move beyond the conven- their relationship with it is more often one of
Christianity, development, and women's liberation 21
5 The booklet was also the result of a team opportunity for women to organise, to
effort and has no single author. The participate in decision making, and to enjoy
foreword is written by Nicole Fischer- a freedom they may not have at home.
Duchable, the WCC consultant to the Mid 9 Shareholder action bodies such as the
Decade Process. Interfaith Committee on Corporate
6 1 Corinthians 13,10-12. Responsibility in the USA, and the
7 'Women doing Theology and Sharing Ecumenical Council for Corporate
Spirituality', p.10-11 in Women in a Responsibility in the UK, encourage
Changing World, Issue 28, May 1989, churches and religious foundations with
WCC: Geneva. investments to raise ethical questions at
8 The Christian Base Communities are a annual general shareholder meetings,
feature of liberation theology in practice. and to engage in dialogue about the
Grassroots groups within the Catholic companies' operations in the South.
church meet to reflect on the Bible and the 10 Acts 4, 32-35; see also Gnanadason (WCC
teachings of Jesus as these relate to their 1989, p.30).
own lives. They have provided an
23
eligion and witchcraft are often producing areas in Kenya by the 1990s. This
from French bean sales are choosing to Conflicts between husbands and wives over
allocate more labour to the cultivation of the allocation of income from French beans
French beans than of subsistence crops. Men are commonplace and often escalate into
resent the withdrawal of female labour from household violence. As one female
subsistence crops (unless they are given the interviewee claimed: 'The crops that result in
money earned from the cultivation of the wife-beating today is coffee and tea, because
French beans), and have challenged the right they are termed as a man's crop. Many hus-
of women to use vegetable plots for French bands misuse money from these crops and
bean cultivation. Furthermore, because men when asked they beat their wives. Michiri
are garnering significant amounts of money (French beans) are also cause for beating.
from export cultivation, they are less likely to When we try to keep our money, our
work on their wives' plots. As a result, husband asks where it is. If we don't give it to
women are compelled to hire labour to him we are beaten. These crops cause us
perform tasks that were formerly covered by many problems'.
reciprocal labour exchanges. Because family labour, specifically
Second, the gendered nature of property women's labour, is the fundamental source
rights also directly affects the benefits women of labour for French bean production, the
derive from French bean production. In success of export horticulture rests on sound
Kenya, women's access to land is mediated cooperation between husband and wife.
by their marital status, their household Traditional social structures which used to
position, and decisions made about land use deal with marital strife have been eroded, so
by male relatives. As in much of Africa, men that women now tuOrn to alternative means
have the right to control the proceeds from of resolving conflict.
the crops grown on female plots. Over 33 per
cent of the women interviewed claimed that
their husbands had either compelled them to Gender and the supernatural
grow French beans on their usufruct plots2, or In Meru, the spiritual domain has become
retracted their rights to them completely. This the principal area in which gender-based
violates conjugal norms, because not only are conflicts over crops, property rights, and
French beans cash crops (the earnings from labour allocation are expressed. Both
which traditionally go to men throughout Christianity and witchcraft reflect the nature
Africa) but they are also vegetable crops (the of social and economic relations, and hence
income from which women have the rights to are useful idioms for interpreting issues of
in customary law). power and domination in rural life. While
Third, although French bean production the presence of witchcraft appears at odds
has created a new mechanism for income with Christian revivalism, both represent
generation, there is a wide disparity in the ways of expressing discontent with
distribution of income from it between men prevailing social norms, and offer women
and women. My research showed that strategies to reclaim autonomy and security
women perform 72 per cent of the labour for within their households.
French beans, and obtain 38 per cent of the
income. Even where women receive the Christianity
returns from their labour, they are often Africa today cannot be considered apart
compelled to contribute this cash to house- from the presence of Christianity: a presence
hold expenditures that would, until now, which, a couple of generations ago could
have been their husband's responsibility. still be dismissed by some as of marginal
Finally, the profitability of French beans has importance, and a mere subsidiary aspect of
incited men to appropriate the income, which colonialism (Hasting 1990:208). There are
customarily has been under women's control. currently over 25 distinct Christian denom-
26
perfected the recipe and were distributing it to diarrhoea. The church is taking the duty to
other women. One interviewee described preach against bewitching now. In June, the
women's involvement in the following way: Four Square preachers held a crusade and
'Women buy [kagweria] from other women prayed and pointed out one of the women
who are old. Kagweria is a charm given from Kiithe village who has been supplying
secretly by women to their men that changes kagweria. They chastised her. But usually
men's mental ability to a worse state. Once a these women aren't found because witchcraft
man is fed with kagweria, he stops giving can only be carried out at night. It is very
orders to his woman and therefore the secretive ... Only talked about... Never seen
woman becomes the head of the family. This with the eyes'.
[use] has increased because we are dealing In Meru, Kenya, witchcraft reflects
away with our traditional customs. Before, women's struggles for power in an arena in
the clan would intervene in husband and which they have been customarily denied a
wife cases. Now the clan doesn't do much for more direct vehicle for asserting their aims.
us, so we get a solution for ourselves. Men The growing prevalence of witchcraft is one
don't respect their wives or they are not all consequence of the expansion of French
that faithful like before. They still love with bean production and its exacerbating effect
other women and this annoys the wives. on intra-household disparities. As men's
Most women do not want to accept that a individual ambition has overridden their
woman should always be under a man, like customary social responsibilities (through
they tell us. We are envious of the the appropriation of women's incomes and
progressing way of other women who have usufruct rights to land), women have
freedom. A way to have freedom is to give developed strategies to reclaim autonomy
kagweria ... [and obtain] power over the and security within their households.
wealth, especially from the good crops.' As the number of witchcraft cases in Meru
One particular interviewee knew of seven District mounts, men are terrified. The rise in
cases of bewitching within the last two years, the number of baraza and village meetings to
all provoked due to interfamilial struggles lecture women on female obedience is
over French bean income. Churches regularly testimony to men's growing fear of female
organise women's seminars to preach against aggression. Men have no reason to believe
the practice and to teach women how to that their wife will be an exception to the
ameliorate household struggles through recent movement. As Geshiere contends
Christian service. Despite this, many of the (1994,325), 'witchcraft is indeed the dark side
same women who publicly espouse the tenets of kinship: it reflects the frightening notion
of Christianity privately employ witchcraft. that there is hidden aggression and violence
Baraza (public assemblies) are frequently where there should be only trust and
organised by village politicians to mitigate solidarity'. Thus, as long as men were not
male anxiety regarding women's increased jeopardising women's access to resources in
utilisation of witchcraft and poisoning, and to the female domain, women largely allowed
lecture women on norms of female obedience. public political power to remain in men's
One particular case concerned the poisoning hands. But as men have encroached upon the
of a village man, whose wife claimed that he income derived from French beans, a crop
refused to allocate any French bean income to culturally coded as female, the boundaries
her. A village woman described the incident and meanings of gender relationships have
in the following way: changed (Goheen 1996). In this situation,
'In Katheri, a wife worked with her women's resistance cannot be overlooked,
because the viability of export-promotion
daughters to bewitch her husband and take
strategies for development depends upon
all the wealth. The man was forced to stay in
women's willing participation.
the house for three weeks with vomiting and
Conflict and compliance: Christianity and the occult in horticultural exporting 29
who are the focus of this article, speak a local development along 'modern' lines, Dzong
Tibetan dialect (referred to as Southern remains - in the words of people in Dzong
Mustang Tibetan) and officially follow various and other villages in Baragong - 'true to the
Buddhist sects, of which Sakya is currently old ways'. Rituals and practices which have
the predominant one. Marriage practices, been abandoned in Kag and other villages in
social ranking, religious rituals, and general the area not only survive in Dzong, but are
cosmological understandings are similar to seen by many Dzongba1 as the raison d'etre
those found in areas of Tibet, and among of being Dzongba, the things that define them
other ethnic Tibetan groups in the Himalayas. as Dzongba.
Kag
Kag village has a population of about 360 Living in Baragong
people in 63 households. It is a minor admini- Like many of the peoples who populate the
strative centre for the area of Baragong, high mountain regions of Nepal, the
boasting a health post, a police checkpoint, Baragongba2 have a three-pronged subsis-
several development offices, and a post office. tence strategy of agriculture, pastoralism, and
In addition to all of these 'modern' amenities, trade. Kag and Dzong, like most villages in
a large Buddhist monastery and the remains Baragong, are socially stratified. Although
of an impressive castle suggest that Kag was there are numerous ways in which the social
an important religious, economic, and admi- status of individuals and households can be
nistrative centre. Today, with a dozen tourist judged, the main social groupings are those
lodges and several camp sites, Kag is one of of noble, commoner, and sub-commoner. The
the most popular tourist destinations for middle of these three 'grades' is the most
trekkers journeying to and from the Muktinath numerous and, in some villages, the only
Valley and north into upper Mustang. strata. These hierarchical grades had far more
In general, many of the people of Kag importance in the past than they do today.
village have embraced 'modernisation': it was In Baragong, as in other ethnic Tibetan
the first village in the area to receive societies, there exists an ideal form of
electricity, the first to respond to the arrival of household organisation which is linked to
tourists by building guest houses, and also ideas concerning landholding, inheritance,
the first village to abandon several of the residence, and marriage, as well as being
more important village rituals in Baragong. located in the domains of symbolism and
ritual (Phylactou 1989). Although households
Dzong vary greatly in composition and economic
From Kag, several thousand feet up the standing, the ideal, and the most common
Muktinath Valley, lies Dzong village. Dzong structure for commoners and sub-
3
is described both by the people who live commoners , is the corporate estate house-
there, and by other villagers in the area, as a hold, called drongba. A drongba estate is
place where the old ways are kept alive. The collectively owned by an extended family
population of Dzong is slightly smaller than group. At the core of the drongba household is
that of Kag, with about 250 inhabitants. a patriline (group of men related by blood): a
Because Dzong is located within a semi- man and his wife, or a group of brothers and
restricted area, tourists can travel to the their wife, the father(s) and mother of the
village for a day, but are not permitted to man or brothers, and their children.
spend the night there. Dzong does not have a Historically, being part of a drongba meant
police post, health centre, or post office. high status. Drongba households paid tax and
While many of the inhabitants of Dzong performed labour for the noble households,
participate fully in a market economy, and and as a result gained certain privileges, such
have embraced the ideology and practice of as first access to irrigation water. Drongba
No time to worship the serpent deities: Women, economic change, and religion in north-western Nepal 33
Similarly, meetings in distant villages are In Kag, disbanding the drongba estates has
difficult for them to attend because of child- meant that kimpamo women play a greatly
care and domestic responsibilities. It is reduced role in the ritual life of the village.
usually men who attend meetings as When they do participate, they often do so
representatives of their households, and it is alongside women from households which, in
men who hold the positions of 'headman' the past, were not drongba households. Former
and 'assistant headman' in the village. With kimpamo told me that they see their ritual
the integration of Baragong into the political labour as a burden which keeps them from
system of Nepal, men's political roles have other, more prestigious economic activities,
been strengthened; women rarely hold rather than as an honour bestowed upon them
positions of power on the new 'village because of their status. These other, more
development committees' (VDCs) or at the lucrative, economic activities are tourism and
district level. other income-generating activities.
However, women who run lodges have neighbouring district of Manang]. She knew
less free time to engage in community rituals, that people coming from Manang, tourists
festivals, and monastic retreats. Pema Dolkar, and locals, would be thirsty and need a drink
a woman lodge owner in Kag, complained so it was a good business idea. But this
that she often 'felt like a prisoner' in her own woman - man kalo chal [black soul or heart] -
home: ' . . . I would like to go to Yartung [a she would not even give away one glass of
harvest festival in the neighbouring water. Local people should always receive
community of Muktinath] in the autumn, but one glass of tea free, even in a lodge; but she
I have not been now for five years because would even charge for water! She was very
there have been so many trekkers. Sometimes greedy and made much money ... After she
it is so busy that I cannot even go to Tse chu died, about two or three years ago, her soul
[a village ritual on the tenth day of each did not find the path [to 'heaven', where
month] and have to send someone else from souls are weighed to determine their next
the household instead' (personal incarnation]. She still wanders this world,
communication, 1995). haunting and possessing people. She has
While many female lodge owners find that possessed ... [a certain woman from Dzong],
their movements beyond the village are as well as Baragongba in Kathmandu and
restricted, tourism and business have both Assam ...' (personal communication, 1996).
enabled and encouraged men (and non-lodge
owning women) to spend longer periods The impact of 'development'
away from the village. Whereas in the past With the opening of Baragong to tourists,
women played an important role in both 'development' was not far behind. Develop-
regional trade and the salt-grain trade ment ideology and practice in Kag and Dzong
between Nepal and Tibet, women who have have proceeded in very different directions.
the responsibility of running a lodge rarely Villagers in both communities have radically
participate in business outside of the village. different views of what development is and
Women who run lodges also tend to visit should be at the village level.
other households in the village less often, and There are stories of failed projects and lack
participate less in the sharing of food which is of local participation in Kag. I heard
so common between kin, neighbours, and divergent views of development between the
friends. While it is still customary for lodge younger and older generations. While
owners to offer tea to neighbours and friends younger people adhere to the bottom-up
without charge, the sharing of vegetables and model of development held in Dzong, older
other desirable foods now bypasses the people in Kag are oriented towards
lodges. As one woman, whose female cousin dependence on the outside. This idea of
runs a lodge, commented: 'Why would my development as a top-down redistribution of
sister [cousin] give spinach to me when she resources from the state, sees development as
could sell it to the tourists for money? We a gift which 'has or has not come' and the role
used to share food between our households of villagers as passive recipients in this
all the time here [in Kag], but now many process (Clarke undated). One woman in
people keep things to themselves so that they Kag stated: T do not know the names of any
can make money.' of the development projects here, only the
People also say that the Buddhist ethic of police office and the office that my son works
hospitality has suffered since the advent of with [ACAP]. I don't know what he does,
tourism. The following tale, told throughout something with trees ... Some office people
Baragong, illustrates this point. 'There was a came and planted some trees, but no one has
woman ... who set up a travellers' rest house watered them and most have died.... I don't
a little way up the Thorong La [a frequently know what will happen to the trees after they
travelled pass between Baragong and the have grown, whether the development people
36
will sell them, or whether they will even be passes the painted rocks along the trail
used by the Kagpa ... Up to now, ACAP has leading to Kag, announcing that this lodge or
done nothing but make garbage tips. They that lodge has a hot shower, the tastiest apple
make tourists sign their names when they pie, the best views.
arrive in Kag'. Some of the accountability for Because most lodge-owners are women,
failed projects must, of course, lie with the the main conflicts are between them rather
development projects themselves. than men. The fact that gender and develop-
One old Kagpa woman expressed the ment literature and practice has paid much
dissonance between old ideas of 'goodness' attention to women's cooperative develop-
and the ideas held by those who wish to ment efforts may mean that the lack of coope-
bring development to the village: 'In the old ration in Kag is more noticeable than similar
days, we used to drink water right out of the behaviour would be on the part of men.
Dzong River. The water out of the river is Unlike the highly competitive market of
very good for you. Some people still drink tourism, business ventures in Dzong,
from it [even though there is a clean water especially those which require villagers to
project]. We old people say that walking travel further afield to East Asia, often require
through the river makes the water choko the labour and financial resources of several
[clean], not jutho [polluted]. We did not hear households working together. Because of their
that the river water was bad for us before the relative isolation, and the lack of a tourist
Nepalis and development came! Mountain economy, the people of Dzong have had to
water is colder and tastier.' seek support from government agencies and
Many Kagpa feel that development in NGOs to improve life in the village; a key
their village has a bad track record because element of this relationship is that they also
people are too busy with their own work and show commitment in the form of labour and
there are too many poor people: 'If there was other inputs into the projects. 'Our own
enough money in the village, people could village, we must build ourselves' is the
cooperate and do their own development.' development slogan heard throughout
Many of the meetings called by project staff Nepal. (In the past, labour obligations were
to discuss the village's future development fulfilled by drongba households only. This has
were attended only by lodge-owners; non- been a powerful catalyst for changing the
lodge-owners said they felt that development drongba system to limit it to ritual activities,
was for tourists, rather than for villagers. rather than political and economic ones.) The
According to NGO staff, this low level of villagers have often worked with the people
interest has led to many projects pulling out of their neighbouring villages Chongkhor
of Kag. During group discussions, interviews, and Putak in order to attract expertise,
and in casual conversations, villagers listed a materials, and money for their projects. In
number of reasons for this lack of interest in sum, the Dzongba seem to have been
development projects. Lodge-owners rarely relatively successful in making development
cooperate with each other, and because of work for them, without losing control over
their high social and economic status, few important village decisions; the moral ideo-
other villagers are willing to participate in logy of equity and a commitment to 'commu-
community projects. Those who had enough nity' have been strengthened in Dzong.
money to install solar power for showers do When the Dzong villagers decide that a
not want electricity for the whole village, project is needed, the village leaders sit down
because then all lodges would be able to with the headmaster (who writes Nepali) and
provide hot showers. Tourism has furthered draft a letter to the appropriate agency.
competition rather than cooperation, Several projects applied for in this manner
especially between lodge-owners. Competi- have now been completed. For example,
tion for tourist money is evident when one Dzong is supplied with limited electricity in
No time to worship the serpent deities: Women, economic change, and religion in north-western Nepal 37
The events which preceded and followed head-dress conferred status on her house-
the cessation of Kag's Dokyap reveal much hold. To sell a head-dress in the 1920s or
about the importance of women in maintai- 1940s would have been unthinkable, since a
ning the community's spirituality, and about commoner woman without one had no real
how and why these roles have changed. A status and could not participate in communal
host of social and political tensions ritual events. As modern clothing and
contributed to the dissolution of Dokyap in consumer goods have replaced local dress and
Kag, and this is still the cause of much jewellery as signs of household prosperity,
discussion and tension within the village. many family heirlooms have been sold.
The first version of events that I heard was The cessation of Dokyap in Kag has
told by a noblewoman in Kag, who has a obvious religious implications. Singing the
good knowledge of history but also a vendetta traditional songs is an important part of
against the man she names as the villain in communal cleansing and accumulation of
the scenario. 'Dokyap stopped in Kag 22 years merit. In Dzong, this is still seen as so
ago, when Dhundup [not his real name] was important that female heads of household
the big man. He had two wives. His first wife who are absent from the village during
wanted to leave him so she arranged for her Dokyap (usually because they have travelled
younger sister to marry him. At this time, south for the winter and are unable to return
when he took his new wife, they did not like because of illness or heavy snows) pay a large
the Dokyap because we [the nobles] did. We fine, and are forbidden to participate in the
loved it, so they went against it just out of ritual the following year, causing great shame
spite ... and maybe because they were for a household. In Kag, this is not the case.
embarrassed about the family situation'. The
idea that Kag's Dokyap stressed the divisions
between nobles, commoners, and sub-
Conclusion
commoners was confirmed as part of the Few Kagba women of the younger generation
reason why many commoners in Kag ceased wish the ritual of Dokyap to be revived, and
to participate; villagers said that they 'did not many of the old songs have been forgotten.
want to beg for food from the nobles' and that What are the implications of the changes in
'dancing for food and drink was degrading'. religious observation and in economic activity
Another reason given for the decline of the in these communities for women, and for
ritual is the rise of economic development. As development policy and practice? A broad
economic considerations for many villagers analysis of women's roles and women's work
have begun to outweigh cultural or religious is needed, which includes spiritual roles and
ones, people travel south in greater numbers responsibilities. Do development researchers
during the winter, and thus are absent during and workers include all dimensions of
Dokyap. Rice and barley, the staple foods of women's work in their information-gathering
the festival, have begun to be seen as cash and policy-formulation? Do they recognise
commodities: why contribute as much as 63 women's 'unseen' spiritual maintenance roles
pounds of rice and barley (the contribution of within their communities, which could be
a large household for the entire festival), enhanced or undermined by development?
when that grain could be sold for a profit? In How do women's spiritual, reproductive,
addition, many ceremonial head-dresses productive, and community roles support (or
used for Dokyap were sold to tourists in the weaken) each other? Most importantly - and
1970s, and the cash invested in lodges and this is certainly not the first time that this
other business ventures. question has been asked - are 'economic
development' and 'purchasing power' the
This also reveals a shift in perceptions of
only yardsticks by which household and
status. In the past, a woman who wore a
community well-being should be measured?
particularly beautiful and richly adorned
No time to worship the serpent deities: Women, economic change, and religion in north-western Nepal 39
Kag women who run lodges and spend will be of great help to me in business. Why
many months away from the village are would I marry a woman who had no head for
perceived by others to have neglected their business?' The qualities of independence and
social, and hence spiritual, obligations. individualism are becoming more prized;
Women's cooperative groups (so common however, the older generation mourn the loss
among ethnic Tibetans in Nepal), and the of social cohesion and community spirit.
practice of sharing household resources among
neighbours, friends, and kinswomen, have Rebecca Saul works for CARE International UK
virtually ceased in Kag. As the story of the as a programme officer for South Asia and Latin
dead lodge-owner whose soul wanders this America. She lived in Nepal for three years
earth illustrates, economic and social changes conducting research and working as a consultant,
have consequences for the spiritual life of the and has a PhD in Social Anthropology.
Baragongba. Although the Dzongba are as Contact details: CARE International UK,
successful in business as the Kagpa, and indeed 8-14 Southampton Street, London WC2E 7HA. E-
travel abroad more frequently, they still mail saul@uk.care.org
consider it vitally important to be a partici-
pating member of the village. Sharing food,
labour, and goods between households rein- References
forces village solidarity, and expresses local Clarke, G (undated) 'Development (Vikas) in
ideas of morality and social obligations. Full Nepal: Mana from Heaven', draft paper
social and physical participation in village life prepared for the Asian Studies Association
also maintains spiritual harmony within the Fourth Decennial Conference, Oxford.
village. Dzongba women do not seem to feel
Levine, N (1980) 'Nyinba polyandry and the
the same conflicts as Kagpa women.
allocation of paternity' in Journal of
For women in Kag today, there are '... Comparative Family Studies 11:3.
paradoxes, conflicts and ambivalence Mumford, SR (1989) Himalayan Dialogue:
surrounding the apparent contradiction Tibetan Lamas and Gurung Shamans in
between enduring religious values and current Nepal, University of Wisconsin Press.
trade practice, between those who aspire Phylactou, M (1989) Household Organisation
toward indigenous (Buddhist) notions of and Marriage in Ladakh - Nepal Himalaya,
'goodness' and those whose imaginings lean unpublished PhD Thesis, London School
toward the glamour of "life in the fast lane" of Economics and Political Science.
...'(Watkins 1996, 6). The negative impact on Watkins, JC (1996) Spirited Women: Gender,
individuals and the community of Kag women and cultural identity in the Nepal
women's neglect of traditional social and Himalaya, Columbia University Press:
spiritual responsibilities should be weighed New York.
against the possible benefits to individual
women, their households, and to women's
collective status in the community of increased Notes
female economic contributions to their house- 1 People of Dzong
holds. Women are gaining respect for their 2 People of Barabong
business acumen and their ability to earn 3 Noble households were excluded from
money. My research assistant in Dzong, the drongba system, as it was they in the
Khandro, offers an excellent example. In the past who benefited from it.
first year of her marriage, her parents-in-law 4 The beliefs of the Baragongba about where
wanted Khandro to stay in the village, but her the lu live and how they must be treated
husband encouraged her to accompany him translate into practical rules concerning
on a business trip. He stated to family and hygiene and health, as well as rules which
friends that 'she [his wife] is very clever and protect the environment (Mumford 1989).
40
Gender relations,
'Hindu' nationalism, and
NGO responses in India
Stacey Burlet
This article explores the strategies that non-government organisations (NGOs) are using to
challenge the right-wing nationalism presently dominating Indian politics. Development workers
must be sensitive to the importance of religion, but also avoid getting caught up in religious
conflict. Gender issues, which straddle religious and political boundaries, can end up marginalised.
n India, approximately 30,000 NGOs are the 'majority', have framed political debates
Key reasons for this growth have been religious tradition and make commitments
attributed to, first, politicians being more to women's socio-economic upliftment (http: / /
open about their use of extra-constitutional www.bjp.org / manifes / manifes.html, 1999).
tactics, such as paying criminals to initiate a However, it is also clear that women's rights
riot with the aim of securing votes (Kishwar have been increasingly interpreted and
1993). Second, law and order mechanisms understood within a framework in which
seeming increasingly unwilling or incapable religious identification, and the 'proper' place
of dealing with those who participate in of the 'national majority' and minority groups
violence. Official sources acknowledge that in Indian society, take prevalence over gender
the police often participate in or openly identity. This means that women's dis-
condone the use of violence against Muslim, advantages and problems as a social group
and non- and 'low' caste groupings (Tambiah are neglected, unless an issue directly linked
1990). In the light of these factors, a view to religious identity emerges. Usually,
widely expressed throughout India is that the these cases are controversial, and involve
current violence against minority groups is nationalists depicting women as potential
politically motivated, rather than the result of victims of Muslim men who are represented
Hindus and Muslims being drawn into an as engaging in polygamous, callous, and
inevitable cycle of conflict (see, for example, barbaric behaviour (Kapur and Cossman 1996).
Anklesaria and Swaminathan 1990). For example, one leaflet recently disseminated
by the nationalist VHP-Bajarang Dal Sanjeli
This argument seems to have validity as,
in Gujarat stated: 'What attitude do Muslim
during the 1980s and early 1990s, a coalition
loafers adopt towards adivasi women going to
of Muslims and 'low' and non-caste Hindus
fill the river with mud ? How do these loafers
launched a political challenge in the national entrap helpless adivasi women and elderly in
arena. Their campaign promised the allevi- the name of helping them ? ... Let us save our
ation of inequality, and emphasised the sisters and daughters being sold to Arabs
disproportionate social disadvantage which from the claws of these people' (quoted in
many groups face in comparison to high-caste CPI(ML)- New Democracy, 1998).
Hindus. Such an alliance has highlighted the
faultlines of the nationalist ideology of a
unified Hindus community, and stressed the NGOs, Hindu-Muslim
common socio-economic challenges which cooperation, and local
cross religious boundaries.4
autonomy
The impact on women NGOs opposed to the current political climate
have evolved a variety of strategies, depend-
Indian women of all social strata have been ing on their links with Northern NGOs or
affected by the nationalist ideology which international organisations such as the UN,
permeates political debates and by esca- and on their reliance on foreign funding5.
lating levels of Hindu-Muslim violence. Organisations which have links with the
Nationalists have developed effective stra- international NGO community primarily
tegies for 'tapping' women as an electoral express their opposition to the current
resource. These include holding women's political climate through consciousness-
prayer meetings, celebrating religious imagery raising and networking strategies. In January
in which female power is celebrated as the 1993, for example, groups working in the area
source of India's greatness, and promoting of 'development' came together to pledge
female politicians (see Llewellyn 1998). their solidarity and support for each other, to
The attraction of such strategies is exchange their experiences of working in a
reinforced by policies which simultaneously hostile political climate and to formulate a
acknowledge the importance of the Hindu long-term plan of action for securing true
Gender relations, 'Hindu' nationalism, and NGO responses in India 43
secularism in India (VANI News, 1993). abates when it is discovered that the bags
Motivated by the belief that religion should contained human flesh (Mullick 1987).
have no role in public affairs, networks have However, for many people, participation
thus been established to lobby state institu- in direct action is an unlikely or an impossible
tions to conduct themselves in accordance option. Personal opinions and religious
with constitutional norms. beliefs can take second place to the need to
In contrast, networks such as the National survive; many women and men who do not
Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM), support nationalist ideology cannot afford
which primarily represent community-based the time or the potential trouble which
organisations (CBOs), oppose the BJP's opposition might attract. In the early 1990s,
modernising programme. This is couched in subsistence workers in Hyderabad and
the language of swadeshi ('India first') and Bombay were frequently unable to work
protectionism, but it also makes clear commit- during the curfews imposed on localities
ments to liberalisation, integrating India into experiencing violence. As a result, many
the world economy, achieving an annual faced starvation and had to borrow money or
GDP growth rate of 8-9 per cent, and appeal for patronage to buy food and replace
rationalising the public sector (http:/ /www. stolen items. Their subsequent economic
bjp.org/manifes/manifes.htm, 1999). CBO dependence made it hard for them to involve
networks argue that this programme will themselves in activities which potentially
contribute to the breakdown of communi- challenged the money-lenders and local
cation and socio-economic ties between politicians on whom they relied (Bharatiya
Hindus and Muslims at local level. They thus Janwadi Aghadi 1993).
aim to promote cooperation between Tackling this powerlessness, brought
communities defined in terms of religion, about by impoverishment and economic
through devolving government power: local dependency, is therefore prioritised by those
people's joint decision-making can ensure NGOs with appropriate sources of funding.
appropriate socio-economic development A typical strategy is to set up cooperatives
and maintain productive local relationships. and cross-community initiatives to encourage
Because NGOs' activities at national level as well as build on historic relationships of
have the potential to attract the attention and socio-economic and political interdependence
anger of nationalist actors (see India Today, between Hindus and Muslims. By empha-
1993), many choose to operate at a local level sising economic interdependence, these
for fear of harassment (personal interviews, strategies seek to strengthen people's aware-
1996). Some get involved in initiatives such as ness of the distinction between personal
direct-action campaigns which spring up spiritual beliefs and the true character of
when violence breaks out in a locality, or India's composite culture, and of the religious
immediately afterwards. For example, street- rhetoric being disseminated by nationalists
theatre groups perform 'anti-communalism' for the purpose of securing political power.
plays which show how religion is used to However, these approaches have limi-
sever local ties and secure political power. tations. For example, efforts are frequently
Often, the drama exposes the role of concentrated in extremely impoverished
politicians and community 'representatives' communities. This often inadvertently re-
in organising violence. One play, performed inforces arguments that poor people indulge
by Nishant Natya Manch, depicts how vio- in violence because their lack of education
lence is incited and inflamed for specific ends: makes them excitable, and that this is the
a mercenary is paid to throw bags of beef and fault of successive governments which have
pork into a temple and a mosque; religious failed to implement the majority's will,
leaders use the language of 'religion in resulting in under-development and a lack of
danger' to trigger riots; and tension only national integration. For example, Muslims
44
are frequently depicted as educationally between Hindus and Muslims often lack
'backward' and thus responsible for commu- awareness of the specific repercussions which
nal riots: 'Muslims have been slower to take nationalist ideology and Hindu-Muslim
up on education ... [They] are aggressive and violence have in women's lives (Hasan 1994).
believe anything that the mullahs tell them. My own research indicated that many
Recently the mullah said you should not have organisations work mainly with men because
television sets in your house, and 95 per cent they are seen as most likely to participate in
came home and threw out their television sets. violence; others view women's oppression as
Whatever you tell them, they will do. They do a secondary issue compared with the need to
not think, they follow' (personal interview, counteract the nationalist agenda. Other
1996). Because such views are widely held, reasons given by NGOs for their unwilling-
nationalists have been able to suggest that ness to tackle the gender dimensions of
NGO strategies are an irrelevant response to nationalism include the belief that they
the overall need for 'national development7. already risk attracting the hostility of people
The importance of NGOs' work has been and groups with vested interests. They argue
challenged further by nationalists, who portray that incorporating consciousness-raising
them as corrupt and elitist, and rooted in elements into their work which draw
Western thought. Here, nationalists are attention to the way in which women are
primarily referring to branches of Northern targeted by nationalist actors in their
NGOs, but also to 'indigenous' NGOs which initiatives, might invoke male resistance and
are seen to represent non-Indian views. limit the credibility of their demands to
Often, such arguments are supported by challenge nationalist ideology. These NGOs
CBOs. A Gandhian activist stated: 'We must advocate that initiatives aiming to empower
stand up to the secular class who are women should remain separate, and con-
enslaved to secularism, a secularism that is centrate on alleviating their socio-economic
wrong, impedes national integration and the deprivation through the promotion of micro-
development of India as a nation ... They are credit schemes, education, and health-care
a class that act like third party intervenors, services (personal interviews, 1996). NGOs
with their own agendas, who will not allow thus often purposely marginalise gender
us [Hindus and Muslims] to sort our issues, and the particular restraints which
relationship out. They have taken over the women face as a result of Hindu-Muslim
place of the Britishers ... We should ... start conflict remain untackled.
again from our own civilisation' (personal
interview, 1996). Given that some NGOs rely
on foreign funds and others are part of global Women's resistance to
networks, this type of accusation is difficult to nationalist ideology
challenge. As a result, the activities of those
NGOs which have global links tend to be A portrayal of the Hindu community as
primarily recognised in the communities in forward-looking, and the Muslim community
which they work; their alternative visions of as backward-looking, has gained credence in
Indian culture remain at the periphery of the current political climate. As a result,
national debates. women's ability to challenge issues of
common oppression by working together has
been limited (Saghal 1992). This is partly
because women's knowledge that they share
NGOs, nationalism, and
many problems in their daily lives has
gender issues decreased, and partly because control over
A further limitation of the strategies pursued their activities has intensified as a result of
by NGOs with international links relates to escalating levels of violence, which have
the fact that initiatives promoting cooperation fostered suspicion about those who belong to
Gender relations, 'Hindu' nationalism, and NGO responses in India 45
'other' communities, and which have made it [Krishna devotees and Muslims] share a wall.
physically difficult for women to work There is a tree where flowers are grown in the
together in some areas (Chhachhi 1991). It is mosque complex, which we use for worship
also because the Indian women's movement [in the temple]: every day the Muslims gather
has often made its demands for gender the flowers and give them to us. Around us,
equality on the basis of universal definitions half are Hindu, half Muslim, and we have not
of women. In the current political climate, fought. Women talked. We talked. We
this has invoked criticism from Muslim decided we wanted peace and to live together
women, who argue that this indicates a lack ... We have let no outside influences disturb
of cultural sensitivity at best and prejudice at this peace. Political parties have not got
worst, because it compromises their religious anywhere in this town because we have
identity (Kapur and Cossman 1996). decided that we will live by this decision'
Some feminist activists have taken note of (personal interview, 1996).
these criticisms, and have altered their Women's motivations for such activities
strategies to ensure that participants in their are often based on the belief that although
organisations can simultaneously assert there are differences between Hindus and
themselves as women and as members of Muslims, this should not justify unequal
communities defined in terms of religion. To treatment or be the measure by which justice
do this, they have concentrated on criticising is meted out. As one woman told me, 'for me,
the portrayal of majority-minority relations my religion, your religion, everybody's
as conflictual. In addition, programmes have religion is sacred, there is no difference - we
been set up to establish contacts with women are all humans, rich or poor, brother or sister,
across the country, especially with those Muslim, Christian, Sikh, Jain, Parsi - all the
affected by violence, and to form support same. But for politicians and bad people, they
networks for women's groups working to use these things to divide us. They pick on
achieve reform on sensitive issues from something sore and go away when people
within their own communities. Contempo- fight' (personal interview, 1996).
rary campaigns have been confined to issues Women also justify their resistance on the
which focus on the socio-economic realities of basis of socio-economic arguments. For
women's lives (Butalia 1996). example, in 1993, a number of slum-dwelling
Despite these problems, and the communities in Bombay formed self-defence
marginalisation of women's rights issues by militias to protect local Hindus and Muslims
many NGOs, women have devised their own from the effects of nationalist activity in their
resistance strategies. For example, during area at the behest of older women (Bharatiya
incidents of Hindu-Muslim violence, women Janwadi Aghadi 1993). They legitimised the
often intervene to protect and save people action was by arguing that nationalist actors
from other communities (Confederation of were promoting divisiveness and encouraging
Voluntary Associations 1995). Many also use violence in trying to secure political power for
their power within their neighbourhood to themselves and their allies. As local people
counteract stereotypes and positively considered their religious and socio-cultural
influence reactions towards the 'other' traditions to be as much based on community
community (personal interviews, 1996). In involvement and cooperation as on distinctive
addition, women often lobby their husbands religious beliefs, this political strategy was
or sons to set up meetings so that discussions interpreted as disrespectful and unjust.
take place on how nationalist activity and Examples such as these indicate that
violence can be prevented from infiltrating although the dominance of nationalism in
their area. The priest of a temple dedicated to India's national political arena is affecting
Lord Krishna in Maharashtra described how attitudes at regional and local level, people
violence was prevented in his area: 'We are employing resistance strategies to
46
very disparate informants; so material which Hanmer's argument that it is not only actual
may at first sight appear impressionistic is in violence, but/ear of violence which constrains
fact grounded in the lived reality of Bradford and controls women's behaviour (1978). One
people, particularly Pakistani women.4 young woman gave up her full-time degree
course because she could not cope with the
daily harassment by gangs of about a dozen
Pakistani Muslim male youths. They prevented her reaching her car,
violence in Bradford5 jumping on it, and calling her names such as
'slut' and 'slag'. Her parents were telephoned
The public sphere and harangued as 'bad parents' and 'a
From the 1960s to the present time, there has disgrace to the community'.
been a significant shift from orderly public
protest to overt violence as a response to the The private sphere
situation of the Pakistani community. In the The existence of male violence against women7
1960s and 1970s, Pakistani and white people in the Pakistani community in Bradford is not
united in peaceful protest against the growth surprising, since domestic violence transcends
of right-wing politics in the area and the all social divisions (Hanmer 1978; Hanmer and
'bussing' of immigrant children to schools in Saunders 1993); however, it has been denied
the suburbs. In the 1980s, the focus of protest by religious leaders and other male members
changed to demands for recognition of of the community.8 Nor is it surprising that
religious difference (for the provision of halal traditionally closed communities which feel
meat in schools, for instance). In 1989, the under siege from racism and anti-Islamic
'Rushdie Affair'6 involved a ritual public sentiment from outside (Khanum 1992) should
burning of Salman Rushdie's novel, The seek to preserve an image of themselves as
Satanic Verses, followed by demonstrations harmonious. However, what is shocking to
which degenerated into public disorder. In women in and outside the community is the
1995, gangs of young Pakistani men roamed collusion of religious leaders and employees of
the streets during the local elections, harassing racial equality organisations in the situation.
political rivals and residents. This was Survivors of domestic violence have reported
followed by a campaign against the sex trade that the former tell them to go home and
which started as an organised peaceful protest behave as dutiful wives, and the latter state
but degenerated into gangs violently that interference in domestic issues is outside
harassing working women (prostitutes). The their remit (KDVF1998).
men succeeded in driving the prostitutes(both
black and white, and mostly teenagers) out of Crossing the public-private divide
the area, demonstrating their ability to Violence which crosses the public-private
organise over a wide geographical area and divide is organised and structured through
using Islam as a mobilising force. This Pakistani male networks (termed 'the mobile
'success' may have built on the gang activity phone mob' by Asian women). This is tar-
during the elections to become a contributory
geted at Pakistani people, centres around
factor in encouraging young Muslim men
izzat (family and community honour),9 and
subsequently to engage in the public disorder
involves assertions of misdemeanour or
known as the Bradford Riots (see note 5).
offence on religious grounds. The tactics
Today, violence in the public sphere in deployed include threatening young women's
Bradford is perpetrated by gangs of Pakistani parents in anonymous telephone calls; putting
youths and directed at all sectors of the aggressive pressure on young women to stay
population. However, a favourite target is at home; organising searches for women who
young Asian women, many of whom now have fled home and issuing death threats to
refuse to walk in certain areas. This supports gays and lesbians; and circulating leaflets
Religion, male violence, and the control of women: Pakistani Muslim men in Bradford 51
exhorting Muslim men to rape Sikh women and oppression, it tends towards one of two
and murder homosexuals10. One young extremes: the highly orthodox (reactionary)
woman said that she cannot go out in or the radical (revolutionary).
Bradford to socialise because: 'the harassment
got too much for my parents and my dad Male violence, religion, and the policing
eventually asked me to go outside Bradford of women
for nights out because he couldn't take any All the above factors apply to Pakistani
more'. Others explain male pressure on Muslim men in Bradford, and may go some
women to stay in the home as rational self- way towards explaining their simultaneously
interest. One explained, 'we'd see what they're defensive and aggressive behaviour. One
up to - and what they're up to is adultery, aspect of religion which seems almost immune
having fun and making money from drugs to social change is its disproportionate impact
and prostitution. Obviously, they wouldn't on women relative to men. This is partly a
want their wives to know what's going on, consequence of patriarchy, but also a result of
would they?' (personal conversations). women's central role as transmitters of the
faith to subsequent generations. In Pakistani
communities in Britain, women are central to
Society, culture, and religion cultural, as well as religious, reproduction:
they must be guarded as both custodians of
Religion can be used by individuals, groups, the faith and as carriers of responsibility for
and societies in a variety of ways; it can serve the very survival of a community which sees
to oppress or liberate, to comfort or kill. It is itself under threat. When survival is felt to be
an extremely powerful resource which has at issue, violence often follows.
been intimately involved in the construction
of our world (Allen and Macey 1995). In the It is not entirely surprising, then, that
UK today - partly as a result of the links young men in Bradford police 'their' women
between modernity and secularisation - so rigorously (Alibhai-Brown 1998). In
religion tends to be regarded by the state and Pakistani communities throughout Britain,
other institutions as a personal matter. Muslim men display great concern over
However, this ignores the reality of multi- 'appropriate' female dress and behaviour,
cultural societies containing minority ethnic because these are taken to signify not only
groups to whom religion is a central element women's honour, but that of their families
of identity (Yinger 1986; Rex 1991). It also and of the wider community (Afshar 1994;
ignores the reality of Islam as a significant Kassam 1997). The importance attached to
force in the post-modern world (Kepel 1994; 'appropriate' women's clothing may also
Lewis and Schnapper 1994): it is a source of symbolise the deeper fear of corruption by the
community cohesion, not just of personal West and the threat to traditional values and
strength and hope, to believers (Afshar 1989; morals.11 Even university students are under
Modood 1989; Lutz 1991; Macey 1992). constant surveillance as their male peers form
The form and focus of religion varies and 'intelligence networks' to report inappropriate
is strongly influenced by its wider social dress, immodest behaviour or unapproved
context, so that culture and religion are almost relationships to the community (Ali 1992,119).
inseparable (Afshar 1989; Allen and Macey The relative freedom of university comes at a
1994). The speed and extent of change is an price. However, it is a small price compared
important influence on religion. Fundamen- with that paid by their less privileged peers,
talism tends to gain popularity in situations including those who are forced to flee family,
of rapid change or conflict, and among people friends, and community to escape domestic
in a state of social transition (Macey 1991; violence, those suffering breakdown, and
Neilsen 1984; Robinson 1988). Where religion depression and those who kill themselves.
is involved in struggles against inequality They also include the women who simply
52
vanish, and those on whose suspicious deaths Young women, particularly those educated
the Coroner's office is unwilling to release in Britain, are able to use both religion and
information (Alibhai-Brown 1998). culture to challenge patriarchal norms and
Like religion, violence is also a powerful achieve their own goals. One young woman
resource. Ann Campbell (1993) argues that recounted how she had demanded access to
male violence bestows rewards including university as a right enshrined in Islamic
social control, normative approval, and an teaching, supporting her statements with
established masculine identity. In Bradford, Qu'ranic references: 'It took me two years,
some young Pakistani men have constructed but in the end they [parents] gave in. I think it
a form of Islamic identity which affords them was mainly to shut me up!' Another
peer-group status, community approval, and postponed an unwanted marriage and gained
control over women. As their female additional education by manipulating
counterparts observe, this enables them 'to Pakistani culture: 'I just kept telling my
have the best of all worlds': 'Western' in their parents how much more I'd be worth in the
attitudes to clothes, alcohol, drugs, and marriage market with a Master's degree'. A
prostitution; 'Muslim' in dealing with service third woman used British culture to defer an
providers and Pakistani women. arranged marriage: 'I've just used what I
learned on the [assertiveness training] course
Women's attitudes to religion, peace, and to handle my Dad. We used to have
transformation screaming rows every night; now I just say to
Women involved in this research were highly him 'I hear what you're saying... however ...
critical of men's (ab)use of Islam to justify ' and I stay really calm ... and he can't hack it,
violence, seeing this as the antithesis of he just doesn't know what to do'. These
religious and cultural teaching. They them- women are constructively combining argu-
selves use religion in a very different way. ments derived from cultural and religious
For example, women's involvement in the practice to achieve some degree of autonomy
Bradford Riots was restricted to two peace- in a potentially highly restrictive situation.
making initiatives. Some women organised a
petition, signed by 172 women, which stated:
'As women we feel sad about what happened Conclusion
at the weekend. We want everybody to listen Notwithstanding the above examples of gains
to each other. We want peace'. Four Asian and by, and for, Muslim women, many pressures
four white women, from the group Interfaith are put on them by both the Pakistani and
Women for Peace, marched through the white communities. Instances of the former
disturbances, carrying candles and a banner may stem from culture, religion, patriarchy,
saying 'Peace' in Arabic, English, and Urdu or any combination of the three. They include
(Allen and Barrett 1996). Such women, far coercion to marry kin from Mirpur; domestic
from being passive victims of community violence; increasing vigilance in policing (and
oppression, confirm Alibhai-Brown's obser- young men's demonstrated ability to track
vation that: 'acts of defiance ... occur daily in down offenders via networks across the UK).
the lives of Muslim women in Northern Examples of pressures rooted in white society
England. Even in the tightest, most vigilant of stem largely from the complex interaction of
communities, women make love, or their own sexism and racism, as well as a genuine desire
form of war, practice "illicit" contraception in not to offend. Whatever the motivation, this
a variety of relationships, make unlikely leads to essentialising minority ethnic com-
friends, have abortions. At the same time the munities and perhaps prioritising 'anti-racist'
men proclaim that such things cannot happen or 'ethnically sensitive' perspectives. The
in Muslim communities, their own hypo- outcome is gender-blind policy and practice
crisies ... conveniently forgotten!' (1992,120). which operate to disadvantage women.
Religion, male violence, and the control of women: Pakistani Muslim men in Bradford 53
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then limit and separate progressive voices on Campbell, A (1993) Out of Control: Men,
the grounds of these being inauthentic and Women and Aggression, London: Pandora
westernised. More radical elements of our Choudry, S (1996) Pakistani Women's Experience
community are labelled as extremists. This is of Domestic Violence in Great Britain,
the result of multi-cultural policies. They have Research Findings No. 43, Home Office
had an enormous and devastating impact on Research and Statistics Directorate: London.
women's autonomy and rights ...' (1998,22). City of Bradford Metropolitan District
Council (1993) Areas of stress within Bradford
Marie Macey is a senior lecturer in Sociology in District, Research Section: Bradford.
the Department of Applied Social Studies, City of Bradford Metropolitan District Council
University of Bradford, BD7 1DP. Fax: +44 (1996a) Bradford and District Economic Profile,,
(1274) 235 690. E-mail: m.macey@bradford.ac.uk Economic Information Service: Bradford.
City of Bradford Metropolitan District
Council (1996b) Bradford and District
References Demographic Profile, Educational Policy
Afshar, H (1989b) 'Women and reproduction in and Information Unit: Bradford.
Iran' in Anthias, F and Yuval-Davis, N (eds.) City of Bradford Metropolitan District
Woman - Nation - State, Macmillan: London. Council (1998) Bradford and District
Afshar, H (1989a) 'Gender Roles and the Economic Profile, July Update, Economic
"Moral Economy of Kin" among Information Service: Bradford.
54
Hanmer, J (1978) 'Violence and the Social Settlement in Britain, Centre for the Study
Control of Women' in Littlejohn, G et al. of Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations:
(eds.) Power and the State, Croom Helm: Birmingham.
London. Patel, P (1998) Southall Black Sisters',
Hanmer, J with Saunders, S (1993) Women, keynote address to the Conference on
Violence and Crime Prevention: A Community Domestic Violence in Asian Communities,
Study in West Yorkshire, Gower: London. KDVF/University of Bradford.
Khan, A (1997) 'An Examination of Drug Rex, J (1991) Ethnic Identity and Ethnic
Use Within the 'Pakistani' Community in Mobilisation in Britain, Monographs in
Bradford' unpublished BA dissertation. Ethnic Relations No. 5, ESRC/Centre for
Khanum, S (1992) 'Education and the Muslim Research in Ethnic Relations: Warwick.
Girl', G. Sahgal and N. Yuval-Davis (eds.) Robinson, F (1988) Varieties of South Asian
in Refusing Holy Orders: Women and Islam, Centre for Research in Ethnic
Fundamentalism in Britain, Virago: London. Relations: Warwick.
Keighley Domestic Violence Forum (1998) Rushdie S (1988) The Satanic Verses, Viking
Conference on Domestic Violence in Books: London.
Asian Communities, KDVF/ University of Sahgal, G and Yuval-Davis, N (eds.) (1992)
Bradford. Refusing Holy Orders: Women and Fundam-
Kepel, G (1994) The Revenge of God: The entalism in Britain, Virago: London.
Resurgence of Islam, Christianity and Judaism
Shaw, A (1994) 'The Pakistani Community
in the Modern World, Polity Press: London.
in Oxford' in Ballard, R (ed.), Desh
Lewis, P (1994) Islamic Britain, London:
Pardesh: The South Asian Presence in
I.B. Tauris.
Britain, C Hurst and Co.: London.
Lewis, B and Schnapper, D (eds.) (1994)
Spadacini, B and Nichols, P (1998)
Muslims in Europe, London: Pinter
'Campaigning against female genital
Publishers.
mutilation in Ethiopia using popular
Lutz, H (1991) 'The Myth of the 'Other':
education' in Gender and Development, Vol.
Western Representation and Images of
6, No. 2, July 1998.
Migrant Women of so-called Islamic
Background' in International Review of Yinger JM (1986) 'Intersecting strands in the
Sociology, 2. theorisation of race and ethnic relations'
Macey, M (1991) 'Christian Fundamentalism: in Rex, J and Mason, D [eds], Theories of
The Growth of a Monster?', paper Race and Ethnic Relations, Cambridge
presented to the Women in Society University Press.
Seminar Series, University of Bradford.
Macey, M (1992) 'Greater Europe: Notes
Integration or Ethnic Exclusion?' in The
Political Quarterly, 63:5. 1 The term 'Pakistani' is inaccurate: most of
Macey, M (1995) 'Towards Racial Justice? A the young men referred to in this article
Re-evaluation of Anti-Racism' in Critical are British and, if not actually born in
Social Policy, Vol.l5:2/3, Autumn 1995. England, have spent most of their lives
Macey, M and Moxon, E (1996) 'An here. I retain the term because official
Examination of Anti-Racist and Anti- documents, statistics, and the men them-
Oppressive Theory and Practice in Social selves use it. Their origins, in the Mirpur
Work Education' in British Journal of Social region of Kashmir, remain an important
Work, 26. influence, as does Islam (Afshar 1989;
Modood 1988). Culture and religion are
Modood, T (1989) 'Religious Anger and
not easily separable, and much of what is
Minority Rights' in The Political Quarterly,
transmitted as religious code is actually
Vol. 60 (3).
cultural tradition.
Neilsen, JS (1984) Muslim Immigration and
Religion, male violence, and the control of women: Pakistani Muslim men in Bradford 55
2 This example illustrates the fact that the Salman Rushdie's novel, The Satanic Verses,
distinction between arranged and forced on the grounds that it was blasphemous.
marriages is not always clear-cut. The Many Muslim men in Britain engaged in
former are traditional among communities widespread protest, including threats of
from the Indian sub-continent and are arson and death against retailers who
widely accepted by young South Asian stocked the book, and public support was
women (Afshar 1989). The latter go against proclaimed for the fatwa issued against
Qu'ranic teaching and are said by Rushdie by the Ayatollah Khomeni. In
Choudry (1966) to be rare and decreasing. contrast, Muslim women, along with other
However, in Bradford young women are Asian and black women, mainly demon-
put under intense pressure to accept strated in support of the right to free
arranged marriages which sometimes take speech. For a discussion of the longer-term
place without any prior meetings between effects of the 'Rushdie Affair' on Muslim
the partners or after only one meeting in women, see Khanum 1992.
the presence of family. The local Area 7 Women are also implicated in violence
Community Officer (a police-funded post) against women, as both instigators and
currently carries a caseload of 750 Asian perpetrators and, although this is publicly
women fleeing their homes to escape denied, it is testified to by women
violence or forced marriages (KDVF1998). survivors, workers in domestic violence
3 For a more detailed discussion of these agencies, social workers, and health
issues, see Allen and Macey 1995, on social visitors (KDV 1998).
science research; Macey 1995, on anti-racist 8 It is not dear whether domestic violence is
social policy; Macey and Moxon 1996, on increasing or whether it is simply that more
anti-racist social work; and Spadacinni and women are willing or able to speak out
Nichols 1998, on cultural relativism. about it than in the past. What is clear is the
4 It is notable that students of Pakistani association between domestic violence and
origin have considerably more difficulty suicide and the fact that Asian women's
in obtaining information from Pakistani suicide rate in Britain is three times the
people than I do. Some reasons for this national average (Patel 1998).
are touched on in the article, but the fact 9 Although izzat is central to Islamic
is revealing of levels of oppression in culture, the burden of upholding family
Bradford. It also has implications for the and community honour rests solely on
conventional wisdom on matching women (Khanum 1992) and is maintained
ethnicity in research. by 'guarding' women (Afshar 1994).
5 This section rests heavily on The Bradford 10 These are traceable to extremist Islamic
Commission Report, an inquiry into the organisations operating in the UK but
public disorders in Bradford in 1995 (Allen funded from overseas (see Rex 1991 for a
and Barratt 1996), when 300 youths burned broader discussion of the resurgence of
barricades, looted shops, wrecked cars, Islam and its power as a mobilising force).
fire-bombed businesses and issued death 11 All migrant communities ossify and idolise
threats at knife point. The Commission's ideas about their past (Afshar 1994; Shaw
task was to understand why a minor 1994) but change occurs over time. The
policing incident was followed by two Bradford Pakistani community has taken
nights of public disorder, involving steps to resist change, including arranged
violence by young Pakistani men against marriages with close kin from Mirpur
other ethnic groups. To this end, public (around 700 such families are established
meetings were held and evidence taken every year in Bradford) and importing
from about 300 people. Imams who preach a particular version of
6 This refers to demands to ban the sale of Islam (Lewis 1994).
56
A double-edged sword:
Challenging women's
oppression within Muslim
society in Northern Nigeria
Fatima L. Adatnu
Islamic development NGOsfind it difficult enough to finance their work, because Western donors
are often reluctant to sponsor NGOs with religious affiliations. Muslim women activists working
to achieve development with gender equity face an even greater challenge: they must secure
funding as well as justify their goals to those within their societies who see feminism as a threat.
ntil recently, there has been a muted be elected to the secular central government
Even after an area of work is mutually for a fairer society. However, many question
identified by a donor and a local NGO which GAD programmes on principle, viewing
is based on religion, and after funding is them as illegitimate because they are
agreed, other problems concerned with the 'Western'. In line with this, Muslim women
issue of religion may arise in the activists, including myself, may be branded
implementation. For instance, in 1994, the Western agents, funded by foreign powers to
director of a US-based funding organisation undermine Islam. As a result of this attitude,
visited the state where I worked, in search of and funders' mistrust of organisations which
NGOs with whom to work. During his visit, have a religious affiliation, the concerns of
he made a presentation to representatives of Muslim women remain unacknowledged
different NGOs on the areas of work for and unaddressed. As it is said, 'when two
which funding would be provided. Our NGO elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers'.
looked at the areas and - although we were A weakness of many so-called 'gender
not comfortable with some components in and development' programmes is that by
many of them - in consideration of our local targeting women and women's issues only,
needs, we decided to collaborate with the and by excluding men and other issues of
donor in the area of health-care. One of the wider social interest from the gender/
uncomfortable aspects of this area was the development discourse and practice, an
funder's expectation that we would integrate impression is created that women are the
a family-planning component. Our NGO's only sex vulnerable to Western influence. In
stand on the issue has been that family- my experience, this may increase Muslim
planning is a private affair, with no imposi- communities' suspicion about what 'gender
tion from any organisation or authority. We issues' mean, and harden their stand against
duly expressed our concern to the funders, interventions which promote women's
and a consensus was reached in principle. interests and needs. Focusing on women's
However, in practice it was a challenge to rights is seen as a means of diverting
work with the donor because the project, attention from the pressing economic and
consisting of all the components that the political problems facing many members of
donor expected to see, and its funding, Muslim societies, especially in the South and
operated as one system; as one part was East. Not only are international economic
affected, so also were the others. and political bodies involved in this, but local
While we were having difficulties in elites are also implicated. In the name of
dealing with the funding organisation, we preserving 'tradition', they use the issue of
had to face another problem of opposition women the debate about women's rights to
and resentment from the community in legitimise their position, and to divert the
which we were working. In particular, the attention of ordinary people from the soaring
presence of a vehicle that belonged to an unemployment and political oppression that
American funding organisation on our characterise their lives.
organisation's premises was misinterpreted Finally, the difficult and fragile relation-
by visitors as an indication that we might be ship between Islamic women's organisations
bought or used by the USA against Islam. and international donor organisations, which
are predominately from Western societies
Lessons and conclusion with a Christian heritage, perpetuates the
marginalisation of Muslim women activists
In my experience, few women or men in in the transformation of their society and
Muslim communities disagree with the religion. Since, as I have discussed, Islam is a
content of GAD programmes which address religion which embraces all aspects of
women's practical needs and interests, or Muslim women's lives, and shapes their
even the reform of gender relations, aiming experiences, any GAD initiative that
A double-edged sword: Challenging women's oppression within Muslim society in Northern Nigeria 61
attempts to exclude religious concerns from Hale, S (1997) Gender Politics in Sudan:
its planning or implementation is likely to Islamism Socialism and the State, Westview
exclude Muslim women, and to record a low Press: Boulder.
level of success in addressing their practical Knipp, M (1987) Women, Western Education
needs and long-term interests. and Change: A Case Study of the Hausa-
Fulani of Northern Nigeria, DPhil
Fatima L Adamu is a lecturer in Sociology at Dissertation, North Western University.
Usmanu Dan Fodiyo University, Sokoto, Mernissi, Fatimah (1996) Women's Rebellion
Nigeria, currently studying for her PhD at the and Islamic Memory, Zed Books: London.
University of Bradford. She is Secretary of the Thiam, A (1991) Speak Out, Black Sisters:
women's health research network in Nigeria, Feminism and Oppression in Black Africa,
Sokoto state, and has served on many translated by Dorothy S Blair, Pluto Press:
government committees on family, women, and London.
education. You can contact her at the DPPC, Toynbee, P (1997) 'In defence of Islamophobia',
University of Bradford, BD7 1DP, e-mail: The Independent, 23 October 1998, p. 23.
fladamu@bradford.ac.uk; or at the Dept. of
Sociology, Usmanu Dan Fodiyo University,
Sokoto, Nigeria, tel. ++234 (60) 234315, e-mail:Notes
fladamu@udusok.edu. ng 1 When a Hausa woman says 'family', she is
referring to her parents' family, not her
marital family, hence the reference to
References
'husband and my children' as different to
Baden, S (1992) The Position of Women In 'my family'.
Islamic Countries - Possibilities, Constraints 2 The theme of the workshop was 'Capacity
and Strategies for Change , Briefing on Building for Decentralised Development'.
Development and Gender, Report No. 4, It took place in Kano, 10-12 February 1998.
prepared for special programme, WID,
Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs
(DGIS), 1994.
Bugaje, U (1997) 'Women's empowerment
and Islam', paper presented at a
symposium on Islam and contemporary
issues, organised by the Movement for
Islamic Culture and Awareness, Nigeria.
Callaway, B and Creevey, L (1994) The
Heritage of Islam, Women, Religion and
Politics in West Africa, Lynne Rienner
Publishers: London.
Duval, S (1997) 'New veils and new voices:
Islamist women's groups in Egypt' in
Ask, K and Tjomsland, M (eds.) Women
and Islamisation - Carving a New Space in
Muslim Societies, Chr. Michelsen Institute
report series No. 3.
Faruqi, MH (1994) 'Turning xenophobia into
social policy - a review of Some to Mecca
Turn to Pray: Islamic Values in the Modern
World by M. Hiskett (The Claridges Press)'
in Impact International, Vol 24, No 3.
62
I
orphaned or abandoned. Deeply moved, he
Europe, while many still describe them- wrote in his Bible, 'Let my heart be broken
selves as Christian, the outward expression with the things that break the heart of God'.
of faith and the role of spirituality in daily life His motivation led to the setting up of the
have become almost non-existent for most World Vision Child Sponsorship Programme.
people. The role of spirituality and religion is Expanding from that early work with Korean
deliberately and vigorously kept separate orphanages, World Vision now works at
from the 'real' work of development. However, community level in 100 countries, in
where faith is an integral part of daily living partnership with local organisations.
for women and men in communities, and for Both the organisation's core values and its
many development workers, such a separation mission statement confirm that World Vision is
is not so easily established or maintained. a Christian organisation (Core Values, 22
Giving biblical evidence of Jesus' positive September 1989); our work includes 'transfor-
attitude to women's status and needs is a key mational development1, emergency relief,
strategy in promoting our policy on gender and promotion of justice2, public awareness,
with our own staff, partner organisations and and sharing the good news of Jesus Christ'
with communities in the countries where we (Mission Statement, 17 September 1992). The
work. I also discuss how World Vision itself policies of World Vision reflect a desire to be
has developed its organisational position on Christ-like in the world. In Christ, we have a
these issues. role model who healed the sick, fed the
hungry, clothed the naked, and comforted the
outcast, and whose message was about
The organisation restoring relationships and reconciliation.
World Vision was founded in the US in 1950 To protect and preserve this Christian ethos
during the Korean War. World Vision's and ensure that our work remains grounded
founder, Bob Pierce, witnessed the terrible in our faith, prayer, and Bible study and
plight of thousands of children who were teaching are elements of various meetings
Gender and development from a Christian perspective: Experience from World Vision 63
and discussions. World Vision staff around In one particular discussion, I stated that
the world participate in daily devotions and World Vision would not be the evangelists of
weekly chapel services. CIDA's doctrine. When my startled govern-
World Vision is not affiliated with any one ment colleague demanded clarification of my
denomination or church; it is trans- comment, I explained that CIDA wants NGOs
denominational, with staff representing all to focus only on the physical aspects of
Protestant denominations as well as the development - food, water, health-care,
Roman Catholic and Orthodox Churches. agriculture, and so on. Yet the vast majority of
Staff around the world, including leadership, people with whom we work in development
are predominantly nationals,3 who demon- regard the spiritual realm as equally relevant
strate that, whether you are from Africa, Asia, to daily life, whether they are Christian,
Latin America, Europe, the Middle East, or Muslim, Buddhist, Hindu, or Animist. To have
North America, you need not give up your a relationship with these people, to respect
culture to be a Christian. their culture, their wisdom, and their expe-
rience, demanded that we also acknowledge
However, while Christianity defines our
the spiritual dimensions of their lives. To
organisation's ethos and values, we believe
promote a secular approach to life would be
that Christians cannot exclude the possibility
an insult to them, and inconsistent with our
of working with groups of other religious or
commitment to holistic development.
spiritual beliefs. Our work brings us into
contact with every major religion throughout In his paper Rethinking a Christian Response
the world, and with hundreds of different to the Poor, Jayakumar Christian, a senior
cultures. World Vision forges partnerships, as member of World Vision India, argues that
appropriate, with women's groups, commu- 'the very nature of poverty demands a spiritual
nity leadership, local government, other response' (Christian 1995). He sees poverty as
religious groups, NGOs, international bodies, the result of broken relationships, a distorted
and the local church. In addition, in countriesinterpretation of history, an inadequate world-
where the Christian population is very small view of people, exploitation, of poor people's
and local staff are likely to be non-Christian,marred identity, and their entrapment in a
it is important that they feel comfortable withweb of lies. He says, 'Breaking the poverty
the values and practices of the organisation. cycle - whether economically, socially or
spiritually - is a threat to those who benefit
by keeping the poor underfoot. Being an
Words and deeds: active Christian organisation requires that
linking Christianity and World Vision embraces a wide definition of
justice and injustice. This can take the form of
development
spiritual injustice as well as physical' (ibid.).
In 1993, the Canadian International Devel- We argued that, where a strong spiritual
opment Agency (CIDA), the government belief sustains a practice which is harmful,
agency which distributes and monitors only a spiritual response is appropriate. For
Canada's overseas development assistance, example, in a relatively isolated area of Haiti
initiated a dialogue with Canadian Christian in the 1970s, World Vision found out why a
NGOs with a view to establishing clearer high number of babies were dying of tetanus
guidelines for working together. The shortly after birth. Midwives were applying
Christian NGOs welcomed this opportunity, mud to the cut umbilical cord to prevent evil
and for the next two years participated in spirits from entering the new-born. Talk of
lively debates, presented thoughtful papers germs and infection fell on deaf ears: the
and invited field partners to explore together practice had a spiritual basis, and needed a
with CIDA the role of spirituality in the spiritual response. World Vision staff shared
development process. their experience of a loving God who was more
64
powerful than the evil spirits. They explained human rights, or sustains misconceptions or
that the mud was unnecessary, since with ignorance, is not tolerable. At least half of
proper care and love the baby would be those living in poverty are women and girls.
strong; but the decision was left to the Their poverty is perpetuated by the denial of
women. For many of them, the message of a access to resources and services, including
God of love, not fear, was a liberating one, education and health-care, and justified by
and they decided to stop the practice. culture and tradition. A concern for gender
In a bold move, CIDA strongly endorsed issues and women's poverty is therefore a
the role of Christian NGOs, and the role of concern about the roles and relationships
spirituality in the development process. which regulate women and men in their daily
These are two of the 22 points contained in lives and about how these relationships
the final CIDA document, Christian NGOs and support or subjugate, empower or deny the
CIDA: Guiding Principles, Understandings and individual to engage fully in life - physically,
Affirmations (October 1995): socially, and spiritually.
In Tanzania during the early and mid-1990s,
'CIDA recognises that faith-based organ-
World Vision implemented a Child Survival
isations and institutions are an integral
Programme. During the final evaluation,
and legitimate part of a healthy and
carried out by Tanzanian staff, various
resilient civil society, and have an
important role play in the development members of the village were asked what
process. impact the programme had on them. An old
woman, gave a startling response. She said
'Christian NGOs believe that spirituality, that as a result of the programme, old women
belief systems, values and religion play an were no longer being killed. In that region,
important role in the development process. when a child died, the parents paid a witch
CIDA also recognises that there is a
doctor for advice, who would blame the
spiritual dimension to the development
death on an old woman in the village, and
process, and accepts that Christian NGOs
state that unless she was killed other children
and their southern partners often integrate
in the family would be afflicted and die.
this dimension into their relief and
development programming' (CIDA 1995). Because the Child Survival Programme had
greatly enhanced children's health and
The 22 statements in the document address survival, very few old women were
religion and development, evangelism and subsequently blamed and killed.
development, culturally sustainable devel- Staff in Tanzania felt they had to make a
opment, partnership, women and visible choice. Should they simply be thankful that
minorities, and development education. the children were healthier, and that as a
While other governments, including the result, old women were no longer persecuted
United Kingdom and Australia, followed this and killed? Or should they address a belief-
dialogue with interest, to my knowledge none system that killed innocent and vulnerable
has initiated a similar process. old women? They decided that the belief
required a spiritual response. World Vision
workers then began a dialogue with the
Integrating gender issues
leaders and people of that region, addressing
into our work the question of the value of a belief that
The ways in which World Vision's Christian required that old women be sacrificed to
faith plays a part in the development process, appease a spirit or break a curse. It is out of
and more specifically in gender and develop- shared experiences and respect for one
ment, are as varied as our programmes. Most another that we can explore the root causes of
development practitioners would agree that a many of the attitudes and traditions that keep
situation where culture or attitude denies basic women in a kind of bondage.
Gender and development from a Christian perspective: Experience from World Vision 65
crowd, to touch the hem of Jesus' robe in the (chapter 10, 38-42). In this account of Jesus as
hope and faith that this action would heal teacher, Mary and Martha are sisters who
her. This story demonstrates how Jesus often opened their home to Jesus. Martha is
defied Jewish laws on gender relations to anxious that Mary is spending time with Jesus,
meet a woman's needs - Jewish men were listening to his teaching, rather than helping
forbidden to speak with strange women in her to prepare the meal. Jesus' response to her
public, and any Jewish man touched by a goes against the grain of gender norms in his
woman who was menstruating was required society. Women were normally denied the
to cleanse himself because women in this lively debates that occupied men and
state were considered unclean. religious leaders. In this story, Jesus says that
In Mark's account, Jesus calls the woman what Mary has chosen to do, is not only
to him, sensing that his robe had been necessary and positive, but that 'it will not be
touched. Frightened and trembling, she denied her'. In other words, she had a right to
approaches. Falling before him, she admits it sit at the feet of the teacher. By declaring that
was she who touched him - but says that she Mary should be allowed to learn, to explore,
has been healed. Jesus addresses her with and to expand her mind, Jesus was again
tenderness, calling her his daughter, and tells setting a different course for women.
her to 'go in peace, and be healed of your This account gives a powerful signal to
affliction'. Mark states that Jesus was on an Christians in modern society to promote
important mission at the time of this education and participation in public life for
encounter, going to the home of the ruler of women. The vast majority of children who
the synagogue to heal his sick daughter. But are denied an education are girls, and the
he took the time to speak, to offer affirmation majority of illiterate adults are women (Leach
and encouragement to a woman who was 1998). Yet not only is education a human right
without status or means. Culture and of girls, it is a crucial means of breaking the
tradition do not take precedence in this story poverty cycle. It has been stated many times
over giving a poor, outcast woman both the that investing in girls' education is the most
physical healing she needed, and the spiritual important investment the world can make.
affirmation that her faith was important and During 1998 World Vision had at least 75
that she should know peace in her life. projects in Africa, Asia, Latin America, the
In line with this story, for over 25 years, Middle East, and Eastern Europe which
World Vision has supported the Fistula focused primarily on the girl child, or where
Hospital in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, where the girl child was one specific programme
young women are healed of injuries and component. These projects aim to enable
incontinence which are caused by protracted thousands of girls to enrol and stay in school,
labour, and associated with early marriage avoiding early marriage and exploitative
and immature body development. The work, while developing skills that will allow
hospital is led by staff who believe that the them a greater degree of independence than
surgery, as well as the emotional and mental their mothers.
support which they offer to fistula patients, is
a practical act of love. They see themselves as Jesus addressing women's sexual
being the hands and feet of Jesus, and doing exploitation
what he would do. The Book of John (chapter 8, 2-11) offers an
account of Jesus' advocacy on behalf of
Jesus promoting women's involvement in women involved in sexual activity which
the 'public sphere' would normally be condemned by society. A
An example of Jesus' attitudes to women's woman caught in the act of adultery (sex
education, and their involvement in activities outside marriage) is brought to Jesus;
beyond the home, is given in the book of Luke tradition dictates that she should be stoned to
Gender and development from a Christian perspective: Experience from World Vision 67
death. Jewish religious leaders wanted to use important thing Alice taught me is that God
this occasion to trap Jesus into a direct loves me. And now I know that when he
challenge to this tradition. However, John looks at me he sees a beautiful flower.'
tells us that Jesus turned the tables on the This ability to overcome external obstacles
religious leaders. He refused to exonerate the and to discover one's inner strength, beauty,
woman, but at the same time demanded, 'he and dignity is what transformational
who is without sin should cast the first stone'. development is all about.
In doing so, he saved the woman's life. Then
he went on to say that since the men no
longer condemned her, shamed by the
Questioning misogyny
recognition of their own guilt, neither did justified by biblical
Jesus. He ends the encounter by telling the evidence
woman to 'go and sin no more'. One would be ill-advised to discuss the role
When girls or women are forced into of women in a Christian context and not
earning money by selling sexual services to mention the apostle Paul. Many of the
survive, or are deceived and trafficked into arguments against women in leadership stem
such work, many lose their sense of dignity from particular interpretations of Paul's
and self-worth. In working with street teaching. Much emphasis has been given in
children and girls rescued from the sex trade, the past to Paul's statements about women
World Vision becomes their advocate against submitting to husbands, keeping silent, and
pimps and racketeers. Often, their emotional not teaching. However, for many women
and psychological healing is enhanced by the who are gifted and called to a ministry of
knowledge of a loving and personal God. An teaching, preaching, and leadership, the
example of this that will always stand out in growing body of literature interpreting Paul
my mind was an encounter I had with a as a supporter of women is vindicating.
woman from Labadi, a slum in Accra, Ghana, Many scholars now argue that Paul acknowl-
where World Vision funded a women's edged the role women played both in
group to generate income through activities leadership and as friends and followers of
including baking bread, tie-dyeing textiles, Jesus, pointing to statements such as, 'there is
and making charcoal. At one meeting I no longer Jew nor Greek, slave nor free, male
attended, this woman told her story: nor female - but we are all one in Christ'
'When Alice Yerenki came from World (Galatians 3, 26-29). The debate will continue
Vision offering to teach various skills that in many fora - but in World Vision it is stated
would allow us to abandon prostitution and in key documents, including the Policy on
earn money to feed and educate our children, Gender and Development, that we accept the
I just laughed. This would be one more giftedness of women equal to that of men and
empty promise. All I had known was neglect, seek to benefit from all that women and men
violence and abuse. Only my children kept have to offer the work of bringing help and
me from suicide. Who would care for them? hope to suffering people.
It took some time to convince me, but I finally
decided to risk it, to believe that Alice really
cared. It was like a small seed was planted Conclusions
inside, and I felt both hope and fear. But Alice Having gone through the process of
kept her word. She taught me how to bake developing our gender policy, I would offer
bread. Now I am earning money and I no two observations. From the outset, the
longer prostitute myself to men who treat me governing bodies of the organisation agreed
like trash. My children are in school, and they that the starting point for the policy was that
are happy and healthy.' Then, as tears flowed God created women and men in his image -
down her scarred face, she said, 'But the most gifting both with skills to lead, teach, and
68
References
Christian, J (1995) 'Rethinking a Christian
response to the poor', paper written as
part of a PhD thesis, Fuller Theological
Seminary, California.
Leach, F (1998) 'Gender, education, and
training: an international perspective' in
Gender and Development Vol. 6, No. 2,
Education and Training,, Oxfam GB: Oxford.
Notes
1 Here defined as development which
addresses not just the physical circum-
stances of people's lives, but people's own
69
n 1991, after 21 years of Siyad Barre's dicta- transactions, and women's role in the economy
scientific socialism. A rebel movement pro- Throughout the conflict and afterwards,
moting Islamic values arose; this was generally Somali women's organisations in different
welcomed by people, who saw it as shoring parts of the country have been active in both
up 'Somali' religious values and culture, and development work and advocacy for peace.
who felt a deep antipathy towards com- Currently, women's groups are challenging
munism. Government crack-downs on this both the government and NGOs to recognise
movement created further sympathy among and promote the role of women in society,
the public, but over the years, support for and to resist threats to their rights. Challenges
Islamic groups has waned. Judging from my have been made by religious extremists to
own conversations with Somalis, these groups women's rights within marriage and the
are commonly perceived to be foreign-funded family, to their economic and political
participation outside the home, and to their
and programmed. People also think that their
freedom of dress and behaviour.
agendas are incompatible with the interests of
the Somali state. Extremists' mistakes, such as In 1996, a coalition of women's grassroots
openly showing disrespect towards well- organisations in Mogadishu conducted a
respected religious institutions, have led to study on Somali women's rights from the
further disillusionment on the part of the perspective of Islam. The study was motivated
public. It has not proved easy to impose an by a concern about the increasing number of
extremist agenda on people who have been fundamentalist movements mushrooming
practising Muslims for centuries. throughout the country, and the implications
of this for women and development; about a
However, extreme Islamists do retain much
perceived low awareness among Somali
support among certain social groups. Over women on women's rights in Islam; and
the past decade in particular, they have found about the tendency of groups of educated
a large number of young male and female men to retain information or blatantly
supporters who have grown up with little mislead women about their rights and duties.
experience of life beyond conflict, with high The study was conducted using question-
unemployment rates and a lack of alterna- naires of mainly closed-ended questions,
tives due to the destruction of schools. It is a designed to explore the level of respondents'
well-known fact among Somalis that some awareness regarding women's rights. 120
extremist religious groups create business people (80 women and 40 men from local
and employment opportunities for loyal communities) were interviewed. The findings
followers (personal communication, 1998). confirmed that many women are confused
about their rights, obligations, and duties as
The impact of articulated in Islam. It also highlighted the
fact that wholesome and unwholesome
Islamic extremism on traditional practices tend to be associated with
Somali women Islam, and with women's rights as defined in
Hasan (1991) lists the central Islamic principles Islam. It reconfirmed that violations against
which have been compromised by extremist Somali women's rights are culturally rooted,
groups in their quest for popularity and power, and that such practices continue unchecked
and suggests that the issue of women's roles (Shecket.al.1996).
and women's rights is the only one on which
such groups will not compromise: 'for them, Marriage and the family
women's liberation movements (or associa- The widespread practice of relatively late
tions) are the central enemy, because the entire marriage in Somalia is under threat. The
patriarchal society, whose existence fundamen- national planning statistics of 1988 recorded
talism has gone to the defence of, is built upon the average age of marriage as 21 for girls, and
the oppression of women' (Hasan 1991, p35). 25 for boys; as more young people sought
Islam and development: Opportunities and constraints for Somali women 71
university education, the age of marriage was increasingly evident that unless parties free
further postponed. However, this trend has from clan politics are established, and the
been reversed by the collapse of the educatio- present strategy of fostering clan represen-
nal system. As fundamentalism strengthens tation, common all over Somalia, is revisited,
its hold on the community, boys and girls are women's participation in politics will continue
encouraged to marry ever earlier. to be severely hampered. In Somaliland, as in
The Islamic principle of male responsibility Somalia, groups in power are using religion
for the family's maintenance, as outlined in as the basis for excluding women from
the Q'uran (Afshar 1998), is being seriously politics. A colleague who chairs the Umbrella
undermined by young men being encouraged Women's Organisation in Hargeisa, Somali-
to marry one or more wives without econo- land, recounted to me that every time they
mic means. The research confirmed that many organised a workshop, the Minister of Justice
young girls are ultimately either deserted or and Religious Affairs came to interrogate
divorced. Since young couples sometimes participants about their activities, until he
marry without the parents' consent, deserted was officially asked by Parliament to stop
or divorced wives cannot always count on the this. He stated that his actions were based on
support they could have otherwise relied on his belief that women can be easily influenced
within the extended family system. by foreigners, and hence felt they needed
The research also suggests that ignorance protection (personal communication, 1998).
of what the Q'uran says regarding polygamy
is creating a problem for women. In 1998, I Veiling and control of behaviour
personally heard of a young girl under 20 In Somalia, a society at war with itself, and
with three children and little means, who was where sexual violation has also become a tool
informed that her husband had married of war, the tendency towards more extreme
another woman; she calmly listened and religious practice has been reinforced by the
defended him, saying 'it is his righf (personal perceived need for protection and protective
communication, Sept 1998). In fact, the clothing. The number of veiled women in
Q'uran sets out men's responsibility in single Somalia has visibly increased since 1991.
or polygamous marriages: polygamy is only Somali women's traditional dress is modest,
permissible under strict social circumstances; but allows them freedom of movement and is
it is therefore a conditional permission and thus more practical than the veil. As a Somali
not an article of faith or mortal necessity woman, I have seen that the recent increase in
(Sheck et. al. 1996). veiling has been accompanied, for the first
Another development issue affecting time in Somali history, with extreme forms of
women in their role within the family is censorship of women's behaviour, as extreme
fertility and family-planning. Spacing versions of Islamic interpretation have found
children is not a subject entertained by funda- fertile ground. Women who refuse to
mentalists, despite the fact that the Q'uran conform are harassed by both sexes, and peer
encourages it; Islam gives women a wide pressure is exerted on them to veil.
range of rights, and does not oppose family-
planning, especially when women's health is
at stake. Early and frequent child-bearing
Religious education and
increases young women's health risks. women's rights
Lack of religious education among the public
Political and economic participation allows extremists to use Islamic texts against
Since the end of the war, Somalia has seen a women. Hadiths' are among the strongest
decline of women's power in formal politics. weapons used to justify the marginalisation
The new political structures are principally of Muslim women from religious and social
based on clan relationships; it is becoming power. Although a significant portion of the
72
Notes
Formerly the Director of the Women's Research
Unit at the Somali Academy of Sciences and 1 Reported accounts of the life of the
Arts, Somalia, Sadia Ahmed now works as Prophet Mohammed.
gender co-ordinator for the Pastoral and
Environmental Network in the Horn of Africa
(PENHA). Contact her at PENHA, PO Box 494,
1 Laney House, Portpool Lane, London EC1N 7FP.
E-mail: p.PENHA@ukonline.co. uk.
73
'People have to see with new eyes, and a Canadian federally-funded research for
understand with new minds, before they can development organisation. The SRD project
truly turn to new ways of living. The most aims to illuminate other realms of knowl-
important change that people can make is to edge which we believe to be complementary
change their way of looking at the world. We can to gender, science, and development
change studies, jobs, neighbourhoods, even perspectives, and to show the links between
countries and continents, and still remain much these perspectives. The SRD project might
as we always were. But change our fundamental also be considered a step in the evolution of
angle of vision, and everything changes - our emerging approaches on development and
priorities, our values, our judgments, our research, which we call 'being-oriented'1, and
pursuits. Again and again, in the history of which are characterised by their reference to
religion, this total upheaval in the imagination religion and spirituality.
has marked the beginning of a new life ... a In this article, we attempt to show how
turning of the heart, a "metanoia," by which men many of the values that underlie the use of
[sic] see with new eyes and understand with new gender analysis as a tool in research for
minds, and turn their energies to new ways of development are similar to values behind
living.' (Barbara Ward, as quoted in these 'being-oriented approaches.' It is well-
Commission on Global Governance, 1995) known that new ways of understanding the
social construction of people's roles, expe-
Barbara Ward's insight, like the title of this riences, and relationships can lead to new
article, 'the way to do is to be,' (attributed to ways of doing research (Kirby 1989). For
the ancient Taoist master Lao Tse), offers an example, by emphasising the importance of
intriguing challenge to traditional the socially-constructed relations between men
development methodologies. This article and women, gender-sensitive approaches
describes the Science, Religion, and have enabled researchers to consider
Development (SRD) project of the International different realms of experience, and this has
Development Research Centre (IDRC), opened up new possibilities for study (see F
74
Steady "The Inadequacy of the Dominant economic interests, and any value system in
Research Methodology/ as quoted in research for development2 can be applied
Connelly et al. 1996). We suggest here that judicious or injudiciously. We believe that the
'being-oriented approaches' offer similar new values behind the 'being-oriented
possibilities for researchers. As we discuss, approaches' we explore here could enhance
however, there are also some essential differ- the quality of development research and
ences between gender-sensitive approaches practice, by offering access to expanded sets
to research and being-oriented approaches; we of values and points of view.
attempt here to show how the broader context
and the additional values offered by 'being-
oriented approaches' have the potential to The SRD project
transform research for development. The Science, Religion, and Development
(SRD) project stems from preliminary
research carried out by William F Ryan, an
Our background economist and a Jesuit priest (Ryan 1995). In
We are, respectively, the project and pro- an attempt to move beyond economistic
gramme officers of the SRD project, but the understandings of development, and to
opinions and observations expressed here are identify the conceptual and practical linkages
our own. While we personally both recognise between science, religion, and development,
a spiritual dimension to living, and carry this Ryan travelled to developing countries and
into our work in the SRD project, we also interviewed more than 180 informants, who
recognise that religion can be associated with combined one or more of the roles of scientists,
some of the worst abuses in human history, development workers, and people of faith.
and a number of current situations of war Based on this initial research, an international
and civil strife. Religions can reinforce workshop was held in August 1995 in Val
fatalism, encourage division (some religious Morin, Quebec. Participants agreed that the
groups use development work as a weapon issues uncovered were significant factors in
in the competition for adherents), and impose the effectiveness of future development inter-
rigid dogmas on attempts at change (Lean ventions in their countries, and they urged
1995). Religions have not necessarily been the IDRC to continue the research3. The SRD
mouthpiece or friend of marginalised groups, project has three phases.
including women, and have on occasion been In the first phase, IDRC brought together a
instrumental in suppressing those voices and core group of four individuals: experts in
in paving the way for oppressive regimes. 'science, international development, or
Nor, in considering the issue of religion in theology, each from a different cultural and
relation to science and development, do we religious background. Together and
give up the 'mantle of reason' regarding our separately, this core group has worked to
commitment to methods of experimentation reflect, from their different cultural, religious,
and observation. Rather, we are questioning and professional positions, on the
whether an important perspective has been relationship between the moral/ spiritual
left out of the debates on, and methodologies realms of life and the technological/scientific
for, research for development; and we models of development. Consider this
question what consequences this may have interaction, they have attempted to identify
had for the quality of interventions made in the effect that this interaction has had for
the name of development and/ or in the development discourse and practice.
advancement of science. Like gender studies, Questions of how development can be
science, religion, and development studies environmentally sustainable, and achieve
are all informed by value-systems which equality between women and men, are
serve particular social, political, and central to these discussions.
'The way to do is to be': Exploring the interface between values and research 75
The core group found that their initial Remnants of our own struggle with the
reflections had led to a focus on different terms and concepts of religion and spiritu-
aspects of development; however, each group ality have remained throughout the project,
member had amalgamated the personal and and provide an example of its evolutionary
the professional, using their individual faiths and participatory process. For example, at its
to question and illuminate their separate inception, the project was called 'Human
areas of scientific enquiry. The core group Values and Belief Systems'; Ryan's book
saw their research papers as experimental explicitly uses the term 'spirituality' in the
steps towards a new type of integrated and title. The value of 'spirituality' is that it allows
engaged scholarship, and towards the for the consideration of belief systems,such as
introduction of a new perspective in broader the animistic beliefs prevalent in many
debates on international development. These countries, which do not fit within the category
reflections included considerations such as of organised religion. However, focusing on
the ambiguity of religion4 and the role of organised religion allows us to consider
religion in promoting humility and self- thought-structures and approaches which
limitation on the part of researchers and can be compared with scientific methods, and
workers within science and development. we can distinguish at a basic level between
The second and third phases will include personal interpretation, historical ethos, social
the publication of these reflections in book organisation, and religious tenets. However,
form. In addition, in conjunction with the the project's emphasis on the participants'
core group, IDRC plans to widen the circle reflections and their internal synthesis of
involved in the project to an extended science, religion, and development ensures
network of researchers who write and that spirituality is not excluded or over-
practice in relevant areas of development. whelmed by the formality of religion.
The aim will be to stimulate further debate
about the questions addressed in Phase 1, and 'Being-oriented' approaches:
to elicit further reflections from the points of
view of other faiths and scientific
a comparison with other
backgrounds. The extended network will add methodologies
legitimacy to the work and provide access for Many of the underlying values in approaches
its concepts into other areas of development. based on ethics, social justice, and gender-
awareness are shared by 'being-oriented'
approaches. In this section, we use the case of
Religion, institutions, and the SRD project to illustrate a few points of
belief systems similarity, and highlight some differences.
In the SRD project, we aim to deal with By presenting evidence which supports
religious content, not religious institutions. the aim of transforming inequitable relations
Religion as content 'has to do with the idea of between women and men, gender-sensitive
the supreme, the supernatural which research is designed to feed into an agenda
organises the world and connects people for change (Kabeer 1996). This research agenda
through language and practice to what is displays a strong concern for the values and
considered the inviolable, the sacrosancf principles articulated in the Universal Decla-
(Haynes 1996). As a result of the legiti- ration of Human Rights, including equality,
misation of unequal power structures often justice, solidarity, inclusion, diversity, inter-
associated with religion, however, a number connectedness, social awareness, personal
of people who encounter the SRD project integrity, and the dignity and worth of every
reject its premise outright, or prefer to use person regardless of his or her differences.
terms such as 'spirituality' or 'human values', These values inform gender-aware researchers'
to dissociate the project from these injustices. choice of areas of study and methods.
76
In examining social roles and relationships researchers collect field notes which monitor
of women and men, most gender-sensitive their own reactions to the research process.
research considers other criteria such as race, (Kirby 1989; Holland 1995; Bell 1993). Here,
class, religion, caste, age, physical/ mental all assumptions and beliefs regarding the
abilities, marital status, sexual orientation and research throughout the research cycle are
attributes which describe, to the fullest extent recorded and contemplated. Where relevant,
possible, the vast diversity of the human these notes can be included at the recording
condition. Inclusion of different perspectives stage of the research. Through this process,
in the research process is an overt value, as researchers are required to question and
well as a goal in itself, of gendered research. articulate clearly their own standpoints and
Participatory methods also espouse the values assumptions; this also allows them to be
of inclusion and the dignity and worth of challenged, by the researchers themselves
every person, and aim to ensure that typically and, ultimately, by others. Reflexivity can
marginalised perspectives are included in the help the researcher engage more fully with
research process (Holland 1995; Kirby 1989)5 the people with whom they work, going
Similarly, the values and methodology of beyond the interaction characteristic of
the SRD project display a concern for traditional academic research. (Yano 1997)
inclusion and authentic dialogue (although A reflexive approach emerged for the SRD
this commitment is far from perfectly enacted). project, because questions of faith usually
The SRD research agenda was collaboratively operate at a personal level. The project
set, through open-ended enquiry with required a methodology that would allow
participants. IDRC consciously tried to participants to put personal beliefs into
decrease the power differential that usually words, and make this explicit for other
exists between donors and researchers; the researchers. Participants encouraged each
core group of researchers, to a large extent, other to reflect upon, and write, accounts of
determined the process and decided to use how their faith operated in their own
non-conventional research techniques. professional lives, and thus in the
Particular attention was given to the mechanisms of their development work.
importance of women's voices, voices from Their personal and subjective experiences vis-
the South, and representation from a variety a-vis the project's research questions were
of religions in convening the core group for explicitly valued and sought out during the
Phase 1; as the project progresses, these process. We from IDRC became conscious,
concerns for inclusion and participation will during this process, of our situation within
continue as new participants are invited to the group's dynamics, and tried not to
join. Participants in the SRD project also bring impose our own ideas and concerns about
these concerns for inclusion and solidarity how the research should proceed. In this way,
with them, from participating in social justice IDRC tried to be open when the researchers
causes, and working with groups which questioned cherished assumptions, values,
address the needs of the marginalised.6 and approaches of the research for
The SRD project also shares with gender- development community.
sensitive research a commitment to
transparency about the assumptions and Values specific to 'being-
biases that are present in all research.
Transparency by the researcher contributes to
oriented' approaches
clarity about the research questions, goals, In the process of preparing for this article, we
and methods, and can be instrumental in also tried to identify some assumptions and
avoiding the perpetuation of inequalities. values that could be said to be specific to
One controversial research method which 'being-oriented' approaches (of which the
embraces this value is 'reflexivity', in which SRD is an early example). We were looking
'The way to do is to be': Exploring the interface between values and research 77
for values that could be specifically attributed in faith has two outstanding advantages. It
to the researcher's experience of faith (whether builds on a community's deepest sense of
through organised religion, or personal identity and belonging, and it carries within it
spirituality). We wanted to see how these the seeds of individual empowerment.' (Lean
might be manifested in the professional lives 1995,10).
of the SRD participants, and how they might 'Being-oriented' approaches to human
have informed the project itself. This was not development could therefore subtly expand a
an easy task because, in almost every case, number of the values we have identified as
one of us would mention a value that seemed underlying gendered approaches. One may,
implicit in a 'being-oriented' approach, only for example, research the causes of and
to find that it had reflections and refractions solutions to gender-based violence in a war-
in gender-aware and/ or participatory torn country, based on a desire to alleviate
research principles and techniques. injustices, inequalities, poverty, and
We did identify one significant difference suffering, without recourse to any of these
with a number of implications, although for 'transcendental' principles of reality. But, in
some it may seem a difference of degree their absence, how do development
rather than of kind. People of religious faith researchers and workers understand the need
or spirituality have a relationship with a trans- for mental and spiritual healing through
cendental reality - a perception of guiding reconciliation? Without some understanding
principles that underlie 'reality' - which of a larger purpose or context for their lives
offers a broad context for understanding and actions, how can people risk the
human actions. In contrast, approaches forgiveness and reconciliation necessary to
within development may advocate values rebuild a community out of chaos? How do
such as justice, dignity, fairness, and equality, researchers and development workers find
but these tend to be understood as operating the strength not to retreat from the realities of
only with reference to the world's political, the people with whom they are working?
economic, and social systems - the 'here and And how can they articulate these needs or
now' - and on a relatively traditional integrate these understandings into a list of
understanding of the principles of human solutions without understanding or using
interaction. Approaches drawing from this language and these concepts?
religion and spirituality might ask where one
Alternative approaches to research and
can find an ultimate reference point, or
development based in religion or spirituality
deeper principles, in which to base these
would enable us to value and work with
values, and through which these principles of
concepts that are rarely expressed in gender-
interaction can be revisualised.7
sensitive research, such as forgiveness and
The concept of human well-being that is a reconciliation, compassion, empathy, wisdom
fundamental goal of development can, and (as complementary to knowledge), non-
must, include intangible concepts such as violence, sacrifice,8 self-limitation, simplicity,
creating, connection, belonging, love, and kindness, and connection. Consideration for
hope, which are rooted in a relationship or these concepts carries practical consequences
perception of reality that goes beyond the for researchers and workers in development.
here-and-now. 'Being-oriented' approaches For example, one SRD participant pointed
take into account that people can act for out that there is a difference between the
change from a desire to attain meaning and 'preferential option for the poor' originating
fulfilment, as well as from an understandable in Latin American Catholicism and the
desire for change in their material Marxism with which it has been associated:
circumstances. As Mary Lean wrote in her Marxism, he argued, outlines a preferential
book on spiritually oriented development option for the proletariat. The difference
approaches: '[Development that is grounded between the orientations may appear slight,
78
but could be seen in practice after the approaches show to be useful in the
Nicaraguan revolution, when Christian- gathering of data and its analysis?
based communities did not favour A number of traditions postulate that the
punishment of Somoza's soldiers, wanting only way to effect appropriate outward,
them to be forgiven and integrated into the social transformation (or development) is
community (personal communication, 1999)9 through personal self-transformation.
Of course, there are infinite variations on Researchers and workers with a 'being-
these themes. Differences of approach and oriented' approach might engage in forms of
ethos among and within religions challenge contemplation, meditation, or prayer. The
'being-oriented' approaches to be open to goals of these activities could include
values from every tradition. For example, in inspiration, self-knowledge, and self-
certain traditions, such as Buddhism, the acceptance (leading to compassion for others)
concept of interconnectedness10 is articulated as necessary corollaries to attempts to effect
as a 'principle of non-duality': all beings, and change in others. In addition, when
the environment in which they live, are researchers have access to relevant religious
fundamentally interrelated and inter- and inspirational texts and stories, they could
dependent. Interconnectedness is both a include enquiries about rituals, myths, and
value and a basic organising principle of parables in their work, not from the point of
reality. Researchers and development view of anthropologists analysing cultural
workers could draw on this concept to manifestations, but as an attempt to challenge
recognise the networks of relationships they their own predetermined conceptions of the
find in communities and to value these research process.
connections. They might use this principle to How does the convergence of the 'being-
evaluate their methods, asking themselves oriented' values and methods manifest itself
whether a given approach will build and in the SRD project? It is a research project
balance existing relationships or increase based on what we know and how we do
conflict and create new, if different, things now. On the face of it, holding
hierarchies (Yano 1997,94-97). conferences, maintaining a dialogue, and
Choosing a 'being-oriented' approach writing papers are not unusual, but our
does not guarantee a certain way of thinking project is extraordinary in its recognition that
and acting, any more than sensitivity to something intangible, but important, is being
gender issues predicts a particular approach. left out of the development equation, and in
The point is that religiously or spiritually its openness to different processes in
based approaches can provide an awareness investigating that missing element. If the
of a frame of reference larger or deeper than experiment of the SRD project has lessons to
the visible, material world, and thereby offer offer, much of the credit must go to the two
new possibilities for response, transforming men and two women who make up the core
the researchers themselves, and their group; they have applied the rich resources of
understanding of and behaviour toward the their professional skills, their personal faiths,
communities with whom they work. and their sceptical minds to this project.
Primarily, each has worked out of love for the
ideas of the project, and out of a belief that the
Conclusion: SRD, values, project could provide valuable insights into
and methodology the achievement of a deeper and wiser
We have discussed how values based in standard for human well-being11. There were
religion and spirituality can inform the moments of serendipity when the dialogue
perspective and choices of methods of became too abstract, which IDRC could never
development researchers and practitioners. have anticipated or scheduled, but which
But what new tools can 'being-oriented' illustrate the potential for linking values with
'The way to do is to be': Exploring the interface between values and research 79
Women, Religion and Development in the Third Women as Teachers and Disciples in Traditional
World, Theodora Foster Carroll, 1983, and New Religions, Elizabeth Puttick and
Praeger Publishers. 88 Post Road, Westport, Peter B Clarke (eds.), 1993, Edwin Mellen
CT 06881, USA. Press, UK, Canada, USA.
A comprehensive study of the position of Ten essays discussing how spiritual
women in Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, discipleship affects women. The essays ask
and Buddhism, giving an overview of each whether discipleship implies a model of
religion's key tenets, as well as accounts female submission, or whether it can in fact
of policies on women's education and be empowering. Covers diverse traditions,
'population' (sexuality and reproductive such as Zen Buddhism, Afro-Brazilian
rights). The book places each religious religion, and modern paganism.
tradition in its historical and social context,
Islam and Feminisms: An Iranian Case-study,
and suggests that religions could function as
agents for change, rather than forces for Haleh Afshar, 1998, Macmillan, Houndmills,
regression. Written 15 years ago, this book, Basingstoke, Hants RG21 6XS, UK.
while containing thoroughly researched and Haleh Afshar gives a detailed and scholarly
very useful information, frequently resorts account of the strategies employed by
to judgemental language which may alienate Iranian women to maintain, and regain,
some readers. their rights in present-day Iran. Afshar
argues that it is no longer possible to
Women, Religion and Sexuality: Studies on the disregard these strategies and denigrate
Impact of Religious Teachings on Women, Iranian women as powerless in the face of
Jeanne Becher (ed.), 1990, World Council of 'fundamentalism'. Feminism must learn to
Churches Publications. PO Box 2100,150 accommodate not only differences in
Rue de Ferney, 1211 Geneva 2, Switzerland. opinion, but differences in strategy
A collection of 12 papers which were the according to women's specific geographical
outcome of a study of the main world and historical context.
religions and their attitudes to female
sexuality. Most papers are followed by a Women and Gender in Islam: Historical roots of
short response from the same faith tradition a modern debate, Leila Ahmed, 1992, Yale
which aims to increase dialogue within this University Press, New Haven and London.
tradition. Indigenous beliefs are also Explores the historical roots of the current
touched upon. A clear and accessible book debates on women and Islam by tracing the
which offers much to debate. developments in Islamic discourses on
women and gender from the ancient world
Speaking of Faith: Cross-Cultural Perspectives to the present.
on Women, Religion and Social Change, Diana
L Eck and Devaki Jain, 1986, The Women's Muslim Women and the Politics of Participation:
Press, London. Implementing the Beijing Platform, Mahnaz
Also available from Kali for Women, Bl /8 Afkhami and Erika Friedl (eds.), 1997,
Hauz Khas, New Delhi, 110 016, India. Syracuse University Press, USA.
Originally presented to a conference on the This collection of essays looks at ways of
same theme, these papers consider how implementing the recommendations of the
religion influences the kinds of social change UN Fourth World Conference on Women
which women are engaged in. They cover a in Muslim societies. The book is in three
wide range of traditions and countries, parts, examining theoretical views of
including papers on Ghandian ethics, women's rights within Muslim societies,
Japanese traditions, and witches in Ghana. It practical ways to help women exercise their
suggests that both 'women' and 'religion' rights, and the role of international
are the missing factors in development. organisations in helping women.
Resources 83
Women and Islam in Muslim Societies, Hans A multi-authored report of the process
Thijssen (ed.), Poverty and Development: described in Bridget Walker's article in this
Analysis and Policy series No. 7, issue of Gender and Development.
Development Cooperation Information
No Longer a Secret: the church and violence
Department, 1994.
against women, Aruna Gnanadason,1996,
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, PO Box 20061,
WCC Publications.
2500 EB, The Hague, The Netherlands.
'An unforgiving confrontation of the
Part of a series examining poverty as a global
church's silence about violence against
phenomenon, published by the Develop-
women, and a useful survey of the social
ment Cooperation Information Department
and theological issues' (Crosslight). This
in the Netherlands. With sections on women
book points to signs of hope as women and
in Islamic jurisprudence, diversity in
men in the church and elsewhere are
practice in different countries, case studies of
beginning to struggle against all forms of
six countries, a study of Muslim immigrant
violence against women.
women in the Netherlands, and the
transcript of a seminar on 'Women, Islam Women, violence and non-violent change,
and Development', held in 1993. Aruna Gnanadason, Musimbi Kanyoro and
Lucia Ann McSpadden (eds.), 1995, WCC
Religion, Dress and the Body, Linda Boynton
Publications.
Arthur (ed.), 1999, Berg Publishers,
This collection of analytical essays and case
150 Cowley Road, Oxford, OX41JJ, UK
studies shows what contribution women are
Explores how people express themselves
making towards conflict resolution in many
through dress, despite religious constraints.
different contexts. Authors come from
Servants of the Buddha: Winter in a Himalayan across the world.
Convent, Anna Grimshaw, 1992, Open
The power we celebrate: women's stories of faith
Letters. 147 Northchurch Road,
and power, Musimbi Kanyoro and Wendy S
London Nl 3NT, UK.
Robbins (eds.), 1992, WCC Publications.
A personal account of an extraordinary
This book offers suggestions for empowering
winter spent in a convent in Ladakh. It looks
at the ambiguous position of women in a women to 'challenge oppressive structures in
Buddhist society from a European the global community, their country and
perspective, and gives a detailed description their church'.
of their lives and practices. Women Healing Earth, Rosemary Radford
Ruether (ed.), 1996, SCM Press, by
Standing Again at Sinai: Judaism from a
arrangement with Orbis books. Orbis Books,
Feminist Perspective, Judith Plaskow, 1991,
Box 302, New York, 10545-0302, USA.
Harper: SanFrancisco.
Rosemary Radford Ruether is a well-known
Refusing to believe that her Jewish and
radical feminist writing from a Christian
feminist selves cannot be reconciled, Judith
standpoint. Aiming to connect women of the
Plaskow sets out her ideas for transforming
First and Third Worlds, 14 writers from
Judaism through a feminist vision. With
around the world explore the roles of
sections on the Torah, the idea of Israel,
religion and feminism in the context of
images and language associated with God,
environmental crisis in Latin America, Asia,
and a theology of sexuality.
and Africa. They link the domination of
Living Letters: a report of visits to the churches women to the domination of nature, and
during the Ecumenical Decade - Churches in show how religion has often reinforced this
Solidarity with Women, World Council of domination. Calls for a creative synthesis of
Churches (WCC) Publications, 1997. what women find to be liberating in their
PO Box 2100,1211 Geneva 2, Switzerland. religious or spiritual heritage.
84
Feminist Theology From the Third World: Overcoming Violence: The Challenge to the
A Reader, Ursula King (ed.), 1994,1996, Church in All Places, Margot Kassmann,
Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge Risk Book Series, World Council of Churches
(SPCK), Orbis Books. Publications. PO Box 2100,150 Rue de Ferney,
A collection of 38 essays looking at theology 1211 Geneva 2, Switzerland.
from a Third-World perspective, using sources In a world of so much violence, this short
from Africa, Asia, and Latin America, as book asks whether the churches can live out
well as Israel and the Pacific region. their conviction that war is against God's
will. It examines Christian resources for non-
With Passion and Compassion: Third World
violent resolution of conflict, and considers
Women Doing Theology: Reflectionsfromthe
the opportunities and problems faced by
Women's Commission of the Ecumenical
people committed to non-violence. Includes
Association of Third World Theologians,
a chapter on how women and children are
Virginia Fabella and M. Amba Oduyoye,
affected by violence.
1988, Orbis Books.
A collection of writings by women from the Women of Fire and Spirit: History, Faith and
Third World who each consider what it Gender in Roho Region in Western Kenya,
means to be a Christian and a woman in the Cynthia Hoehler-Fatton, 1996.
Third World. United in their attempts to Oxford University Press, Walton Street,
create their own liberative theology, this Oxford, OX2 6DP, UK.
book looks at the different problems faced A book tracing the role of women in the
in different regions. evolution and expansion of the Roho ('Holy
Spirit') churches of western Kenya. It uses
Sexism and God-Talk: Towards a Feminist women's oral histories to challenge previous
Theology, Rosemary Radford Ruether, 1983, histories of the Roho Church, and goes on to
1986, SCM Press Ltd, London. examine how women's roles within the
This classic book, focusing on Christianity, Church have declined in recent decades.
uses feminist insights to expose the socially
constructed roots of classical theology. It also
Valuing Spirituality in Development: Initial
points to a link between the exploitation of considerations regarding the creation of
women, and human destruction of the Earth. spiritually-based indicators for development,
Baha'i Publishing Trust, 27 Rutland Gate,
Women Before God, Lavinia Byrne, 1988,
London SW71PD, UK.
1995, SPCK.
Baha'i communities operate more than 1,300
Reflects on both the past and the future of local development projects throughout the
the Christian Church, and on a Catholic world. Believers assert that what sets Baha'i
woman's relationship to the agenda of apart from other world religions is its
Christian feminism. integration of spiritual, social, and admin-
Women Divided: Gender, Religion and Politics istrative principles. This concept paper was
in Northern Ireland, Rosemary Sales, 1997. written for the World Faiths and Development
Routledge, 11 New Fetter Lane, London Dialogue, Lambeth Palace, London, 18-19
EC4P 4EE, UK. February 1998. It gives the Baha'i perspective
This book focuses on the relationship on human development and discusses the
between gender and sectarian divisions need for spiritually-based indicators of
between Roman Catholics and Protestants in development. Equality between the sexes is
Northern Ireland. It looks at the impact of seen as one of the five foundational principles
the conflict on women, and the ways in of human development, as is 'unity in
which they have developed their own diversity'; but the document remains at a
agendas for change, while largely excluded visionary level without indicating how such a
from formal politics. vision could be brought about.
Resources 85
Conspirando, Casilla 371-11, Correo Nunoa, Write for news of campaigns, and details of
Santiago, Chile. publications.
A network of Latin American women
CAFOD (Catholic Fund for Overseas
committed to eco-feminism, theology and
Development), 2 Romero Close, Stockwell
spirituality.
Road, London SW9 9TY, UK. Phone: +44
Sisterhood is Global Institute (171) 733 7900.
4343 Montgomery Avenue, Suite 201, Committed to addressing gender issues in
Bethesda, MD 20814, USA. Phone: +1 (301) its development and relief work in
657 4355; fax: +1 (301) 657 4381; e-mail: developing countries across the world.
sigi@igc.apc.org. http://www.sigi.org
Christian Aid, PO Box 100, London SE1
A non-profit organisation promoting
7RT, UK. Phone: +44 (171) 620 4444; fax:
women's rights through human-rights
+44 (171) 620 0719
education projects. Their work focuses on
Christian Aid works throughout the world
women living in Islamic countries, and
in partnership with communities of all faiths
includes advocacy programmes, appeals
in developing countries, and campaigns on
against human-rights abuses, and partici-
issues of justice and poverty.
pation in international conferences. Their
internet site includes a newsletter, a Catholic Institute for International
publications page, and information on their Relations, Unit 3, Canonbury Yard,
human-rights work. 190a New North Road, London Nl 7BJ, UK.
CUR is part of the UK government's volunteer
World Council of Muslim Women Foundation
programme for developing countries, offering
http: / / www.connect.ab.ca / -Ifahlman/
technical assistance and support.
wcomwf.htm
A non-profit organisation 'dedicated as a Women in Theology, 19a Compton Terrace,
living memoral to the women of Bosnia, and London Nl 2UN, UK. Phone: +44 (171) 354
other women who have suffered the 3631.
degradation of rape, torture and death. Aims to empower women in a spiritual
Focuses on education for women's rights, context. Promotes inclusive language and
global peace and interfaith education from a works to create opportunities for feminist
worldwide perspective'. theology. Looks at new forms of worship
and ministry, and also runs local groups.
The World Council of Churches, PO Box
2100,1211 Geneva 2, Switzerland.
Phone: +41 (22) 791 6111; fax: +41 (22) 791
0361; e-mail: info@wcc-coe.org
http://www.wcc.coe.org/ Web resources
A fellowship of churches from nearly all the
Christian traditions, representing over 122
countries in all continents. Works towards http: / / www.women3rdworld.tqn.com /
justice and continuing renewal of the msub8.htm
Christian faith. Their web site can be read A site about women in the Third World
in English, French, German, or Spanish, which links users to a range of other sites
and offers information on WCC's work, relating to Christianity, Islam, Judaism, and
history, publications, and events. Has a Hinduism. Also includes news, articles,
Women's Unit. letters, and a noticeboard.
Interchurch Organisation for Development Islam and Women's Rights
Cooperation, PO Box 151, 3700 AD Zeist, http: / / www.arches.uga.edu / ~godlas /
The Netherlands. E-mail: admin@icco.nl Islamwomen.html
Resources 87
FEMREL-L
Established as a forum for open and
stimulating discussion about women,
religion, and feminist theology. Subscribe by
e-mailing LISTSERV@listserv.aol.com with
the message SUBSCRIBE FEMREL-L
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Bridges
Describes itself as a 'moderated lisf which
explores Jewish feminist identity and considers
Jewish and female existence and activism in
relation to movements for change. Subscribe
by e-mailing: listserv@israel.nysernet.org
Conspirando (see organisations)
http:/ /www.teologica feminista
latinamericana
A Spanish language web page.
Women Active in Buddhism
http://members.tripod.com/~Lhamo
An on-line magazine with details of teachers,
resources, books, and organisations of
relevance for women following the Buddhist
tradition. Accessible and fun, with lots of
useful information.
inclusivechurch
http:/ / www.inclusivechurch.org/
An American web site open to anyone who
wants to discuss topics related to women in
the Catholic Church. Visitors can post ideas
for debate or reply to previous messages.