Professional Documents
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Quinoa Compiled
Quinoa Compiled
Camille Sasson
4/11/16
Research Question
Quinoa, a grain-like crop native to the Andes, has been cultivated by the Andean peoples
for thousands of years. Until recently, it was largely unknown to the world beyond the Andean
region, where it was seen primarily as a peasant food1. In the past few decades, quinoa has
rapidly gained the attention of nutritionists, Western consumers, development programs and fair
trade organizations alike. International demand for this Andean crop has boomed as its high
nutritional value has been discovered and extolled2. The resulting opportunities, pressures, and
adaptations manifesting in the lives of quinoa producers have been the source of much
controversy. In the United States, a heated ideological battle has begun over the ethicality of
Western consumption of quinoa, arising in blog posts and articles from popular sources such as
the New York Times and Slate (Romero and Shahriari 2011; LeVaux 2013), as well as within
scholarly circles.
The realities playing out in the highlands of Bolivia, Peru, and other quinoa-producing
Andean countries have indeed been complicated and contradictory. While new economic
opportunities for Andean farmers have arisen as they are spotlighted by the international market,
1 Under Spanish colonization, quinoa cultivation was deliberately suppressed in favor of Old
World grains, like wheat, in what historians Hellin and Higman term a culinary colonialism
(2005). Stereotypes associating quinoa and other traditional crops with peasantry and
backwardness have persisted in pace with broader discrimination against indigenous lifestyles.
This can be seen in the tendency of urban poor to consume other grains such as pasta and rice,
which are less nutritious though of more consistent quality (Ibid).
2 Quinoa has been found to be an excellent source of protein and amino acids, making it
particularly popular among vegetarians and vegans in the West, as well as in domestic campaigns
against malnutrition. At the international level, demand for quinoa has boomed since the 1990s;
it has become part of a trend, among those who can afford it, toward organic whole foods.
Similarly, among urban elite in Peru and Bolivia, quinoa has become a food fashionable for elite
consumption.
Sasson, 2
as is the way of globalization, not all have benefitted equally. The increased international
demand for quinoa and the subsequent raise in prices have brought relative prosperity to many
farmers. At the same time, many researchers and scholars of development and globalization
argue that quinoas high prices have made it inaccessible to farmers and urban-based domestic
consumers. Additionally, in their efforts to increase production, many farmers have moved away
from traditional, sustainable methods toward mechanized production and reduced crop diversity
livelihood security (Jacobson 2011; Hellin and Higman 2005; Hogan and Joyce 2014).
As international demand has grown, quinoa has become a profitable export crop. A result
has been that many farmers have begun to produce more quinoa for export and less quinoa and
other foods for themselves, using their income to instead purchase subsidized wheat and other
products that are of less nutritious value but can provide sufficient calories at less cost (Hellin
and Higman 2005; Healy 2004). Thus, even as the land dedicated to the production of quinoa has
decreasing. Meanwhile, the governments of Bolivia and Peru have become major purchasers of
quinoa for use in welfare programs3, making quinoa more accessible to other parts of the
population.
differently. Those who can afford to do so have turned to mechanization in order to maximize
3 For example, Perus Programa Nacional de Apoyo Alimentaria, which has programs for school
breakfasts and comedores populares, is increasingly transitioning away from the use of imported
wheat in favor of quinoa and other Andean grains which it purchases directly from farmers
(Hellin and Higman 2005). In Bolivia, President Morales has similarly encouraged the
consumption of quinoa through government-sponsored nutrition campaigns (Lundberg 2010).
Sasson, 3
production. Reduced crop diversity and constant cultivation of land have caused
environmentalists to worry about soil degradation and the long-term sustainability of production,
while others have worried about economic and food security (Jacobson 2011; Hellin and Higman
2005; Hogan and Joyce 2014). As traditional versus mechanized methods of production have
been contested, the potential for profitability in quinoa production has caused another interesting
disturbance the lifestyle of Andean peasants: many who had previously moved to urban areas
An issue here is the disjunction between increased economic prosperity and overall quality
of life and wellbeing. Emblematic of this are the starkly different approaches of types of Western
aid and development programs in Andean countries. Where one approach emphasizes food aid,
the other focuses on economic development. As argued by Brett (2010), these two approaches
counteract each other. While economic development programs encourage production of quinoa
for export in order to increase farmers economic profits under the assumption that this will lead
to improved qualities of life, programs aimed at food security have supplied countries such as
Bolivia with US surplus wheat which, because of its low cost, has become a major source of
calories for Bolivias poor. The result of the pairing of these two approaches to development has
been, Brett argues, decreased access to quinoa and foods with real nutritious and cultural value.
The issue of the shifting demand for and production of quinoa draws attention to the ways
in which the pressures of the international market and development programs, as well as
domestic campaigns, play out on the ground. Farmers have responded in a myriad of ways, the
specifics of which are certainly worth further investigation and which raises the question of why
there has been such variation. While at first glance increased demand for quinoa seems to have
Sasson, 4
increased farmers incomes, the results have been much more complicated. Given that
international prices for quinoa have risen, why have inequalities in access to well-being in
Comments 4/13
Too much information trying to explain too much
o Some could be in footnotes
o Repetitive in middle middle section could be integrated
o How does information relate to each other? Hierarchy of information
Question
o Established that it is warranted by contemporary scholarship
What type of argument?
o Historical? Cultural studies? Development critique?
o Implications of inquiry associate with similar types of inquiry
easy command of integrating scholarship
o Framed around what I think is important
Sasson, 5
Camille Sasson
4/24/16
Literature Review
Research Question: While at first glance increased demand for quinoa seems to have increased
farmers incomes, the results have been much more complicated. Given that international prices
for quinoa have risen, why have inequalities in access to well-being in Andean countries
increased?
As consumption and production of quinoa has shifted in recent years there has been a great
variation in the types of response by Andean farmers and in the distribution of the benefits from
the increased attention quinoa has received. The relevant scholarship is full of competing
viewpoints on the effects of the increased demand for quinoa. Anthropologist Andrew Ofstehage
(2012) summarizes this well, saying: "The quinoa boom has been posed as a saving grace for
poor farmers, a threat forcing Bolivian consumers to abandon quinoa for rice and quinoa milk for
Coca-Cola, and a pressure forcing farmers to adopt modern industrial farming practices" (442-
443).
Fair Trade and organic certification networks have been main drivers in the production of
quinoa for export while government initiatives and national actors have encouraged its domestic
consumption (Hellin and Higman 2003). Many small-scale farmers belong to producer
organizations which are responsible for a majority of Andean nations quinoa exports (Healy
2004). While such organizations have been able to negotiate higher prices for quinoa
internationally and domestically, to the economic benefit of the farmers who are associated with
it, they have also been exclusionary to many of the poorer farmers who are unable to meet the
standards for certification of organic production that they demand (Carimentrand and Ballet
2010). Many farmers would rather access the market directly or through local producer
organizations (Ballv 2007). Other organizations are seeking to fill a gap in processing quinoa to
Sasson, 6
make finished goods for export to Western markets and incorporation into domestic nutrition
programs4. As methods of production have adapted in order to create sufficient quality and
quantity of quinoa for export, government programs and domestic organizations have sought to
The literature related to the changing quinoa market takes many different approaches to the
topic, which can be grouped into several general categories ranging from a lens critiquing
models of development and their impact on food security to a focus on grassroots organization or
the contradictions within the Fair Trade food system. Scholars tend to focus on the organizational
level, analyzing the actors that have entered the production and market chain of quinoa and the
impacts on and responses of Andean peoples only in general/collective terms. Though there is a
lack of consensus on whether increased demand for quinoa is overall positive or negative, the
variety of areas of focus has created a literature with little overlap such that, while there is little
markets to represent farmers interests and maximize economic returns; these continue to play an
important role at local and national levels of quinoa production (Ofstehage 2012). Several bodies
of scholarship focus on the organizational structures of rural actors, arguing that the producer
organizations that have formed in response to the changing market are a form of grassroots
structures of the native resource economy, finding that they have been effective at negotiating in
4 One example is Irupana Andean Organic Food, which is making value-added cereal bars and
breads (Healy 2005).
Sasson, 7
defense of common interests in creating new paths to the marketplace. In Healys analysis,
organization by historically marginalized Andean farmers, using Andean products to use the
market to their advantage, thus rebuilding agrarian livelihoods and defending against Northern
market pressures and histories of colonialism. While this approach recognizes the agency of
farmers in collectively crafting responses and resistance to market pressures, Healy fails to
acknowledge the ways that these cooperatives are still inherently beholden to the whims and
specificities of Western demand. While producer organizations may have had success in
maximizing their gains from increased international demand for this historically marginalized
crop and have been able to take some degree of control in shaping market systems such as Fair
Trade networks, they still must adapt production systems to cater to the desires of the
international market. Thus, Healy tends to glorify and oversimplify both the efficacy of producer
(2013) argues that in contrast to claims that the spread of modern markets and technologies will
weaken and ultimately replace cooperative strategies reciprocity practices are important
components in the construction of a new, hybrid economic space (659). While the creation of
such a hybrid economic space is of course not necessarily what is happening in every case,
Walsh-Dilleys analysis, similar to that of Healy (2004), shows that it is possible for the growing
market for quinoa to create real benefits for producers by enabling grassroots development.
Carimentrand and Ballet (201) take a different approach, focusing on the inequalities that
involvement in Fair Trade networks. They cite numerous impact studies that find that
certification in general does not necessarily assist the most marginalized producers, and can in
fact actually exclude them due to the high costs associated with certification and that Fair Trade
networks can affect the balance of producers to the disadvantage of the smallest producers (3).
Using these findings and their own analysis of the context of international quinoa trade and the
Carimentrand and Ballet argue that Fair Trade in quinoa is actually increasing inequalities
between Bolivian producers (4). Additionally, they argue that there is a mismatch between the
principles of Fair Trade and the practices of organizations of producers" (11) as the standards of
Fair Trade are applied in different contexts. Their analysis looks at both the on-the-ground
impacts of market systems as well as at organizations within the market system, pointing to the
In more a macro-level critique, Brett (2010) points to the impacts of Western policies and
demand on food systems. Brett analyzes the conflicting nature of international food aid policy
and economic development using nutrition in Bolivia as a case study (28). On the one hand,
U.S. food aid makes wheat accessible at subsidized prices, thus providing poor Bolivians with a
cheap source of calories. On the other hand, policies aimed at economic development and
generating income for poor sectors of Bolivian society have targeted the development of quinoa
as an export crop. Brett argues that the combined result of these two approaches to development
has been that people in developing countries such as Bolivia have experienced reduced access to
nutrient-rich foods. This analysis highlights how different approaches to development, created by
outside actors such as the U.S. government, can play out in unexpected ways on the ground.
Sasson, 9
Hellin and Higman (2003; 2005) also focus on the impacts on food security of changing
demand for quinoa, though with a focus more on the production of quinoa for export versus
domestic consumption, taking into account the challenges and opportunities that smallholder
quinoa farmers face. More specifically, in Feeding the Market (2003), they look at the extent to
which quinoa can contribute to food security in the Andes and whether its potential can best be
realized through production for export, as a contribution to diets locally and nationally, or both
(90). One part of their analysis focuses on the obstacles to boosting domestic consumption of the
highly-nutritional quinoa, including urbanization, increasingly busy lifestyles, and the high cost
of quinoa. Linking the Andean experience of reduced access to and consumption of quinoa to
broader trends, Hellin and Higman state that increasing trade liberalization has reduced the
ability of countries to favor food production within their own borders (93). They identify the
increased risks and threats to food security created by changes such as the intensification of
production methods and focus on monocultures prompted by a focus on production for the export
market (104). However, they argue that it is possible to both encourage the production and
national consumption of quinoa within Andean countries and its production for export,
providing a much-needed cash income to rural families (97) through a two-part approach to
food security. With a focus on these two broad types of quinoa production, Hellin and Higmans
argument skims over the complexities taking place on the ground as farmers and consumers, both
domestic and international, respond to and shape the quinoa market. In doing so, they overlook
the agency of quinoa producers to shape their own livelihoods within and in resistance to the
market.
Overall, the literature on the effects of the changing quinoa market seems to be focused at
the organizational level. On-the-ground experiences are used as supporting data, but there is a
Sasson, 10
lack of literature highlighting the agency of farmers within the global food system. Additionally,
there is little scholarship highlighting the neo-colonial elements of the quinoa market, although
there are critiques of the Fair Trade movement from this lens. The approaches to development
that are discussed are often as top-down, though some scholars, such as Healy (2004) do identify
the potential for the quinoa market to act as a platform for grassroots development. While many
scholars recognize that the development policies and market pressures of the international level
often do not have the intended impacts on the ground, there is a lack of discussion situating
micro-level actors within these macro-level trends or acknowledgment of how supply and
production methods can shape the market (rather than how demand forces producers to adapt).
Comments 4/27
Includes how conclusions were drawn
Could be shaped more
o Not sure where I stand
o Will be shaped more when hypothesis is established
o Will need to justify why my approach is more complete in making critiques
create my own space to speak
o Narrow conceptualization
o Make position clear
Information is there sufficient bibliography
Need to consider what data is available
o Dont want to set up line of inquiry that cant be supported
o NGOs as source of data
Research question
o Notwithstanding the inequality, x is still happening why? How is inequity felt?
o Not why is there growing inequality? intellectual dead end
o What are the strategies conceived by these farmers? Goal is money? Money to do
what?
Camille Sasson
5/8/16
Hypothesis
Research Question: While at first glance increased demand for quinoa seems to have increased
farmers incomes, the results have been much more complicated. Given that demand has
connected farmers to the domestic and global markets, why have inequalities increased among
quinoa producers in Andean countries?
I argue that inequalities in access to food security among quinoa producers in Andean
development that are intermixing and contradicting as historically marginalized Andean farmers
are increasingly participating in domestic and international market systems. These conceptions of
progress come from a myriad of actors and programs, from internationally- and domestically-
producers themselves. In the context of quinoa production, each of these actors actions based on
their conceptions of progress converge and manifest in the lived experience of quinoa producers,
resulting in the exacerbation of inequalities as some are able to take advantage of market
Even in the perception of quinoa and its usefulness, we can see different priorities of
development organizations as a super food, capable of combatting global food insecurity, and as
a rising niche market capable of bringing the benefits of the global market to marginalized
Andean farmers. Emblematic of this, the United Nations declared 2013 the International Year of
Quinoa with programs aimed at focusing world attention on the role of quinoa biodiversity and
nutritional value for food security and the eradication of poverty (FAQs- International Year of
Sasson, 12
Quinoa 2013 2016). Government initiatives, such as PRONAA5 are using the grain in initiatives
to combat malnutrition (Hellin and Higman 2005). Farmers are responding to its increasing
popularity and rising prices by expanding quinoa production as a way to make a living in
Quinoa has not always experienced this degree of admiration. For centuries it was
cultivated by Andean peoples serving as a dietary staple and a feature in Andean traditions and
ceremonies. During Spanish colonization, its cultivation was repressed and it was replaced as a
staple in Andean diets by European crops. As has been the case with many other signs of
indigeneity, many sectors of society in these now-independent countries have continued to scorn
quinoa as a third-rate Indian or rural food (Ballv 2007). Meanwhile, it has increasingly
become an item of elite consumption through its domestic use in gourmet cuisine and its craze
Thus, there are many competing perceptions and utilizations of quinoa itself. Its
association to indigeneity makes it for some an important feature of cultural heritage, while for
others earns it negative connotations of backwardness. Its nutritional value has made it the
darling of domestic and international food security initiatives and Western health-foodies. Its
rising market price has made it a tool of economic development. Each of these perceptions of the
Motivated by what I argue are different priorities of development, these competing ideas
of the utility of quinoa to achieve goals of progress have manifested in policies and initiatives
that have, on the ground, exacerbated inequalities. Similarly looking at development policies,
5 The Programa Nacional de Apoyo Alimentaria, which purchases quinoa and other native crops
directly from farmers for use in government food programs (Hellin and Higman 2005).
Sasson, 13
Brett (2010) argues that international food aid policy and economic development have a
conflicting nature that furthers inequalities between the countries giving aid and those
receiving it. This critical view of the contradictions between different development policies
serves to show how the different priorities of development initiatives play out on the ground.
However, this argument is more focused on how these aid policies are another iteration of
Northern exploitation of the global South, exacerbating international inequalities rather than the
that sharpening inequality is an inherent effect of the international market, and the Fair Trade
market specifically. Carimentrand and Ballet (2010) focus on the exclusionary nature of the
certification process upon which Fair Trade is based, finding that the smallest producers are
unable to meet the requirements. They are thus further marginalized as those who are able to join
the Fair Trade network reap the benefits of their access international markets. While the
exclusionary nature of the international food system and Fair Trade certification in particular, is
certainly an element in explaining the inequalities arising from the changing market for quinoa, it
does not account for the ways farmers have organized collectively to access the international
development initiatives and farmer responses can bridge the divide between these macro-level
forces and micro-level responses. Walsh-Dilley (2013) conceptualizes the hybrid economic
space that has been created through the continuation and adaptation of traditional reciprocity
production, these forces overlap and juxtapose to play out on the ground in a multitude of
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