Running head: AA DEVELOPMENTAL SYNTHESIS 1

Examining the Developmental Needs of African American Male Collegians

Christian Hightower
Loyola University Chicago
AA MALES DEVELOPMENTAL SYNTHESIS 2

The field of higher education is experiencing great success in the midst of great failure.

There has been a drastic expansion of access to higher education institutions for students of

varied identities, yet the United States is no longer a competitive, global leader of higher

education. There is more representation from underserved communities than ever before, yet

institutions are struggling to effectively retain students, especially those from underrepresented

communities. Students of color are tasked with navigating hostile environments that impose

additional social and academic barriers that significantly impact their development, and student

affairs professionals are responsible for understanding their developmental needs to create

environments and experiences that facilitate positive growth. As institutions expand access, they

must also learn, adapt, and grow to support the ever-changing student population.

African American males have received heightened attention in recent years within

literature and research that highlights their experiences and engagement on college campuses.

The vast majority of higher education literature examining African American males seems to be

grounded in a deficit-based approach that continues to stigmatize and problematize the African

American male in educational settings. Harper (2013a) summarized the recent documentation of

this population:

They are outnumbered at most colleges and universities, their grade point

averages are among the lowest of all undergraduate students, their engagement in

classrooms and enriching out-of-class experiences is alarmingly low, and their

attrition rates are comparatively higher than those of White students in U.S. in

higher education Encounters with racism, stereotypes, microagressions, and

low expectations from professors and others undermine their academic outcomes,
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sense of belonging, and willingness to seek help and utilize campus resources (as

cited in Harper, Berhanu, Davis III & McGuire, p.54)

These deficit-based observations of African American males should be challenged and

critiqued, but I would argue these negative outcomes and disparities indicate that institutions and

administrators are failing to provide Black males with the appropriate developmental support that

would allow them to flourish intellectually, emotionally, and socially. The developmental

journey for individuals who are African American and male requires special attention because

there are historical, cultural, and developmental differences associated with Black men that do

not impact their peers. According to Cuyjet (1998), historical and sociological factors constrain

African Americans males personal development resulting in social roles, behaviors, and values

that are significantly different than their White peers, African American female counterparts., and

even other men of color. Cuyjets conclusion alludes to the multiple factors that can impede

African American male students development within higher education, which differentiates their

growth from others. These differences are rooted in systems of oppression related to race,

gender, and class that have significant consequences. These distinctions coupled with the vast

disparities among this specific student population within higher education has influenced the

need for a comprehensive analysis of student development theory related to African American

male collegians. This developmental synthesis will critically analyze the multiple and complex

facets of their development, explore key developmental influences, and address the congruity

and inadequacies present within the theoretical research and literature associated with the African

American male experience.

Early foundational theories describing psychosocial, social identity, and cognitive

development of college students are inherently flawed when applied to traditionally

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underrepresented populations because they oftentimes represent the experiences of privileged

communities that have the power to set the dominant narrative. Traditional theories are framed

in a Eurocentric perspective that further marginalizes those who do not identify as White, male

and heterosexual. This critique is evident and persistent across many of the early, foundational

theories that speak to one experience. Eurocentric bias captures the experiences of a waning

majority and fails to take into account the varied, complex experiences of underrepresented

communities. Their absence from these models imposes pervasive and significant consequences

on their developmental outcomes. The early literature no longer mirrors the demographics of

todays college campus. Student success is tied to student affairs practitioners ability to

understand and address the needs of various identities and perspectives from a diverse array of

social locations. To this point, student development theory that claims to encapsulate the college

student experience, not pointed to the experiences of a specific community, should strive to be

inclusive and give consideration to various developmental experiences. The following analysis of

African American male development will be guided by Rodgers (1990c) definition of student

development as the ways that a student grows, progresses, or increases his or her developmental

capabilities as a result of enrollment in an institution of higher education (as citied in Evans,

Forney, Guido, Patton & Renn, p. 27). The context of higher education and the positive and

negative influences associated with this environment for African American males is immensely

important to understanding how this population navigates their psychosocial, social identity, and

cognitive development.

Psychosocial Development

The psychosocial literature dissecting the experiences of African American male

collegians consistently highlights the importance of environment. Widick, Parker, and

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Knefelkamp (1978) claimed that development consists of internal dynamics in relationship with

the external environment (as cited in Evans et al., 2010). This is important to note because it

signifies that human development does not occur within a vacuum, yet the internal and external

are influenced by one another in the growth process. The developing person [is] in a social and

historical context (Evans et al., 2010, p.49), and these interactions with others and social

institutions are critical components of psychosocial development. The literature pertaining to

African American students emphasizes the importance of developing a sense belonging in an

environment that requires them to engage covert and overt forms of racism in institutions with

unsupportive and potentially hostile racial climates and cultures on a daily basis.

Many scholars argue that mattering to others is not only beneficial, but it is necessary for

positive psychosocial development. This is ironic because African American male collegians

developmental needs are situated in educational spaces that have a natural tendency to

marginalize. Cuyjet (1998) noted the positive perception that there is a beneficial fit between

themselves and the community environment is a critical factor in students successful adjustment

to the college milieu (p. 64). Therefore, the underlying desire for community and identification

with those individuals, rituals, and values within the community is important to all students

development. Rosenberg and McCullough (1981) defined mattering as a feeling that others

depend on us, are interested in us, are concerned with our fate, or experience us as an

egoextension (as cited in Cuyjet, 1998, p. 165). The need to belong is not a recent realization.

Maslow (1954) included belonging in the hierarchy of needs and described belonging as a basic

human need and a fundamental motivation, sufficient to drive behavior and beliefs (as cited in

Strayhorn, 2012). The need to belong is actively pursued by all humans, but I would argue that
AA MALES DEVELOPMENTAL SYNTHESIS 6

mattering carries increased significance for African American college students who may not

identify with the majority culture on their campuses.

Recent scholars exploring the psychosocial developmental needs of African American

males) reinforced Cuyjets emphasis on the importance of mattering. Sense of belonging also

takes on heightened significance in certain contexts, at certain times, among certain people It

takes on heightened importance in contexts where individuals are inclined to feel isolated,

alienated, lonely, and invisible (Strayhorn, 2012, p. 10). Positive growth in this area is directly

linked to belonging, and its significance intensifies for the African American male who is bound

to historical and sociological factors that increase the likelihood of experiencing feelings of

marginalization. Common psychosocial theoretical models such as Eriksons identity

development theory, Marcias ego identity statuses, and Chickerings theory of identity

development fail to recognize the consequences associated with marginalization and coping

mechanisms needed to adapt and persist when a sense of belonging is unattainable within the

dominant culture. Belonging is central to how African American male students come to

understand their relationship with peers and social institutions, and there are severe impacts on

their experience and the messages they begin to form about their social identities. The omission

of mattering in traditional representations of psychosocial development does not negate its

importance. Strayhorn (2012) suggested that:

Sense of belonging is important for Black male collegians, that they place

significance on their belonging experiences, that mattering facilitates their

belonging in college, that Black men may experience belonging differently based

on various identity factors. Sense of belonging serves as a goal, a desired end,

or optimal psychosocial condition. (p.82)

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Based on their models, it is clear that Erikson, Marcia, and Chickering understand that

environment is important to psychosocial development, yet their conclusions are not congruent

with the African American male experience. They do not acknowledge the additional factors

these students face and coping mechanisms required to adapt. Quaye, Griffin, and Museus

(2015) argued, most, if not all, White institutions are founded on deeply embedded Eurocentric

values, beliefs, and assumptions that shape norms and behaviors of faculty, staff, and students on

college campuses (p. 24). Environments grounded in Eurocentric perspectives have the

potential to have significant impacts on students. Traditional theory does not give recognition to

how navigating marginalization and discrimination impact psychosocial development or the

coping mechanisms required to move beyond these negative experiences. Smith, Allen, and

Danley (2007) presented a theoretical model of racial battle fatigue, which is the result of

constant physiological, psychological, cultural, and emotional coping with microaggressions in

less-than-ideal and racially hostile or unsupportive environments (p.55). Their model of racial

battle fatigue posits that these stressors have significant impacts on psychosocial development in

the form of emotional and psychological stress, decreased confidence and self-esteem, and

decreased sense of belonging. It is immensely important that models describing the psychosocial

development of African American males give notice to the historical and sociological factors that

influence their growth while also highlighting positive and negative copings mechanisms utilized

by students.

Social Identity

There is an abundance of research examining the plight of African American males in

higher education. Various models have been constructed to explain the developmental processes

that take place as African American students grapple with their social identities. The following
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analysis will examine student development theory addressing two salient identities for African

American men: race and gender.

Racial Identity Development

Research and literature dedicated to theorizing the racial identity of African American

men in higher education is extensive, evolving over time to incorporate contemporary

perspectives that fit current experiences. Helms and Cook (1999) proposed a model to

collectively explain the racial identity development of people of color. In their people of color

model, they operated under the assumptions that the symptoms or consequences of racism

directed toward ones racial group are a negative conception of ones racial group and oneself as

a member of that group (p.247). Their emphasis is placed on how marginalized populations

overcome internalized racism, and there are five ego statuses (conformity, dissonance,

immersion, emersion, internalization, and integrated awareness) associated with this process.

Individuals in the early stages subscribe to the dominant cultures negative assumptions about

their group, idealize White culture, and are unable to replace these negative self-group

assumptions. Development is triggered by a racial encounter that causes dissonance, and their

understanding of race becomes increasingly more complex as individuals move through the

statuses. They begin to take ownership of a positive self and group image, feel a sense of

belonging among same-group members, and actively defend their racial identity with

sophistication (Helms & Cook, 1999). Helms and Cook highlight an important experience,

internalized racism, within racial identity. The emergence of positive racial self-conception at

the expense of waning White idealization is a central theme shared among Black identity models.

Traditional stage-based models grounded in a mainstream approach reflect the notion that:
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Healthy racial identity development is achieved when Blacks progress through a

series of linear stages commencing with degrading thoughts and feelings about

themselves and other Blacks, and ending with internalized positive feelings about

themselves, other Blacks, and other racial and ethnic groups (Constantine,

Richardson, Bejamin & Wilson, 1998, p. 95).

In contrast, other theoretical models grounded in an underground approach explore

the qualitative experiences of Black Americans and recognize that positive racial

identification can be achieved without internalized racism and a negative self-concept.

These two theoretical approaches have yet to speak to one another, yet they both

highlight aspects of the Black experience that are immensely important and could

contribute to a more complex and fluid understanding of racial identity.

Crosss (1996) Nigrescence model and Helms (1990) Black racial identity

development model takes a mainstream approach and explain Black racial identity in the

context of internalized oppression. Crosss Nigrescence model is a stage-based model

that refers to the process of becoming Black. The model is in alignment with the

discovery of Black identity as Cross (1991) refers to the nigrescence process as a

resocializing process (as cited in Worrel, Cross & Vandiver, p. 208). Nigrescence

identities describe the frame of reference or identity clusters through which the world is

viewed, and they are exemplified by particular interest (p. 208). The model has endured

multiple revisions to include new concepts, patterns, and nigrescence identities. The

continuous revisions to include additional identities highlights the weaknesses associated

with stage-based models and their inability to capture the breadth of the African

American experience. Four stages (pre-encounter, encounter, immersion-emersion, and

AA MALES DEVELOPMENTAL SYNTHESIS 10

internalization) follow a developmental path similar to Helms and Cooks (1999) POC

racial identity model. Individuals begin with black self-hatred in the pre-encounter stage

and are triggered by an event that propels them to seek a positive understanding of their

racial identity that becomes increasingly more complex over time. Helms (1990)

presented a psychological understanding of Black racial identity development that re-

conceptualized Crosss model, shifting the initial understanding of each stage to represent

various worldviews that determine how individuals understand themselves, others, and

institutions. Helms was responsible for many of the early developments of the current

model such as bimodal stages and ego statutes (as cited in Constantine et al.,1998).

Sellers, Smith, Shelton, Rowley, and Chavous (1998) presented a multidimensional

model of racial identity that emphasized the individuals perspective of what it means to

be Black and recognized the diverse, individual ways people can ascribe meaning to

membership within the same group. This is an underground approach to Black identity

development that focuses on the significance and the nature of an individuals racial

identity at a given point in time in the individuals life (Sellers et. al., 1998, p.24). The

model addresses racial salience, centrality of race, regard in which the person holds the

group associated with the identity, and the ideology associated with the identity. Seller et.

al. (1998) argued that the significance and meanings tied to Black racial identity

influence individuals behaviors and beliefs as it relates to each of the aforementioned

areas. An individuals understanding of Blackness across these areas represents constructs

that can be temporarily or chronically accessible and allow us to predict behaviors or

beliefs. Chronically accessible constructs are derived from a history of life experiences

while temporarily accessible constructs are prompted by a situation or environment. This

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perspective prioritizes perception and recognizes racial identity can be more

individualized and detached from negative self-concepts. This type of model creates

space to understand how other social identities may influence how individuals make

meaning of their racial identity, a need that is lacking in contemporary research.

The mainstream and underground approach complement each other because an

individualized, perceptive meaning-making approach would supplement the weaknesses

of stage-based models that treat African Americans as a homogenous group. Both of

these models fail to acknowledge intersecting identities and their ability to influence an

individuals movement through developmental stages while also impacting how they

come to understand themselves and others. Constantine (1998) noted that mainstream

approaches tend to be reactionary to oppression, and propose White idealization as the

only world-view as opposed to the existence of an enduring system of African American

culture. The African American experience is vast and diverse and theoretical models need

to take this fluidity and breadth of expression into account.

Masculinity

Masculinity and its performance in African American communities need to be explored.

There is not much research dedicated to gender identity development, but some scholars have

examined the norms and expectations associated with African American masculinity. Harris

(1995) argued:

PressurestomeetEuropeanAmericanstandardsofmanhoodasprovider,

protector,anddisciplinarianarerepresentativeofsuchadilemmaforAfrican

Americanmen...Inequitiesinearningpotentialandemploymentandlimited

accesstoeducationalopportunitiespreventtheexpressionofthesebehaviors...
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Tocompensateforfeelingsofpowerlessness,guilt,andshamethatresultfromthe

inabilitytoenacttraditionalmasculineroles,someAfricanAmericanmaleyouth

haveredefinedmasculinitytoemphasizesexualpromiscuity,toughness,thrill

seeking,andtheuseofviolenceininterpersonalinteractions(279280).

Harris (1995) also provides Afrocentric values of masculinity that emphasize

collectivism, spirituality, and oneness with nature, but pressures to associate with the dominant

culture cause African American males to internalize Eurocentric forms of masculinity. Oliver

(1998,1999) noted there are two primary orientations of masculinity for African American men

related to women and machismo (as cited in Harper, 2004). Harper (2004) studied high-

achieving African American males in higher education and affirmed these findings to be true

among same-race peers. African American college students who failed to access Eurocentric

masculinity valued women, competition, accumulation of wealth and materialism. It is

important to note that these are not the only demonstrations of African American masculinity; a

void that needs to be addressed in research. Black masculinity is described through either the

lens of internalized racism or negative alternative performances of masculinity. Harpers (2004)

research highlights a population of high-achieving African American males who exhibit

unconventional forms of masculinity that expand gender identity and performance to include

securing future interests, academic success, leadership, community advancement, and family.

Connell (1993) suggested that masculinity is negotiated and validated by other male peers (as

cited in Harper, 2004), and these high-achieving students avoided ridicule and maintained the

respect and support of their peers who subscribe to more conventional forms of masculinity.

Gender identity development for males is an area that needs more attention and even more so for
AA MALES DEVELOPMENTAL SYNTHESIS 13

how African American males understand masculinity outside of the context of Eurocentric

perspectives.

Cognitive Development

Cognitive development refers to the process of increasingly complex meaning making

over time and describes how individuals view and interpret their experiences. Perrys (1968)

scheme begins with simplistic forms in which individuals interpret the world in unqualified

polar terms of absolute right-wrong, good bad (p.3) and concludes with complex forms through

which individuals seek to affirm personal commitments (as cited in Evans et. al, 2010).

Cognitive theories are stage-based, sequential and in relationship with the environment and topic

being engaged, which can influence how an individual represents themselves within the various

stages. Many of these theories explore ways of knowing, who are legitimized as sources of

authority and knowledge at any given time, and how this evolves over time. A general theme in

cognitive theory is a transition from external sources of authority (e.g., parental figures, teachers,

and law enforcement) towards internal validation and commitments. Magolda developed a

model of epistemological reflection to expand Perrys theory to incorporate the gendered

differences related to the conception of the nature of knowledge (Evans et. al., 2010). This

model contains four stages that break down gender differences within each stage. While this

helps to strengthen our understanding of cognitive development, there is little research dedicated

to how race and ethnicity impact cognitive processes.

Legitimate sources of authority vary according to cultural values and traditions and

historical and sociological context. Within the context of the United States, African American

males conceptions of authority figures are vastly different than their White peers or woman

counterparts. African American males are pushed through the educational system with more
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recommendations to enter the workforce than to pursue higher education, while also enduring the

systematic criminalization and marginalization of Black male bodies. Smith et. al. (2007) argued

in HWIs (historically White institutions), control is often wielded by White administrators,

professors, students and others... This control is enforced by White power, that is, police power

and community policing (p.558). According to their research, this perspective is shared

among many Black students, and this experience is not exclusive to the collegiate setting. This

conclusion diverges from Perry and Magoldas understanding of who is deemed an authority

figure and challenges how early individuals move through this developmental process.

Self-Authorship

Cognitive theoretical models include deflections that may influence growth (Evans,

2010), but they do not explicitly theorize how race directly impacts cognitive development.

Research shows that students from marginalized communities reach greater levels self-

authorship and can enter college self-authored (Pizzolato, 2003), which is in stark contrast to

Magoldas conclusion that most college students do not leave college at the final phase of self-

authorship according to her model. Baxter Magolda (2008) defined self-authorship as the

internal capacity to define ones beliefs, identity, and social relations (p.269). Her model

highlighted the developmental tasks associated with meeting the challenges of adult life and

grounded this developmental point in three questions: How do I know? Who am I? How do I

want to construct relationships with others? (Evans et. al., 2010). Magoldas theory of self-

authorship has four phases that transition from dependence on external frameworks through

critical moments of dissonance that motivate them to develop internal constructs that informs

and satisfies their understanding of themselves and others.

AA MALES DEVELOPMENTAL SYNTHESIS 15

Magoldas study found that only a few number of students accessed self-authorship

during college, but examining the experiences of high-risk students suggests otherwise. Self-

authorship can be accessed earlier and potentially prior to college due to engagement with

provocative experiences that propel high-risk students to navigate these stages earlier than their

peers. Pizzolato (2003) includes marginalized or underrepresented communities in her definition

of high-risk due to social challenges faced by these populations, and therefore argued that the

obstacles they have to overcome in becoming college students may facilitate their

epistemological development such that they develop self-authorship at much earlier stages than

their lower-risk peers (p.799). Their development of self-authorship is related to their need to

negotiate possible selves and remain committed to their internal foundations that potentially

contradict societal or communal expectations or norms. Oysterman (1995) noted that identity

negotiation in African American males involves the dual task of assembling a positive sense of

self while discrediting negative identities attributed to African American males (p. 1211).

African American males have to disassociate themselves from negative stigmas and expectations

and commit to self-determined goals that can conflict with communal goals. Pizzolato (2003)

affirmed this claim:

Incarvingoutcollegestudentpossibleselves,thesestudentsmayneedtodevelop

stronginternalfoundationsthatkeepthemworkingtowardtheirgoalsandprotect

themfromsufferingexcessivelyfromnotfittinginwiththeirpeersorcommunity

atlarge(p.800)

PizzolatosnewinsightsonMagoldasmodelreimagethecollegeprocessasthecatalysts

forAfricanAmericanmenwhohavetocreatetheirownschemasforbeingsuccessful.Thenew

findingsalsoarguedthattheirabilitytoremaininanadvancedlevelofselfauthorshipisheavily
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dependentonprivilege.Highriskstudentswhoexperiencedhighlevelsofprivilegeaccessing

collegefounditmoredifficulttobecommittedtotheirnewcollegeidentitycomparedto

studentswithlowlevelsofprivilegewholackedresources,support,andmodelsforhowto

accesscollege.Astrongersenseofselfrelianceandcommitmenttotheirinternalgoalsemerged

becausetherewasnooutlineforhowtoachievetheirgoals(Pizzolatto,2003).

Conclusion

African Americans are consistently examined in the context of Whiteness across

psychosocial, social identity, and cognitive development models. That approach is necessary

because African American male development is situated in an environment with historical and

sociological factors that cause experiences with oppression to be consistent and significant, but

more attention must be paid to redefining the African American male experience outside of

internalization racism and discrimination. Racism is a huge factor but we need to delve into the

defining components of African American male identity detached from Eurocentrism. Another

issue present in African American developmental theory is the tendency to treat this population

as a homogenous group without recognizing the multiple facets of their identity and how they

influence one another. Numerous scholars suggest that most students perceive their identities as

multifaceted and that those multiple identities intersect to influence the perception and

development of identity including African Americans. (Stewart, 2009, p.254). Stewart (2006)

continued to argue that these identities affected one another, especially identities that are more

salient than others. The African American male experience is complex and multidimensional and

their perceptions of themselves and their experiences are even more individualized. The research

should attempt to reflect and encompass their diversity.

AA MALES DEVELOPMENTAL SYNTHESIS 17

Research shows that spirituality is important to their development and is so deeply

engrained and connected to their identity that it acts as a lens through which they assign meaning

to other identities and experiences. Spirituality did not have a significant presence in the

literature pertaining to African American experience, yet Stewart (2006) noted spirituality was a

lens through which they understood and interpreted their collective identities, giving rationality

for the multiple aspects of self and creating synergy among them (p.260). Spirituality was also

cited as an effective means of support and coping, which is needed to help African American

male collegians resist and push through marginalization and discrimination. These students

employ various coping mechanisms to persist and continue positive development. This analysis

has outlined the many struggles that African Americans college students face on their

developmental path, and are important traits and experiences these students have developed and

partake in to overcome these obstacles. It requires resilience, respect for ones inner voice, and

the ability to resist the stigmatization associated with being a Black male while being in pursuit

of an ultimate goal, higher education (Smith, 2007, p. 573). Resiliency and grit have been cited

as important traits that enable success in college among African American males. Strayhorn

(year) found that grit is positively associated with academic outcomes such as grade in college

for Black malesand grit positively predicts achievement in challenging domains (p.7).

The literature seems to place a pessimistic, cynical lens on the plight of African American

males in higher education, but there are students who are high-achieving and accessing success

in the midst of social and institutional barriers. Administrators and institutions must learn from

their success and come to understand what experiences promote positive African American male

development. Mentorship is consistently highlighted as a valuable tool for these students. Black

students engagement with formal mentoring relationships promotes positive outcomes such as
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sense of belonging, overall satisfaction, and higher rates of success (Strayhorn, 2012, p.83).

Harper (2006) found that leadership and engagement served as negotiation tools for high-

achievers (p.354) with respect to internalized racism. Student organization membership

enhances Black identity development and educators [should] invest energies into introducing

these students to venues in which their identities can be developed and expressed (Harper, 2007,

p.138). Strayhorn (2012) captured a much need paradigm shift:

We have to correct the image of Black men in higher education by sharing more

information about their successes, highlighting the structural factors that give rise

to leveled aspirations and outcomes, and changing the discourse about Black men

from a directory of deficiencies to a volume of strengths (Strayhorn, 2012, p.87)

African Americans are succeeding in higher education, and institutions must put forth the effort

to understand what works to create environments that allow Black males to thrive.
AA MALES DEVELOPMENTAL SYNTHESIS 19

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