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Tilak and Inc
Tilak and Inc
Tilak and Inc
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The Indian Journal of Political Science
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TILAK AND THE INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS
N. R. Inamdar*
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388 HE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENC
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TILAK AND THE INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS 389
of causes.
Tilak's concept of Indian nationalism was thus operationalised at two
levels, regional and national. During the nineties of the last century Tilak
concentrated on the regional issues to root the political movement firmly
in the soil. After his release from prison in 1899, Tilak devoted his
attention to the national causes like the propagation of the need for a
Passive Resistance movement to compel the annulment of the partition of
Bengal9 and Curzon's repressive policies in regard to the press, educational
institutions and political organisations.10 This phase of national agitation
brought in his long captivity for six years during 1908-1914. The Home
Rule League11 which he established throughout the country during the
War years and thereafter marked the extension of the same phase of
Tilak's political career as a national leader.
Tilak's philosophy and ideology of Indian nationalism was unique in
two respects : his emphasis on the role of the Indian National Congress
and other political organisations in generating as well as galvanising
the sentiment of nationalism among the people, and his accent on
the economic and other (particularly educational) causes to contest
and weaken the sources of authority of the British regime. His
fervent appeal to the people to take to Swadeshi12 and National
Education13 illustrated the second unique element in his ideology
of Indian nationalism. The then leadership of the Congress fondly
believed that the British government and bureaucracy would respond
favourably to their representations on different economic, constitutional
and administrative issues. They were not inclined to ingratiate the alien
power by adopting the extra constitutional mode of political organisation
to redress people's grievances.
Tilak's concept of Indian nationalism fused together diverse elements
which characterised the emergence of nationalism in different countries
in the West, particularly Europe, over the last four centuries. Tilak did
not believe that the classic cluster of elements such as historical contin-
uity, cultural anti linguistic identity, economic viability and unity of
political aspiration was ever present in their coincidental combination14 in
any of the established or emergent nation-states of Europe and North
America. The doctrine of people as the source and location of national
sovereignty declared by the French Revolution was absorbed by Tilak in
his nationalist ideology in bringing home to the Indian people their role in
realising the Indian nationality.15 Tilak also stressed the spiritual element
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39 THB INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
emphasised by the German thinkers Herder and Fichte and French writer
Renan, by dwelling on the cultural legacy of the Indian people.16 The
role of government played in the formation of the nation-state in the frame
of the Wilsonian doctrine17 was also taken into account by Tilak in
conceding to the British rule its historical achievement of the political and
administrative unity of the country.
Tilak broadly concurred with the economic philosophy of his contem-
poraries like Ranade, Dadabhai Naoroji, Romesh Chandra Dutt and
Gokhale. But Tilak also used the economic issues for stepping up
the people's political consciousness and gearing up the tempo of the
freedom struggle. Tilak brought out in his papers the inequities of the
imperial economic and financial burden on the Indian government and of
the latter on the provincial government18 and the resulting absence of
functional independence to the local bodies. In his articles in the media,
public speeches and memoranda to the governments, Tilak exposed the
unjust and oppressive administrative measures and rules and laws of the
British administration in the fields of agriculture, land revenue and land
tenure, police, forests, industry, business and trade, education, defence and
foreign affairs.19 While developing the ideology of Indian nationalism
and infusing it among the people, Tilak did not neglect dealing with con-
crete issues and matters of laws and rules, administration and judicial
cases.
16. Ibid.
17. SLT. VII (1965), pp. 262-273.
18. N.R. Inamdar, "Kendra ani Pranta Yanchyatila Arthik Sambandbhababat Lo.
Tilakni Vykta Kelele Moolagami Raiakiya Vichar". Kesari. 3 Jolv. 1972.
19. N.R. Inamdar, "Sthanik Swarajyacha Puraskarte Tilak", Kesari, 27 July
1980 and N.R. Inamdar, "Bureaucracy and Political Ideology of Lokmanya
Tilak", Inamdar, n. 8.
20. SLT, III, pp. 51-54, 615-618.
21. SLT, IV. pp. 1031-1061.
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TILAK AND THE INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS 391
Tilak as other nationalist leaders and strengthened his trust in the vitalit
of the emerging Indian nationalism.
If Tilak has been accepted all around as an effective architect and
exponent of the ideology of Indian nationalism as articulated and
embodied in the Indian National Congress, his role as a secularist has been
doubted and disputed. But, the very fact that Tilak was one of th
foremost workers of the Congress believing in and fostering its characte
as an all-India political forum of all Indians22 belonging to differen
religions, races, languages, castes and communities, classes, regions and
sexes, should settle the issue in favour of Tilak as a secularist. He expecte
that with the spread of Western education among the Muslims they woul
join the freedom movement in greater strength.
During the anti-Bengal Partition agitation in Bengal and outside it was
alleged that it would lead to the withdrawal of the Muslims from the fol
of the Congress. Tilak replied to this allegation asking the British rule
to handover the government to the representatives of the Muslims if the
intended to part with power.23 This reply by Tilak to the possible mov
on the part of the British government to divide the Indians on religiou
and caste lines anticipated Gandhiji's similar call to the British governmen
during 1942 and thereafter to transfer power to the representatives of th
Muslims as it must. It might be recalled that the anti Bengal Partition
agitation was followed by the grant of the Muslim deputationists'
demand for separate electorates in the elections to the Central and
Provincial legislatures. Tilak was not free then to let his reaction to the
Morely-Minto reforms conceding the Muslim demand for separate electo-
rates known to the people.
Tilak has been recognised to be an architect of the Lucknow Pact2
between the congress and the Muslim League in 1916 as a prelude to the
grant of 'responsible' government to the Indians by the British after the
War. Whatever be the merit of the Lucknow Pact in stereotyping th
separate electorates and extending the separatist claims to other segment
of authority, it removes the charge of his being biased in favour of th
Hindus and against the Muslims.
The Home Rule League established by Tilak in 1916 attracted support
from Muslim leaders like Jinnah and sent to Britain Joseph Baptista, a
non-Hindu, as its spokesman.
The manifesto of the Congress Democratic Party (Group founded by
him within the Congress) which was published in 1920, recognised equal
religious freedom to all citizens and proclaimed adherences to the ideal of
Hindu-Muslim unity.
Within the fold of Hindu society, secularism would imply exercise and
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392 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SC1NE
enjoyment of equality and equal rights by the backward castes along wit
the advanced. The Manifesto of the Congress Democratic Party (192
did not recognise caste distinctions in the matter of confernment of righ
on individuals.25 During the last decade of the last century Tilak h
showed up a conservative outlook on women in regard to the controvers
on the Age of Consent Bill and related social reforms. His outlook o
women during the last years of his life was not known. But it is quite
possible that one full year's stay in Britain during 1918-19 would have
turned him a socially progressive person.
Tilak did not hold an anti-religious outlook in regard to the role of th
state in the religious matters. He himself in his personal life and outlo
was a deeply religious person without being a worshipper of the religiou
ritual. He did not want the state to promote, sponsor or favour a parti
cular religion disfavouring another. But he held that the state shou
maintain religious freedom for all individual persons in its fold. H
desired the state to hold an even balance between different religions to
prevent one of these dominating others, avoiding suppression of religiou
freedom to those professing faith in other religions.
IV
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TILAK AND THE INDfAN NATIONAL CONGRESS 393
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394 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
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TILAK AND THE INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS 395
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396 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
When the peaceful modes of agitation were banned, the seething disconten
in the minds of the youth was vented in the terrorist acts of th
revolutionaries. This changed the profile of the freedom movement
leaving little room for the Moderate leadership to continue its influenc
over opinion.
The trial methodology of passive resistance comprising Swadeshi
Boycott and National Education was termed byTilak as "Bahishakara-yog
Swadeshi with its constructive cult of fostering manufacture of Indian
goods was to be supplemented and reinforced by the boycott of British
goods. The Moderates opposed the resolution on boycott at the
Calcutta Congress in 1906 on the ground that it implied application of
force and direct confrontation with the British Government and the
industrialists arid traders in Britain. Pherozeshah Mehta had opined that
adequate demand for Indian goods did not exist in the country. But
Tilak affirmed that once the Indian goods were available, there would be
enough demand to absorb them in the market. New employment would
be available. Indian capital would have profitable channels of investment;
and due to additional stock of goods, their prices also would be reduced
leading in turn to higher demand for them. But Tilak stressed the
avowedly political character of the swadeshi and boycott movements.39
These would serve as planks for inculating and stepping up the partriotic
feelings among the people.
Tilak did not merely agitate for swadeshi, he sponsored the
constructive activity of swadeshi. He initiated the 'Paisa Fund', asking
all people to contribute a paisa each towards setting up of Indian industries
and trading concerns. He patronised with others the Swadeshi Coopera-
tive Stores to trade Indian goods.40
Tilak defined 'National Education' as education which gave
nationalist orientation to the outlook of the students.41 National
Education would train the youth to be self-reliant and independent i
their future life. National educational institutions would not depend on
government grants and so would be in a position to defy governmen
circulars like "Risley Circular" in Bombay Province to compel the student
not to participate in or articulate in any way patriotic political activities.
Tilak warned the government not to treat the students as their slave
infringing the domain of their parents or guardians.42 Tilak's motiv
along with that of his compatriots in the Deccan Education Society i
establishing the Society and its school and college was to inculcate
nationalistic outlook among the youth by freeing education from
government control. But later he was despaired since the private college
he helped in founding chose to abide by the dictates in the Risley
38. SLT, IV, pp. 567-577.
39. SLT, IV, pp. 556-577.
40. SLT ; III, pp. 719-723, N.C. Kelkar, op. cit., II, Part 5, pp. 2-5.
41. SLT, pp. 231-280.
42. Ibid., pp. 275-280.
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TILAK AND THB INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS 397
Circular,13 Tilak desired that the College should have spurned the
government grants. During this phase of the freedom movement Tilak
helped to found new nationalist educational institutions like "Samarth
Vidyalaya". He mobilised funds from the people to support these
patriotic ventures.
His militant activities during 1903-08 naturally invited the wrath of
the imperialist rulers who inflicted on him six years' imprisonment at
Mandalay, adding the balance of six months from the earlier punisnment,
the remission he received on account of his promise not to repeat the
offence of causing disaffection among the people against the government.
The Congress, during the period of Tilak's longest captivity, 1*08-14, drew
a blank in terms of political activity. It became a sort of camp-foilower
of the imperial government pinning faith in liberal Secretary of State,
Morley, to deliver the goods to the dependent India and content with
crumbs of executive and legislative offices to a few of its leaders. The
political temper of the people, however, had risen to a higher pitch, thanks
to the militancy of leaders like Tilak, Aurobindo, Lajpat Rai, Bipin
Chandra Pal and others, waiting for a favourable time to come up on the
surface.
The last phase of Tilak's career, 1914-20, was marked by his
sponsorship of the Indian Home Rule League.44 It may be noted that
until the Lucknow session of the Indian National Congress in December
1916 Tilak was not readmitted to its sessions and committees meetings.
The branches of the All India Home Rule League of Annie Besant were
afforded the opportunity of propagating the message of the Self-Govern-
ment resolution of the Congress. But even at the Lucknow session of
the Congress, Tilak's Indian Home Rule League and its branches were not
afforded this opportunity. But the return home of the prodigal and his
active participation in bringing about the Lucknow Concordat between
the Congress and the Muslim League gave an imprimature of authority to
his efforts in the Home Rule movement.
Way back in 1895, Tilak had prepared a note on a Home Rule Bill to
be tabled before the British Parliament,45 which indicated the genre of
his interest in the Home Rule movement. In the wake of the Calcutta
Congress of 1906, great emigre patriot Shyamji Krishna Varma bad set up
a home rule league in England in 1907.
Tilak had established the Indian Home Rule League on 28 April 1916
at Belgaum, while Annie Besant had commenced propaganda of her Home
Rule League earlier in January 1916. Originally the activities of Tilak's
Home Rule League were intended to be confined to Bombay and C.P
and Berar Provinces, but from the records of the League it is evident that
the branches of the League were spread over the whole of the country,
43. Ibid.
44. See Inamdar. n. 1 1 .
45. Ibid.
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398 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCB
46. Ibid.
47. Articles by Kalelkar and Kelkar in, N.R. Inamdar fed.). Political Thought and
Leadership of Lokmanya Tilak, (New Delhi, Concept, 1983).
48. B. Pattabhi Sitaramayya, The History of the Indian National Congress, Vol. I
(Bombay, Padma Publications, 1935, 1946), Parts I and II.
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TILAK AND THE INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS 399
VII
The paper has brought out in its covers Tilak's contributions to the
ideological, activist and organisational aspects of the Indian National
Congress during its formative years 1885-1920. Tilak's role as an
ideologue, a philosopher of Indian Nationalism is well recognised. The
movement of passive resistance he helped to develop during 1905-1903
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400 THB INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
laid down a dynamic legacy for Gandhiji to carry forward (and enrich
after 1920 in the movements of Non-Cooperation and Civil Disobedience.
Tilak's outlook on the federal nature of the Congress organisation with
linguistic units as its constituents was also followed in the development of
its organisation after 1920. Tilak's visions of parliamentary democracy,
with federalism as the basis of the regional organisation of its structure, a
charter of fundamental rights of the citizens to enrich its content, and the
creed of secularism to preserve its multi-religious and multi-cultural
character, has been in essence embodied in the framework of the constitu-
tion of independent India.
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