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Chapter 7 Print
Chapter 7 Print
NGOs are generally private, voluntary organizations whose members are individuals or associations
that come together to achieve a common purpose.
They are diverse entities, ranging from grassroots organizations to those recognized transnationally.
Some are funded solely through private sources, while others rely on partial government funds.
Some are open to mass memberships and some are closed member groups.
The Growth of NGO Power and Influence
o The anti-slavery campaign was one of the earliest NGO-initiated efforts to organize
transnationally to ban a morally unacceptable practice.
o NGOs organizing on behalf of peace and noncoercive methods of dispute settlement also
appeared during the 1800s, as did the Red Cross, which advocated for the treatment for
wounded soldiers.
o During the 1970s, networks and coalitions were formed among various groups, and by the
1990s these NGOs were able to effectively mobilize the mass pubic and influence
international relations.
o A number of factors explain the resurgence of NGO activity:
1. The issues seized on have been viewed as interdependent, or globalizing, issues
issues states cannot solve alone and whose solutions require transnational
cooperation.
2. Global conferences became a key venue for international activity beginning in the
1970s, each designed to address the environment, population, women, and food.
NGOs organized separate but parallel conferences on the same issues.
3. The end of the Cold War and the expansion of democracy have provided political
opening for NGOs into parts of the world before untouched by NGO activity.
4. The communications revolutionfirst fax, then the Web and e-mailhas enabled
NGOs to communicate more efficiently.
o Functions and Roles of NGOs:
1. NGOs act as advocates for specific policies and offer alternative channels of
political participation, as Amnesty International has done.
2. They mobilize mass publics, as Greenpeace did in saving the whales.
3. They distribute critical assistance in disaster relief and to refugees, as Oxfam has
done.
4. They are the principal monitors of human rights norms and environmental
regulations and provide warnings of violations, as Human Rights Watch has
done.
5. NGOs are the primary actors at the grassroots level in mobilizing individuals to
act. Their impact was felt strongly at the 1992 UN Conference on the
Environment and Development (UNCTAD).
For the first time, they made statements from the floor during official
meetings, drafted information materials, and scrutinized UN
documents.
2. At the national level, NGOs have occasionally taken the place of states, either
performing services that are inept or corrupt government is not stepping in for a
failed state.
3. NGOs seldom work alone. The communications revolution has served to link
NGOs with each other, formally and informally.
4. NGOs may also be formed for malevolent purposes, the Mafia, international drug
cartels, and even Al Qaeda.
o The Power of NGOs
1. NGOs rely on soft power, meaning credible information, expertise, and moral
authority that attracts the attention and admiration of governments and the
public.
2. NGOs have distinct advantages over individuals, states, and intergovernmental
organizations. They are usually politically independent, participate at all levels,
and can make policy with less risk to national sensitivities.
3. NGOs can increase their power through networking with other NGOs.
The International Campaign to Ban Landmines demonstrates the
power of the network.
o The Limits of NGOs
1. Most NGOs have very limited economic resources since they do not collect taxes.
The competition for funding is fierce.
2. There is a continuous need to raise money, and some NGOs increasingly rely on
governments. If NGOs choose to accept state assistance, then their neutrality
and legitimacy is potentially compromised.
3. Success is hard to measure; there is no single agenda, and NGOs are often
working at cross-purposes.
4. Some people question whether certain activities undertaken by NGOs, which
have traditionally been viewed as supportive of the common good, may result in
prolonging conflicts.
Radicals see contemporary international law as the product of a specific time and historical process,
emerging out of eighteenth-century economic liberalism and nineteenth-century political
liberalism.
o Law primarily comes out of Western capitalist states and is designed to serve the interests of
that constituency, and is biased against socialist states, the weak, and the unrepresented.
o IGOs, especially the UN and UN agencies, were designed to support the interests of the
powerful. Those institutions have succeeded in sustaining the powerful elite against the
powerless mass of weaker states.
o The lack of representativeness and the lack of accountability of NGOs are key issues. Most
radicals see the world of NGOs based in the North as dominated by members of the same
elite. NGOs are captive to the dominant interests of that system.
o Contemporary law and international organizations are not the agents of the political and
economic changes that radicals desire,
VI. THE CONSTRUCTIVIST VIEW OF INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION
They place critical importance on institutions and norms. Both IGOs and NGOs can be norm
entrepreneurs that socialize and teach states new norms. These new norms may influence state
behavior.
Law plays a key role in constructivist thinking because it reflects changing norms. Norms are
internalized by states themselves, they change state preferences, and shape behavior.
Realists remain skeptical; all are reflections of state power and have no independent identity or role.
Radicals view them skeptically as well. They see them as mere reflections of political and economic
hegemony.
Liberals believe that international law and organizations do not replace states as the primary actors,
but they do provide alternative venues for states themselves to engage in collective action and for
individuals to join with other like-minded individuals in pursuit of their goals.
CHAPTER 8
Chapter Summary
I. INTRODUCTION
This chapter introduces prominent approaches to mitigating the effects of the security dilemma as well as how
insecurity can be managed short of war.
War is the oldest, most prevalent, and most salient issue in international relations.
Attention to war and security is warranted: security comes first in international relations; all other
competing values such as human rights, the environment, and economic development presuppose
security.
Although 3.5 billion have died in the 14,500 armed struggles throughout history, the number and
intensity of war has dropped by one-half since 1991.
International relations theorists disagree over the inevitability of war.
Classical realists and neorealists argue that war is inevitable. They view states as victims of
the prisoners dilemma during times of conflict: each state is compelled to harm the other so as
to avoid the worst possible outcome.
The inevitability of war also creates a security dilemma: states seeking to increase their defense
capabilities end up threatening other states in the system, thereby increasing tensions and the
chance of war.
Liberals argue that war can be eliminated with sufficient effort and effective institutions that can
reduce the chances of conflict. Liberals also argue that the way in which a state is governed
domestically can change its attitude toward war. The democratic peace concept demonstrates
this by arguing that democracies virtually never fight one another.
Radicals argue that war can be eliminated, but only through a revolutionary change in the character
of the system.
Constructivists argue that war is the result of a process of socialization in which conflict is assumed
to exist. If this construction is changed, then war can potentially be eliminated.
Historically, states have sought security by balancing realist and liberal policies. When states face
more serious threats, they tend to look toward realism.
The Individual
Both the characteristics of individual leaders and the general attributes of people have been blamed for war.
Realist interpretation: Characteristics of the masses lead to the outbreak of war. Aggressive behavior
is adopted by virtually all species to ensure survival. War is the product of biologically innate
human characteristics or flawed human nature.
Liberal interpretation: Misperceptions by leaders, such as seeing aggressiveness where it may not be
intended, or attributing the actions of one person to an entire group, can lead to the outbreak of
war.
Liberal explanations: Some types of economic systems are more war-prone than others, such as
aristocratic states. Democratic regimes are least likely to wage war because democratic norms and
culture inhibit the leadership from taking actions leading to war.
Radical explanations: Conflict and war are attributed to the internal dynamics of capitalist economic
systems: the competition between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat over economic dominance
and political leadership. This struggle leads to war. One manifestation of this is diversionary
war: war designed to hold off a domestic political crisis by temporarily unifying the populace.
o Conflict over what institutions should govern a state can also lead to civil wars as groups
attempt to impose their preferred system.
Interstate wars: wars between two or more states. In the past these were the focus of most
research. They are the easiest to study and have caused the most damage.
Intrastate wars: wars between groups within a state, with or without international participation.
While the number of ongoing intrastate wars has declined, the decline has been less precipitous
than the decline in interstate wars.
Total war: Wars involving multiple great powers. Total wars include significant destruction and
loss of life. Since the end of World War II, total wars have become less frequent; the number of
countries participating in total wars has fallen, and they tend to last for shorter lengths of time This
has led some to argue that this type of war is obsolete.
Limited war: the objective is not surrender and occupation of enemy territory, but rather to attain
limited goals. The Korean War, the Gulf War, and conflicts in Sudan and Sierra Leone are examples
of limited war.
While interstate wars which can be called total wars have declined significantly, limited wars and particularly
civil wars that are limited in nature have increased precipitously. Two-thirds of all conflicts since World War II
have been civil wars.
Limited war has become the most common option for states contemplating violence against other states.
IV. HOW WARS ARE FOUGHT
Conventional war: war between designated soldiers representing specific sides of a conflict. Conventional
war is conducted primarily with conventional weapons.
Conventional weapons: weapons technologies whose destructive effects can be limited in space and time to
those who are legitimate targets of war.
Weapons of mass destruction (WMD): chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons whose destructive
effects cannot be limited in space or time to legitimate targets of war.
Debate over nuclear proliferation: some scholars argue that slow proliferation by states with nuclear
capabilities will deter potential enemies from nuclear action, whereas others argue that proliferation is more
apt to breed proliferation and/or initiate accidental war.
Unconventional warfare: warfare in which one or more sides refuse to follow the accepted conventions of
war. This can be expressed either in the conduct of the war itself or in the refusal to accept traditional outcomes
of battle.
Asymmetric conflict: warfare conducted between parties of unequal strength. The weaker party seeks to
neutralize its opponents strengths by exploiting that opponents weaknesses.
Guerilla warfare: the weaker party may often use a civilian population to provide supplies like food and
shelter and to gather intelligence. Fighters rely on hit-and-run tactics until the enemy is worn down. Examples
include the Algerians against the French in the 1950s, and the Taliban against coalition forces in Afghanistan.
Terrorism: a particular form of asymmetric conflict in which one side attempts to instill fear in the other in
order to force concessions.
1. premeditation
2. motivation or cause, whether religious, economic, or political
3. noncombatant targets
4. secretiveness, where perpetrators belong to clandestine groups or are secretly sponsored by states
Terrorism has a long history, occurring during Greek and Roman times, the Middle Ages, and the French
Revolution; in Nazi Germany; by Basque separatists (ETA); and most recently by Al Qaeda around the world.
Since the 1990s, terrorist acts have become more lethal. The infrastructure to support terrorism has become
more sophisticated, and groups practicing terrorism are more wide-ranging. Responding to terrorism has
become increasingly difficult; perpetrators have networks of supporters in the resident populations. The
international community has taken action against terrorism by creating a framework of rules and blocking the
flow of financial resources to global networks.
Piracy: reflects the dual nature of participants motives: economic gain from violent action. Piracy has surged
in recent years, most notably as a result of state failure in Somalia.
Just war theory asserts that there are several criteria that can make the decision to go to war a just one:
1. The cause must be just (self defense or massive violation of human rights), with a declaration of
intent.
2. Leader needs to have the correct intentions.
3. Leader should desire to end abuses and establish a just peace.
4. Nation should have exhausted all other possibilities for ending the abuse.
5. Forces must be removed rapidly after the abuses have ended.
Just war is an evolving practice, changing as broader ideas about war change.
Just war tradition directly contradicts the hallmark of the Westphalian system, the respect for state sovereignty.
Since the end of World War II, the notion has emerged that all human beings are in need of protection and that
states have an obligation to intervene when human rights are violated. This belief is known as the responsibility
to protect.
Responsibility to protect: if a state does not provide protection to its own people, then it is the obligation of
others to intervene in order to protect human rights.
Key assumptions:
1. Decision-makers are rational.
2. Nuclear weapons pose an unacceptable threat and decision-makers will not resort to armed aggression
against a nuclear state.
3. Alternatives to war are available irrespective of the situation.
These assumptions are troublesome because not all decision- makers are rational.
It is unclear how non-state actors can be deterred using traditional methods.
The United States is also approaching nuclear primacy, and thus deterrence may not serve to
restrain U.S. actions.
Collective security: aggressive or illegal use of force by one state shall be met with united action
by all (or at least most) states in the system. Aggressors cannot take on the world and will be
deterred from using force.
Key assumptions:
1. Wars are prevented by restraint on military action.
2. Aggressors must be stopped.
3. The aggressor is easy to identify.
4. The aggressor is always wrong.
5. Aggressors know the community will act against them.
Collective security is problematic: these assumptions do not always hold. Collective security also
requires that the community act decisively in all cases of aggression, even when individual states
have no clear interest in acting.
Arms control and disarmament: fewer weapons = more security.
1. The Cold War saw many agreements to limit the weapons on both sides.
2. The Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty limits the acquisition of nuclear weapons technology.
There are many examples of agreements to limit arms, but enforcement can sometimes be
problematic.
Complete disarmament is unlikely given the risks involved to the disarming states.
A shift from a focus on territorial integrity and threats from states toward a wider concern about
threats from non-state actors
A shift toward the privatization of force through private military contractors such as Xe (formerly
Blackwater), etc.
The extent to which the international community has an obligation to consider the protection of
individual humanitarian conditions in decisions about conflict
o When can sovereignty be violated to protect individuals? And what do we protect individuals
from?