The Mental World of Hernn Corts

Author(s): J. H. Elliott
Source: Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Vol. 17 (1967), pp. 41-58
Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Royal Historical Society
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3678719
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 THE MENTAL WORLD OF HERNAN
CORTES
By J.H. Elliott,M.A., Ph.D., F.R.Hist.S.
READ 14 MAY 1966

O many
booksandarticles
havebeendevoted
tothelifeand
careerofHerninCortesthatitmaywellseempresumptuous
to add to theirnumber.But thereis stillno satisfactory
biography, and it is only quiterecentlythathis writings-his
'lettersofrelation'to CharlesV, hisgeneralcorrespondence, and
his military and administrative directives-havebeen subjected
to the close criticalscrutiny whichtheydeserve.In particular,
Dr. RichardKonetzkehas drawnattention to the constructive
aspects of Cortes'scareer as the founder of a colonialsociety,
while an Austrianhistorian,Dr. ViktorFrankl,has analysed
with extraordinary ingenuityCortes'sidea of empireand his
indebtedness to Spanishmedievaltraditions andwaysofthought.
Otherimportant contributionshavebeenmadeby Mexicans:Dr
ManuelAlcali, who has drawnan extendedparallelbetween
Caesarand Cortes,without,however,provinganydirectinflu-
enceofone on theother,and Srta.EulaliaGuzman,whoseanno-
tatededitionof the firsttwo lettersof relationis intendedto
expose the conquerorof Mexico as a consummate liar and a
monsterof depravity.'Althoughthesefourhistorians approach
Cortesfromverydifferent standpoints, theyhaveall shownhow
muchcan stillbe learntabouthimfroman examination of his
writings, and how much remains to be discoveredbefore we shall
be ableto seehimintheround-notonlyas a military leader,but
1R. Konetzke,'HermnnCortes como pobladorde la Nueva Espafia',
Estudios Cortesianos(Madrid, 1948), PP. 341-81; V. Frankl, 'Hernin
Cortis y la tradici6nde las Siete Partidas',Revistade Historiade Amdrica,
53-54 (1962) and 'Imperioparticulare imperiouniversalen las cartasde
relaci6nde Hernin Cortes',Cuadernos Hispanoamericanos (1963); M. Alcala,
Ce'saryCorde's(Mexico,195o); Eulalia Guzmin,Relacionesde HerndnCortds
a Carlos V sobrela invasidnde Andhuac (Mexico, 1958). The writingsof
Cortes have now been collectedin a singlevolume by Mario Hernndez
Sinchez-Barba,HerndnCorte'ds. Cartasy Documentos(Mexico, 1963). All
quotationsin thisarticleare drawnfromthisvolume,citedas Cartas.
41

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42 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY

also as a colonistandan entrepreneur, and as an unusually astute

politician witha remarkable for
gift putting to
old ideas newuses
in the unprecedented situationin whichhe foundhimselfin
Mexico.
Theirworkhas also emphasizedtheneed to set Cortesvery
firmly intothecontextof thesocietyfromwhichhe sprang,the
societyof late medievaland earlyRenaissanceSpain,forhe at
oncemirrors theidealsand aspirations ofthatsociety,and shares
the patternof its development. Between1485,the yearof his
birth,and 1547, the yearof his death,Spain passedthrougha
whole cycle of experienceswhich are strangelyreflectedin
Cortes'spersonalcareer.He was bornat a timewhenFerdinand
and Isabellahad succeededin imposingroyaljusticeand royal
authority on a societywhichhadthreatened to disintegrateunder
thepressure ofconflicting individual
ambitions. They had restored
the community of the realm,and had helpedto imbueit with
thatsenseof confidence and purposewhichwould enableit to
complete reconquest itsownterritory
the of fromtheMoorsand
to embarkon itscareerofoverseasexpansioninAfrica, Italy,and
the Antilles.The Castileof the CatholicKingswas a country
which,whiledeeplyattachedto medievaltraditions and values,
was beingstirred by Italianhumanistideals;and stirred,too by
thoseaspirations forspiritualrenewaland regeneration which
wereagitating all Europein thelaterMiddleAges.This was the
societyfromwhichCortescame,and he retaineditsimprint to
theend ofhis days.
Cort's leftSpain forthe West Indies in 15o4,the year of
Isabella's death, and did not returnto it until 1528, when her
grandson,CharlesV, was firmlyestablishedon the Spanish
throne.In theinterveningperiodthecarefully articulated
society
builtup by theCatholicKingswas subjectedto a seriesofsevere
strains,
culminatingin therevoltoftheComuneros between 19
and 1521, the veryyearsin whichCortescommitted 15
his own
personalactof revoltagainstlawfullyconstitutedauthority, and
wenton to conquerMexicoforhis imperialmaster.'The Spain
to whichhe returned in triumphin 1528was ErasmianSpain-
a countrypainfullyadjustingitselfto a new historicroleunder
1 See M. Giminez
Fernindez,HerndnCorte's
y su revolucidn
comuneraen
la Nueva Espaiia (Seville,1948),whichattempts
to drawa parallelbetween
therevoltof Cortesand thatof the Comuneros.

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 THEMENTAL OF HERNk'N
WORLD CORTES 43
theleadership ofmenfired byambitious ideasofuniversal em-
pire,andbyErasmian idealsofgeneral reform. Butalready the
universal ambitions ofCharles andhisadvisers werecloudedby
thethreat ofheresy, andwhenCortescamehomeforthelast
time,in I ?40, thehumanist Spainofhisfirst visithadbecome
deeplytinged by thesombre hues of the Counter-Reformation.
The lifeofCortestherefore spansan extraordinarilyrichand
variedperiodof Spanishhistory-aperiodin whicha reor-
ganized andre-articulated
medieval society,increasingly
exposed
to external intellectual
influences,turnsoutwards to acquirean
overseas empire, andfindsitselfendowed witha uniqueimperial
andreligious mission.ButCortes, whilespanning thetransition
from MiddleAgesto Counter-Reformation, seemsalsotoreflect
it in his ownmentaldevelopment. His correspondence, when
readin thelightofthepolitical andintellectualpre-occupations
of contemporary Spain,givestheimpression of havingbeen
written by a manwithexceptionally sensitivemental antennae,
alertto detectthemostsubtleshiftsof opinionin a world
thousands ofmilesaway.
Thisverysensitivity,however, makesitextremely to
difficult
tracethecourseof Cortes'sintellectual development, and the
problem is furthercomplicated by thealmosttotalabsenceof
externalevidence abouthisinterestsandattainments. Itisknown
onlythat, as theson ofhidalgo in
parents Extremadura, he was
sentat theageoffourteen to Salamanca wherehe remained for
twoyears.Thereis somedispute aboutthewayinwhichhewas
supposedto be spending his timeat Salamanca, butit seems
probable that he embarked on the study of Latingrammar with
theintention ofproceedingtothestudyoflaw,butthentiredof
hisstudies andreturned hometo Medellin, to theannoyance of
hisparents, whohadhopedtoseehimequippedfora profitable
legal career.'But thereis no doubtthathis two yearsin Sala-
manca, followedbya longperiodoftraining
andexperience as a
notary,first
inSevilleandtheninHispaniola,
gavehima working
knowledge ofLatinanda closeacquaintance withthemethods
andthetechnicalities law.2Thereis a story
ofCastilian that,as a
child,hewasanacolyte inthechurch
ofSantaMariainMedellin,
1 See Salvador
de Madariaga, (London,1942),
HerndnCortes pp. 22-24.
2 See Alcalk,Ce'saryCorte's,
pp. 134-38,forexamplesofLatinquotations
in Cortis'swritings,and fortheinfluence
ofLatinconstructions
on hisstyle.

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44 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY
and thatherehe learntthePsalms,buttherelatively fewBiblical
allusionsin hiswritings aredrawnalmostentirely fromtheNew
Testament,and his one directquotationfromthe Gospels is
produced(in Latin)withsucha flourish as to inducesomescep-
ticismas to whether he was capableof producing manymore:'I
even called to minda passagefromthe Gospels whichruns:
"Omneregnum inse ipsumdivisum desolivatur".'1
If his knowledgeof the Bible,althoughveryeffectively ex-
ploited when the occasion demanded, tended to be sketchy, he
was obviouslywellversedin thetypesofliterature withwhicha
latefifteenth-century Castilianhidalgowouldnormally expectto
be acquainted. Thismeant,inparticular, thelegalcodesofCastile,
and especiallythefamouscode ofAlfonsoX, theSietePartidas,
compiledbetween1256 and 1263, and firstprintedin Sevillein
1491. Dr. Franklhas convincingly showntheextentof Cortes's
knowledge of the SietePartidas, and his extraordinary skillin
exploiting the Partidas to and
justify legalize his own verydiffi-
cultpositionafterbreakingwiththegovernorof Cuba, Diego
Velizquez, and settingout unauthorized on the conquestof
Mexico.2 Once Cortes's knowledge of thecontents ofthePartidas
is accepted,whole areas of his thoughtare illumined,forthe
Partidas,withtheirreferences to Aristotleand antiquity, and
theirvividdefinitions of suchconceptsas 'fame','treason',and
'tyranny', constitute atonceanencyclopaedia oflawandtheology,
anda codeofmilitary andlegalconduct, capableofproviding the
Castilianhidalgowithan admirably coherent framework ofideas.
The otherliterary companionsof a Castiliangentleman, be-
sides the Partidas,werehistories, chronicles, and romancesof
chivalry.The conquistadores' acquaintance withtheromancesis
vividlyattestedby BernalDiaz's accountof the conquestof
Mexico;and Corteshimself is quickto see theallusionwhen,on
landingat SanJuande Ulia, Puertocarrero quotesfourlinesfrom
theballad of Montesinos-anallusionwhichhas recently been
shownto expressgraphically Cortes'splanforvengeanceagainst
his mortalenemy,thegovernorof Cuba.3Equallywellattested
1
Cartas,p. 47-
2 'Cortesy de las SietePartidas',
la tradici6n op.cit.The Partidas
consti-
tutevols. II-IV of Los CddigosEspafiolesconcordados
y anotados(Madrid,
1848-51).
3
Frankl,op. cit.,pp. 29-31.

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 THE MENTAL WORLD OF HERNAN 45
CORTES

by BernalDiaz is thetendency of theconquistadores to compare

theirexploitswiththose of the Romans,as in Cortes'sown
speechto thetroopsduringtheTlaxcalacampaign:'As foryour
observation, gentlemen, thatthe mostfamousRomancaptains
neverperformed deedsequalto ours,you arequiteright.If God
helpsus, farmorewillbe saidin future history books aboutour
exploits than has ever been said about those in thepast." Here
already was that sense of superiority to the achievements of
antiquity which distinguishes the laterphases ofthe Renaissance,
and whichwas one day to be expressedin the dedicationof a
book to Cortes: 'you displayedso many new strategems in
matters of war thatit cannotbe said thatin any of themYour
Excellency imitated theAncients.'2
WhetherCort6shimselfhad everactuallyread any classical
authorsis not clear.It has been suggested, on thestrength of a
reference to 'necessity' in hisfourth letterofrelation, thathe had
readLivy,and was therefore acquaintedwiththatidea ofneces-
sity which was to be so important to Machiavelli.s Butit would
hardly seem essentialto have read to the
Livy produce particular
aphorismused by Cortes-'thereis nothinglike necessityfor
sharpening mens'wits' (no haycosa qude mdslos ingenios de los
hombres la
aviveque necesidad). Almostthesamewordsare fact in
used by a characterin the famouscontemporary novel, the
Celestina, in
firstpublished 1499,whenhe saysthatthereis no
better'sharpener ofwits'(avivadorade ingenios) than'necessity,
poverty, and hunger'.4
Thereis indeedsomedangerthatCort6swillbe endowedwith
too elaboratean intellectual ancestry in thesearchfortheorigins
of his ideas.He reelsoffa striking phrasesuchas 'thereshould
be nothingsuperfluous (cosasupirflua) in all theearth'-a phrase
whichcan be, and has been,tracedbackto theAristotelian for-
mula:Naturanihilfacitfrustra.- He uses it veryskilfully as a
justification fortheforcible subjection oftheChichimeca Indians
1 Historia Verdadera,i (Mexico, 1944), p. 260. TranslatedJ.M. Cohen
(London, 1963), p. 159.
2 Obras que FranciscoCervantes
de Salaqar a hecho,glosado,y traducido
(Alcalade Henares,1546).'Dilogo de la dignidad
delhombre',
f.4.
3
Frankl,'Imperioparticular',
pp. 32-33-
4 La Celestina,
ed. M. Criadode Val andG. D. Trotter
(Madrid,1958),
p. 605.
5 Frankl,'Imperio',
p. 19.
TRANS. 5TH S.-VOL. 17-D

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 46 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY
to theruleof CharlesV, butwheredidhe originally findit?The
generalcast ofhis as be
thought, might expected, was Aristotelian
and Thomist,but thisphraseagainwas apparently one in con-
temporary use,for it is utteredby no less a person thanCelestina
herself(ninguna cosa ay criadaal mundosupe'rflua).1
It wouldseem,on thewhole,thatCorteshadan extraordinarily
quickearandeyeforthearresting phrase,anda geniusforputting
it to unexpected use. This tendsto createan impression bothof
originalityand of erudition, which is not alwaysjustified. He is
for of
capable, instance, beginning a letter to an orientalpotentate
witha resoundingly Aristotelian sentiment: 'It is a universalcon-
ditionofmankind to wantto know.'Butthis,too,was probably
a commonplace of thetimes,and appearsin theSietePartidas
in theformof 'all mennaturally wantto hearand knowand see
newthings.'2 His use of suchphrases,and in particular thecon-
stantinsistence in his lettersof relationon the importance of
'knowingand inquiring'or of 'findingout thesecretof things'
(saberel secreto)have frequently beentakento displaya typically
Renaissanceattitudeto knowledge.Cortes'sown intensethirst
forknowledgeis notin doubt,butit is worthnotingthatboth
theseexpressions appearin theinstructions givenhimby Diego
Veklzquez when he entrusted him with the commandof the
expeditionto Mexico.3It is entirely of
typical Cortesthathe
shouldhaveseizedon thewordsand tirelessly reproduced them
in his lettersto theemperor, in orderto displayhis deepregard
fortheletterof theinstructions whichin otherrespectshe was
activelydefying.
Perhapsonlyonce is thereanything approaching a plausible
hintof first-hand acquaintance with a classical author. When a
residencia was heldagainsthimin 1529 a witnessallegedthathe
frequently heardhimsaythat' "if thelaws had to be brokenin
orderto reign,thenbrokentheymustbe", and he also used to
repeat"Caesaror nihil."' The remark aboutthebreaking of the
lawsderivedoriginally fromEuripides,and was quotedbothby
Ciceroand by Suetoniusin his lifeof Caesar.It would not be
surprising ifatsomestageinhislifeCorteshadreadSuetoniuson
1
Celestina,p. 141, and see F. Castro Guisasola, Observaciones
sobrelas
fuentesliterariasde La Celestina(Madrid,1924), p. 33-
2
Cartas,p. 478; SietePartidas,PartidaI, tit. I, ley xix.
3 CedularioCortesiano
(Mexico, 1949),P. 14.

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 THE MENTAL WORLD OF HERNAN 47
CORTtS
Caesar;but theevidenceremainshearsay,and thefactthatthe
chroniclerGonzalo Fernandezde Oviedo, living in Santo
Domingo,himselfuses the quotationwhendescribing Cortes's
defianceof Velizquez,suggeststhatit enjoyedsome currency
amongsixteenth-century Spaniards.?
These instancessuggestsomethingof the extremedifficulty
involvedin defining withanydegreeof precisionthesourcesof
Cortes'sthought.The difficulty is hardlysurprising, forCortes,
an
although highlyintelligent man with an instinctive capacity
forliterarycraftsmanship,cannotbe described as learnedorwell-
read;and duringhis activelifehis readingwas probablylargely
ofa professionalcharacter,consisting oftheCastilianlegalcodes
and of thosenotarialand officialdocumentswhichhe taught
himselftoglossandinterpret withsuchconsummate skill.Suscep-
he
tibleas was to the of
influence his environment, and adeptat
reproducing ideasand expressions which his
caught attention, it
in
is onlypossibleto assess the most general terms the important
formative influencesin hislife.In particular, regrettably littleis
stillknownof local conditions in hisnativeExtremadura during
hischildhoodyears,2 andmanyofthemilitary andadministrative
ordinances at presenttakenas examplesofhis organizing genius
maywellproveon closerinvestigation to be directly inspiredby
modelsderivingfromExtremaduran conditionsand fromthe
circumstances ofthewarin Granada.The dominant figure in late
fifteenth-century Extremadura, Don Alonso de Monroy, the
MasterofAlcaintara, was probablyCortis'scousin,and Cortes's
fatherhad foughtat his side in the fiercecivilwars.Although
1 'Sumariode la Residencia tomadaa Don FernandoCortes',Archivo
Mexicano, i (Mexico,1852), p. 64; Fernmndez de Oviedo,HistoriaGeneral
... delasIndias(Biblioteca deAutores vol. 18 (Madrid,
Espafioles), 1959),
p. 149.The original quotationreads:'Si violandum estius,regnandigratia
violandum est' (C. SuetoniTranquilli, Divuslulius,ed. H. E. Butlerand
M. Cary,Oxford,1962, p. 14). ThatCortdsat leasthad a good stockof
storiesfromclassicalhistory is shownby his aptallusionto thedispute
between MariusandSullaoverthecaptured Jugurthawhenhisowncaptains
werequarrelling over the capturedCuauhtemoc (BernalDiaz, Historia
Verdadera, ii,p. 299).
2 Late
fifteenth-centuryExtremadura, thehomeofso manyconquistadores,
deservesseriousinvestigation. Thereis a pioneering articleby Mario
G6ngora,'Regimensefiorialy ruralen la Extremadura de la Orden
de Santiago', Jahrbuch von Staat ...
far Geschichte ii
Latein-Amerikas,
(1965).

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48 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Monroysurvivedin exileuntil15 I, he had passedinto legend

longbeforehis death,and muchof thelegend,as recounted by
a contemporary biographer, readsalmostlikea previewof the
greater careeroftheconqueror ofMexico.?Thereis thesamestyle
of military leadership; the same styleof harangueto thetroops;
andthereareeventhesameomens.Monroy'sfollowers toldhim
to turnbackwhenhishorsediedunderhim,buthe paidno atten-
tionto theirwarnings, because,in his biographer's words,'the
hourof hisill-fortune was at hand.'Cortes,too,refusedto turn
backwhenfiveof hishorsesfellas he leftthecampone nightat
Cempoala:'I held on mycourse,considering thatGod is more
powerful than nature.'Where Monroy went on to disaster, Cortes
cameto no harm.His hourof ill fortune was stillfaraway.2
The Extremaduran upbringing, therelationship witha legend-
aryfigure in Extremaduran life,andthetypicalIhidalgo education
in thechronicles, theromances, andthecodeoftheSietePartidas,
wereall, therefore, important formative influences on Cortes's
career.So, too, werethe Salamancaepisodeand the periodof
notarialtraining, whichgave himhis knowledgeof Latin,his
very considerable legallearning, andhis skillin thedrafting and
interpretation of documents. Finally,therewere the fifteenyears
spentinHispaniolaandCuba as notary, secretary to thegovernor,
municipalofficial and encomendero-years whichgave him ad-
ministrative andpoliticalexperience, anda first-hand acquaintance
withAmericanconditions and theproblemsof a settlersociety.
All theseexperiences helpedto providetheintellectual equipment
oftheCorteswho setoutin I 519 to conquerMexico.
In leavingCuba forMexico, carriedwithhima strong
Cortes
convictionof theinfluence of Fortunaon theaffairs of men.In
his Cronicade la Nueva EspaniaCervantesde Salazartellshow
Cortes,whilestilla publicnotaryin the littletown of Azi-a,
nearSantoDomingo,dreamtonenightthatsuddenly hispoverty
was gone,and thathe was dressedin fineclothesand waitedon
byinnumerable retainers whoaddressedhimwithhigh-sounding
titlesofhonour.'And although',continuesCervantesde Salazar,

1Alonso Maldonado, Hechos del Maestre de AlcdntaraDon Alonso de

Monroy,ed. A. Rodriguez Moiiino (Madrid, 1935). For Cortes family
see F. G6mezde Orozco,'Cual era el linajepaternode
relationships,
Cort6s?',Revistade Indias, ix (1948), pp. 297-306.
2
p. io6; Cartas,p. 43.
Maldonado,

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 THE MENTAL WORLD OF 49
HERNIN
CORT.S
he, as a wise man and a good Christian,knew thatcredit
shouldnot be given to dreams,he was none the less very
happy,becausethedreamhadbeenin conformity withhisown
thoughts.... They say that,afterthe dream, took paper
he
and ink,and drewa wheelwithbuckets.He wroteone letter
on thefullbuckets,anotheron thosethatwerebeingemptied,
anotheron the emptyones,and anotheron thosethatwere
movingupwards,whileon the ones at the top he placed a
nail... Whenhe haddonethis,he saidto certainofhisfriends
withunusualcheerfulness thateitherhe would dine to the
soundof trumpets,or perishon thegallows,and thatnow he
began to know his fortune(ventura)and what the stars
promisedhim...1
The imageofFortune'swheelwas wellknownto latefifteenth
and earlysixteenth-centurySpaniards,and 'adversefortunesud-
denly turnsher wheel'several
timesin thecourse ofBernal Diaz's
history oftheconquestofMexico.2 Cortis'swheel,however,has
become the noria-the traditionalwater-wheel with hanging
bucketsto be foundin Extremadura and otherpartsof Spain.
Whetherat thattimethiswas a commonconception ofFortune's
wheelis not clear,althoughCelestinaherself,in Rojas's novel,
envisagedit in thisform:'We arelikepotsin a water-wheel ...
one up, and anotherdown; one full,and anotherempty;it is
fortune'slaw thatnothingcan continueanylongtimein one and
theselfsamestateof being.'3But themostimportant featureof
thewheelforCorteswas thatit could be stopped-a pointhe
further emphasizedwhen,tiltingat the ringin Coyoacin after
Mexicohadfallen,he choseas hisdevicea wheeloffortune anda
silverfigureof a manwitha hammerin one handand a nailin
theother.The mottoread:'I shallhammer in thenailwhenI see
thatthereis nothingmoreto possess.'4
1 Vol. i (Madrid,1914), pp. 120-21.
2 Historiaverdadera, ii, p. 67. For the idea of Fortune,see H. R. Patch,
The GoddessFortunein MedievalLiterature(Harvard,1927); JoseAntonio
Maravall,El Mundo Social de la Celestina(Madrid,1964), c. vii; Florence
Street,'The Allegoryof Fortune... in ... Juande Mena',HispanicReview,
xxiii(1955). I am muchindebtedto MrsStreetforheradviceon thissubject.
3 Celestina, p. 175(translatedJamesMabbe,ed. H. WarnerAllen,London,
n.d., p. 15o).
4 'Clavardquando me vea do no aya mis que posea'. 'Residencia',i. p. 64.

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50 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Thisbeliefthatthewheelcouldbe stoppedin itsrevolution by

hammering in a nail,suggestsan attitude to Fortunenotunlike
thatofMachiavelli. Fortunecould,afterall,be mastered by man;
butthistaskneededdivinehelp,for,as inMachiavelli's Florence,'
Fortunewas integrated as faras possibleintoa Christian world.
Throughout Cort s's correspondence divine Providence is at
handto guideand govern.Nothing,he remindstheemperor, is
impossible to God.2 Battlesare won, with God's help,against
hopelessodds,3andon manyoccasionsGod 'mysteriously' comes
to the aid of Cortesand his men.4But thereexistsin Cortes's
minda specialrelationship betweenGod and CharlesV. 'Since
Your Majesty'schildhood',he writesin his secondletter,'God
has alwaystakencareto directyouraffairs.'5 This divinefavour
reservedfortheemperoris a matterofgreatmomentto
Cortes,
for,as theloyalservantoftheemperor, he couldexpectto share
in theblessingsthatProvidenceshowereduponhismaster.'The
royalgood fortune (realventura) ofYour Majesty'is therefore a
recurring themein Cortes'sletters, and he seeshisownvictories
won 'withthehelpof God and theroyalventura.'6
Butif Corteslookedon thedivineand royalfavouras a talis-
man forsuccess,he knewthatthe manwho aspiredto master
Fortunemustpossessinnatequalitiesofresourcefulness andguile
-those qualitieswhich for Machiavellihelped to constitute
virtu'.The idea was familiar enoughto RenaissanceSpaniards,
and nothingcould be more Machiavellian thanthe remarkof
one ofthecharacters in theCelestina:'It is knowingthetimesand
seizingtheopportunity whichmakesmenprosperous'.'
Cortes,
liketheunderworld figuresoftheCelestina, longsforthewealth
thatwillenablehimto crashthebarriers of thesocialhierarchy,
and baskin thepleasuresenjoyedby thetitledand therich;and
his chosenweaponsforachievingthisambitionwerethe same
as theirs.He too mustknowthetimesand seizetheopportunity,
and thisrequirednot onlynativewitbut also thewisdomthat
cameof experience. Thereis in Cortes'scorrespondence a con-
stantinsistence on theimportance of experiencia-that personal
1 Felix Gilbert,Machiavelliand Guicciardini (Princeton,1965), p. 41.
L
Cartas,p. 44. 3 Cartas,pp. I8, 41.
4 Cartas,p. 97. Cartas,p. 52.
6
Cartas,p. o104.Cf.Frankl,'Cort'sy la Tradici6n', p. x8.
7 Celestina,
p. 39.

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 THE MENTAL WORLD OF HERNAN CORTES 5I
andindividual knowledgeofmenandofthingswhichan increas-
ing number of earlysixteenth-century Spaniardswerecomingto
as
regard superior to the knowledgederivedfromtraditional
authority.?
Therewas no lackof resourcefulness in Cortds'sapproachto
theconquestof Mexico,whichwas as mucha politicalas a mili-
taryoperation,and one conductedsimultaneously againstthe
Aztec emperorand the governorof Cuba. The contemporary
chronicler Fernandezde Oviedo refersat one pointto Cortes's
to
capacity 'constructromances(novelar)and devise schemes
appropriate to a resourceful,
astute,andcunningcaptain.'2 Recent
workon Cortes,particularly by Dr. Frankl and Srta.Guzman,
has helpedto confirm his extraordinary skillin theconstructing
of romances and thedevisingofschemes.The first letterofrela-
tion,as Dr. has
Frankl shown,3 is a brilliant
fictional
reconstruc-
tion of the courseof eventsleadingup to the defianceof the
governorofCuba andthefounding ofVeraCruz-a reconstruc-
tionwhichdrawsheavilyon thepoliticaland juridicalideasem-
beddedin theSietePartidas.The governor, Velizquez,is painted
in thedarkestcoloursas a manconsumedby greedand personal
interest, whereasCorteshimselfemergesas the faithful servant
of the SpanishCrownand a staunchupholderof thecommon
weal.4
But it is in his accountof theconfrontation withMontezuma
thatCortds'spowersof imagination and invention are revealed
at theirbest.Althoughthewholeepisoderemainsdeeplymys-
terious, itatleastseemsclearthatCortes'saccountofwhatpassed
betweenthetwo menshouldnot be taken,as it has long been
taken,at facevalue.In all probability, two distinctivelayersof
legendnow surround therelationship betweenCortesand Mon-
tezuma.The outerlayer,whichformsthebasisof moderninter-
pretations oftheconquestofMexico,5holdsthatCorteswas the
unwitting beneficiary of an Aztectradition thatthepriest-king
1 See J.A. Maravall,Los Factoresde la Idea del Progresoen el Renaci-
mientoEspaiiol (Madrid,1963), pp. 109-3i. Cf the Florentine'experientia,
que rerumest magistra'(Gilbert,Machiavelli,p. 39)-
2 Fernindezde
Oviedo, op. cit.,vol. 120, p. 42.
3 'Cortesy la Tradici6n'.
4 Cartas,pp. 26-27; P. Mariano Cuevas, Cartasy otrosdocumentos de
HerndnCorte's(Seville, 1915), P.
.-
5 E.g. Madariaga,HerndnCorte's.

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52 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Quetzalc6atlwould one day returnfromout of the east and

reclaimhis own. No evidencehas apparently been found,how-
ever,to prove the existenceof any pre-conquest traditionof
Quetzalc6atlleadinghis followers to thelandof Anahuac.It is
possiblethatthestoriesof a returnfromtheeast,like thoseof
the omenswhichparalysedMontezuma'spowersof decision,
sprangup onlyafter theconquest;andtheidentification ofCortes
withQuetzalc6atl(who is nevermentioned in the writingsof
Cort6s),mayfirsthavebeenmadein the1540'sby theFrancis-
cansMotoliniaand Sahaguin.1
Butwrappedwithinthislegendliesanother, forwhichCortes
himselfmayhave been largelyresponsible-alegendsimilarin
themebut less specificin its details.Cortesretailstwo speeches
by Montezuma,2 both of themso improbablein contentand
tenoras to suggestthattheywerefoundedmoreon fantasy than
facts.The two speechesare couchedin tonesquitealiento an
Aztecbutfamiliar enoughto a Christian Spaniard;fortheysubtly
combinethethemesof thecomingof a Messiahand thereturn
of a naturallordto his vassals,in orderto lead up to thegrand
climaxof Montezuma's renunciation of hisimperialheritage into
the hands of CharlesV. 'We give thanksto our gods', says
Montezuma, 'thatin our timethatwhichwas long expectedhas
cometo pass.' Srta.Guzminhas shrewdly pointedouthow this
wholepassageechoesthestrainsof theNuncDimittis.3 But the
New Testament analogies do not end here. Montezuma ends his
firstspeechof welcomewiththe dramatic of
gesture lifting his
clothesto show Corteshis body,saying:'you see thatI am of
fleshand boneslikeyourself and everyoneelse,mortaland tan-
gible.' Does not this contain overtonesof Jesus'swordsto the
disciples('a spirithath not fleshand bones as ye see me have')
and of Paul and Barnabasat Lystra('we also are men of like
passionswithyou')?
It is hardto avoidtheimpression thatCorteswas drawingon
all hisveryconsiderable reservesofimagination in orderto paint
forCharlesV a solemnand spectacular pictureof a scenethat
mayneverhave occurred.If thescenehad a faintly Biblicalset-
1 Eulalia Guzmin, Relaciones,p. 223; Henry R. Wagner, The Rise of
FernandoCortds(Berkeley,1944),PP 187-98.
2 Cartas,pp.
59-6o, 68-69; Guzmin, pp. 221-30, 276-81.
s Guzmin,p. 279.

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 THEMENTAL
WORLDOF HERNAN
CORTES 53
ting,it would be all the moreimpressive, especiallyas Monte-
zuma'sforefathers werenow in the processof beingendowed
withdistantChristianorigins;and, witha nice irony,Cortes
introduceshisaccountofTenochtitlan withwordsthatthemselves
have a Biblicalring:'I know that[thesethings]will seem so
remarkable thattheycannotbe believed,forwhatwe behold
withour own eyes,we cannotwithour understanding compre-
hend.'"Butif Cortesdrewon theBibleforhis generalsetting,
andon Castilianlegalcodesfortheideasofsuzerainty andvassal-
lage which he put into Montezuma's mouth, therestillremainsa
thirdcrucialelementin thestory-themythof therulerreturn-
ing fromtheeast.It has been suggestedthatCortesheardsome
suchstoryfromtheIndiansin theAntilles,2 butit seemsequally
possible that he heard it on hismarch to Mexico,andstoreditup
forfuture use.Accordingto BernalDiaz, twocaciquesatTlaxcala
toldCortesofa prophecythatmenwouldcomefromtheregion
wherethe sun risesand would subjugatethe land.3If so, the
prophecymayhave relatednot to Quetzac6atlbut to Huitzil-
opochtli,the god of war,who appearsin thewritings bothof
Cortes and Bernal Diaz, under theguiseof'Ochilobos'. In a letter
written by Don Antonio de Mendoza, thefirst of
viceroy New
Spain, to his it is
brother, specifically statedthattheAztecswel-
comedCortesthinking thathe was 'Orchilobos'-not Quetzal-
c6atl.4Fernandezde Oviedo, commenting on theletter,disbe-
lievesthestoriesbothofOrchiloboscomingfromthenorth-east,
and of Cortesbeingmistakenforhim;but thisdoes not affect
thepossibility thatCortespickedup somelocallegend,whichhe
thenproceededto embellishand turnto accountwithhis cus-
tomaryskill.
Whatevertheexactoriginsofthemythofthereturning ruler,
the whole Montezumaepisode,as relatedto CharlesV, bears
witnessto Cortis'sremarkable ofinvention.
fertility Thiscreative
thecapacityto buildon a grandscale,oftenstarting
ability, from
themostslenderfoundations, is perhapsthemoststriking of all
thecharacteristicsof Cortes.It carriedhimthroughthedelicate
problems involved in the defianceof Velazquez;it carriedhim
1 Cartas,p. 71. Cf Matthew13:14 ('Hearingye shallhear,and shall not
understand;and seeingye shall see, and shall not perceive').
2 3 HistoriaVerdadera,i, p. 288.
Guzmin,pp. 223-25.
4 op. cit.,vol. 120o,pp. 245-47-

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54 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY

throughthe conquestof Mexicoitself;and it inspiredhis ap-

proachto the work of reconstruction
whenthe Aztec empire
hadfallen.
His plansfortheNewSpainto be established on theruinsof
theoldMexicoweredeeplyinfluenced his
by experiences inthe
Antilleswherehe had seentheIndianpopulation destroyed.-
A repetitionoftheAntilles experience mustatallcostsbeavoided,
andhe wrote, likethegreatRenaissance builder he was,ofthe
conservation oftheIndians as being'thecement onwhichallthis
workhasto be built'.2 Butbehindhisschemes forthecreation
ofanordered of
society Spaniards and Indians laya visionwhich
hehadborrowed from thefriars.It wasinAugusti523 thatthe
firstthreeFranciscan missionaries (all Flemings)arrivedin
Mexico, to be followed in May 1524by thefamous'twelve
apostles'headed byFray Martin de Valencia. In thefourth and
fifth
lettersofrelation, datedOctober1524 andSeptember 1526,
thereareclearsignsofFranciscan influence on Cortes's thought.
The Franciscans, themajority ofwhomseemto havebeenless
influenced by Erasmus than byItalianapocalyptic traditionsand
thedoctrines of Savonarola,3arrived a
with burning desireto
in a
establish, Mexicostilluncorrupted by Europeanvices,a
of
replica thechurch oftheapostles.Cortes,in thefirst ofhis
hademphasized
letters, theimportance ofinforming thepopeof
hisdiscoveries, sothatmeasures couldbetaken fortheconversion
of thenatives.4 Butnow,in his fourth letter,he coupleshis
pleasforassistance in theworkof conversion, withan attack
on theworldliness of thechurch andthepompandavariceof
ecclesiastical
dignitaries.Hisdiatribe, so typical ofcontemporary
Europeanprotests against the wealth and corruption of the
church, is clearly inspired by the friars,for whom he requests
exclusiverights intheconversion ofMexico. ItistheFranciscans,
too,whoinspire theprophecy inthefifth letter thattherewould
1
Cartas, p. 351 (Ordenantasde buengobierno, 1524).
2
Cartas,p. 397 (Memorialde servicios, 1528).
3
J. A. Maravall,'La Utopia politico-religiosade los Franciscanosen
Nueva Espafia', EstudiosAmericanos, i (i949), PP. 199-227. For Cortes
and the Franciscans,see Fidel de Lejarza, 'Franciscanismode Cortes y
Cortesianismode los Franciscanos',MissionaliaHispdnica,v (1948), pp.
43-136.
4 Cartas, p. 25.

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 THE MENTAL WORLD OF HERNAN CORTES 55

arisein Mexicoa 'new church,whereGod will be servedand

honouredmorethanin anyotherregionof theearth.'"
The Franciscans providedCortiswithan enlargedvision,not
only ofthe new church andthenewsocietytobe builtin Mexico,
butalso ofhisownspecialrolein theprovidential order.He had
already, in his firstletter,been careful to insistthat God had
the
arranged discovery of Mexico in order that QueenJuanaand
CharlesV shouldobtainspecialmeritby theconversionof its
paganinhabitants.2 It followedfromthisthathe himself, as the
of a
conqueror Mexico,enjoyed specialplace in thedivine plan.
The attitudeof theFranciscans was boundto encouragehimin
thisbelief,forto themhe inevitably appearedas God's chosen
agent at a vital moment in the orderingof worldhistory-the
momentat whichthe suddenpossibility of converting untold
millionstotheFaithbroughtthelong-awaited millenium almost
withinsight.It was, therefore, with the concurrence of the
FranciscansthatCortes could now designatehimselfas the
'agency'(medio)by whichGod had been pleasedto bringthe
Indiansto an understanding of Him.3
SincetheFranciscan visionwas a world-wide vision,it is not
surprising that Cortes received from theFranciscans a freshen-
couragement to look beyondthe confines Mexico,once its
of
conquestwas achieved.On his ill-fatedHibuerasexpeditionof
1524-26 he was accompanied by two FlemishFranciscans, one
of whomwas Juande Tecto, a distinguished theologianand a
former confessor ofCharlesV.4It wasperhapsTecto'sfirst-hand
acquaintance withtheimperial ideologyoftheEmperor's advisers
and withErasmiancurrentsof thoughtin his nativecountry,
whichfurnished Corteswithhis new visionof a worldempire
subjectto a CharlesV who wouldbecome'monarchof theuni-
verse'-an empirewhichhe himselfwould help to foundby
pressingon fromMexico,acrossthe Pacificto the East.5The
visionwas a complexone,compounded as itwas ofCort6s'sown
dreamsoftheconquestofCathay,ErasmianandImperialdreams
of a universalempire,and Franciscandreamsof theconversion
1 2
Cartas, pp. 238-39, 318. Cartas,p. 25. 3 Cartas,p. 241.
4 Ger6nimode Mendieta,
HistoriaEclesidsticaIndiana(ed. Mexico,1870),
p. 6o6.
n Cartas,pp. 320 and 482. For the evolutionof Cortds'sidea of empire,
see Frankl,'Imperio'.

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56 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY

of mankindas theessentialpreludeto theendingof theworld.

He pursueditforyearafteryear,but,likesomewill-of-the-wisp,
eludedhim,foralreadyby 1526it seemedthathis
it persistently
luckwas gone.
Thereseemsno reasonto doubtthathisharrowing experiences
on theHibuerasexpedition permanently changedCortes,giving
hima newawarenessoftheinscrutability of Providenceand the
impotence of man. The fifth letterof relation,whichdescribes
theexpedition, is verydifferent in spiritfromthosethatpreceded
it. The phraseology is thatof a manwho has passedthrougha
deep spiritualordeal,whichhas lefthimat oncewitha senseof
hisownunworthiness and oftheinfinite powerof God. Goneis
theconfidence which, seven yearsearlier, enabledhimtopress
had
on at Cempoalain spiteof themisfortune to thehorses.Now,
whenhisshipis forcedbackto portthreetimes,he seesthisas a
signalfromheaven,and abandonshis plansforreturn.Gone,
too, is theearlierconfidence in theunboundedpowersof man.
In a languageverydifferent fromthatof his earlierletters, he
writes:'no witofmancouldeverhavefoundtheremedy, ifGod,
whois thetrueremedy andsuccourofthosein affliction orwant,
had not providedit.'
Fortune,afterall, was not so easilyto be commanded, and,
fromthe timeof the Hibuerasexpedition, it becameclearthat
thewheelhad begunits inexorabledownwardturn.Thwarted
by royalofficialsand doggedby royalingratitude, he wrotebit-
terlyto his father in 1526: 'I had ratherbe richin famethanin
wealth.'3Althoughhisfamewas anyhowassured,he soon found
a groupofmenbothreadyandableto cultivate itforhim,foron
his returnto Madridin 1528 he struckup a friendship withthe
Polish ambassadorto the Imperialcourt,JohnDantiscus,a
friendof Copernicusand the centreof a wide humanistcircle
whichincludedErasmusand Valdes. The friendship was duly
celebratedby Dantiscus in a Latin poem written after
Corteshad
gone back to Mexico: 'Great Cortes is faraway,the man whodis-
coveredall thesehuge kingdomsof the New World.He rules
beyondtheequatoras faras thestarofCapricorn, andthoughso
faraway,he does not forgetme.'4
2
1 Cartas,pp. 304, 460. Cartas,p. 257. - Cartas,p. 468.
4 loannisDantiscipoetaelaureaticarmina,
ed. StanislasSkimina(Cracow,
x95o), carmenxlix, lines 85-90. For Dantiscus,see A. Paz y Ml61ia,'El

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 THE MENTAL WORLD OF HERNAN 57
CORTES
This flattering
interestof thehumanists in the conquerorof
Mexicowas fullyreciprocated in
by Cortes thelastyearsof his
lifewhen,in retirement in Madrid,his housebecamethecentre
for an 'academy'holding regulardiscussionson mattersof
humanist and religiousconcern.'The circleofintellectualswho
the of
sought company Cortes did much to perpetuateboth his
fameandhisideas.Therewas Sepuilveda, whosediscussion ofthe
Indianquestionmaywellowe muchto conversations withhim.2
TherewasG6mara,hisfirst biographer,who transformed himinto
a typicalhero of Renaissancehistoriography.? There was,too,
thatminorbut interesting figurein the Spanishliteraryworld,
Cervantes de Salazar,whoin 1546dedicatedto Cortesa dialogue
on thedignityofman.4The dedication, couchedin suitablyful-
someterms, presentsCortes theworldexactlyas he musthave
to
It
wished. containsthe obligatoryreference to his distinction
both in armsand letters,and the inevitablecomparisonwith
Alexanderand Caesar;and it managesincidentally to propagate
a newCorteslegend-thathe burnthisshipsinsteadofbeaching
themafter landingatVeraCruz.5Butitalsoincludesa comparison
evenmoreflattering thanthatwiththeheroesofantiquity, forthe

embajadorpolacoJuanDantiscoen la cortede CarlosV', Boletinde la

Academia xi andxii(1924-25).Dantiscus's
Espanola, diplomaticcorrespon-
dencewas publishedin Acta Tomiciana (I2 vols.,ed. S. Gorski,Posnan,
1855-go90),butthereis no traceoftheletters
to or fromCortes.
1Madariaga, p. 482; Pedrode Navarra,
Corte's, Didlogosde la preparacidn
de la muerte(Tolosa, I565), f. 41.
2
Angel Losada, 'Hernin Cortes en la obra del cronistaSepdilveda',
Revistade Indias,ix (1948), pp. 127-69.
3 Ram6n
Iglesia, Cronistase Historiadoresde la Conquistade Me'xico
(Mexico,1942),pp. ioo-Io3; H. R. Wagner,'Francisco L6pez de G6mara
and his works',Proceedings of theAmericanAntiquarianSociety,58 (I948),
pp. 263-82.
4 See abovep. 45 n. 2.
5 For thelegendof theburningof theships,see especially F. Soler
Jard6n, 'Notassobrela leyendadelincendio de lasnaves',RevistadeIndias,
ix (1948),pp. 537-59.SolerJard6n suspected thatthelegendoftheburning
originated in thedesireto compareCorteswithclassicalheroes,butfailed
to findanyreference earlier
thanthe156os.If,as seemspossible, Cervantes
de Salazaroriginated thelegend,at leastin itswrittenform, he revertedto
factand described theshipsas beingbeachedin his Crdnica de la Nueva
Espafa,whichhe beganwriting somethirteen yearsafterthepublication
ofthededication to Cort6s.

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58 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY
roleofCortesamongthepagansofMexicois comparedwiththat
of St Paul in theprimitive church.
At thispointthehumanists madecommoncausewithCortes's
otherbandofadmirers, thefriars. as theywere
The Franciscans,
wellaware,owedhimmuch,and theyrepaidthedebtby repre-
sentinghimin theirhistories of theconquestas themanchosen
of God to preparetheway fortheevangelization of mankind.
But the debt of Cortesto the Franciscans-a debtgenerously
acknowledged in his lastwilland testament-wasno less great,
for,at a timewhen humanist Spainwasonlyjustembarking on its
subtletransmutation intothemorecomplexSpainoftheCounter-
Reformation, theyhad donemuchto add a newreligiousdimen-
sionto hisworld.And no worldwas so richin imagination and
so infinitely
adaptableas thementalworldofHernanCortes.
Trinity
College,Cambridge

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