Michael Anderson

A Qualitative Study Of Political

Engagement Among Young People

PhD

2013
 A Qualitative Study Of Political
Engagement Among Young People

Michael Anderson

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Degree awarded by the University of Wales

Research conducted at Glyndwr University

December 2013

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Acknowledgements
I am extremely grateful to those who have supported me during the writing of this thesis.

Since this work started my life has changed immensely- I have become a husband and a father. I
am eternally grateful to my wife for everything. I am also thankful to my friends, family, and work
colleagues for their company and support throughout.

Additionally, I would like to thank current and former Glyndwr staff including Julian Buchanan,
Lynne Kennedy, Emily Warren, Caroline Hughes, and Iolo-Madoc-Jones. Of course, the research
would also not have been possible without the young people generously agreeing to give up their
time and speak to me about politics.

Most of all, however, I thank my supervisor Professor Odette Parry for her expertise, patience,
honesty, dedication, guidance, and company throughout the past few years.

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Summary
The thesis examines young peoples engagement with politics. Low levels of engagement with
politics and democratic processes are frequently presented as problematic for society, with young
people in particular characterised as uninformed about, uninterested in, and dissatisfied with
politics. Much previous research has furnished an overly negative assessment of young peoples
engagement with politics due, in part at least, to a focus on a narrow range of activities, which
generally centre on electoral activity. This thesis sought to examine the relationship of young
people and politics by deploying a broader definition of political engagement (identified by young
people themselves) than has previously been employed.

The study, presented in the thesis, which was theoretically informed by phenomenology and critical
realism, used qualitative methods in order to examine the issue in depth and at the micro-level,
rather than adopting a quantitative approach. This involved semi-structured interviews with a
purposive sample of 26 young people aged 18-25, recruited in order to reflect a wide range of
experiences as a function of demographic, educational, geographic, and other individual
differences.

The thesis provides a rich description of respondent perceptions in relation to political engagement
at a micro level. A key finding of the study was that young peoples participation in, and
engagement with politics, was underpinned by the perceived remoteness from, or closeness to,
their lives. In making sense of this, the thesis uses Webers ideal type model to identify two
distinct groups of young people according to their markedly differing levels of engagement with
politics. Then, drawing on Bourdieus work on capital the thesis suggests habitus as a useful
construct for understanding political engagement as, at least in part, a function of varying individual
stockpiles of capital to which young people have access. Here, it is suggested that key aspects of
engagement and participation cluster around dispositions or habitus. These are indexed to different
types of capital, which in turn inform young peoples perceived proximity to, or remoteness from,
political worlds.

In conclusion, the thesis suggests that in addition to facilitating competence (through capital
acquisition) to participate, political organisations and their representatives might usefully attend to
issues of their own inclusiveness in order to make the political world more relevant, germane, and
connected to the experiences of young people whom they seek to engage.

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Thesis Declaration
Statement 1
I hereby declare that this work has not been accepted in substance for any degree and is not
currently being submitted in candidature for any degree.

Signed . (Candidate)

Date .

Statement 2
This thesis is the result of my own investigations, except where otherwise stated. Other sources
are acknowledged by references. A bibliography is appended.

Signed . (Candidate)

Date .

Statement 3 (a)
I hereby give consent for my thesis, if accepted, to be available for photocopying and for inter-
library loan, and for the title and summary to be made available to outside organisations.

Signed . (Candidate)

Date .

Statement 4
The research was completed under the guidance of:

..
(Director of Studies, Glyndwr University)

In my capacity as main supervisor of the candidate, I certify that the above statements are true to
the best of my knowledge.

Signed ... (Director of Studies)

Date ...

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Table of Contents
002- Acknowledgements
003- Summary
004- Thesis Declaration

007- CHAPTER 1- INTRODUCTION

007- What is Political Engagement?
007- Context- the problem of young people and political engagement

013- CHAPTER 2- LITERATURE REVIEW

013- 2.1- How do (young) people engage with Politics?
013- Engagement versus participation
015- How do young people perceive politics?
021- Traditional (electoral) political participation
024- Internet and media
029- 2.2- why do people get engaged?
029- Barriers and Drivers
030- Theoretical explanations

038- CHAPTER 3- THEORY & METHODS

038- Aims & Research Questions

039- 3.1-Theory
039- Ontological and Epistemological positioning
040- Research Paradigm
041- Phenomenology
043- Critical Realism

047- 3.2- Qualitative Research

048- Reflexivity
050- Generalisability

050- 3.3- Methods

050- Sampling
053- Gatekeepers
054- Respondent Recruitment
055- Interviewing
058- Data Analysis
062- Ethics

064- CHAPTER 4- INDIVIDUAL

064- Two distinct groups
069- Parents
073- Geography
076- Ethnicity & Religion
077- Education
080- Knowledge
085- Personal Circumstances
088- Life Cycle
094- Contemporary Events
095- Summary

097- CHAPTER 5- REMOTENESS AND PROXIMITY

097- Proximity
102- Politicians

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105- Men in suits
111- Personality
117- 'Political' people
119- Location, location, location
121- Jargon & Accessibility
124- Summary

126- CHAPTER 6- BARRIERS AND DRIVERS

129- Voting
134- Politicians as barriers/drivers
137- Collective Action
140- Lack of Knowledge
145- Shared Political Experiences
147- Expectations
148- Engaging with politics
150- Affiliation
152- Internet and Social Media
152- Summary

156- CHAPTER 7- DISCUSSION

156- Caveats to the Study

157- 7.1- Individual

157- Weber & Ideal Types
159- Knowledge
164- Life Cycle

166- 7.2- Impact

166- Engagement versus Participation
169- Efficacy
170- Elections
174- Politicians
177- Direct action
178- Remoteness

179- 7.3- Theory

179- Macro and micro levels
182- Bourdieu and Political Engagement 'Capitals'
185- Fields and Habitus
186- Capital- what is it?
187- Political engagement and capital

189- 7.4 Concluding Comments

191- Future Research

193- Bibliography

206- Appendix 1- Respondent Recruitment Letter/email

207- Appendix 2- Respondent Information Sheet
209- Appendix 3- Interview Check-list
210- Appendix 4- Table showing data analysis process
211- Appendix 5- Respondent Table

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1- INTRODUCTION
This thesis examines the relationship between young people and political engagement among a
purposive sample of young people in the UK. The qualitative study comprised the analysis of 26
semi-structured in-depth face-to-face interviews with young people aged between 18 and 25,
drawn from across Wales, carried out between 2010 and 2011. The sample group was purposively
selected in order to include a wide range of experiences among the respondents. The study, which
sought to examine the experiences of the young people through their own accounts, was informed
methodologically by an interpretivist approach, drawing variously on a post-positivist paradigm.
The research sought to build upon previous research into political engagement and participation,
with a particular focus on the lived experiences of young people and their relationship with politics.

What is Political Engagement?

Defining what is (and is not) political engagement is a problematic issue in much of the previous
research, with many earlier academic studies tending to apply an overly constrictive definition,
centred primarily around the act of voting and campaigning in elections, frequently leading to an
overly-pessimistic assessment of activity levels (OToole: 2004; France: 2007). Amn & Ekman
(2009) provide a broad definition of both political engagement and participation, shared by this
study here, in which engagement begins at the mere act of being mildly interested in political
issues, and where participation constitutes a conscious action directed towards a political end.

Previous research has identified various contextual and socio-economic factors which may
influence political engagement. These have included the role of social class, with those from
disadvantaged groups understood to be less likely, than those in more advantaged social
categories to be involved (Bentley et al: 1999; Electoral Commission: 2004). Some explain
engagement with politics as a function of geographic location, with some areas identified as
traditional 'hotbeds' of activism (Busch & Reinhardt: 2005). Other authors cite gender as a key
differentiator, with politics perceived as being 'for men' rather than women (Lynn & Young: 2006).

The importance of family upbringing is also highlighted, with parental guidance seen as
determining the inclination to participate (White et al: 2000). Some point to education level, with
those of higher educational status generally engaging more (Verba & Nie: 1987). The perceived
efficacy of political action is also regarded by some as a driver of political engagement, with
individuals more likely to engage if their efforts are viewed as having an impact (Johnson &
Marshall: 2004; Kiesa et al: 2007; Conti & Cornolti: 2004; Todd et al: 2004). Finally, another key
issue in this regard is the role of the internet, which is viewed as a potential vehicle for political
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information, forum for debate, as well as locus of activism in itself (Gibson et al: 2000; Rycroft
2007; Livingstone et al: 2004; Tapscott 1998).

Context- the problem of young people and political engagement

There is a lot of concern at a political and policy level about the extent to which people engage with
politics, in particular young people, who are frequently presented as less informed and interested
than the rest of the adult population (Dermody & Hanmer-Lloyd: 2003). Such concerns about levels
of political engagement are nothing new. Discussions of the nature and levels of participation in
democratic politics, and its subsequent influence upon the overall health of democracy, stretch
back to ancient Greece (Lamprianou: 2012). However, there has been a renewed focus in recent
years on addressing what are perceived as problematically low levels of political engagement and
participation. This is primarily because engagement and participation in politics is viewed as an
important component of democratic countries, and, in turn, society more widely. It is acknowledged
that higher levels of political engagement and participation are desirable, and that a lower level is
problematic, with several authors claiming that democratic institutions inherently require the input
of such activity in order to be described as healthy and as functioning (Crick et al: 1998; Hansard
Society: 2012).

In the UK, as a democratic society, one of the main policy developments in this area was as a
result of the publication of a 1998 report entitled Education For Citizenship And The Teaching Of
Democracy In Schools (more commonly known as the Crick Report). Schools in England and
Wales were recommended to provide education about citizenship to a far greater extent than was
currently being offered, in order to combat the worrying levels of apathy towards politics among
many young people (Crick et al: 1998). The Crick Report (1998) argued that the teaching of
democracy be made a legal requirement for all pupils due to its significance for both schools and
the life of the nation" (Crick et al: 1998, p9). As well as enabling democracy to properly function, a
well-informed and active citizenry is presented as being of importance to society as a whole.
Political alienation is linked to such indicators of societal decay as truancy, vandalism, violence,
and drug-taking (Crick et al: 1998). This association is echoed by Gamarnikow and Green (2003),
who suggest that Government policy focusing on political engagement needs to be seen within a
wider context of addressing social fragmentation and exclusion, which are in turn functions of
inequality.

Located within this broad discussion of the importance of political engagement and participation is
a specific focus on young people, who are presented as disproportionately disengaged from
politics. O'Toole (2004) outlines a popular portrayal of young people as being alienated from, or
simply not interested in, politics. This has aroused much concern and comment, prompting several

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pieces of research examining young people not engaging with the political world from the
perspective of approaching a problematic issue.

Much of this research demonstrates how younger people, typically sub-divided into a cohort aged
18 to either 24 or 25 years old, tend to behave differently with regards to politics than older groups.
For instance, while overall turnout at UK general elections fell to a low of 59% in 2001 (Power to
the People: 2006; Wilks-Heeg & Clayton: 2005, p7), the turnout rate amongst those aged between
18-24 was just under 40%. The next election saw this drop further, to 37% in 2005, before
increasing slightly to 44% in 2010, standing in stark contrast to an average of over 70% among the
cohort aged over 65, who were identified as the most likely to vote (Ipsos Mori: 2010). In
comparison to older groups, younger people are: less likely to describe themselves as being either
interested in, or knowledgeable about, politics than older groups (Hansard: 2012); less loyal to
traditional political parties and organisations (Spannring: 2005); and more likely to hold negative
perceptions of politics, politicians, and political institutions. (White et al: 2000; Spannring: 2005;
Norris: 2003; Shucksmith & Jentsch: 2004).

The perceived seriousness of the situation is echoed in the language used throughout the 2012
Hansard Audit of Political Engagement, which describes itself as a health check (Hansard
Society: 2012, p14), a term which has implicit connotations of what is desirable. The report also
describes declining levels of knowledge and support for political processes as worrying,
disturbing (Ibid: p8), serious, and alarming (Ibid: p24).

Indeed, the latest Hansard Audit of Political Engagement develops this sense of concern, noting
that the number of young people who report that they are certain to vote in the next general
election has dropped from 22% to just 12% since 2012 (Hansard Society: 2013, p2). The report
finds that young people (defined in that study as aged 18-24) differ from the rest of the adult
population across a number of indicators relating to political engagement. Young people are
significantly less likely to be registered to vote (Ibid: p30), significantly less likely to report being
interested in politics (Ibid: p35), less active in politics (Ibid: p47), less satisfied with political
institutions (Ibid: p55), less likely to describe politics as enjoyable or fun (Ibid: p74), and less
knowledgeable (Ibid: p87). Young people (aged 15-24) in the UK participate in politics less than the
rest of the EU15, including France, Spain, Germany, and Ireland (European Social Survey: 2013).

Government policy on Wales young people's political engagement is informed by the principles of
the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, which is the basis for "Seven Core Aims for Children
and Young People", including "...are listened to, treated with respect, and have their race and
cultural identify recognised" (Welsh Government: 2007, p3). The Welsh Government established

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Funky Dragon, its own young people's participation project, in 2003 to 'build into' its processes
means by which young people's views could be heard. Another key document is 'Extending
Entitlement' (2002), in which the Welsh Government (then called Welsh Assembly Government) set
out basic entitlements for all young people living in Wales, focusing in particular on vulnerable or
socially excluded young people (Welsh Assembly Government: 2002). The key policy vehicle for
political engagement of young people in Wales is the 'Funky Dragon' network, a set of regional
panels designed to encourage all under-25 year olds to participate in national (Wales) decision-
making, and to convey their "voices" into Government policy (Funky Dragon: 2013). Like much of
Welsh Government policy in this area, it groups all under-25s in together, so adolescents,
teenagers, and 24 year olds are covered by the same initiative.

Norris (2005) notes that there are two main normative theories which account for how democratic
participation 'should' function. These are realists and idealists. The former maintain that
democracy requires only a limited amount of popular participation to flourish, and that citizens are
fulfilling their democratic duty by freely voting in competitive elections every few years to either
legitimise, or to throw out, the government. The idealists, however, hold that in order for democracy
to truly be regarded as healthy, extensive engagement and participation by citizens consistently
needs to occur. This can take the form of public debates, voting in referenda, or raising public
awareness of issues, all of which will foster a responsive government, which will in turn deliver
better policy outcomes (Norris: 2005). Campbell (2005) adds that a more active participation
amongst citizens means that power is located less with civil servants and politicians, and closer to
the majority of ordinary people.

However, while much of this research focuses on distinguishing younger people from other
cohorts, there has been relatively little in-depth study on the assumptions, perceptions,
expectations, and experiences that inform these views and behaviours. The study presented in this
thesis was prompted by my own personal experiences as a politics student, following numerous
conversations with peers, about the nature and extent of our own levels of engagement with
politics. Many of these discussions centred on the notion that, whilst we perceived ourselves to be
interested in a wide range of social, economic, and political issues, we took little part in political
action beyond voting. For this reason, the study reported here focused on the 'micro' level; that of
the lived experiences of individuals, as distinct from the wider 'macro' or 'meso' analytical scales
(Norris: 2002)

The thesis therefore seeks to focus on the lived experiences of young people in relation to
engaging with politics, using qualitative methodology to probe and explore some of the perceptions
which inform the statistics cited above. It does this by identifying key themes within the accounts of

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young people drawn from in depth interviews, and deploying the theoretical lens of Bourdieu to
understand these. The remainder of this introduction provides a brief overview of each chapter.

Chapter 2 | Literature
This chapter opens by establishing a working definition of 'engagement', due to a tendency in the
literature to use the term synonymously with 'participation'. The focus of the chapter then turns to
consider the range of activities that definitions of engagement may encompass, before turning to
previous research into the relationship between young people and politics. Also covered within this
chapter is the role of the internet as a platform for political engagement, the myriad barriers and
drivers that are argued to account for political engagement, including socio-economic factors such
as age, gender, ethnicity, religion, geographic location, upbringing, knowledge level, and
educational status. The chapter ends with an overview of the competing theoretical explanations
for political engagement.

Chapter 3 | Theory and Methods

This chapter identifies the theoretical understandings which informed the study, locating them in a
broader methodological context. The ontological and epistemological positioning of the study is
outlined leading to the discussion of post-positivist traditions, and in particular highlights aspects of
phenomenology and critical realism with which the study resonated. The chapter then focuses on
the considerations informing the use of qualitative methods, and takes the reader through the
research process (from sampling to data analysis), indicating how the study was executed at each
research stage.

Chapter 4 | Individual
The next three chapters present the study findings, focusing on key themes which emerged from
the data collection phase of the research. The first findings chapter explores how individual
characteristics and back stories informed respondent accounts of engagement. This chapter draws
on Weber's 'Ideal Type' model to identify two distinct categories within the respondent group
differentiated by interest in/engagement with politics. The chapter then examines the various socio-
economic and contextual factors which the young people identified as affecting their engagement
with politics. The chapter finally examines respondent biographical accounts of life
events/experiences and perceived links to interest in/engagement with politics.

Chapter 5 | Remoteness and Proximity

The second of the findings chapters focuses on the perceived relevance of the 'world' of politics for
the daily lives of respondents. The chapter examines how the young people made links between

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events in the political world and their own lives, as well as exploring their accounts of politicians
based upon perceived social differentiators or similarities. The chapter then focuses generally on
perceptions of remoteness and closeness and their perceived implications for engagement

Chapter 6 | Barriers and Drivers

The third, and final, findings chapter examines respondent perceptions of the efficacy of political
participation. This chapter first focuses on the range of young people's experience of participation.
The chapter then turns towards factors and structures which are perceived to encourage or
discourage political participation, including interest, knowledge and enjoyment.

Chapter 7 | Discussion
The final chapter of the thesis discusses the study findings in the context of the literature presented
in Chapter Two. Here the discussion focuses on the key themes that were identified in the study
findings. The chapter then turns towards theory, exploring the key findings through the 'lens' of
Pierre Bourdieu (1986) and focusing on the acquisition and expenditure of cultural capital.
Following a brief conclusion, areas of potential future study are identified.

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2- LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1- HOW DO (YOUNG) PEOPLE ENGAGE WITH POLITICS?

Engagement versus participation
It is important at this early stage to distinguish between the two different concepts- engagement
and participation. While these terms are sometimes used interchangeably, the study presented
here situates 'engagement' within 'participation'. That is, 'participation' covers all interactions
between the world of politics and the individual, while 'engagement' is a particular form of
participation. Amn & Ekman (2009) make a useful contribution to distinguishing between
engagement and participation, with the former defined as a more passive subdivision of the
latter. The authors identify both latent and manifest forms of political participation. They describe
manifest participation as an action intended towards a political or policy outcome (such as voting,
or joining an industrial strike), and latent political activity as simply being engaged (for example,
reading about an election in a newspaper, or discussing a political issue with a work colleague)
without proactively participating in an activity intended to impact upon policy (Amn & Ekman:
2009). Engagement, therefore, can occur without an individual necessarily undertaking an action
intended to affect a political outcome.

Amn & Ekman (2009) also identify non-participation as an action in itself. Non-participation
includes wilfully refraining from undertaking political activities, due to a lack of faith in the political
system, as well as simply a lack of engagement. The former is an 'engaged' form of participation,
whereas the latter is not. The authors thus account for a wide variety of political activity,
distinguishing between the nature of an individual's action- for instance, rather than simply not
voting, has the individual declined to vote in order to register dissatisfaction with the choice of
candidates afforded by the electoral system- or did they simply not know there was even an
election occurring? (Amn & Ekman: 2009).

OToole (2004) and France (2007) argue that the definition of participation has been too narrow in
many academic studies, which has resulted in an overly 'pessimistic' assessment of levels of
political activity among the population (OToole: 2004; France: 2007). While earlier research tends
to categorise political activity strictly in relation to electoral politics, there is an increasing
recognition of the importance of non-traditional forms of participation, such as petitioning,
protesting, or wearing a political slogan on clothing (Wilks-Heeg & Clayton: 2005; Stoker: 2006;
Spannring: 2005). Indeed, it is argued that such non-traditional forms of political activity are
themselves increasingly accepted as being mainstream (Norris: 2004).

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Because of this, Norris (2004) seeks to distinguish between types of political activity based upon
the intended outcomes and targets of the action, rather than the nature of action undertaken.
Norris thus distinguishes between 'citizen-oriented' and 'cause-oriented' forms of political activity
(Norris: 2004) While the former is akin to the aforementioned traditional, electorally-focused
actions, the latter aims towards specific issues (Norris: 2004). Cause-oriented political activity is
also characterised as broader in scope than simply participating in elections. It might include, for
example, volunteering at a local homeless centre, or choosing to buy certain types of products,
while eschewing others due to perceptions of the ethical standards of the products supply chain
(Norris: 2004). Such a distinction is echoed by Stoker (2006), who argues that political activity has
seen a generational shift from collectivised and dutiful, towards individualised and the non-
hierarchical (Stoker: 2006).

Wilks-Hogg and Clayton (2005) outline several primary types of political activity, which partially
overlap the accounts outlined above. The first type is traditional, which concerns, for example,
political parties and elections. The second is pressure relating to specific issues and campaigns
including, for example, do-it-yourself regimes or value-based lifestyle choices such as
vegetarianism, where the political action is lived or enacted by the individual. The third is
consultation which includes, for example, participating in surveys and meetings in order to get
ones views heard by decision-makers (Wilks-Heeg & Clayton: 2005).

Keeter et al (2003), in a quantitative study of Americans aged 15-25, identified a number of core
indicators of political engagement. The authors report separated political engagement activity into
two broad types, in which participation was geared towards making ones voice heard. Again, the
traditional conception of participation was characterised by electoral participation, and included
regular voting, persuading others to vote or register, displaying buttons, signs, stickers or flags,
contributing to campaigns, as well as volunteering for candidacy. The second of the two types
which was termed civic participation included actions that are less-acknowledged forms of
participation, in which people express themselves politically. These actions may take the form of
volunteering for a non-electoral organisation, active membership in a group or association,
participation in fundraising for charity, participating in community meetings, contacting
representatives, contacting the media, contacting, protesting and direct action, using email
petitions and written petitions, and boycotting certain entities for political reasons (Keeter et al:
2003).

While many authors demonstrate a high degree of consensus relating to the nature of what
constitutes traditional activities (Keeter et al: 2003; Wilks-Heeg and Clayton: 2005; Norris: 2004),
there is apparently less of a consensus surrounding the nature of all other types of political

14
activity, albeit they are generally characterised by a focus on issues rather than electoral process.

How do young people perceive politics?

Statistics suggest a general decline in public interest and participation in politics, with young people
disproportionately less interested and likely to participate. Overall turnout in UK General elections
declined steadily from 80% in 1951, to 78% in 1992. It then fell more sharply to 62% in 2005,
having reached an all-time low of just over 59% in 2001 (Power to the People: 2006; Wilks-Heeg &
Clayton: 2005). The UK General Election in 2001 represented the lowest turnout since 1918 (Seyd
& Whitely: 2003). At a European level the UK consistently lags behind the rest of the EU in terms of
turnout for European Parliament elections, indeed turnout has never reached 40%, with a nadir
occurring in 1999, where just 24.0% of those eligible to vote did so (Wilks-Heeg & Clayton: 2005).
Turnout in the National Assembly for Wales election of 2007 was 44% (Johnes: 2011, p12).

Turnout amongst 18-24 year olds is very low compared to older groups; with 39% of this age group
voting in the 2001 General Election, dropping to 37% in 2005. This is compared to 70% of over 65s
voting in 2001 and 75% in 2005. In the 2010 General Election, 44% of individuals aged 18-24
years voted, compared with an overall average of 66%, which nevertheless represents a marginal
increase since the 2005 General Election (Ipsos Mori: 2010).

The Hansard Society, a research and education charity group focused on protecting and
strengthening public participation and involvement in politics, produces an annual survey of
political engagement and participation. The 2012 Hansard Society Audit of Political Engagement
(2012) described the relationship between age and political engagement in the UK. The annual
survey found that younger people (aged 18-24) were less likely to report being at least fairly
interested in politics than rest of population- 36%, down from 48% in 2006 (Hansard: 2012). The
youngest age group were also less likely to report being knowledgeable about politics in general,
as well as about parliament (Hansard: 2012). One of the starkest contrasts comes from those
reporting that they were certain to vote at the next general election, with just 22% reporting that
they were, in comparison to 70% amongst the oldest cohort (55-plus). Moreover, this percentage
had dropped from 29% reported the previous year (Hansard: 2012).

The report also suggests that while young people were consistently the least politically active in
overall terms, they lead in certain types of political activity (specifically the non-traditional types of
activities discussed previously), noting that:

...it was the youngest group which was most inclined to volunteer (30% of

15
 under-25s, compared with 21% overall) or express their political opinions
online (10%, compared with 6% overall).
Hansard: 2012, p70

In a qualitative pan-European study of political engagement, Spannring (2005) outlined the state of
young peoples political engagement across Europe. Spannring argued that young people were
increasingly eschewing the aforementioned traditional electoral forms of participating in
mainstream politics as they had very little faith in either politicians or the parties that they claimed
to represent. They did not regard politicians as an enabling force, and were more inclined to be
attracted towards issue-based politics (Spannring: 2005). This was, she argued, because
individuals, especially younger sections of society, felt decreasingly constrained by the ideology of
a party or religious group, and at liberty to cherry-pick individual stances for individual issues,
appropriating values into a patchwork, idiosyncratic political outlook (Spannring: 2005).

In a 2003 study entitled 'Young People & Political Activism', Pippa Norris argued that young people
were more likely than older groups to participate in cause-oriented methods of political
engagement-actions. These included, for example, ethical consumerism and demonstrations or
petitioning, which were focused on a single issue or event as opposed to citizen-oriented politics
which were concerned with the more wholesale packages associated with elections and parties
(Norris: 2003; White et al: 2006). Norris, also suggested that compared to older age groups, young
people were 8% more likely to have signed a petition, 7% more likely to have bought a product for
political reasons, and 6% more likely to have participated in a political demonstration (Norris:
2003).

According to Conti & Cornoltis (2004) qualitative study of young Europeans, a less conventional
approach was favoured by respondents because they were concerned with values rather than
ideologies. Positive perceptions of politics were associated in respondent accounts with tangible
effects, based on physical action and graspable results. Some young people interviewed, however,
perceived shortcomings to this unconventional approach which they described as essentially
voguish, confused and incoherent in scope, predominantly negative in its values (e.g. anti-
globalisation, anti-hunting et cetera), as well as principally associated with left wing standpoints

White, Bruce and Ritchie's 2006 study entitled 'Young Peoples Politics: Political Interest and
Engagement Amongst 1424 Year Olds' was based on qualitative interviews of young people in the
UK. They found that because young people themselves based their views about political
engagement on the aforementioned narrow definition of what actions constitute political
engagement, they were often unaware that actions they participated in might be viewed as
16
political (White et al: 2006). Several other authors have also noted that while young people were
interested in a wide range of political issues (as with the above political actions) they did not
necessarily consider them to be political (White et al: 2006; Hollander & Longo: 2008; Day et al:
2006; Todd et al: 2004). Such activities and issues could include volunteering, protesting or fund
raising, which Norris argued represented a blurring of the boundary between the social and the
political (Norris: 2003).

A gap between the perception of what is political and reality is also apparent in 'Millennials Talk
Politics: A Study of College Student Political Engagement' (Kiesa et al: 2007), a qualitative study of
the political engagement of University students in the USA. The study found that only 16% of
respondents considered volunteering and community work to be a form of political participation,
10% considered it to be an alternative, 51% a complement to politics, while just 22% saw them as
having nothing to do with politics (Kiesa et al: 2007, p20). Kiesa et al (2007) also argued that
many young people consider political engagement to be showing an interest in, keeping up to date
with, or taking part in a discussion about politics and national issues although notably it has been
suggested that more educated young people tend to share a wider definition of what actions
constitute political participation (Spannring: 2005).

A survey conducted in 1999 in Nottinghamshire found that 19% of the respondents (all of whom
were first-time entrants to the electoral register aged up to 25) talked about politics with their family
and friends a great deal or quite a lot, 49% not very much or not at all;. 32% were interested in
national politics a great deal or quite a lot, with 29% not very much or not at all. Significantly
lower numbers reported being interested in local issues (Todd et al: 2004).

Several authors have suggested that for many people the predominant image of politics is of
elected representatives arguing and shouting at each other, yet not accomplishing anything, during
parliamentary debates on television (White et al: 2000; Spannring: 2005). Although political
disengagement affects all citizens to varying degrees, it appears that young people are particularly
prone to apathy and alienation regarding the institutions through which political action occurs and
the politicians and parties that populate them (Norris: 2003).

Shucksmith & Jentsch (2004) have argued that compared to the rest of the population, young
people are generally less satisfied with the institutional frameworks provided for participation
(Shucksmith & Jentsch: 2004), as well as being less likely to vote in UK, devolved, and European
elections (The Electoral Commission 2008). It has also been noted how decreased electoral
participation is manifested in greater levels of abstention, non-registration and individualistic
protest-voting among the young (Dermody & Hanmer-Lloyd: 2003). OToole (2004) suggested that
17
these trends were part of a wider gradual disinclination among young people to engage with
traditional mainstream political processes (such as voting for members of parliament) as well as
increased cynicism about formal mechanisms for political participation (OToole: 2004, p2).

White et al (2000) suggested that young people in Britain, Europe and North America, have a
widespread lack of faith in politicians to be truthful or to keep promises (White et al: 2000).
Politicians are seen by many young people as crooks who take back-handers (Bentley et al:
1999, p181), and who are concerned with their own personal wealth and prestige rather than
creating a better society (Stoker: 2006). Several authors have noted that politicians are widely
perceived as self-interested, and not caring about, or representing the interests and concerns of
young people, their constituents or the country as a whole. Rather, it is argued, they care about
attaining and maintaining power for themselves or their party (White et al: 2000; Conti & Cornolti:
2004; Day et al: 2006; Stoker: 2006). In a survey, in 2002, of over 1,000 people from all over
Europe, over 50% of respondents reported hardly any or very few politicians care what you
think, and less than 1% reported having complete trust in politicians (Stoker: 2006, p120).

Several authors have argued that young people see politicians, as well as the parties that they
represent, as habitual liars (Stoker: 2006) that seek to manipulate voters using the media (Kiesa et
al: 2007; Bentley et al: 1999). It has also been suggested that young people perceive elected
representatives as inefficacious, owing to personal incompetence, in addition to the
aforementioned perception of self-interest (Dermody & Hanmer-Lloyd: 2003).

It has also been purported that due to a lack of understanding of the complexities of the inner
machinations and global influences of the political process, politicians are seen by young people as
unable to achieve outcomes that benefit the population (White et al: 2000; Conti & Cornolti: 2004).
It is important at this stage to distinguish between young peoples antipathy towards politicians on a
personal level, and the outcomes they produce on a practical level. A lack of understanding about
the political process may fuel dissatisfaction with the perceived inability of politicians to achieve
noticeable change. As Spannring (2005, p23) has observed, Nave expectations that politicians
have to serve the interests of all, and that there always has to be consensus, also point towards a
lack of reflection on social and political processes. In addition to this naive idealism, it has been
suggested how some young people have only vague ideas of what they really expect from
politicians (Bentley et al: 1999).

White et al (2000) have argued that young people mostly regard politicians as aloof, remote and
unrepresentative. Politicians, the authors noted, were understood as old or middle-aged, wealthy,
white and male as well as being generally posh (White et al: 2000). This perceived demographic

18
chasm between themselves and their elected representatives arguably alienated many young
people from the political process (Bentley et al: 1999).

Young people may also regard themselves as lacking in descriptive representation in Parliament.
The youngest current UK MP was 25 years old when elected in 2010. However, it has been
conceded that younger representatives may lack sufficient experience and subsequently credibility
(White et al: 2000). Several authors have argued that a large number of young people believe
those who share a similar socio-economic background to politicians are more likely to be interested
and become involved in politics, rather than those from poorer backgrounds (White et al: 2000;
Day et al: 2006). In addition, being interested in politics may arguably be seen as rather uncool
by many young people (Johnson & Knock: 2005; Day et al: 2006).

White (2002) has argued that many young people feel that politicians are simply not interested in
listening to, or acting upon, the concerns or their peers (White et al: 2000). Naivety and lack of
understanding of the political process, discussed earlier, (Spannring: 2005) may also lead young
people to build unrealistic expectations about what issues can be adequately represented at a
political level, and consequently cause frustration at politicians perceived willingness to deal with
them (Stoker: 2006, ). It has also been argued that many young people perceive politicians to be
less likely to listen to their concerns and more likely to listen to those with money and status
(White et al: 2000, p43) or, in other words, look after themselves and their kind of people (Bentley
et al: 1999, p180). This apprehension is linked to the perceptions of young people about the
contrasting socio-economic backgrounds of themselves and politicians, discussed previously.

Young people have been described as strongly distrusting politicians:

If trust involves a positive assessment of the performance of governments,

parties and leaders, coupled with optimism and confidence in their intent to
do good; it appears that young people are not making a positive
assessment, and neither are they hopeful or certain of the intentions of
governments, political parties and/or party leaders
(Dermody & Hanmer-Lloyd: 2003, p5)

Several authors have suggested that negative views of politicians, held by a large number of young
people, are compounded by the medias reporting of government lies, spin, u-turns, and sleaze, as
well as government failure to deliver on guarantees. It has been argued how this perpetuates
dissatisfaction either by affirming existing negative attitudes or by framing politics in contexts of
doubt and distrust (Dermody & Hanmer-Lloyd: 2003; also Conti & Cornolti: 2004).
19
OToole (2004) suggested that it should be acknowledged how, in terms of attitudes towards
politicians, young people share more or less the same level of distrust in government as many
other age groups. While young peoples reservations about politicians tend to mirror the rest of the
population, it is often a lack of familiarity with the political system itself that compounds feelings of
antipathy towards politicians, who are merely the tangible face of Politics (Spannring: 2005). It is
also argued that some young people in Europe do not perceive politicians to be corrupt, aloof, and
inept. However, arguably, even among the better educated and more politically engaged,
perceptions of politicians tend to be distrustful and cynical (Spannring: 2005).

In a survey of young people conducted in 2000, the political issues that most concerned the
respondents were grouped into four broad categories: Global, National, Local, and Personal (White
et al: 2000). Global issues included: relations with other countries; wars; conditions in other
countries; nationalism and devolution; protection of the environment; and preservation of wildlife.
National issues included: education; employment; economy; discrimination; drug laws and
education; crime and justice; age limits; housing; environment; animal cruelty; transport policy;
government and politics; media. Local issues included: labour market; lack of social facilities; drug
use and pushers; crime and violence; policing strategies; family planning advice; and unreliable
transport provision. Personal issues included: school/college experience; acquiring qualifications;
job availability and security; lack of money; social life; discrimination; drug and alcohol use;
personal safety; relationships; treatment of young people; keeping fit and healthy; self
image/identity; under-age sex; and invasion of privacy (White et al: 2000).

In 1999 a consultation about UK political attitudes involving 150 young people was carried out.
Entitled The Real Deal: What Young People Really Think about Government, Politics and Social
Exclusion, the aim of the consultation was to discover the views of young people who had direct
experience with social exclusion, criminality, substance misuse, homelessness and poverty. The
study identified certain viewpoints that were commonly held by the majority of the young people
interviewed. Such viewpoints included the opinion that poorer areas, which the respondents
perceived themselves to be part of, were not proper communities- because of crime, drugs, and
unemployment (Bentley et al: 1999) and that proper communities existed elsewhere, in more
affluent areas (Bentley et al: 1999). Many respondents felt that communities could interfere with an
individuals personal freedoms, but also support and protect them (Bentley et al: 1999), and that
the idea of community was associated with exclusion (Bentley et al: 1999). The respondents
overwhelming saw themselves as being working class and disconnected from posh politicians
(Bentley et al: 1999, p50), who were perceived as not having lived a hard life and were
consequently unaware of the experiences of 'ordinary' people (Bentley et al: 1999).

20
Many of the respondents also perceived mainstream media representation of young people as
unrealistic and overly negative (Bentley et al: 1999; and Barham: 2006). Their personal aspirations
mainly amounted to attaining a nice house, good job, family, car, holidays et cetera, and being
affiliated with the rest of the adult world (Bentley et al: 1999, p56). The report found that an
individuals family was their main source of political influence (Bentley et al: 1999), that young
workers frequently felt exploited by employers, with lower pay, little security, and personal bullying
(Bentley et al: 1999) and that due to the difficulties of living day-to-day life, respondents reported
having no energy, time and consequently no inclination to become politically involved (Bentley et
al: 1999). Overall, political participation was overwhelmingly perceived as boring, remote and futile
(Bentley et al: 1999).

Traditional (electoral) political participation

There is a very wide degree of academic consensus that, compared to older groups, young people
are disproportionately less likely to vote or to report trusting democratic institutions (Norris: 2003;
OToole: 2004; Dermody & Hanmer-Lloyd: 2003; Shucksmith & Jentsch: 2004; The Electoral
Commission 2008). It is also argued that young people are increasingly eschewing what are
deemed to be traditional forms of political participation, which centre around electoral politics, in
favour more issue-based political actions, such as protests or petitions (Spannring: 2005). This is
argued to be partly because young people do not perceive participation in elections as being
efficacious, with many instead regarding voting as simply a waste of time (Johnson & Marshall:
2004; Kiesa et al: 2007; Conti & Cornolti: 2004; Todd et al: 2004). Spannring (2005) argued, for
example, that young people perceive an absence of choice at elections because they find it difficult
to distinguish between parties (Spannring: 2005). The first-past-the-post election system has also
been identified as a source of dissatisfaction, including the problem of wasted votes or unfair
results, or of a limited choice of candidates and parties (White et al: 2000; Kingdom: 2003;
Dermody & Hanmer-Lloyd: 2003).

In addition, the political context of an election is also acknowledged as being of importance in

determining turnout and engagement (The Electoral Commission: 2006). For example, the 2001
British General Election was widely regarded, in its build-up, as being uncompetitive, with Labour
predicted to cruise to a comfortable victory, which led many potential voters to stay away
(Dermody & Hanmer-Lloyd: 2003; Claassen: 2007). In addition, Deetz (1992) suggested that the
cycle of elections can be problematic for engagement, with voters reduced to a sub-group of
consumers (Deetz: 1992), who are consulted at occasional intervals and then largely ignored.

Linked to this, in Wales a relatively low participation in the Assembly elections is a function of the

21
perception that the election is not of great importance (Johnes: 2011). A greater proportion of
people said they did not vote because they did not feel that is was important to do so in the last
Welsh Assembly election than in the last General Election (Electoral Commission: 2011).

Johnson and Marshall have also suggested that many young people have a disinclination to vote
due to the physical inconvenience of leaving the house and visiting a polling station on a particular
day (Johnson & Marshall: 2004; also Kiesa et al: 2007). This physical inconvenience may have
been linked to a wider sense of weariness, which one report identified as a barrier to wider political
participation, with respondents reporting that they lacked the energy, time, and consequently the
inclination to become politically involved (Bentley et al: 1999). If a young persons first experience
of voting is negative, perhaps due to inconvenience or aforementioned perceived pointlessness, it
may consequently adversely affect their entire identity as a voter (The Electoral Commission:
2002).

Several authors have identified that many young people have numerous reservations about the
efficacy of voting, and regard it as a waste of time (Johnson & Marshall: 2004; Kiesa et al: 2007;
Conti & Cornolti: 2004). This should be seen within the context of an international decline in
support for parliamentary institutions throughout the 1990s, which Newton & Norris (1999) argued
occurred for two main reasons. Firstly, the end of the Cold War permitted democracies to become
more self-critical, rather than defensively unifying against a perceived common enemy. Secondly,
and more significantly, increased globalisation during this period led to increasing complexities
concerning the role of parliamentary institutions (Newton & Norris: 1999). In a 1999 survey of 1597
first-time entrants to the electoral register in Nottinghamshire, 25% agreed or partially with the
statement that voting is a waste of time; a relatively high figure, considering the respondents were
chosen from the electoral register, thus discounting the views of those completely unengaged
(Todd et al: 2004, p201).

The Electoral Commission (2002) identified six main barriers to voting among the general
population, all of which disproportionately affect young people. These were: disillusionment (the
view that it makes no difference who wins); apathy (lack of interest in politics); lack of Impact (the
view that an individual vote will not make any difference); alienation (the perception that that
politics is not for young people); knowledge (not feeling sufficiently well informed about politics to
cast a vote); and physical Inconvenience (where voting is too time consuming). The Electoral
Commission (2002) also identified five main reasons for not registering to vote, all of which, again,
disproportionately affect young people. These were: ignorance of procedure/upcoming election;
administrative inefficiency; having recently moved and attendant registration administration;
alienation from the political system; and deliberate avoidance of registration in relation to the

22
secondary uses of the register (e.g. for credit-scoring or debt collection purposes) (The Electoral
Commission: 2002).

Many researchers argue that young people are increasingly rejecting the wholesale adoption of
policy positions which supporting a single party represents. Instead, they are characterised by
holding different positions on a number of different issues, resulting in an individualistic and
patchwork political allegiance (Norris: 2003; also White et al: 2006). This, it has been argued, is
because individuals, especially younger sections of society, feel decreasingly constrained by the
ideology of a party or religious group. Rather, they feel at liberty to cherry-pick individual stances
for individual issues, appropriating values into a patchwork, idiosyncratic political outlook
(Spannring: 2005). Spannring (2005) has also argued that young people generally find it difficult to
remain loyal to one organisation due to a generational shift away from a unidirectional and
hierarchical conception of politics. This has also led to decreased numbers of young people joining
political parties. For example, in the mid-1990s less than 1% of the UK Conservative Party
membership was under 25, while Labour and the Liberal democrats had average ages of 48 and
49 respectively (Weinstein, Todd & Taylor: 2004). It has also been noted that Conservative Party
membership was deteriorating particularly rapidly, as the demographic composition of their
membership is generally older, and so is literally dying out without being replaced by young
successors (Wilks-Heeg & Clayton: 2005). Interestingly. in Wales, Plaid Cymru are supported by
younger people to a greater degree than the general population (Scully and Wyn-Jones: 2012).

Kiesa et al (2007) suggested that many young people are put off by the idea of joining a political
party due to a reluctance to be labelled and limited in their personal beliefs. Also young people
perceive a crisis of representation due to the ideological convergence of the major political parties,
leading to an inability to distinguish between them and a lack of choice (Bentley et al: 1999;
Spannring: 2005). The literature suggests that young people have been increasingly drawn
towards less traditional (that is, non-electoral) forms of political participation, actions which include
petitioning, public demonstrations, and civil disobedience (Wilks-Heeg & Clayton: 2005).

Some authors have argued that political protest and action for some young people can be seen as
a somewhat superficial or voguish gesture rather than genuine expression of political will (Stoker:
2006), or that protest may be confused and incoherent in scope (Conti and Cornolti: 2004).
However, OToole (2004) and Todd (2004) have both argued that the sheer number of young
people who took part in protests in the spring of 2003 as the UK and US prepared to invade Iraq
was evidence that they were not in fact apathetic or apolitical (OToole: 2004; Todd et al: 2004).
Lamprianou (2012) also suggests that the riots which occurred in several UK cities in the summer
of 2011 were interpreted by many as a political expression of frustration and alienation.

23
Doane (2001) argues that the growth of ethical consumerism is perceived by many young people
as an opportunity for individuals to politically participate. Ethical consumerism is where an
individual chooses to boycott certain unethical products, or deliberately purchase ethical
alternatives, as well as encouraging others to do likewise. Common examples of ethical
consumerism may include purchasing products that are seen as more organic or environmentally
friendly (Doane: 2001). It has been argued that the main reasons for participating in ethical
consumerism are because either the product or the manufacturer is perceived to be operating in an
ethically dubious manner in terms of, for example, animal welfare; animal testing; environment
issues; fair trade; workers rights; suspected support for oppressive or ethically dubious
governments (Irving & Harrison: 2005). Irving and Harrison also noted that females tend to be
more active than males in respect to ethical consumerism (Irving & Harrison: 2005). While young
people may be aware of ethical consumerism, they may experience financial constraints and
consequently be unable to practice ethical consumerism to the same degree as more affluent,
older groups because ethical products are invariably more expensive than their unethical
equivalents (Irving & Harrison: 2005). It has also been suggested that ethical consumerism can
represent more of a lifestyle statement than a serious political engagement (Stoker: 2006)

Internet and media

Several authors have noted the rise of the internet as a potential vehicle for political participation
(Gibson et al: 2000; Rycroft 2007; Gibson et al: 2000; Livingstone et al: 2004; Tapscott 1998). The
research links higher levels of internet activity with higher levels of political engagement, as a likely
a function of demographic overlap (that is, the type of person interested in politics is also the type
of person that uses the internet more) rather than a direct causal relationship (de Vreese: 2007;
Best & Krueger: 2005).

In addition to the roles of the school, peer group and family, the media also plays an important role
as a primary transmitter of political information and agenda-setting (Conti & Cornolti: 2004). Here
it is noted that readers of quality newspapers have been described as generally more interested in
politics (Putnam: 1996, p19), with 79% saying they are interested compared to 50% of readers of
tabloid newspapers (Hansard Society: 2008, p20). Young people are often sceptical of the
traditional media and barely read newspapers (Naughton: 2006). Rather, they are increasingly
using the internet as primary source of political information, as well as utilising the medium as a
participatory tool, (Tapscott: 1998; Bennett: 2007; Abbott: 1998). Here it is noted that readers of
quality newspapers have been described as generally more interested in politics (Putnam: 1996,
p19), with 79% saying they are interested compared to 50% of readers of tabloid newspapers
(Hansard Society: 2008, p20).

24
Several authors have argued that the internet is playing an increasingly large role in young
peoples lives, and their methods of interaction and communication are progressively blurring
between the online and offline arenas (Tapscott: 1998; Bennett: 2007; Abbott: 1998). In the UK,
young people go online more frequently than the rest of population. In 2006, 84% of people aged
16 to 24 had gone online within the last three months, compared with 52% of people aged 55 to 64
and 15% of those aged 65 and over. Just 10% of the 16 to 24 age group had never used the
internet (Pollard: 2006).

Rycroft has noted how the internets role as an actual and tangible arena of political participation is
growing (Rycroft 2007). Even in relative infancy the internet has the potential capability to both
widen and deepen the way political engagement occurs, as online technologies have developed
into a set of effective and diverse tools that aid democratic discussion and participation (Gibson et
al: 2000). Such technologies include the ability to send information instantly to multiple recipients
and the ability to share knowledge and opinion via blogs, forums and websites (Rycroft 2007;
Gibson et al: 2000; Livingstone et al: 2004). The internet, in particular social media sites/apps such
as Twitter, played a large role in the organisation and reporting of the 'Arab Spring' protests across
the middle East in 2011 and 2012 (Chorev: 2012).

Many writers have heralded the technology as an answer to the widespread disengagement with
the political process that many young people report (Tapscott 1998; Gibson et al: 2002). This is
because as the internet is perceived to be a new and innovative arena for political participation at
the same time as increasing numbers of young people are spending their time online (Tapscott:
1998). In a 1998 book entitled Growing up Digital: the Rise of the Net Generation, Tapscott
assessed the potential political kinetic energy of contemporary young people in the context of the
growing role of the internet, arguing that (should an issue or set of circumstances arise that
encourages a sufficient degree of mobilisation) there could be greater youth radicalisation than
occurred in the 1960s. This, Tapscott argued, was due primarily to the aforementioned network of
technology, which described by the author as a tract, megaphone, teach-in, book store,
fundraising event, demonstration, makeshift stage and war room all in one (Tapscott 1998: p300).

Young people, it has been argued, are more likely than older people to use the internet as a source
of news and political information, with many visiting a selection of trusted online sites, blogs and
groups several times a week (Gibson et al: 2000; Rycroft: 2007). Livingstone et al (2004) suggest
that this process of garnering news and political information from a multifarious range of sources
leads to the formation of an idiosyncratic political viewpoint, which each individual pieces together
from cherry-picked online media sources, which form an individualised body of input (Livingstone
25
et al: 2004).

Several authors have agreed that, in addition to the appeal of diverse information sources, many
young people are drawn to the internet due to a relatively sophisticated and critical reading of
media intentions and antipathy towards perceived spin and impartiality (Rycroft: 2007; Kiesa et al:
2007). This is part of a broader dissatisfaction with a more traditional, hierarchical, unidirectional
information flow (Barlow et al: 2005). Tapscott (1998) argued that this rejection of a top-down
communicative flow of information is indicative of a wider anti-hierarchical stance among digital
natives. A digital native is a person that has grown up with digital technology such as computers,
the internet, smart phones and MP3 players. These individuals, it is argued, are more likely to
question the necessity and authority of traditional media, teachers and government.

Stavrositu & Sundar (2008) have noted how the non-hierarchical, two-way flow of information on
the internet can lead to an abundance of information of dubious quality. This is in part because of
the frequent absence of journalistic or scientific standards and accountability compared to that
found in the traditional media (Stavrositu & Sundar: 2008). Awareness of doubts about the
reliability and veracity of much online information, combined with the fact that the internet requires
users to actively seek out, rather than passively absorb, information means that digital natives as
media consumers share a heightened sense of critical inclination and increasingly scrutinize the
inherent values contained in information (The Electoral Commission: 2002; Tapscott: 1998).

Moreover, the decentralised nature of modern communications technology means that individuals
may play an enhanced role in shaping the news agenda, with traditional authorities such as the
media-owning elite and state able to determine the political agenda to a lesser degree. The
literature also suggests that, due the myriad archives of free and instantly accessible information,
the internet has facilitated awareness of political issues, knowledge about political issues and the
horizons of debate (Delwiche: 2005). A well-used example of this is the online encyclopaedia at
wikipedia.org. Wikipedia also provides an example of non-passivity on the internet, as volunteers
are able to add and edit content to any of its 10 million-plus articles.

Facebook is the most contemporary and politically-engaged social networking website (Williams &
Gulati: 2007). The term Social Networking Website refers to a number of portals, the other most
widely-used of which are Twitter, Bebo, and MySpace, and which are characterised by an
individual users ability to create personal pages to semi-publicly display information and pictures
to other individuals personal pages, based on a mutual agreement to be linked (known as being
friends). They function primarily as an interactive social network, but many (primarily Facebook)
offer the opportunity for users to join groups, supporting or denouncing various causes or
26
personalities, ranging from the frivolous (Bovril Appreciation Society, 35 members as of 26/10/13)
to the more politically serious (Living Wage UK, 759 members as of 26/10/13), reflecting the
variety of functions the site can accommodate.

As part of the signing-up process, users are required to divulge personal information about their
age, gender and location as well as joining one or more networks based on geography, school, or
employment. Organisations, primarily marketers, pay the site to access this information and display
personally targeted advertisements. Users can also divulge optional information about their
religious or political views, allowing political candidates, parties and groups, to be target specific
users according to their political or religious stance. A large percentage of young Britons are
accessing Facebook, the site itself has over 120 million active users and has over 6 million groups
(Facebook.com; Owyang: 2008). 76% of British users were aged 18-24 as far back as October
2007, totalling over 4.8 million people (Walsh: 2007). In August 2013, the total number of daily
active Facebook users in the UK was reported as 24 million (Reuters: 2013). The UK census of
2001 calculated that there were 7.2 million people aged 15-25, which gives some indication of the
proportion of young people involved in this online community.

Williams & Gulati (2007) have argued that Facebook can thus be seen as an online quintessence
of a form of social capital (Williams & Gulati: 2007). Social capital is an unseen currency created
and distributed when social and civic interaction occurs, the initial identification of which is
commonly attributed to Robert Putnam, who argued that it was possible to loosely quantify the
features of social life- networks, norms and trust- that enable participants to act together more
effectively to pursue shared objectives (Putnam: 1996, p664). Putnam (1996) argued that
participating in civic or local activities generates social capital, or networks of trust, that in turn
generates other forms of participation, including political participation.

A recent example of the power of social networking sites as a channel of political engagement was
the Barack Obama 2008 American Presidential campaign, which made unprecedented use of the
internet as a mobilising political resource to engage the candidates young (as well as African-
American and Hispanic) supporters to register to vote, mobilise peers and raise money (Sullivan:
2008). One of Obamas main campaign advisors was Chris Hughes, a co-founder of Facebook,
who was responsible for the barackobama.com website. Also known as MyBO, the site was
based on a social networking template similar to that of Facebook, which supporters could use to
meet fellow local supporters, organise fundraising drives and discuss politics (Aaker: 2010). The
site also featured: a detailed description of Obamas plan and stances on the issues; tax savings
calculator; a social network; online donation capability; online supporter shop; event invitations;
and links to other networking sites. The role of the internet in Obamas campaign was

27
acknowledged as an important factor in the high youth turnout in the election (Ruggeri: 2008), and
Obama eventually outpolled John McCain, his opposing candidate, 2:1 amongst voters aged under
30. A similar story was observed in the 2012 US Presidential election, where the Obama
campaign's use of social media to contact younger voters was viewed as particularly important, as
they would not otherwise have been contactable, half the campaigns targeted swing-state voters
under age 29 had no listed phone number. They lived in the cellular shadows, effectively immune
to traditional get-out-the-vote efforts (Time: 2012).

The literature suggests that the nature of online political discussion enables a greater variety of
participants to engage with a wider range of fellow participants (Hodgkinson-Williams & Mostert:
2005). The most immediate benefit of political communication over the internet is the removal of
physical barriers to connection with political debate. This is because the ability to communicate
across time and distance facilitates a wider range of participants, as it removes the requirement to
negotiate the numerous practical difficulties associated with physically assembling together
(Johnson: 2003; Hodgkinson-Williams & Mostert: 2005). Hodgkinson-Williams and Mosert (2005)
have also suggested that another advantage of online political debates and discussion is the
enhanced temperament of the debate. Conducted in a slowed-down version of real time, online
discussion allows for enhanced fact-checking, reflection, and clarity of written response
(Hodgkinson-Williams & Mostert: 2005). This removes from political debate the advantage afforded
to those with more developed verbal debating skills, and creates a new context for those who
would not normally engage in face-to-face political discussion (Barlow et al: 2005, p178).

It has been argued that the internet should not be heralded as a simple remedy to young peoples
political apathy while there are still so many practical and demographic shortcomings to
contemporary online political engagement (Barlow et al: 2005; Gibson et al: 2000). The most
immediate of these is the fact that the internet tends to only connect the interested with the
interested, rather than the public at large (Barlow et al: 2005, p181). Most online political activity is
determined by an individuals pre-existing inclination to engage in political debate off-line (Gibson
et al: 2000), which indicates that the internet is still primarily employed as part of the process of
participation, rather than mobilising the unengaged itself.

Gibson (2000) has suggested that online political engagement, by its very nature, potentially
inherently limits some of the positive effects of personal elements of collective participation,
specifically the lack of face-to-face discussion and the social capital benefits attendant to
individuals meeting together to participate in any activity (Gibson et al: 2000).

Another way in which online political engagement may be less thriving than some indicate is that,

28
due to the relative expense of the technology and infrastructure, the possibility of digital apartheid
is increasing (Gibson et al: 2000; Tapscott: 1998). As the internet develops as a forceful political
arena, the disadvantages of rural and lower-income households- manifested in this case as the
inability to participate online- may also develop. These households are arguably less likely to have
internet access, and when they do they may be less likely to use it for reasons of political
engagement (Barlow et al: 2005).

2.2- WHY DO PEOPLE GET ENGAGED?

Barriers and Drivers
There are numerous barriers to political engagement identified within the literature. White et al
(2000) have suggested that politics is regarded by many young people as simply boring (White et
al: 2000). Some may also not perceive any relevance in the political system to their lives, and so
are consequently unlikely to take an active interest (Conti & Cornolti: 2004). The literature suggests
that young people generally lack acquaintance with, and appreciation of, how politics works, which
discourages them from participating as they are frequently unaware of the institutions, key players
and issues that give significance to political action (White et al: 2000; Spannring: 2005). As well as
not feeling adequately informed, a lack of understanding of the processes and methods involved in
politics can lead to disengagement (Stoker: 2006). This is primarily due to individuals harbouring
simplistic, idealistic and unrealistic expectations about the capacity of governments to affect
tangible change, which can in turn lead to further disengagement (Stoker: 2006).

There is also the issue that young people may perceive there to be a paucity of access points
available to them within the political system, which is arguably related to a lack of knowledge about
political institutions and processes, discussed earlier (White et al: 2000; Conti & Cornolti: 2004;
Day et al: 2006; Kiesa et al: 2007). It is also worth qualifying that although it has been argued that
many young people have a poor understanding of political processes, there is no evidence that the
adult population are significantly better informed (Furnham & Stacey: 1991).

The process of globalisation has been highlighted in the literature as undermining the authority and
power of national political institutions. This, it has been argued, undermines trust in politicians and
reinforces electoral apathy among young people (Dermody & Hanmer-Lloyd: 2003; Gamarnikow &
Green: 1999). There is increasing concern among many that democratically elected political
institutions are unable to adequately respond to the types of issue (e.g. global issues such as
climate change) that most concern young people (White et al: 2000). This is argued to increasingly
cause young people to bypass them in favour single issue-based politics, such as demonstrations,
ethical consumerism, and the signing of petitions (Stoker: 2006).

29
Finally, the literature suggests that young people do not regard participation in electoral politics as
efficacious for two main reasons. Firstly, they do not regard their vote as being important due to the
aforementioned lack of knowledge of political processes; and secondly, changes in government are
not perceived as leading to a perceptible change in policy (Johnson & Marshall: 2004; Kiesa et al:
2007; Spannring: 2005). It has been argued that young people need to perceive these concrete
goals as being accomplished and behold the proven results of political action in order feel
politically engaged (Conti & Cornolti: 2004). This arguably has bearing upon a widespread and
resigned fatalism among many young people (as well as the rest of the adult population) that
significant policy change is currently impossible (Todd & Taylor: 2004).

Theoretical explanations
Norris (2002) has identified four categories of theoretical levels at which explanations for political
activism and engagement can focus. She accounts for political participation with reference to
changes in society, state institutions, mobilising organisations, and individual-level access to socio-
economic resources (Norris: 2002). These four categories represent a distinction between macro-
level, meso-level, and micro-level accounts of political activism (Norris: 2002). At the macro-level
are found theories of political activism based upon societal modernisation, with institutional
changes occupying space between 'macro' and 'meso' levels. At the 'meso' level there are
theoretical accounts focusing on such 'mobilising agencies' such as the media and political parties.
Finally, she argues, individual contexts, such as resource-access or personal motivation, inform
theories at the 'micro' level (Norris: 2002). It is to those which the discussion now turns.

An example of an individual level theory is provided by Bennett (2007) in a paper entitled Digital
Natives As Self-Actualizing Citizens. In this paper on participation Bennett (2007) contrasted old-
fashioned dutiful citizens (generally characterising older members of society) and the more
modern self-actualising citizens (generally characterising young people). Dutiful citizens were
presented as feeling obligated to participate in government-centred activities and perceived voting
as core democratic act. This portrayal was supported by knowledge and contact with government,
and informed by the consumption of traditional mass media (e.g. broadsheet newspapers or
televised evening news) that are broadly sympathetic towards issues of politics and government.
Hence a dutiful citizen was characterised as likely to join civil society organisations and express
themselves through political parties or interest groups that typically employ hierarchical, one-way
(i.e. top-down) communication to mobilize supporters (Bennett: 2007).

In contrast Bennett (2007) described self-actualizing citizens as having a diminished sense of

participatory obligation and a higher sense of individual purpose. These individuals were portrayed
as regarding voting as less meaningful than other, more personally defined, acts such as ethical

30
consumerism, volunteering, or protesting/demonstrating. They tended to be distrustful of media
and politicians, based upon consumption of mass media which adopts a broadly negative stance
towards politics. It was argued that self-actualizing citizens favoured loose networks of community
action, which were often established or sustained through friendships and peer relations and thin
social ties maintained by interactive information technologies (Bennett: 2007).

This dichotomy is echoed in Why Politics Matters: Making Democracy Work, by Stoker (2006).
This book examined many institutional problems commonly associated with mass democracy, and
focused on how best to re-engage citizens and counteract apathy. Stoker (2006) examined
changes in how politics were perceived, identifying a generational shift in political engagement
from the collectivised and dutiful to the individualised and the non-hierarchical (Stoker: 2006).
The author also noted a shift in the types of issues which preoccupied those who did participate ,
away from self-interest and materialism (e.g. jobs, wages and pensions) and towards the post-
materialist (e.g. globalization, environmentalism, and gender equality) (also Norris: 2003).

In a publication which examined competing theories of civic and political engagement, Pattie,
Sevd, & Whitley (2002) argued that no single model adequately explained participatory behaviour.
They considered the 'rational choice' model of civic participation, whereby individual actors
weighed up how to behave according to a series of micro cost/benefit analyses. According to the
model, if a prospective participant in politics perceived insufficient benefit to be gained from their
participating, then they were less likely to do so. The authors identified the differences within the
rational choice model between selective and collective benefits to participation. Collective
benefits were defined as benefits that were available to all, regardless of whether they participated,
whereas selective benefits were only available to participants, or could only be activated by
participation, thus incentivising participation (Pattie, Sevd & Whitely: 2003, p444). In reality, this
may manifest itself in, for example, not voting because of an underlying feeling that enough other
people will do so, or the desire to participate in a protest because of a certain key issue that an
individual may feel is not receiving sufficient attention.

Other factors fostering participation include the act of participating as an expression of attachment
to a particular group, or an ill-defined sense of duty (Pattie, Sevd, & Whitely: 2003). Social norms
were a big influence on political participation- the more an individual was surrounded by those who
had either a positive (or negative) view of political participation, the more likely they were to share
that view and subsequently act (or not act) (Pattie, Sevd, & Whitely: 2003). The Civic Voluntarism
model identified resources such as education, affluence, connections, or time as key to
understanding participation (Pattie, Sevd, & Whitely: 2003). Similarly to the aforementioned rational
choice model, a feedback loop of efficacy was important in maintaining participation- if the

31
individual did not perceive their actions as having an influence, they would not participate (Pattie,
Sevd, & Whitely: 2003).

Some theorists suggest that an individuals social-psychological tendencies determine to a large

extent their proclivity for political engagement. This view asserts that, some individuals are more
trusting and cooperative, while some are more cynical or pessimistic; these attitudes are
transferred towards the political system (Newton & Norris: 1999). These trust relationships are
actually products of wider factors that directly influence levels of participation- social experiences,
economic circumstances, education level, time commitments, involvement in voluntary groups
(Newton & Norris: 1999; Putnam: 1996).

Another model suggested by Newton & Norris disregards the role of individual personality traits (or
the circumstances that cause these traits) altogether; The Institutional Performance model
stresses the importance of what the government actually does in understanding levels of
confidence in the political system. If government institutions are perceived as performing well then
they are rewarded with more public confidence, if they are seen as performing badly, they receive
less (Newton & Norris: 1999). As government performance affects all citizens to a greater or lesser
degree, trust and confidence in the political system operates largely at the societal, as opposed to
individual, level (Newton & Norris: 1999).

Much literature is devoted to the notion of a life cycle theory of political engagement, whereby the
young person becomes steadily more engaged with politics as their life takes them past a series of
common landmark events, such as starting work, moving out of the parental house, buying their
own house, or having children et cetera, much of which are correlated with age (Hooghe & Stolle:
2003). This explains why many young people are generally less interested in politics than older
members of society. As an individuals level of responsibility and perceived stake in society
increases- brought about by such developments as having children, owning ones own home,
career-related experiences, increased reliance on health services, then levels of political
engagement will correspondingly rise (White et al: 2000; OToole: 2004; Spannring: 2005; Norris:
2003).

The annual Hansard Society Audit of Political Engagement (2012) provides an interesting
assessment of this claim. Now in its ninth year, the annual survey has collected data on sufficient
respondents to allow for cross-comparison between age cohorts, in this instance the responses of
respondents born between 1979-1985 were compared with those born in 1972-1978. The results
appeared to indicate that both cohorts increased their level of knowledge and engagement with
politics as they aged, with the 1979-1985 cohort catching up with the older cohort as the groups
32
reached their late twenties and early thirties (Hansard Society: 2012).

Other research emphasises the importance of the generational or period effect, the contemporary
political, historical, social, and economic circumstances that inform the young persons
engagement (Hooghe & Stolle: 2003; Norris: 2003; Conti & Cornolti: 2004; Kiesa et al: 2007). One
contemporary generational effect is that, compared to their parents generation, todays young
people are generally getting married, having children, and entering full employment at a later point
in their lives, which has the effect of delaying the aforementioned life cycle effect (Hooghe &
Stolle: 2003; Norris: 2003).

Putnam (1996) argued that one of the most important recent period effects was the widespread
introduction of television. In a paper entitled The Strange Disappearance of Civic America,
Putnam argued that the older generation (in the mid-1990s) were more inclined towards civic
engagement than younger cohorts as they reached maturity and were engaged in more social
networks before television became pervasive in living rooms, with increased TV viewing correlated
with a decline in levels of political engagement (Putnam: 1996).

Social class is also highlighted in the literature as a key driver of political engagement (Norris:
2002; Conklin: 2008, Wilks-Heeg & Clayton: 2005 ; Brown & Uslander: 2002; Verba & Nie: 1987;
Campbell: 2005; Walsh et al: 2004). The recent 2012 Hansard Society Audit of Political
Engagement reported that women, individuals in social grade C2, younger people, and those living
in the certain regions were more likely than average to feel indifferent about politics (Hansard
Society: 2012). Common amongst theories which focus on individual traits is a referral to differing
individual levels of access to 'resources' which enable or foster engagement. For example, Putnam
argued that well-educated people (with the socio-economic resources that generally accompany
higher education) are more likely to be joiners and trusters, both as a result of being better
connected to other joiners and trusters, as well as inclinations imparted to them in their upbringing
(Putnam: 1996). Those with a higher level of education, who are socially advantaged and older, are
more likely to be engaged with, and participate in, politics (Verba & Nie: 1987; Electoral
Commission: 2002). Contrastingly, women, young people, those from lower social classes and
BMEs are disproportionately less likely report interest in, or knowledge about , politics (The
Hansard Society: 2008).

Understanding of political behaviour as a function of differing levels of resources can usefully draw
from the work of Bourdieu. Bourdieu (1977) argued that different behaviours can be explained by
relative levels of capital', with capital defined as a certain type of resource As well as being
economic, capital can also be social and cultural- the key point being that certain individuals have
33
more than others. Such capital includes 'cultural capital', which includes non-physical phenomena
such as education levels or dispositions (Bourdieu: 1986).

In this context such capital might take the form of familiarity with political processes (Bourdieu:
1977). Bourdieu argued that social action can be explained as the result of individuals, equipped
with particular levels of capital, operating in certain contexts (which he termed 'fields'), according to
predetermined modes of behaviour (which he termed 'habitus') (Wacquant: 2006). Habitus
translates into English as 'habit'- that is, the way one does things (Hage: 2013). This disposition is
informed by both individual and collective experiences (Wacquant: 2006; Adkins: 2011). For
Bourdieu, habitus informs an individual's everyday actions almost instinctively, akin to a tennis
player constantly being informed by the game's rules and objectives when making each shot
(Bourdieu: 1977).

An individual's social or economic context is also viewed by some researchers as a key driver of
political engagement. A 2008 study examined how socio-economic factors influence the likelihood
of political participation in across a number of democracies, including Bulgaria, Germany, Estonia,
Great Britain, Hungary, Japan, the Netherlands, Poland, Russia, Slovenia, and the United States
(Conklin; 2008). The study tested out five hypotheses which were based on widely-held truisms
concerning political participation- Political participation is more likely in an individual with a higher
income, that is a member of a religious organization, that has a higher education, that is older and
that is married (Conklin: 2008). The study found that the single most important determining factor
was citizenship: an individuals level of political participation is based on their country, all other
factors being equal. Political participation was also found to increase with age and education level,
while religious affiliation increases political participation (Conklin; 2008).

Other research focuses more specifically upon area, finding that the type of physical location (e.g.
urban, rural, affluent, and deprived) is related to the type of political issues residents are likely to
perceive as important (Verba & Nie: 1987; Woods et al: 2008; Bentley & Gurumurthy: 1999). Busch
and Reinhardt (2005) allude to the notion of industrial hotbeds, suggesting that certain physical
areas, with a historical concentration of traded industries are substantially more likely to vote than
employees in traded but geographically dispersed sectors.

Verba and Nie (1987) argue that rurally isolated places have been traditionally regarded as less
politically active than urban areas due to their physical distance from government officials and
offices However, individuals that live in rural areas are increasingly likely to be involved in a
political protest (Woods et al: 2008). Young people in remote areas also report suffering from a
combination intrinsically rural problems such as poor transport links, lack of access to facilities,

34
lack of affordable local housing and employment problems (Bentley & Gurumurthy: 1999). The
2012 Hansard Society Audit of Political Engagement reported that the region in which a person
lives impacts upon their political engagement (Hansard Society: 2012). Bentley et al (1999) found
that young people from poor areas found that residents perceived their communities to be lacking
in comparison to wealthier areas, and that political participation was something that occurred
elsewhere (Bentley et al: 1999).

A study was conducted in 2006 of ethnic minority groups in relation to political participation based
on several European nations as well as the USA. The study found that the participation rates of
minority groups were no different to the majority population, with the exception that the former were
less likely to vote in national elections (Sandovici & Listhaug: 2006). The study also found that
political participation varied according to different ethnic minority groups, and that they are able to
mobilize their constituency in political action to an equal, or even higher degree than majority
groups (Sandovici & Listhaug: 2006, p3). As political participation is also linked to religious activity,
there were links between certain ethnic minorities and political participation (Sandovici & Listhaug:
2006). Women from ethnic minority groups are generally less politically active than men (The
Electoral Commission: 2004). Leighley suggests that, as with gender and education, access to
greater socio-economic resources is the primary factor that influences an individuals level of
political engagement and participation. When such variables are accounted for ethnic minority
groups are no more or less likely than the majority of the population (Leighley: 2001). Conversely,
the 2008 Audit of Political Engagement found that members of BME groups in the UK were
disproportionately less inclined to participate in politics (The Hansard Society: 2008).

There is a large amount of comparative research examining male and female political behaviour,
with women (especially younger women) generally described as being generally less engaged
with, less knowledgeable about, and less ready to participate in politics than men (The Hansard
Society: 2008; The Hansard Society: 2008; Goetz: 2003; Bernstein: 2005; The Electoral
Commission: 2004). Some research suggests that females may hold a perception of politics as
being for men, and subsequently not wish to participate, with their consequent lack of participation
serving to reinforce such a perception among other women (Lynn & Young: 2006). The very
presence of more women being elected representatives has a 'role model' effect, which not only
may in turn lead to yet more women acting as role models, but may even impact upon the 'type' of
politics that transpires (Chaney: 2003).

Goetz (2003) has argued that gender differences in political participation are best explained on an
individual basis, as a result of disparities in the aforementioned stockpile of resources that

35
facilitate participation- i.e. that men still generally possess a stronger endowment of two key
factors: education, and the types of jobs that provide the resources and contacts needed for
politics (Goetz: 2003). There is also a generational effect (as defined above) in operation
concerning how gender disparities in political participation are distributed, with people under 30 far
less likely to report significant differences (Goetz: 2003; Bernstein: 2005). Burns et al (2001) argue
that there still exists the concept of citizenship by proxy, whereby the traditional male breadwinner
of a household is in effect a representative of their spouse and young dependents, although this
phenomenon is becoming decreasingly relevant due to the on-going decline of older, more
traditional gender roles within families (Burns et al: 2001).

The Electoral Commission reported in 2004 that womens personal perceptions of politics in the UK
are markedly different from mens (Electoral Commission: 2004). Women were reported generally
to have a decreased sense of political efficacy than men as well as having lower confidence that
they could influence the political process. Women also expressed less interest in politics than men,
were less likely to regard politics as important and less likely to trust a range of political institutions
(Electoral Commission: 2004). In addition to this, women were reported to generally consume less
overtly political media than men, particularly online (The Electoral Commission: 2004).

Many researchers have identified a relationship between family upbringing and political
engagement, including not only an individuals political outlook, but their motivation and desire to
participate (Bentley et al: 1999; White et al: 2000). The literature suggests that many young
peoples first encounter with the political comes at home, through discussions with their family,
and the degree to which a family is politicised has a large bearing on the degree to which an
individual is politically engaged (White et al: 2000; Kiesa et el: 2007; The Electoral Commission:
2006; Keeter et al: 2002). Some research indicates that family is also regarded as an important
source of political knowledge (Cotti & Cornolti: 2004).

As well as fostering an interest in politics, an individuals family background can be seen as

preparation for civic life as relationships with family members provides an early lesson in
democratic discourse (Giddens: 2003; Keeter et al: 2002). Several authors claim that cynical or
apathetic attitudes toward politics are transmitted from parents to their children (Jones & Portney:
2007; Furnham & Stacey: 1991). In a clear demonstration of this trend, Jones and Portney (2007)
also found that among young people whose parents voted in every election, 80.1% were registered
to vote. This figure contrasts strongly with young people whose parents never voted, among whom
only 30.3% were registered to vote

White et al (2000) suggest that the family is one of the main influencing factors in determining not
36
only an individuals political outlook, but their motivation and desire to participate (White et al:
2000). Many young peoples first encounter with the political comes at home, through discussions
with their family, and the degree to which a family is politicised has a large bearing on the degree
to which an individual is politically engaged (White et al: 2000; Kiesa et al: 2007; The Electoral
Commission: 2006; Keeter et al: 2002). As well as fostering an interest in politics, an individuals
family background can be seen as preparation for civic life as relationships with family members
provides an early lesson in democratic debate (Giddens: 2003; Keeter et al: 2002).

Several authors argue that the role of the peer group is another important factor that determines an
individuals proclivity for political participation. The peer group can influence the individual by
enabling them to feel affiliated and part of something, as well as exerting pressure to conform,
(Kingdom: 2003; Conti & Cornolti: 2004). There is also an argument that such groups provide an
escape from politics and responsibility, rather than serving as a vehicle for it (Kahn-Harris: 2004).
Wilks-Heeg and Clayton argue that there is a broader link between political participation and other
more everyday forms of civic engagement, a view commonly associated with Robert Putnam
(Wilks-Heeg & Clayton: 2005).

A number of researchers identify links between education level and level of political engagement
(Verba & Nie: 1987; Electoral Commission: 2002; Hillygus: 2005). Putnam argues that this link is
associated with social capital- more educated people are more likely to be 'joiners and trusters',
and as a result are better-connected to other 'joiners and trusters' (Putnam: 1996). Other
explanations include Goetz's socio-economic account, which suggests that higher levels of
education are linked with attendant socio-economic resources and increased leisure time (Goetz:
2003). Hillygus (2005) notes that the 'political meritocracy' hypothesis posits no causal link
between education level and political engagement level, other than to suggest that individuals who
are more intelligent are simply more likely to be interested in politics, but are also more likely to
have a higher level of education Finally, several authors suggest that higher education levels are
associated with increased political engagement due to the 'participatory learning' environment in
many educational institutions. Democratic behaviour is learnt and fostered through such activities
as debates and elections, which is maintained into adulthood (Kiesa et al: 2007; Conti & Cornolti:
2004).

Having considered the literature, the next chapter will move on to discuss theory and methods.

37
3- THEORY & METHODS

Aims & Research Questions

The research sought to examine young peoples accounts of political engagement through a
qualitative study, involving a purposive sample of 18-25 year olds (n=26). Young people are
frequently represented in both academic research, as well as mainstream media, as variously
alienated from, disengaged with, or ignorant of, politics (Dermody & Hanmer-Lloyd: 2003). My
interest in the subject matter of the relationship between young people and politics stemmed
primarily from my professional experiences focusing on issues relating to young peoples
participation in sport and physical activity, as well as the policy initiatives and environment that was
seen as contributing towards these participation levels. My academic background in politics, in
addition to my own personal interest in the topic of participation also influenced the desire to
research the topic further

The study sought to examine the topic from the perspective of the lived experience of a small
sample of young people, in a frank and deep manner, rather than from the somewhat more
impersonal perspective of a large-scale survey. This informed the use of qualitative, post-positivist
research methods, the rationale for using which is outlined in detail below.

The study aimed to explore the relationship between young people and politics, focusing on how a
sample of young people engaged with politics, what prompted and prevented this engagement,
and what social or political issues were of most importance to them. To this end it used qualitative
methods to examine the perceptions of a sample of young people aged between 18 and 25. A
detailed description of the sample group can be found in Appendix 5, which outlines key
demographic information such as the age, education status, and employment situation of each
respondent.

Research Questions:
1. What are the key issues concerning young people and political engagement in the research
literature?
2. What are the main theoretical understandings which underpin accounts of young peoples
engagement with politics?
3. What social/political issues are identified by a purposive sample of young people as
important to them?
4. What is the level and nature of young peoples engagement with these issues and what

38
 barriers and facilitators of political engagement do they identify?
5. What are the implications for young people's perceptions of their place within the political
'world'?

3.1-THEORY
Ontological and Epistemological positioning
It is important for research to be underpinned by a coherent and appropriate research paradigm
(Ponterotto: 2005). This is because the researcher's philosophical standpoint informs both the
choice of study methodology and methods and influences the analysis and interpretation of data.
This study drew theoretically upon both phenomenology and critical realism, and it is to a
discussion of the philosophical ideas emanating from these positions that the chapter now turns.

Two key concepts, ontology and epistemology, underpin the way we approach research. Ontology
concerns the fundamental nature of existence, asking the question: what is reality? (Maykut &
Morehouse: 1994; Ponterotto: 2005; Denzin & Lincoln: 1998). Competing viewpoints about the
nature of existence could be plotted on a spectrum. At one end the ontological position would be
informed by a 'realist' perspective whereby a reality is understood to exist independently of the
individual and, is perceived as objective, graspable, and measurable (Willig: 2001). For those
rejecting realist positions, the nature of existence is far less 'concrete', graspable, or measurable.
At this other end of the spectrum reality is understood as linguistically constructed and dependent
upon temporal and cultural context (Suddaby: 2006; Ponterotto: 2005).

Epistemology is the study of the nature of the relationship between the 'knower' and the 'known'- in
other words: how knowledge is created and obtained (Maykut & Morehouse: 1994; Denzin &
Lincoln: 1998). In research terms, it the process by which the researcher seeks to extract or obtain
knowledge (Willig: 2001). In this sense the epistemological position of any given philosophy is
intrinsically linked to its ontological standpoint. That is, conceptions about the nature of existence
ultimately determine ones understanding of how knowledge may be obtained. Those adopting a
'realist' position generally share a 'dualist' conception of epistemology. This means that the
researcher (the would-be knower) and the subject of their research (the known) are viewed as
separate and independent of one another, allowing the researcher to conduct their enquiries from a
position of detached objectivity and neutrality (Denzin & Lincoln: 2005; Willig: 2001). Alternatively,
for those not adopting a realist position, epistemological issues are less clear-cut, with the
relationship between researcher and the 'researched' viewed as dynamic and dialectic in nature.
Here, participants are regarded as both proactive and subjective knowledge creators, and the role
of the researcher in the construction of data is explicated and acknowledged (Willig: 2001).

39
Research Paradigm
Ontological and epistemological understandings underpin different research paradigms. A research
paradigm represents a wholesale outlook or context in which research sits (Maykut & Morehouse:
1994) and can be seen as a net containing the researchers epistemological, ontological, and
methodological understandings (Denzin & Lincoln: 1998). There are numerous research
paradigms. The main paradigms as defined by Ponterotto (2005) are positivism, postpositivism,
constructivism, and critical theory. It is important to note, however, that there are no universally
accepted and agreed-upon categorical definitions, and that they are constantly shifting and
evolving (Ponterotto: 2005).

Positivism is a philosophy of science that is based upon the principle of objective and measurable
research findings, and is traditionally associated with the study of natural sciences (Maykut &
Morehouse: 1994). Positivism is acknowledged as grounded in a realist ontology. That is, a
positivists fundamental conception of the nature of existence is one in which reality is
commensurable, distinct, and external: objects can be touched, counted, measured and observed
(Guba: 1990).

Positivism traces its roots back to enlightenment theorists such as Descartes and Locke, who
sought to move away from using religious authority as their ontological basis, and towards
scientific and empirical foundations for knowledge (Ponterotto: 2005). This ontological position is
strongly associated with an objectivist epistemology, meaning that if reality is, as presented above,
fundamentally graspable, then knowledge about nature can be directly obtained through scientific
means (Maykut & Morehouse: 1994). The researcher asks questions directly of nature, and
obtains 'answers' back. The researcher is understood as detached and objective, and does not
interfere with or impinge upon the subjects or phenomena that are being studied. Fischer (1998)
argues that a fundamental positivist principle is the rigorous separation of facts and values. That is,
researchers should be fundamentally objective when conducting research in order for it to be
judged as methodologically valid (Fischer: 1998). This, in turn, logically entails an empirical
experimentalist methodology- in which questions or hypotheses are stated in propositional form
and tested or subjected to falsification (Guba: 1990). Falsification, which is associated with Karl
Popper, holds that a theory can only be logical if it is possible that it can be shown to be false. An
example of this is the statement all humans are mortal. As no amount of observation could ever
completely confirm or deny this, it is deemed invalid. In contrast, the statement all humans are
immortal is falsifiable in that the observation of one dead human suffices to contradict it (Macey:
2000).

Towards the late 19th Century some researchers began to question whether the positivist

40
methodological principles used to examine the natural world were appropriate for, and applicable
to, the study of human behaviour (Polkinghorne: 1983). This triggered a debate about research
paradigms and methodological frameworks that continues to this day (Tashakori & Teddlie: 1998).
The postpositivist movement argued that as humans do not exist as isolated objects they cannot
be studied as such. Rather they should be examined in their own contexts and environments
(Polkinghorne: 1983). Postpositivists also took issue with what was perceived as the objectification
of those being studied, and the way in which positivist method approached the study of social
issues in an overly-mechanical way (Macey: 2000). As the name suggests, postpositivism, as a
scientific philosophy, claimed to identify and address methodological issues which some social
scientists associated with positivism (Guba: 1990). While in a narrow sense the term postpositivism
is used to depict the research paradigm which emerged directly after (and in response to)
positivism, it is also used by some as an umbrella term to encapsulate a wide range different
research paradigms which developed subsequent to positivism, and which variously agree with or
deviate from positivist epistemological understandings. To reiterate, the study presented in this
thesis draws variously on two postpositivist (in the broad sense of the term) traditions:
phenomenology and critical realism. In the following sections these two traditions are discussed,
focusing particularly on those aspects of understanding which resonated with my own position.

Phenomenology
Popularised by the work of Husserl, Heidegger, and Sartre, in the first half of the 20th Century,
phenomenology is a descriptive and reflective interpretation of the lived experience of those being
studied (stanford.edu 2008; Maykut & Morehouse: 1994; Morse & Richards: 2002). It literally
means the study of things that are shown (Macey: 2000).

Phenomenologists are interested in researching that which is consciously experienced in order to

develop a deep insight into the fundamental nature of the phenomenon that they are studying
(Macey: 2000). For phenomenologists consciousness is always consciousness 'of' something and
'by' somebody. Hence consciousness is nothing without something about which one can be
conscious. A key aspect of phenomenology is Husserl's notion of 'intentionality', which is an
individual acting 'towards' a phenomenon. This may comprise, for example, an individual thinking
'about' an object (Laverty: 2003 ). The two key aspects of the concept of intentionality are that (a)
the individual is thinking about this particular object and not any other object, and (b) that it is that
particular individual who is 'doing' the thinking, rather than anyone else. As the individual act of the
individual thinking about a particular object is replicated by a large number of other individuals, the
concept of that object is born, similar to Platos concept of the ideal form of an object (Kenney:
2007).

41
In terms of ontology, what is ultimately important for phenomenologists is not whether the object
that the individual is talking about actually does or does not exist. Rather, reality for
phenomenologists consists of what people are actually experiencing. Phenomenologists are thus
concerned with the reality of the lived experiences of different individuals. In richly describing how
different individuals experience various phenomena, phenomenologists seek to establish
essences, which are the ideal form of that which exists here and now (Macey: 2000). How
individuals may experience a particular phenomenon is itself a component part of that
phenomenon.

Thus phenomenologists set out to study that which is being consciously experienced, rather than
that which is necessarily real or existing. They are more interested in obtaining a 'thick description'
of that persons perceptions and experiences of the object (Geertz: 1973; Kenney: 2007). A thick
description is when a researcher moves beyond neutral observation and reporting of an event and
seeks to capture stratified meaning within an everyday occurrence. This involves an analysis of the
multiple connotations and significances that can be inferred from observing a single act, and their
relation to wider structures (Macey: 2000). A 'thick description is therefore more than just a 'dry'
report or account of a phenomenon. Rather, it aims to examine and explore all of the nuances and
potential interpretations of a phenomenon. Geertz (1973), with whom the term is most closely
associated, demonstrates 'thick description' by using the example of a single physical movement,
someone rapidly contracting one eyelid. This simple action could be initially interpreted by another
person as being an involuntary twitch, or by another as a conspiratorial wink, by another as a
parody of somebody winking, by another as a misreading of this parody and so on. The job of the
researcher is to attempt to keenly observe, understand and report all of these actions and
interpretations, whilst simultaneously analysing them for signs and patterns of greater significance
(Geertz 1973).

Rather than conforming to a linear notion of scientific progress, whereby a theory is continuously
improved as research moves 'forward', phenomenologists seek to describe richly and reflect upon
the immediate consciousness of their subjects (Laverty: 2003). Bruyn suggested that
phenomenological research is characterised by three stages: obtaining an intuitive grasp of
phenomena; a thorough analytic examination of that phenomena; and the description of the
phenomena (Bruyn: 1970).

For Husserl, the founding father of phenomenology, understanding was reached through the
'bracketing out' of knowledge and experience of external reality, which he termed as 'epoche'
(Crowell: 1990), meaning suspension of judgmental belief (Morse & Richards: 2002; Macann:
1993). In research terms this means temporary suspension of personal suppositions and

42
experiences on behalf of the researcher (Moran: 2000). In seeking to bracket out and temporarily
ignore their pre-existing conceptions, Husserlian phenomenologists thus place great emphasis on
the research subject's perceptions of reality, rather than their own pre-existing assumptions and
beliefs (Laverty: 2003).

Heidegger (a student of Husserl's), rejected the concept of bracketing. Heideggars

phenomenology differs from Husserls primarily in his rejection of the transcendental ego- a state
of consciousness impervious to presuppositions. Heidegger wrote instead of being-there (which
he called dasein), that existence is something that has to occur in place and time- and that human
existence means to exist whilst embedded within the human world (Macey: 2000). From this
perspective the researcher cannot realistically expect to bracket out their assumptions completely,
as s/he is as much a part of the world as the phenomena that they wish to study. Put simply, the
primary distinction (in terms of research) between Husserl and Heidegger is that Husserlian
phenomenology adopts a transcendental position whereas Heideggerian phenomenology argues
that research (as with all existence) is inherently embedded in a time and in a place (Macey: 2000).

My own position drew on the phenomenological imperative of focusing upon the lived experience
of individuals. That I was keen to locate and understand individuals as contextually embedded, and
saw myself as much as a part of the world as the phenomena that I wished to study, meant that the
study resonated most with aspects of Heideggerian phenomenology.

Critical Realism
The other main philosophical tradition that informs the study presented here is critical realism.
Critical realism is a relatively modern philosophical tradition, having risen to international
prominence since the 1970s (Bhaskar et al: 1998, pIX). The ontological and epistemological stance
of critical realism is of an independent, unchanging and graspable reality that can be viewed and
understood from numerous simultaneous perspectives (Denzin & Lincoln: 2005). This means that
multiple and imperfect versions of this 'reality' can be construed and observed in the same body of
data (Punch: 2005; Braun & Clarke: 2006).

The term 'critical realism' is a conjunction of two initially distinct philosophical ideas, both of which
were primarily associated with Roy Bhaskar- transcendental realism' and 'critical naturalism'
(Bhaskar et al: 1998). Transcendental realism is an understanding of the scientific research
process which argues that any objects of study should be graspable, and have outputs that are
both predictable and measurable. Critical naturalism is the acceptance that study of the 'human'
world is markedly different from the study of the 'physical' world, with the human world
characterised as more dynamic, changeable, and unpredictable (Bhaskar et al: 1998).
43
Kemp (2005) suggests that critical realism is better suited for the study of the social world than
natural scientific study. This is because although reality is seen as separate from the researcher
and existing independently of the individual, researchers cannot straightforwardly and directly
apply the methods and procedures of natural science (physics, geology, chemistry, et cetera) to
social sciences. This is especially so if what is being studied is non-commensurable phenomena
such as perceptions, attitudes, or opinions (Kemp: 2005). Critical realists also suggest that all
scientific output is itself a social product, in that it is actively produced by individuals (Williams:
2003).

Critical realists also argue that whatever is empirically observable by scientific experimentation
does not necessarily tell the whole story' in terms of social reality, and that some types of
phenomena simply cannot be observed by scientific devices (Groff: 2004). An individual's personal
perspective and experience of a given phenomenon is itself also a component dimension of the
world that is being studied (Denzin & Lincoln: 2005). The acknowledgement that there are
differing accounts and differing 'knowledges' about the same phenomena is important to critical
realists (Groff: 2004). This position is similar to that adopted by phenomenologists. However,
critical realists, who do not seek to temporarily suspend their pre-existing conceptions of reality,
would argue that some accounts and descriptions of reality are simply accepted as being more
fallible than others (Danermark et al: 2002).

Critical realism can also be understood as a pragmatic compromise between the poles of
empiricism and idealism (Williams: 2003). Empiricists would argue that the researcher can only
validly report that which is observed, tersely describing any phenomena as encountered. Idealists
might argue that since individuals are active in the construction of the social world in which they
participate, the researcher should attempt to describe the meanings attached to phenomena by the
participants. A critical realist might argue that both empiricist and realist researchers run the risk of
incorrectly or inadequately describing phenomena, by either over- or under-simplification. A
phenomenon could be accounted for by more than one theory, and there is also a danger of
ascribing insufficient weight to the possibility that agents in the social world may themselves be
unaware of the structures imposing upon them (Williams: 2003). Critical realists also accept that a
priori knowledge about societal structures, mechanisms, and tendencies is productive and useful.
Structures, in addition to individual agency, are understood as existing in the social world, but they
are different and distinct phenomena. To put it more simply, structures can be seen as the 'stage'
upon which individuals act (Danermark et al: 2002).

Finally, critical realists argue that if reality does have an objective existence but our knowledge of it
44
is fundamentally fallible, then our use of language and our conceptualisation of real-world events
and mechanisms should be the focus of social research. In this sense critical realists are again
operating within similar territory to phenomenologists. This means that an important focus of
research should be on the relationship between knowledge and the object of knowledge- between
existing reality and the concepts and perceptions constructed from it (Danermark et al: 2002).

While the study presented here was broadly informed by aspects of critical realism as described
above it has also been influenced by pragmatic considerations of critical realism advocated by
Kemp in a 2005 article entitled Critical Realism and the Limits of Philosophy (Kemp: 2005). In this
article, Kemp challenges the ontological and epistemological assumptions of critical realism as
advocated by Bhaskar (1998). The broad thrust of the argument put forward by Kemp is that
expectations of the role of philosophical argument within social research should be modest and
limited, as it cannot adequately account for a universal and unchanging framework of reality upon
which research is founded. This means that research cannot 'step outside' of reality in order to
assess it from a transcendental position. Nor can social research, in particular, attempt to account
for the physical reality in which it is itself being conducted (Kemp: 2005). Kemp (2005) therefore
advocated that social scientists eschew meta-theoretical guidance and instead shift the balance of
focus more towards empirical observation and explanation, with the role of philosophical or
theoretical argument remaining fettered.

Ontologically, critical realists accept that there is an external and objective reality at a fundamental
physical and chemical level. Kemp, in agreement, suggested that the ontological and
epistemological foundations upon which knowledge about the physical and chemical world is built
cannot be directly applied from the natural to the social sciences, and that at a certain point an
epistemological 'leap' has to be made (Kemp: 2005). He suggested that the methodological
procedures that legitimise empirical observation of reality are only applicable in the physical or
chemical sciences (in which such procedures first originated) and are not a valid starting point for
conducting social research. If there is not a straightforward connection between the currencies of
natural and social sciences (for example, researchers cannot physically pick up a piece of racism;
political engagement cannot be broken down to the atomic or cellular level) then it follows that the
procedures and methodology of physics or chemistry cannot be applied to the study of the social
world, which is something with which critical realists would also agree (Kemp: 2005).

Kemps critique begins with the contention that as the study of the social world is so markedly
different from the study of the natural world (which is based upon readily observable empirical
experimentation, that is able to account for the nature of reality itself) any deductions based upon a
realist ontological conception of social reality are epistemologically dubious. Kemp rejects the

45
critical realist claim that it is possible to fully account for the ontology of social reality- the myriad
interactions, roles, actions, arguments, lies, winks (and so on) that constitute the social world
simply are not sufficiently solid enough a basis upon which to found research. According to Kemp,
critical realism, like any other theory that attempts to comprehensively account for ontology, is
epistemologically under-equipped to provide a wholesale framework for the study of the social
world due to the impossibility of transposing the methodological and epistemological practices and
standards used in the natural sciences onto the world of social sciences (Kemp: 2005).

Kemp argued that if social science is somehow ontologically distinct from the natural sciences, and
cannot yet be ontologically accounted for in a comprehensive and valid manner, then the
researcher is under no obligation to adhere rigidly to a completely fixed conception of reality (as
understood in the sense of natural sciences). This is because, in addition to being philosophically
dubious (due to the lack of ontological solidity suggested above), it also has the potential to
unnecessarily and artificially limit the horizons of research- new theories that emerge do not
necessarily have to fit into pre-existing ontological conceptions, and may require a re-drawing of
the ontological boundaries (Kemp: 2005).

Therefore, he argued, even though it may appear reckless to doubt that there is a fully external and
objective reality in the physical and chemical sciences, the case has still not yet been made for a
unifying and unquestionable ontological basis for conducting social research. This means that
social scientists should proceed to generate theories without being unduly overburdened by
ontological justification as a starting point. This is not to say, however, that any theory they may
generate is impervious to ontological or philosophical justification, rather that a sufficiently strong
case has yet to be made for beginning social scientific research at the ontological level (Kemp:
2005).

Kemp concludes by comparing two pieces of research on unemployment and benefit claimants to
illustrate his position. The first (Macdonald: 1994) focused upon interviews with benefit claimants,
using their views to challenge several widely-held understandings (for example, that benefit
claimants who also work lack a certain morality). The second (Cruickshank: 2003) analysed the
contextual factors that shape the situation of individuals involved in benefit receipt, and criticsed
Macdonalds study for only focusing on the individuals themselves and ignoring the ontological
framework in which the claimants operate. Kemp argued that Macdonalds research is more
valuable because it pushes forward understanding of the area being discussed and informing
future political debates. Kemp went on to suggest that Cruickshanks study is substantively limited,
its critique of Macdonalds approach misguided, and that the research is overly focused upon
questions of ontological and philosophical validity at the expense of contributing to a wider

46
understanding of the research area (Kemp: 2005). Therefore, a realist ontological grounding best
serves research as a guiding principle rather than a regulatory framework, and that the value of
research should be judged by its contribution to overall knowledge in the field rather that by its
adherence to a complex ontological principle (Kemp: 2005).

The philosophical understanding which informed the study reported here resonated broadly with
ideas characterising critical realism. At the same time however, I was unwilling to fully accept that
the social world has as solid an ontological grounding as the natural sciences. That being said
critical realism still appeared to me to represent the most comprehensive and pragmatic solution to
the dilemma of reconciling the imperative of scientific rigour with the uncertain epistemological
foundation of social scientific 'knowledge'.

3.2- QUALITATIVE RESEARCH

Postpositivist (in the broad sense) methodologies are primarily associated with qualitative research
methods. Qualitative research is an umbrella term that describes a variety of research methods
intended to describe and interpret the lived, contextualised experiences of study participants,
usually using the words and language of those being studied as data rather than numerical or
statistical data (Denzin & Lincoln: 1998; Flick: 2002; Carter & Little: 2007).

Qualitative methods are often associated with answering exploratory, broadly-defined questions
about how events occur in their own contexts, rather than narrowly-defined, precise experiments
that test pre-existing hypotheses (Carter & Little: 2007; Marshall & Rossman: 1999; Denzin &
Lincoln: 1998). They are useful for examining phenomena in contextual settings, and emphasise
the importance of human interaction in social phenomena (Denzin & Lincoln: 1998; also Patton:
1987; Marshall & Rossman: 1999). This is especially important for studying complex phenomena in
a rich and detailed manner (Marshall & Rossman: 1999; Denzin & Lincoln: 1998; Guba & Lincoln:
1998). It has been argued that qualitative research is best placed to incorporate perspectives
which tell a different kind of story, and which place greater emphasis on the influence of such
factors as race, gender, culture, class, sexuality, political standpoint, and historical context on an
individual's (and indeed researcher's) actions and language (Denzin & Lincoln: 1998; also Marshall
& Rossman: 1999; Flick: 2002).

Qualitative research is usually idiographic rather than nomothetic, and tends to examine emic
rather than etic phenomena. Idiographic research focuses in detail upon the individual as a unique
and complex entity, while nomothetic research looks at general patterns applicable to wider society
(Ponterotto: 2005). Etic phenomena refer to universal laws and behaviours that transcend nations
and cultures (e.g. needing food to survive) while emic refer to individual, socio-cultural phenomena
47
(e.g. homophobia or sexism) (Ponterotto: 2005).

Reflexivity
One of the key issues in qualitative research is that of reflexivity. Reflexivity concerns the
researcher's role within the research process (Maton: 2003; Finlay & Gough: 2003). The basic
premise of reflexivity is that researchers should frame their work in such a way as to make explicit
their own beliefs and assumptions (for example, that democracy in an inherently good thing), as
well as the foundations upon which their knowledge claims are based. Researchers should also be
highly conscious of the dynamic nature of the relationship between themselves and the object of
their study (Maton: 2003). Ultimately, reflexivity is the idea that no social researcher can 'step
outside' of the practical world of research (Punch: 2005; Willig: 2001). Coffey (2002) suggests that
acknowledging the input of the personal narrative of the researcher is increasingly accepted as
forming part of the research process. Punch (2005) argues that the researcher must also make
'transparent' their journey from data to conclusions, in that they must show clearly how their
method of analysis was used. Denzin and Lincoln (2005) also argue that one of the researchers
main resources is knowledge of their own biography and historical context, which means that their
research has no chance of being entirely value free.

Finlay and Gough (2003) suggest that the term 'reflexivity', although broadly open to numerous
interpretations, maintains a central theme: "thoughtful, self-aware reflection on the dynamic
between researcher and subject" (Ibid, pIX). They also argue that reflexivity involves explication of
the reasons, such as personal interest, why the researcher is conducting the research. Here the
authors supply personal examples for their own study of loneliness and disability which were
issues encountered in their own lives (Ibid: 2003). Finlay and Gough (2003) also argue that
reflexivity is not an end in itself, rather a tool to both demonstrate rigour, and to fully account for
human interaction. Smith (2005) suggests that reflexive research should be aware of the
epistemological context and framework that any 'knowledge' is created in. This is because the pre-
existing structure of knowledge with which a researcher addresses a particular text has an active
role in attempting to describe the texts meaning. Smith (2005) also notes that what individuals say
(language) about how they live (action) is not straightforward, because language itself is an action.

Smith (2005) suggests that a postpositivist epistemological tradition lies at the centre of reflexivity
and that natural scientists are less enamoured with the concept of reflexivity than social scientists,
due primarily to this epistemological distinction (Smith: 2005). While reflexivity seeks to reduce the
adverse influences of the inherently hierarchical nature of research relationships by alerting the
researcher to issues of power relationships, it still to some degree privileges the researchers role
in the research process (Adkins: 2002). Related to this, an advantage of reflexive research is that it

48
can to some degree become guided by its own data findings, able to suddenly adapt to
developments that occur during the research process. This arguably allows the voice of the
respondent to come to the fore, enabling the researcher to 'guide' less and to 'follow' more (Parry:
1996). The researcher therefore re-evaluates the study's questions according to the respondents'
data, rather than vice versa.

Reflexive research is also important for ethical reasons. Firstly, research should be fundamentally
guided by a desire to prevent harm or do 'good' (Orb et al: 2001). In this context, the power
relationship widely identified within qualitative research must be acknowledged, with the researcher
seen as in a privileged position relative to the respondent, who is to an extent objectified by
examination, with the researcher also initiating and determining the scope, focus, and
interpretation of the knowledge being created. Particular focus is placed upon ethics and power
relationships concerning research involving children. Children are presented as unequal research
partners, occupying a vulnerable status within society (Kellet: 2005). The study described here did
not focus on children and, in viewing people aged 18 to 25 as equals and adults (I was aged 26
when the research began), I did not perceive an additional ethical issue of power in this regard.

With this in mind, acknowledgement of the role of both the researcher and the research
participants in the active joint creation of knowledge is also important, as it lessens the danger of a
researcher simply imposing their own preconceptions and ideologies upon the researcher.
Knowledge creation is a joint endeavour in qualitative research methodologies, with the
researcher's role key in interpreting the meaning attached to the words and actions of the
participant (James & Buscher: 2009; Flick: 2009). It is therefore ethically proper that participants
enter into research projects with 'informed consent'- that is, they are aware of the intentions of the
research, how the data will be used, and that their personal information is secure (Orb et al: 2001).

Maton (2003) argues that the most commonly practised type of reflexivity is 'enacted reflexivity'-
which is informed by an acknowledgement that the researcher and their research is shaped by
their experiences, and usually takes the form of a concise autobiographical sketch. In this sense a
reflexive researcher is regarded as the central figure, a hub that constructs meaning as part of the
research process. Alternatively, another conception of reflexivity perceives the researcher as
merely a channel, through which a narrative unfolds (Finlay & Gough: 2003). Maton (2003) also
warns researchers against hermeneutic narcissism, where authors focus excessively on
themselves and their individual theoretical or socio-political standpoint to the detriment of their
research, and feel unable to 'speak for' anybody but themselves. Authorship denial is the opposite;
where the author allows excessive neutrality to remove them from the work, instead becoming a
conduit that merely transmits the voice of the observed (Maton: 2003). Both are symptomatic of a

49
researcher's unease at the objectification (which Maton refers to as 'symbolic violence') by the
researcher of the subject or individual being studied (Maton: 2003). Thus, reflexivity leads to
difficulty in situating the author within their own research- a delicate balance between putting too
much of themselves in (logically, where does one stop?) and not enough, for fear of prejudicing
those being studied (Maton: 2003).

Generalisability
Generalisations based on qualitative research are considered to be legitimate insofar as they are
explicitly described (Williams: 2002). It is important to note, however, that the generalisability
claimed for findings gained from qualitative research must be modest and limited, neither seeking
to produce sweeping generalisations, nor shunning generalisation entirely (Payne & Williams:
2005).

Rather than choosing between research that rejects all generalisations and research reliant upon
total generalisations, qualitative research methods can produce an intermediate type of limited
generalisation, termed 'moderatum' generalisations. These generalisations, however reserved, are
unavoidable in social research. Several authors argue that they are moderate in the sense that
they not only eschew sweeping statements but also in the sense that they are held loosely and
open to alteration and amendments (Payne & Williams: 2005; Williams: 2002). Sarantakos (1998)
suggests that the scope for generalisation in qualitative study is founded upon the selection of an
appropriate method of sampling respondents, rather than inferences drawn from probability

3.3- METHODS
Sampling
The study presented here used a purposive sampling strategy in order to examine as wide a range
of views and experiences as possible within a limited number of participants. The primary function
of sampling is to address the issues that arise when complete coverage of a given population is not
practicable, desirable, or affordable (Schofield: 2006; Saratakos: 1998). There are two main types
of sampling: random and non-random (also known as probability and non-probability). Each
type is related to the nature of the study being enacted and the type of results being sought. While
the former seeks to accurately represent a given population interacting with whatever phenomena
is being researched, the latter seeks to deliberately ensure that the sample is compatible with the
phenomena being researched (Silverman: 2005).

Quantitative research is usually concerned with numerical and statistical measurement and as
such tends to use random/probability sampling methods, which enable statistical inference
generalised to the population as a whole (Wilmot: 2005). Although such statistical inference is by
50
no means the main objective of qualitative research, Wilmot suggests that there is a modicum of
generalisability implicit in any qualitative research (Wilmot: 2005).

Qualitative researchers generally are not concerned with representativeness in sampling, in the
same way that quantitative researchers are (Saratakos: 1998). This is because the way the data
are collected and constructed and then referred back to general population is less direct than in
quantitative research and the very nature of the knowledge being created is different (Punch:
2005). Inferences about a phenomenon which manifests itself throughout the population cannot be
readily drawn from non-probability sampling. It is also noted that generalisability from studies that
use purposive sampling is based on the readers own subjective experience in relating the
research findings to their own individual experiences of the world rather than a representative or
statistically accurate sample (Denzin & Lincoln: 2005).

Hence, compared with quantitative researchers, qualitative researchers will generally be less
concerned with their samples representativeness and more concerned with the components and
characteristics of the individuals that constitute the sample group (Maykut & Morehouse: 1994).
They also tend to use flexible, purposive sampling models rather than statistical or random
sampling. Non-random sampling is primarily used in qualitative research because it does not seek
to obtain statistically relevant results. Rather, qualitative research sets out to probe deeply into a
given phenomenon, by either utilising the sample to gain a wide variety of viewpoints or to
systematically examine a particular type of respondent (Denzin & Lincoln: 2005). One example of
non-random sampling is quota sampling, where certain types of individual or organisations, who
are the subject of investigation, form the basis of the sample, for example female bus drivers.
Who or what constitutes the focus of a sample, which is usually at the discretion of the researcher
at the initial stage of the research process, will be informed by the research topic. At the early
stage of non-random sampling the decision will be made by the researcher about which
characteristics should be reflected in the sample which requires some prior knowledge and
arguably a literature research (Wilmot: 2005).

Purposive sampling is similar to quota sampling, with the exception that within purposive
sampling a diverse range of respondents within each quota would be intentionally and explicitly
selected in order to maximise the variety of accounts (Patton: 1987, 54; Wilmot: 2005). For
example, within the sample of female bus drivers, discussed earlier, the researcher might seek to
include older, younger, ethnic minority, rural, urban, experienced, inexperienced et cetera, in order
to gain access to as many different accounts of the phenomena as possible (Saratakos: 1998).
Silverman argues that purposive sampling allows the qualitative researcher to tailor their sample
to the question in order to find examples that may illustrate a key feature or process relevant to the

51
research topic, or to deliberately situate the research in an environment where the phenomena
being studied is most likely to occur (Silverman: 2005; Bernard: 2000; Maykut & Morehouse:
1994).

Another type of non-random sampling is snowball sampling, which is where the researcher
identifies an initial contact to interview who then identifies and suggests other interviewees, who
themselves identify and suggest further interviewees et cetera, akin to a snowball rolling down a
hill, gradually increasing in size. This has the advantage of using the expertise of the individual
being interviewed who may have a more developed insight into the particular phenomena being
investigated then the researcher would have at the planning stage (Bernard: 2000). The main
disadvantage associated with snowball sampling is that the confidentiality and anonymity of
respondents is compromised.

The aim the study described here was to provide a rich account of young peoples political
engagement, rather than an accurate statistical portrait of political behaviour. Therefore, a non-
random, purposive sampling method was employed. This was for two main reasons. Firstly, the
study was broadly exploratory in that it sought to examine the nature of the relationship between
young people and politics in their terms. This required a flexible and adaptable sampling strategy
that was able to accommodate new data and developments. Secondly, the study aimed to elicit the
views and experiences of (in the view of the researcher) as wide a variety of young people as
possible. This necessitated purposive sampling that was able to explicitly identify potential
respondents based on their individual characteristics and circumstances rather than a form of
sampling geared towards representativeness.

In order to ensure that a wide range of young people's experiences were represented by the
sample, respondents were purposively drawn from across Wales. That the study was conducted
within Wales, rather than across the UK more generally, was for practical reasons, in that the
researcher was based in Wales at the time of the study, and although registered at Glyndwr
University, moved from North to South Wales during the study period. Geographical/regional
differences within Wales meant that the sample might represent a wide range of respondent
experiences.

The key consideration that drove the sampling strategy was variety. The sample thus included
young people from the capital, Cardiff, urban centres in north Wales, a north Wales Coastal region,
west Wales and the south Wales Valleys. The sample included respondents from both
urban/industrial and rural areas, disadvantaged and more advantaged areas. Both males and
females were included in the sample, in a broadly equal split. Welsh speakers were represented in

52
the sample, although because I do not speak Welsh all interviews were conducted in English.

The sample (n=26) included a diverse set of respondents, with ages ranging from 18 to 25; with
education status, ranging from having left school at 16 to writing a PhD; with employment status
including part-time, full-time, junior, senior, manual, skilled, and professional occupations, as well
as those without work. Within the sample group were young people born and brought up in Wales,
born in England and brought up in Wales, as well as born abroad and having moved to Wales, and
being born in Wales but brought up in a variety of locations.

Some of this information was confirmed at the very start of the interview, which sought to establish
minimal information about respondent age and current location-for example: So, youre aged 22
and you live in Cardiff, is that right?. In addition to this additional information was based upon the
contents of those interviews, whereby respondents would reveal their ethnic, religious,
professional, or educational backgrounds if they actively chose to do so in response to purposefully
open questioning (such as Do you think peoples backgrounds impact on how they perceive
politics?) rather than directly asking, for example, where they worked.

This information was in turn used to inform the remaining sampling strategy, with certain types of
experiences (for example, younger males, or those out of work) initially notable by their absence,
and therefore being pro-actively prioritised by myself, where deemed appropriate. This process
necessarily required some judgements to be made about what would and would not constitute
representativeness, and I sought to limit the number of criteria to age, gender, educational status,
location, occupational status, and Welsh Language status. This avoided a potential situation
whereby inappropriate information may be sought from respondents, on what could be perceived
as more personal characteristics such as ethnicity, sexuality, or disability status. A fuller overview
of the sample is provided in the appendices, which provides demographic information, including
age, gender and education status.

Gatekeepers
Studies which in any way involve the participation of vulnerable members of the population require
the permission of gatekeepers- usually professionals that operate within organisational structures
(e.g. the NHS, a school, prison et cetera) with whom a researcher negotiates access (Wiles et al:
2004). A typical example of this is the administrative, management and nursing staff of the
Australian care home that housed the people who contributed to Tuckett's (2004) research. As well
as assisting researchers in exercising appropriate diligence in respondent interaction, gatekeepers
can also enrich the project due to having professional expertise; they are well-placed to assist in
the identification of individuals that may provide unique, atypical or other such rich sources of data
53
(Tuckett: 2004). There is an on-going debate in social research as to whether 'vulnerable'
individuals are fully capable of giving their informed consent to participate in the research process
without the approval of their respective gatekeepers (Wiles et al: 2004). The respondents were not
regarded, by me, as vulnerable participants, and in the case of the minority who might be
considered vulnerable (for example a young homeless respondent), there were no discernible
gatekeepers to contact.

In the study described here, gatekeepers were approached where necessary for recruitment.
Hence, four of the respondents were contacted via a project worker at a community youth centre,
although this was for logistical reasons, rather than due to perceived vulnerability or risk- the
project worker was in this sense a 'gatekeeper'. In this instance, the introductory email was sent
directly to the project worker, who verbally outlined the research to the potential recruitments,
before replying to me upon having received verbal confirmation of willingness to participate.

Respondent Recruitment
Potential respondents were contacted directly via email, having been initially identified through my
own personal social network, before snowball sampling took over. In practical terms this meant
asking, for example, work colleagues to identify suitable potential respondents, initially anybody
aged between 18 and 25 years old, with the respondents themselves identifying others within their
own social network, and so on.

In accordance with Glyndwr University ethical guidelines, this research used an opt-in recruitment
strategy. Potential respondents were contacted by email to explain the aims of the research, with
them being required to actively decide to participate. This contrasts with an opt-out method,
whereby a participant would be deemed to be participating in the research unless they withdrew.

Delet
Upon their identification as a potential respondent, a covering letter (Appendix 1) was emailed to
the respondent, requesting their participation, based upon their clear understanding of the aims
and content of the research, and their acceptance that caution would be taken to preserve their
anonymity. The respondents then replied directly to the email, and if the reply was positive then
arrangements were initiated to meet for a face to face interview. The interviews all took place
during daylight hours, and always in a safe and public place- usually a quiet corner of a coffee
shop or caf. The interviewees were presented with an information sheet (Appendix 2). Here, it is
acknowledged that using email precluded inclusion of those who did not use the facility. Because
of this, and as described below, alternative recruitment methods either face to face or through
appropriate gatekeepers were also used.

54
For the most part, identifying and recruiting potential participants was not problematic and
recruitment ceased at 26 interviews once data saturation (where no new information is perceived
as arising) had been achieved. However, towards the end of the recruitment period it became
increasingly clear that the sample group lacked younger males from relatively disadvantaged
backgrounds, with recruitment of members of deprived areas for research projects acknowledged
as being relatively difficult (Parry et al: 2001). In order to generate maximum variety of experience
within the sample group (as identified above), the sample specifically sought to include interviews
with younger males (aged 18-20) as well as those young people aged 18-25 who were not in
employment. The process of identifying these specific characteristics within the prospective sample
group proved to be time-consuming relative to the remainder. This had the effect of delaying the
completion of the data collection phase, in order to make the necessary arrangements. These
arrangements, as described above, involved contacting youth centres in Communities First (a
Welsh Government initiative aimed at addressing poverty and disadvantage on an area basis)
areas and requesting that they acted as gatekeepers in brokering the interviews, which took the
form of directly asking local young people to participate. Here, young people were provided with
hard copies of the same study information which was emailed to all other prospective respondents.

Interviewing
The study used in-depth, semi-structured interviews that were conducted on a one-to-one basis.
Kvale (1996) argues that qualitative interviewing is an attempt by the researcher to understand the
world from the perspective of the subject (Kvale: 1996). Interviews are special conversations
which are designed to find out about the world by asking people to talk about their lives (Holstein &
Gubrium: 2003). They primarily take place in, and are focused upon, the lived world of the
subject(s) and their relationships with it (Kvale: 1996). In qualitative studies the interviewer
ultimately sets out to examine uninterpreted descriptions (Holstein & Gubrium: 2003) of
respondent perceptions and experiences. Kvale uses the analogy of a doctor asking the patient
what is wrong with them, rather than asking them why they feel ill (Kvale: 1996).

Contemporary conceptions about the nature of qualitative interviews centre on an increased self-
consciousness and awareness of the proactive role of the researcher in the entire process.
Holstein and Gubrium (2002) suggest that both the interviewer and interviewee are unavoidably
active, and that all data from interviews is an inherently collaborative effort (Holstein & Gubrium:
2002).

During the interview itself, the researcher must be constantly actively listening for meaning within
responses, in anticipation of the requirement to follow up (Holstein & Gubrium: 2003). In a strictly
practical sense, the interviewers role can only be regarded as active: it is the interviewer that will

55
be making initial contact; the interviewer that will be arranging the meeting; the interviewer that will
be identifying the topic for discussion; and the interviewer that will be asking the questions. In this
sense the respondent can only be seen as passive- or at least, reactive: they respond to the
interviewers activities and questions (Holstein & Gubrium: 2003).

Holstein & Gubrium suggest that an interview is not a procedure of simple information-gathering;
rather it is an active site of knowledge construction in itself. Meaning is not simply extracted then
reported, it is actively constructed by them in unison with the respondent (Holstein & Gubrium:
2003). They argue that qualitative researchers are moving away from a passive/objective
epistemological view of interviewer/interviewee relationship to a more active/interpretive view. In
the former, quantitative, approach to interviewing, the interviewee (or, as they term it, the subject
behind the respondent) is a vessel-like repository of answers (Holstein & Gubrium: 2002). The
interviewers role is akin to that of a miner, who seeks to dig up the knowledge from the reserves
of data located within the subject. This knowledge is conceived of as an existing entity that is
sought out by questioning, and delivered by the respondents answers in a straightforward and
methodical way, which is unpolluted by the process of extraction (Kvale: 1996). In this conception,
the interviewer is seen as objective, impartial, and separated from the subject being examined
(Holstein & Gubrium: 2003). The process is almost unidirectional, and presumes the authenticity of
the respondents accounts. Any contamination of this knowledge comes from the interview method
rather than the subject itself (Holstein & Gubrium: 2002).

The qualitative interview process is similar but less straightforward. Here an active view of the
subject behind respondent is taken whereby interviewees not only store and dispense the details of
their lifes experiences, by offering them up to the interviewer they assist in constructing and
shaping the information. Contamination of this new information is impossible because the
respondent cannot damage what they are active in creating (Holstein & Gubrium: 2002).

Rather than an information miner, Kvale (1996) likens the interviewer to a wandering traveller on
a free-roaming journey through a new land, exploring and examining various features and
interacting with assorted inhabitants before recounting their adventures upon their return This new
knowledge is not merely retrieved from a passive stockpile of experiences; rather it is created by
the respondent, under the guidance of the researcher, using ever-shifting recollections and
constant personal reformulations of experiences (Holstein & Gubrium: 2002). Both participants in
the interview do not speak to each other from fixed standpoints, rather from multifarious, yet
simultaneous, perspectives- including (but not limited to) such contexts as class, age, gender, race,
and sexuality et cetera.

56
Whereas in quantitative research, the value of an interviewees response is judged primarily by its
reliability (Holstein & Gubrium: 2002), in qualitative research the interview is viewed as active
knowledge creation, and different criteria apply. The responses that are given to questions are not
judged, but used as a starting point for theory generation, rather than an endpoint that
ascertains whether an a priori hypotheses was valid (Holstein & Gubrium: 2002).

In qualitative interviews any meaning that is created is grounded in both the subjects, and the
interviewers, pre-existing conceptions of the topic at hand, rather than simply created from
nothingness (Holstein & Gubrium: 2003). The meaning and knowledge being constructed is also
shaped by how the respondent interprets the interviewers questions and, in turn, how the
interviewer then interprets their responses and asks another question, and so on (Holstein &
Gubrium: 2002). The interviewers own opinions may be altered as a result of the process, which
may in turn cause them to reappraise the phenomena being described (Kvale: 1996).

The main rationale behind using qualitative interviews was to obtain deep understanding of a
particular phenomenon. Johnson (2001) suggests that deep means several things in this context.
Deep means an attempt by the researcher to embed themselves as fully and as intimately as
possible in the unfamiliar contexts of the subjects everyday life in order to better understand the
participants actions and perceptions. In this context deep also means to go beyond the immediate
and obvious aspects of phenomena, seeking to penetrate beneath an external surface and
explore hidden facets. It is sometimes necessary to become highly engaged with a particular
phenomenon in order to understand its relationship with the world.

Deep understanding allows the researcher to appreciate multiple viewpoints of a single

phenomenon (Johnson: 2001). Multiple viewpoints can either mean several different individuals
each divulging their own views/experiences on a given subject, or multifarious viewpoints
originating from the same individual. To illustrate this, Warren (2001) gives the example of an
interviewee moving from her everyday perspective to that of a former child, mother, care-giver and
employee within the course of a single interview (Warren: 2001).

There are numerous other benefits to using qualitative interviews. Primarily, the respondent is able
to describe phenomena that have greatest salience for them, using their own descriptions
(Marshall & Rossman: 1999). Qualitative interviews also allow a more intimate and interpersonal
encounter, which may make participants feel more comfortable and open.

While there are no clear delineators when separating different types of interview, traditional

57
structured interviews typically use rigid, predetermined questions, asked in uniform sequence, in a
broadly neutral manner (Punch: 2005; Denzin & Lincoln: 2005). More open-ended, semi-
structured interviews are conducted with a far greater degree of inbuilt flexibility than traditional
structured interviews. This is because the interviewer allows the responses to flow relatively freely
in order to explore previously hidden aspects to the phenomenon being discussed. This is due to
deliberate, open ended questions (Punch: 2005). Open-ended, semi-structured interviews also
tend to be more in-depth, longer in duration, and more intimate than rigidly structured interviews
(Johnson: 2001). Qualitative interviews seek to maximise the role of respondents in the
construction of data and engage respondents in a less subordinate manner than quantitative
research, as outlined above.

The interviews ranged in length from 30 to around 120 minutes, and took place at a mutually
agreed time and place- very often in a quiet corner of a city centre coffee shop or a supermarket
cafeteria. The interviews were audio recorded with the respondent's permission. A copy of the
interview information sheet and check list can be found in Appendix 3. One notable issue that
arose during some interviews was the apparent reluctance or inability of some of the respondents
to begin talking about 'politics'. This made the initial few minutes of some interviews somewhat
awkward as a verbal rhythm was not established, however towards the end of these interviews the
respondents were able to speak at length about a variety of topics. This point is explored further in
the coming chapters, as it was clear that the initial questioning, which centred around the word
'politics' appeared to act as a barrier to the interview.

Data Analysis
Data analysis drew primarily upon the principles of grounded theory and thematic analysis (Braun
& Clarke: 2006) and thematic network analysis (Attride-Stirling: 2001). In the interests of practicality
the project adopted key principles and features from each without rigidly adhering to any particular
one. All three, in various ways, emphasise a rigorous process of qualitative data analysis which
generally involves initial data reduction leading to broader theme construction. The data analysis
was heavily influenced by the conception of grounded theory associated with Charmaz (2006) who
argued that grounded theory is a family of principles, rather than a package of rules. It was in this
spirit that I undertook data analysis. Thematic Analysis and Thematic Network Analysis can be
understood as existing under the umbrella of grounded theory.

Grounded theory was popularised by Barney Glaser and Anselm Strauss during the 1960s
(Ponterotto: 2005), and proved successful because it offered an epistemological challenge to
positivist methodology and was associated with a set of alternative practical guidelines for
researchers to follow (Charmaz: 2003). It can be understood as both a methodology and a method.
As the name suggests, data almost exclusively form the grounding for theory generation

58
(Charmaz: 2003). A typical step-by-step process of grounded theory analysis has been set out by
Bernard (2000). This includes transcribing the interviews, coding and identifying categories,
comparing categories, identifying links between these categories, and building a theory out of
these relationships evidenced by data extracts (Bernard: 2000). It is important to remember that
grounded theory is not simply description, but involves substantial analysis and input on the part
of the researcher (Glaser: 2002). Echoing this, Suddaby (2006, p634) argued that grounded theory
is not simply the direct presentation of raw data, or an excuse to simply not read the literature.

It should also be stressed that there is no unified Grounded Theory philosophy or methodology.
Indeed even its founding fathers, Glaser and Strauss, came to disagree on its application
(Ponterotto: 2005). One of the main differences between Strauss and Glaser is illustrated in
Glaser's suggestion that Strauss' Grounded Theory focuses too greatly on the minute details of
individual words and phrases. Aside from being very time-consuming, focusing on excessively
minute details potentially leads to loss of focus, as more significant points are lost among relatively
minor ones (Allan: 2003).

The study described here used grounded theory as guide for analysis without subscribing to all of
its methodological precepts. One reason for this is that the ontological position of grounded theory,
which rejects the notion of a singular, objective reality (Seaman: 2008) is not wholly compatible
with my own methodological position, which is ontologically closer to that favoured by critical
realists. On the other hand in regard to epistemological issues around the co-construction of data,
the study was in accord with grounded theory (Ponterotto: 2005). To reiterate, the study drew
theoretical understanding from critical realism and phenomenology, and thus sought to use
grounded theory as an analytic guide, rather than theoretical touchstone.

Despite factions within grounded theory, it is possible to outline a practical process for 'doing'
grounded theory analysis that almost all its proponents would agree upon. Boulton & Hammersley
(2006) identify several such steps that are typically followed in the construction of theory from
unstructured (in this case, interview) data . First is a close reading of data. This serves to identify
potentially significant aspects and strains, through a constant search for initial directions in which
the research can travel (Boulton & Hammersley: 2006). Sarantakos (1998) suggests that this
reduction of data is a common feature of all qualitative data analysis. The second stage of data
processing is organisation (Sarantakos: 1998). The broad categorisation of the aspects and
strains; at the initial stage involves the development of as many categories as possible before
prioritising and describing them (Boulton & Hammersley: 2006). The main 'process' of data
analysis involves constant reading and rereading the whole data set numerous times, each time
marking points of interest and gradually grouping them into themes (Bamberger & Rugh: 2006).

59
Once a decision about which categories are most important to a project has been made, then the
constant comparative method of data analysis can be employed. This involves comparing and
contrasting all data within a specific category, which will in turn generate new questions and
sampling, and go on to form the core findings of the theory generated (Boulton & Hammersley:
2006). Bernard (2000) also identifies the extensive use of memos throughout the research process
as characteristic of grounded theory with the intention being to become immersed in the data in
order to allow understanding to emerge through interpretation of a large amount of data that is
being constantly re-reviewed (Bernard: 2000; Charmaz: 2005). This interpretation of the data is a
common feature of most qualitative data analysis (Sarantakos: 1998). This interpretation is then
followed by the building of a valid argument for choosing the themes using the related literature
(Aronson: 1994; Bernard: 2000). Themes can emerge from minute details up to a holistic view of
the entire data set (Bamberger & Rugh: 2006).

Thematic Analysis is a close relation of grounded theory. Braun and Clarkes 2006 article entitled
Using Thematic Analysis in Psychology describes thematic analysis as akin to 'grounded theory
lite', suggesting that many see it as a less pure variation of grounded theory (Braun & Clarke:
2006). Although the article suggests that thematic analysis should be seen as a methodology in its
own right, rather than as part of the grounded theory family, this research treats it as very much
part of that family (Braun & Clarke: 2006).

Thematic analysis begins with the researcher familiarizing themselves with the data as closely as
possible before generating initial codes or building blocks from which themes can be pieced
together. These themes form the basis of the research work and need to be reviewed in order to
check whether initial themes stand up to further analysis or collapse, while some may become
more prominent. Once the main themes are identified and delineated they are fully analysed and
described, which forms the basis of the final written report (Braun & Clarke: 2006). Braun and Clark
warn against the failure to properly analyse data (and instead simply describing it), as well as using
the categories that may have formed the research questions to simply become 'themes'- which
should instead be identified from the data (Braun & Clarke: 2006).

In terms of identifying what exactly should qualify as a theme, they suggest that the prevalence of
a particular phenomenon within the data would be a good indicator, but that a theme could also be
important without necessarily being mentioned many times and that researcher judgement is
important in this regard (Braun & Clarke: 2006). Braun and Clarke identify two distinct ways in
which themes can be identified- inductively and deductively. In the former, which is directly
associated with grounded theory, key themes are identified from the bottom up, 'grounded' in the
60
data set. By contrast 'deductive' theme-identification is based on pre-existing research questions
and consists of locating pre-identified themes within the data, representing a step away from
traditional grounded theory (Braun & Clarke: 2006). In terms of specific research projects, this
distinction is based on whether the project aims to adhere to a relatively specific question- (leading
to a deductive approach), or aims to richly describe the data set and allow the question to 'evolve'
simultaneous to the coding- (leading to an inductive approach). Themes may be identified before,
during, and after analysis, which involves a constant moving 'back and forward' between the entire
data set, the coded extracts of data that are being analysed, and the analysis of the data that is
being produced (Braun & Clarke: 2006). This research used inductive theme creation, due to the
exploratory nature of the research questions.

Writing in a similar vein Attride-Stirling (2001) argued that there is a paucity of systematic
qualitative data analysis strategies. In an article entitled Thematic Networks: an Analytic Tool for
Qualitative Research , Attride-Stirling (2001) describes thematic network analysis (TNA) as similar
to the thematic analysis described above. However in TNA a greater emphasis is placed on
presenting an holistic picture of how identified themes sit together as part of a wider network of
sub-themes and organising themes, all within a global theme. Attride-Stirling (2001) begins by
acknowledging that thematic networks analysis is based loosely on grounded theory in addition to
argumentation theory (which is a structured method of analysing arguments and negotiation
processes). Here, basic themes exist as satellites orbiting around organising themes, which in
turn orbit around a global theme (Attride-Stirling: 2001).

The article goes on to outline a step-by-step guide to conducting thematic networks analysis- firstly
the text is broken down into codes, which consist of manageable chunks of text, and which are
then organised into themes. After the themes have been refined in order to make sure that they are
specific enough to be distinct and yet sufficiently wide as to group together a set of ideas, networks
of themes can be constructed by arranging themes into basic, organising and global levels.
Once these networks have been identified they can be richly described, summarized and
examined (Attride-Stirling: 2001).

The data collection and analysis process ran as follows: The interviews were recorded on a digital
device, before being transferred to a password-protected laptop. I then transcribed the interview
verbatim, using pseudonyms to preserve the respondents anonymity. In addition to typing what
was said, I was also keen to use additional annotation to better capture the meanings intended by
the respondent- for example, where a sentence was clearly being delivered in a sarcastic or ironic
manner, or using physical quote marks with their fingers. Appendix 4 outlines the data analysis
process on a step-by-step basis.

61
Each transcribed interview was then repeatedly analysed line-by-line using NVivo (a qualitative
research software package). It is important to note that the NVivo software was used for data
storage and organisation, rather than to replace the agency of the researcher in the analytic
process with each item of information was then broken down into codes, which were then
organised into broader themes. For example, comments about politicians were grouped together,
then further refined into groups that were positive and negative in tone. Within these groups,
further subdivision was then applied to the data, with, for example, personal, social, class,
actions, et cetera. groups all located under the negative sub category. After this mapping
process, the focus was somewhat zoomed out, with the data arranged into three broad key
themes (for example, the individual). These three key themes formed the basis of the data
collection chapters of the research. Copies of the audio interviews were deleted from both the
recording device and the laptop following transcription. The audio recordings ranged in length from
under one hour to just over three.

Ethics
The study was granted approval by the Glyndwr University Research Ethics Committee (GREC) in
April 2010. The submission, which included all data collection protocol (including consent forms;
information sheets, contact letters, and semi-structured aide memoirs) can be found in the
Appendices. The committee provided advice on the recruitment procedures, recommending the
use of Opt In method, rather than Opt Out. There were no other ethical issues due to the
relatively non-sensitive nature of the research topic. Data was stored on a home-based laptop
which was inaccessible without a password known only to myself, and was routinely kept in a
locked cupboard. The raw data (audio recordings) were deleted following transcription.

The study was informed by key ethical considerations outlined by Punch (2005), who argues that a
prospective research project must satisfy numerous strict ethical guidelines prior to
commencement. Any piece of research has the potential to adversely affect participants, even in
the case of qualitative studies that examine ostensibly harmless topics (Sarantakos: 1998;
Naples: 2003). Sarantakos (1998) identifies a number of features of the researcher-respondent
relationship that should be taken into consideration before, during and after the research process.
Fundamentally, the researcher should make very explicit to the respondent who they are and what
the aims of the study are. The researcher should also constantly guarantee the welfare of the
respondent by ensuring that their participation is free, with the right to privacy, anonymity, and
confidentiality (Sarantakos: 1998).

At the outset of the research process, Punch (2005) suggests that the researcher must ask
62
whether the study is necessarily worth embarking upon at all, implying that any project should
demonstrate utility that seeks to transcend the researchers own personal career, funding, or
publication considerations. The researcher should also have obtained informed consent from their
subjects- that is, the participants are freely and knowingly participating in any project. During the
project the researcher must demonstrate that individuals are not at risk from the methodology or
findings of a project, both in terms of physical health and safety as well as in the context of
confidentiality and anonymity (Punch: 2005). After the completion of the main research process,
the researcher must satisfactorily answer two main ethical questions. Firstly: was the study
conducted to reasonable standards of quality and rigour? Secondly: who owns the data that has
been created, and are they likely to misuse it? (Punch: 2005).

Therefore, although this research project involved ostensibly low risk to participants, I erred on the
side of caution, with every care taken to ensure the wellbeing, anonymity, and confidentiality of
respondents maintained. In accordance with Glyndwr Universitys ethics framework, this project
was sensitive to any cultural, religious or other differences that exist within the sample group and
sought to operate accordingly. Respondents were provided with a clearly-written information sheet
outlining the research project, the procedures, risks and benefits of their participation, how data will
be stored and used. The respondents gave their written voluntary consent by signing the
recruitment document, and were free to withdraw at any time without providing explanation. The
confidentiality and anonymity of respondents was protected by the use of pseudonyms, which were
allocated during the transcription phase, and codes when transcribing recordings, the use of
password-protected data storage, and by the thorough disposal of any information which might
betray exact location or other such information.

Having outlined the theoretical underpinning and methods used by the this research, the next three
chapters examine key themes which became apparent within the data, the fist of which is the
importance of the individual in accounting for political engagement.

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4- INDIVIDUAL
The first of the three findings chapters examines the ways in which respondents accounted for both
their interest in politics and the extent of their political engagement. For the purpose of the
analysis, two distinct respondent groups or categories were identified within the sample in terms of
reported levels of interest in, and engagement with, politics. These respondent groups have been
labelled respectively as a 'very engaged' group, and a 'very unengaged group. In identifying two
such groupings, the chapter draws upon Max Webers Ideal Type model (Weber: 1949).

Ideal Types are abstract constructs that emphasise the main common features of a given concept,
rather than a direct representation of real-life phenomena, and are constructed by emphasising
uniting characteristics and accentuating certain facets. The term ideal in this context refers to
commonality arising from adherence to a set of criteria- for example, the term might be employed
to examine the common characteristics of the ideal airport, or the ideal dentist. The chapter then
moves on to examine the respondent accounts of personal political engagement, exploring various
individual and external influences which may affect interest in, and knowledge about, politics.

Before exploring respondent perceptions about, and involvement in politics, it is important to note
that a single definition of politics, or what was perceived to be political, was not shared by all
respondents. While, for the majority of respondents, politics appeared to relate rather loosely to
social issues and current affairs, this was not always the case. Again, it is important to clarify that
respondents own understandings of politics were sought in the interview, rather than any definition
of politics imposed by the researcher on the respondent. Some of the young people were not clear
about what was meant by the term politics, and in some cases respondents sought assistance
from the researcher to confirm the legitimacy of their responses. For example, in the data extract
below, Tanya offers a response to the question what does politics mean to you?, for which she
requests confirmation:

Erm... government!.... literally, thats it... Erm... like is that where you
always vote for people and all that? Yeah, thats all I know about it, yeah... I
find it all difficult so no I dont really like... an office really thats all I see,
literally
Tanya, 18

Two distinct groups

Two distinct groups of respondents were identified from within the wider respondent group, which
for the purpose of this analysis have been termed the very engaged and the very unengaged.

64
Within each of these two respondent groups, which each comprised six respondents, young people
appeared to be fairly homogenous in respect of a wide variety of characteristics. Identification and
classification of these two groups was useful for the analysis because it facilitated extreme points
of comparison/contrast among the respondents in relation their accounts of engagement with
politics. It is acknowledged, however, that the majority of young people who took part in the study
could not be classified as being at either extreme of what appeared to be an very engaged/very
unengaged continuum. Indeed, most respondents appeared rather more engaged in relation to
some aspects of political issues/actions and rather less engaged in respect of others.
Notwithstanding this, the identification of characteristics associated with those presenting as most
engaged and those presenting as least engaged was useful in understanding the particular
positions adopted by respondents across the very engaged/very unengaged spectrum.

The main differences apparent between responses given by those categorised as 'very engaged'
or 'very unengaged' were as follows. Compared to those in the very unengaged group, young
people in the very engaged respondent group tended to: display a greater level of knowledge
about politics; purport to be more interested in political news and current affairs; report a greater
degree of passion for political issues; share a more broad definition of what constitutes politics;
express more progressive and liberal viewpoints in relation to political issues; report consumption
of more political media; claim to have a greater number of political conversations with friends,
family, and work colleagues; and finally, appear to approach political issues in a more empathetic
and broad manner, rather than talking about politics primarily in terms of how it directly related to
their own lives.

The respondents allocated to the very unengaged group were generally younger. This respondent
group included, for example, Tanya and Mark (who were both aged 18), Katie (aged 19), Jess
(aged 20), as well as Pippa and Gina, who were both aged 21. This was in contrast to respondents
allocated to the very engaged' group, who were typically older, for example, Emma (aged 25),
Stuart and Ceri (both aged 24) and Sally and Tim (aged 22). Those in the 'very engaged' group
also tended to have spent more time in education. Of the respondents in the very unengaged
group, only Jess had attended University, and he had dropped out after one year. The majority of
respondents allocated to the very engaged' group had University degrees, with Stuart and Tim
holding Masters Degrees, and Emma who was currently studying for a PhD. It is important to note
here, that the age of the respondents clearly had implications for their educational status, in that,
for example, an 18 year old would be unlikely to hold an Undergraduate Degree, because this
inherently requires several years of higher education. A fuller breakdown of the respondents'
respective age, gender, educational status, and current occupational status is given in Appendix 5.

65
There was also a clear distinction between the two groups in terms of employment status. Those
allocated to the very engaged group were more likely than those categorised as very unengaged
to have roles that required training and responsibility, such as secondary school teacher (Stuart),
University lecturer (Emma), and journalist (Tim). In contrast, those in the very unengaged group
were either unemployed (Mark and Katie), or working full-time in semi-skilled employment. For
example, three of these young people worked in call centres (Tanya, Jess, and Gina). Two
respondents in the very engaged group also worked in call centres (Jack and Tim), albeit on a part
time basis to financially support the pursuit of an initial opportunity in degree-related careers, which
they described than as their main occupation. Interestingly, Ceri, allocated to the very engaged
group, worked in a senior role at the in the same type of company as Pippa from the very
unengaged group, perhaps illustrating the gap between the types of role typically occupied by the
respondents allocated to the contrasting groups.

There was a notable distinction between the amounts of raw interview data generated by each
respondent group, with those allocated to very engaged respondent group tending to speak at
length on a wide range of political issues. This was in stark contrast to the data generated by those
allocated to the very unengaged respondent category. The three longest interviews were all
conducted with respondents that were in the very engaged respondent group (Tim, Emma, and
Stuart), while those conducted with the very unengaged group were among the shortest (Pippa,
Mark, Tanya, and Gina). The interviews with the very engaged respondents also required minimal
probing questions from the interviewer, as opposed to those with the very unengaged
respondents, who frequently struggled to answer exploratory questions such as What comes to
mind when you think of politics? and What, if any, are the political issues that motivate you?.

Several of the very unengaged respondents often struggled when asked to identify any political
issues that they considered to be of importance. On identifying what they perceived as a political
issue, these respondents were more likely to make statements that betrayed a lack of
understanding or naivety relating to political issues. For example, one respondent, when talking
about MPs expenses and perks, suggested how the money might be better spent on addressing
other social issues, possibly betraying a lack of familiarity with the relative amounts of money
involved:

There are certain things you read about MPs having second homes and all
this sort of thing you know and surely some of that money could go to help
armed forces, students and things like that
Greg, 24

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The very engaged respondents not only spoke about a greater variety of political issues than the
very unengaged participants, they were also somewhat judgemental about particular others who
were perceived as being comparatively ill-informed about political issues. For example, Stuart and
Ceri both identified readers of the Daily Mail as being uninformed, with Stuart describing them as
being interested only in immigrants and large families on benefits (Stuart, 24). In the context of
her depiction of Daily Mail readers Ceri went on to contrast how her own political views were at
odds with an uninformed majority:

You think the majority of people are like you but then you think actually they
are not, the majority of people are actually quite defensive and bitter and
concerned about things that they have absolutely no idea, no right to be
concerned about... I find as you get older you have got a lot of working
class people who have got these ridiculous views about immigration and
they just have no idea about anything factual
Ceri, 24

The very engaged respondents also tended to speak about political issues in a generally more
progressive and liberal manner in contrast to those allocated to the arguably more reactionary
tones of those allocated to the very engaged respondent group. Several of those categorised as
very unengaged respondents expressed somewhat immoderate views relating to topics such as
crime, immigration, unemployment, and welfare reform. One typical example of this was offered by
Jess, who suggests below that capital punishment for murderers may usefully serve to reduce
prison overcrowding:

You know what I would bring back in? Which is going to sound a bit
horrible, but I would bring back the lethal injection for people ... think the
lethal injection because that would probably de-clutter some of the prisons
Jess, 20

Speaking on the subject of immigration, one respondent claimed that they are doing more things
for immigrants than for the British people (Mark, 18), while another described how the people
living in her area were being out-populated by immigrants (Katie, 19). Angus made comments
about immigration which could be construed as racist, claiming that there had been an increase in
vandalism and burglaries in his local area due to the recent arrival of immigrants and gypsies:

A family moved in, they are a gypsy family. Cars kept getting smashed in,
stuff was stolen, theres recently been a burglary in the street and it was all
67
 fine until the gypsies moved in and the Pakistanis moved in.
Angus, 21

Angus spoke at length about immigration, making several negative statements about immigrants
and ethnic minority groups, before going on to suggest that white British people have fewer rights
than ethnic minority groups:

If you call them a Paki or whatever, even though they are Pakiswere
being racist but if they call us stuff like honkies but they dont get told off
for it- which makes me think there is one rule for one race and another for
another
Angus, 21

Welfare and benefit payments was another topic about which respondents from the very
unengaged group were largely in agreement, with several (including Mark and Katie) making
statements which supported the notion of cutting or restricting payments. This view was typified by
the data extract below, in which Pippa, who, although she identified very few political issues as of
interest to her throughout the interview, nevertheless grew somewhat animated when discussing
benefit payments:

The money that gets wasted by the government by giving it to people on

benefits ...that really annoys me, and illegal immigrants as well
Pippa, 21

The overall scope of issues cited by respondents also appeared to differ between the two groups.
Those categorised as very engaged respondents tended to raise political issues that had a
broader scope, such as climate change and international conflict. In contrast, issues highlighted by
respondents categorised as 'very unengaged', tended to be narrower in scope- for example, issues
such as road potholes or local crime. This distinction not only reflects the tendency for very
engaged respondents to have a greater level of knowledge about political issues, but also that
very unengaged young people were more likely to raise issues in the interview which they
perceived as affecting their daily lives. One example of this was the way in which the respondents
discussed contemporary military conflict. Here, - very engaged respondents tended to describe
personal opposition to war on ethical grounds, without any immediate or direct link to their lives. In
the data extract below, for example, Emma talks about the issue in terms of the moral mandate of
the UK and US to intervene in certain countries, whilst not intervening in others:

68
 Things like military involvement in other countries or whether its a lack of
involvement in some places you should help or, you know, being in places
where you shouldnt
Emma, 25

The very unengaged respondents, by contrast, tended to describe the issue of war in a narrower
and more personalised manner, often explicitly referring to how the issue had affected them
directly. Examples of this included Frans reference to a man from just up the road, he got killed
out in Afghan (Fran, 21), or Gregs repeated reference to interest in military issues due to a sibling
being in the army:

Because my older brother is in the royal marines, so anything that sort of

tends towards cutting cutbacks and all that sort of thing when it comes to
military I would perk up and read that I suppose... yeah, me or close people
around me, definitely
Greg, 24

Parents
Across the wider respondent group, young peoples accounts highlighted associations between
political engagement and individual factors, including geography, religion, and education. Many
accounts emphasised the importance of an individuals upbringing and household, with the young
people claiming that their parents had influenced their overall proclivity to engage with politics,
knowledge about political issues, and consumption habits in relation to political media. For
example, one respondent claimed that her current level of engagement with politics was heavily
determined by her mother, whom she describes below as ethical and influential:

I think almost 100% is down to the way I was brought up, the environment I
was brought up in, how I was brought up, what was around me when I was
brought up.... my mum, my mum is very...she has got really good morals,
she is very like socially aware, she is very intelligent so ...she had a huge
influence on the way I was brought up to think
Ffion, 22

While some respondents described how they had learned a great deal about politics from their
parents, others rationalised a lack of knowledge about politics as a result of their upbringing. One

69
example of this was provided by Katie, who suggested that her fathers tendency to impart
information to her had enabled her to learn more about political issues, which she had found
interesting, which had in turn engendered her greater engagement with politics:

My family are involved in it so you get involved in it- my dad is always into
the more intellectual side of life. And he will go on about stuff and he will tell
you a bit more about it. And you start getting interested in it, yeah... and he
will give you stories about his life and youve got an attachment to it and if
you enjoy it, it is easy enough for you to understand and you know, its
easier for you.
Katie, 19

In the data extract below, however, Pippa claims that her parents had not educated her about
politics, or imparted political views to her, which has manifested itself in her lack of knowledge and
engagement as an adult:

I think it reflects how you get brought up to be honest with you. I mean, if
your parents maybe have a strong opinion about politics then I think its
reflected in the children. But my parents never really brought it up in
conversation or educated us about it so when you grow up you find it out
through other people and other resources
Pippa, 21

As well as political information, parents were also reported as having imparted partisan political
stances and viewpoints to the young people in the respondent group or others known to them. For
example, Lisa spoke of how her parents had encouraged her to participate in elections upon
becoming old enough to vote, and had raised her level of knowledge about political issues, as well
as attempting to steer her support in favour of a particular party:

When I became old enough to vote they were talking to me about it more
and the elections recently... Its more like finding out things, being informed
about things, I normally find that my mums partner tries to make me vote
Conservative if he can
Lisa, 20

A similar example was offered by Heather, who reported how her parents, who both supported the

70
Labour Party, had prompted her to vote Labour, and described her upbringing as being in a
Labour household:

This is going to sound terrible but my mother votes Labour, my father votes
Labour, and I have just been brought up in sort of a Labour household ... so
I check up on the policies and there are things I agreed with and other
things I didnt necessarily agree with, so but then I voted Labour
because...just like my parents voted Labour and if there ever was an
election when I was old enough to take notice of it then my parents would
just be like ooh, Labour, Labour, Labour
Heather, 24

A similar account was offered by Emma, who claimed that a friends political outlook was strongly
influenced by having Labour-supporting parents. In the data extract below, she adds that her own
parents had not influenced her in that way, and that she had arrived more independently at her
current political viewpoint:

Some families you will vote so and so... I have got a friend whose both
parents are members of the Labour Party and there was never any option
that you would be anything else and I dont really come from that kind of
background, so I feel like I have genuinely made my own mind up in a lot of
respects
Emma, 25

Whilst describing her decision about who to vote for at the 2010 Election, Donna claimed that her
negative perception of the Conservative Party resulted, at least in part, from parental accounts of
their past experiences relating of the party:

I realised I really dont want the Tories to be in power because like my

parents said like in the 80s and stuff it was just really bad
Donna, 20

Similarly Ceris account, which featured many negative comments about the Conservatives,
included a suggestion that her antipathy towards them had strongly influenced her throughout her
upbringing. In the data extract below, she describes how her partisan viewpoint had been shaped
by not only her parents views, but the direct experiences of her wider family:

71
 I have been raised to hate the Tories sort of thing... I would never vote
Conservative, and I still cant see myself ever voting Conservative... A lot of
my family were miners, and my uncle still is a miner, and obviously during
the 80s, all the strikes and things, it was like blasphemy to mention
Thatchers name in our house
Ceri, 24

Young peoples accounts suggested that some attempts to impart partisan influence may backfire.
For example, Stuart claimed that his partner consciously resisted her parents influence in this
regard:

My girlfriend, both her parents went to Cambridge, her dads family are
very, very Conservative. ...she has a Conservative family; she wants to
move as far away from that so she distances herself from the
Conservatives as much as possible.
Stuart, 24

In some cases it was apparent how young peoples views on particular political issues were
influenced by their parents. In one such account, Katie claimed that her views about immigration
had been directly influenced through discussions of the issues with her father:

Immigration and that, there is enough people coming over ... We have a
debate saying we should put a good cap on it, send people back home if
they are not doing anything. That is quite a big row in my house about it.
My dad says that the immigrants are getting all of our jobs and we have to
go to other places to look and I agree, but he says we should send all of
them out
Katie, 19

Likewise, Donna talked about having inherited the political views of her parents about immigration,
albeit taking a somewhat different position on the issue than described above by Katie. In the data
extract below Donna claims that her relatively sympathetic stance towards the issue of immigration
was influenced by her parents- having grown up with their thinking:

My parents are kind of like liberal and yeah so I guess I kind of grew up
with their thinking. I dont know, just being around them... like they are like

72
 never been racist or said anything about like bloody immigrants...
Donna, 20

The tendency to consume political media, which for many of the young people was their main
source of political information, was also described as having been influenced by parental habits
and interaction. Several respondents said that their parents tendency to read a newspaper had
been passed down to them. In the data extract below, for example, Stelios attributes his habitual
reading of newspapers to his father:

The upbringing does have a factor into it because obviously if my dad, say,
didnt bring those newspapers home, I probably wouldnt have read them
anywhere else. And then I wouldnt get into the habit of reading them
Stelios, 18

Television viewing was also described by several respondents as a function of parental influence.
In some cases young people said that they watched political programmes they would not
otherwise have done because that is what their parents were watching. One such example came
from Lisa, who claimed that her level of political knowledge had unintentionally increased from
watching the same television programmes as her parents:

My parents would be watching it, so you would end up just kind of picking
stuff up without really meaning to
Lisa, 20

Geography
Respondent accounts suggested that geographic background played a role in shaping young
peoples political engagement. One example of this was provided by Ashkir who, in the data extract
below, contrasts the likely political leanings of those from his own area in Central Cardiff (probably
one of the poorest areas in Cardiff, I would say) with those of somebody from a more privileged
background:

If you are ...from a wealthy background and you live you know in a nice
area in London. I dont want to say you are going to vote Conservative, but
you are more likely to vote Conservative, but if you are 18-25, unemployed,
you live in Butetown then you are less likely to vote Conservative, more
likely to look at other political parties

73
 Ashkir, 19

In the data extract below a similar comparison is drawn, with Lisa suggesting that an individuals
socio-economic status, as reflected by geographic location, has a significant bearing upon their
political viewpoint. In the extract below she uses the example of state welfare as an issue about
which two different individuals, from contrasting geographic and socio-economic positions, may
well have divergent views:

I think ... where you are at that moment, age and stuff as well- I think it
does affect it quite a lot. Because they will have different views, and lets
say you were, say, a rich white woman, you wouldnt be so worried about
the financial side of like them being oh you can have this or this and
whether you get this free or something like that, if you are a teenage kid
from Glasgow you might be like I do need this
Lisa, 20

Some respondents claimed that political views are often geographically ingrained, with individuals
influenced politically depending on where they lived. Here, respondents like Stuart suggested that
the political profile of some areas were deeply entrenched:

One side of my family is from Dorset. Now, the Tories could pretty much
come out tomorrow and say we hate rich people and in fact I think a lot of
people in Dorset would still vote Tory because they wouldnt read what the
Tory had said, they are Conservative, they define themselves as they will
vote Conservative for as long as they live no matter what anybody else
says. You know, Labour could come out and basically say we are going to
give every rich person 100,000 and people still wouldnt vote.
Stuart, 24

Stuart went on to cite the example of Merthyr Tydfil as a South Wales town likely to remain a
strongly anti-Conservative area, irrespective of policies the party were to adopt:

Similarly, up in Merthyr you know there is nothing now that the

Conservatives could ever do, you know they could reopen the mines and
stuff so when they talk about red and blue seats... these are the stamped-
on seats

74
 Stuart, 24

In other cases, respondents described strong political views as having been forged through
working class backgrounds. In the data extract below, Tim spoke of how his home village had
instilled in him a natural empathy for the working class. This, he said, had shaped his political
views, which he claimed would never change regardless of the course of his life:

I was brought up in a very working class environment; you naturally

empathise with that when you get older. It doesnt matter how much money
I earn, or how well-educated I end up being, or whatever job I have, I cant
see myself changing my political views
Tim, 22

Some respondents spoke about generally about how particular geographical areas might influence
the level of political engagement. Emma and Stuart, who were allocated to the very engaged
respondent group, and had both taught History at secondary schools in Wales, made connections
between political engagement and specific areas of South Wales. Emma described how there was
a tradition of working class Labour support which inspired young people up in the Valleys
(Emma, 25), who might not otherwise have become engaged. Likewise, in the data extract below,
Stuart describes the area in which he had worked in Merthyr Tydfil as particularly politically
engaged due to its recent industrial history:

At the risk of sounding like I am pigeon-holing people there are certain

groups that you will find, socio-economic groups you will find that will fit that
description much better than others. If you go to an area like Merthyr, it is a
political hotbed because of the raw wounds
Stuart, 24

One particularly interesting example of this perceived association between background and
political engagement was provided by Mark, a participant allocated to the 'very unengaged'
respondent group. Mark, who came from a relatively deprived area, described how environment
shaped individuals levels of political interest. In the data extract below, he anticipates that
individuals from relatively privileged areas, unlike his own, might be more engaged with politics:

I would have thought that people in like higher quality environments would
be more interested in politics... Nice houses, no troublemakers. I just

75
 always thought they would have been more into it than people in
communities like this
Mark, 18

Ethnicity & Religion

Some respondents described how their religious beliefs or ethnicity had shaped the way that they
engaged with politics. One respondent described how many of his political views were intrinsically
linked to his religious beliefs, reporting that engagement with certain international issues was
strongly influenced by Christianity:

Part of it is my background. I am a Christian, so a lot of the international

things, I am interested in trade justice, fair trade... its sort of like... part of it
is you are, as a Christian, you are meant to be sort of pro-justice. You are
meant to be active in that kind of area, it is encouraging and part of your
thinking when you have been a Christian for a fair while, that you know
there are certain things you will be angry about
Jack, 21

Several respondents described how the experiences of having non-British-born parents had
shaped their political views. Ashkir spoke of how his Somalian parentage had caused him to be
more appreciative of the quality of life in Britain than your average Brit, saying, we appreciate
certain things . I have almost taken for granted, my parents haven't (Ashkir, 19). Ashkir went on
to describe how his parentage had fuelled interest in African, and particularly, Somalian politics, ...
the whole Somali situation... in terms of history, in terms of government, in terms of politics
(Ashkir, 19). Ant spoke of how having a non-British-born Muslim father had directly influenced his
engagement with certain political issues, including immigration, global conflict, as well as overall
public perceptions of Muslims. In the data extract below, Ant made specific reference to
international conflict and immigration, as well as what he perceived to be popularly-held images of
Muslims as issues which assumed a personal significance because of his fathers ethnicity and
religion. Here, he highlighted concerns about how his father might be perceived by others:

The war has been a very big topic for us because obviously my dad is from
Malaysia and he is Muslim, and so he doesnt like the image of people
thinking that all Muslims are, you know, terrorists.... probably immigration
would be another thing...he is from Malaysia, originally and we have
obviously experienced people thinking oh hes come over here, is he
paying taxes?
76
 Ant, 24

Interestingly, Welsh national identity was not cited by any respondents in this context, despite the
majority being from Wales.

Education
Several young people described how their experiences at school, college, and University had
affected both the level and the nature of their engagement with politics. There were two main ways
in which education appeared to influence political engagement in young peoples accounts. Firstly,
respondents spoke of how studying a specific topic had increased their level of knowledge or
interest in political issues by either arousing interest, or by increasing knowledge of the political
issues that surround the subject. These included social science and humanities disciplines such as
Sociology, Economics, and History, which have relatively clear links to the realm of politics, as well
as subject areas such as Art, Computer Science, and Biology, which arguably have less obvious
links to political issues. Within the field of Arts, Emma spoke of how she had become politicised
by having studied theatre, and claimed that certain plays and writers had been a source of much of
her political inspiration:

I think partly thats what got me more politically-minded because looking at-
admittedly more left wing plays- from maybe like the 60s kind of era and
stuff- John Osbornes one we did Look Back In Anger and it was almost like
the first working class kind of ... a lot of plays if you look back, English plays
are about people in corsets and stuffy shirts prancing about the place and
that started the whole new era of ... and kind of female writers going
through the 70s and 80s
Emma, 25

Having studied the subject of Art History at University, Ffion highlighted the relationship between
artists and political movements. In the data extract below, she describes how she identifies with the
political leanings of some of her favourite artists:

Picassos work and its relationship to the Communist Party, that is quite
exciting to think about that. And Frida Kahlos work, she was hugely
involved with the Communist movement in Mexico, and Diego Rivero... I
like what the Communists talk about, I like what they do
Ffion, 22

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Sociology student James identified a direct link between his academic studies and engagement
with politics. In the data extract below he highlights how higher education had rendered issues
relating to class or inequality more visible to him:

If you dont do academic things then you dont really seem to notice it do
you? If nobody has literally said this is what is happening ... If I hadnt
have gone to college and done Sociology I wouldnt have ever even
thought about it
James, 19

Another respondent, who had studied politics as part of his degree in International Relations,
suggested that the experience had served to make him more sceptical towards political messages:

One of the skills that is absolutely key is to get people not accepting things
at face value, and I think that has been a problem for a long time in politics
is that people take things at face value, he said this, therefore it must be
true
Stuart, 24

Finally, some of the respondents who were currently studying STEM (Science, Engineering,
Technology, and Mathematics) subjects spoke of how they were interested in political issues which
were related to their studies. Donna described how her degree subject, Biology, had served to
increase her level of interest in environmental issues:

I am a biology student so if its something to do with like the environment

and politics then I would read that or yeah... I guess like environment, really
Donna, 20

Likewise, Ashkir recounted how he had been very interested in the study of oil politics, which he
had undertaken as part of his degree in Chemical Engineering. Ashkir spoke of how studying the
subject had led him to consider the differing ways institutions and companies may be perceived by
different countries depending on their relationship to oil:

I am doing sort of chemical engineering and recently weve done a module

on oil and the whole sort of oil politics kind of thing... its really, really

78
 interesting man. You see how they use third world countries and how the
media portrays these large companies as sort of the backbone of the
British economy whereas when they are outside of the UK it is completely
different
Ashkir, 19

Ant, who was studying for a Masters Degree in Forensic Computing at the time of interview,
suggested that his academic studies caused him to be "interested in the tech news", and cited a
recent example of a news story involving changes to (social networking website) Facebook's
privacy settings (Ant, 24).

In addition to the assertion that political engagement was increased by enhancing knowledge and
interest through education, two respondents also suggested that schools, colleges, and
Universities represented participatory environments. Angus spoke of how his school held debates
and meetings with their local MP. In the data extract below, Angus claimed that a debate at his
school relating to disability had resulted in a change to legislation, which demonstrated that he
perceived a link between such participatory practices and having an impact on politics:

When I was in school we used to hold debates about stuff and we used to
have an MP come and sit and listen to us and they were talking about
changing the disability Equality Act, and all that, and we had a 4 hour
debate on it, all the way. And at the end of it she went, I like what you were
saying I am going to take your arguments to parliament. And I think she
changed some of it as well, which made it easier for people. And that was
mainly coming off our little 4 hour debates, which was only meant to be a
school project, which helped us out a lot.
Angus, 21

Another example of educational institutions enabling a participatory environment was offered by

Donna, who claimed that staging debates around topical issues may serve to increase
engagement in politics. In the data extract below, she adds that such participation may influence
the mindsets of young people, prompting them to perceive political participation as something in
which individuals like themselves could engage:

I would do it in schools, I think perhaps if they introduced more debating,

kind of thing, actual things that are going on right now, I know they do in
some schools. I think if you do that in like most schools and do it from sort
79
 of like year 9 onwards I think that would get more people interested
because I think its like in the persons mindset from when they are a
teenager that politics is for like old guys in suits and you know it is
nothing to do with me
Donna, 21

Another young person, who had not experienced University, anticipated how participatory
educational contexts might facilitate engagement. Here, Anna cited the elections for student
presidents as an example, saying that she had never experienced the procedure of electing
University representatives:

Like vote for president and all that sort of stuff, like it is going on in Cardiff
now ... and that brings people into the, sort of, you know, environment and I
never did that, I never went to University so I just...
Anna, 22

Knowledge
Some respondent accounts made a link between an individual's level of knowledge about politics
and their level of engagement. Here, for example, some young people displayed a lack of
familiarity with political terms. For example, Heather, who was among those categorised as very
unengaged, made repeated references to the Conservatory Party throughout the interview.
Heather also had trouble recalling both the name of her local MP, and the title of the role itself:

Heather: I would go to my constituency candidate- I cant think of the

word...
Interviewer: the MP?
Heather: the MP, thats it, the local MP
Heather, 24

Several other respondents also reported spontaneously that they did not know the name of their
local MP or which party they represented. Here, for example, Greg volunteered that he did not
know the name or affiliation of his local MP, I dont know my one... nor what party... I think its
Labour (Greg, 24).

Several respondents suggested that engagement amongst young people might increase if more
effort was made to educate them about basic political information. The respondents identified a

80
variety of ways in which a lack of political knowledge limits participation and engagement with
politics. Martin, for example, suggested that if young people do not understand how politics works,
they will lack an understanding of how to actively participate in democratic processes:

Pretty, pretty bad. A lot of young people dont understand it. They are not
taught about it and then really if they are growing up and becoming the
adults and things, it is just going to be useless then because they dont
have a clue and then when it comes to them voting their votes are just
going to be wasted, and they dont have an understanding on how to
change things
Martin, 23

Some of the young people described how a lack of political knowledge may limit individuals
participation in political discussions or debates, due to the potential for embarrassment or negative
judgement by peers. Here, Ant suggested that a desire to save face might prevent young people
from engaging in political discussions, lest their lack of knowledge be exposed:

Another part of it is I suppose I dont want to- because you get one group of
people thinking oh they are wrong and other people thinking that they are
right and you dont want to be in that position where everyone is like
judging you I suppose
Ant, 24

Similarly, Ffion spoke of adopting a withdrawn role in political conversations, as she perceived
neither herself nor her friends as having a sufficient level of knowledge about the subject:

Say if I was in the pub I just completely like take a back seat because I
dont know what I am talking about but when the elections and stuff are
going on, all my friends were harking on about it all the time and I was like
do you know what youre talking about? Didnt really sound like they did....
mmmm so yeah I didnt really get involved, just stayed quiet
Ffion, 22

Likewise, Anna described how she would be more likely to engage with, and discuss, politics if she
had a greater level of knowledge about current issues. One interesting point about the data extract
below is that Anna suggested that she was not averse to talking about politics with friends, but that
the reason she not do so more was due to lack of understanding:
81
 To be honest I dont not enjoy it- maybe if I was more understanding of
everything that is going on then I would easily talk about it to friends, yeah-
by paying more attention to the news and whats going on.
Anna, 22

A similar concern was shared by Fran, who questioned whether it was acceptable for her to
participate in political discussions given her perceived lack of knowledge or interest:

I dunno, I havent really thought about it. Its up to them. Everybody has the
right to their own opinions. I would never sit there and argue with someone
over something, either. Its their own opinion. But who am I to argue when I
dont even follow it, I dont take no interest in it at all?
Fran, 21

Another young person suggested that her limited understanding of politics prevented her from
consuming political media, which, she claimed, presumed a certain base level of knowledge on
the part of the viewer. In the data extract below, Tanya described an inability to watch political TV
because it was aimed at adults, rather than young people like herself:

Whenever I see on the TV all I think it is aimed at is adults, they dont really
aim it at everyone, generally like, I dont really know how to explain it. So
they just aim it at people who already know a lot about it or are older
Tanya, 18

Some of the young people that claimed to possess a relative lack of political knowledge suggested
that politics might be better explained and taught to young people in order to enable them to
participate. One young person, for example, rationalised her lack of knowledge as a function of
never having received instruction on the subject:

They have never brought it up, just to even explain what it is... they dont
tell us here, like I have never had one lesson explaining what they do- that
is useful to know...
Tanya, 18

Another young person, who, like Tanya, owned to having very little knowledge of politics, was

82
Pippa. In the data extract below Pippa claims that her lack of political knowledge was due to a lack
of education about politics:

I didnt even know who the Prime Minister was, you know. I mean even now
you turn on the news and everything is politics but I dont think young
people get educated enough about it, they dont know what the situation is
with things going on in the world so I think they should be educated more...
Pippa, 21

Some of the respondents who claimed to a have a limited level of political knowledge suggested
that had they received some basic tuition about politics at an earlier point in their lives they would
have a greater level now, as an adult. Heather, for example, claimed that her lack of knowledge
could be traced back to never having been taught about the subject at school:

I have never studied it before... never actually sat down and somebody said
this is our government and this is how it works... I never did anything like
that
Heather, 24

Similarly, Fran suggested that her low level of political engagement would have been greater now if
she had received some basic tuition whilst at school, and advocated that young people should
receive a certain level of political information:

I think it should be taught... How it works and what happens and things
because, well I havent got a clue, so I suppose if I had had a lesson in
school telling me who these people were, what these words meant, then I
probably would be a bit more open to it
Fran, 21

Those respondents allocated to the 'very engaged' category also tended to advocate an increase
in political tuition at school as a means of increasing political knowledge among young people.
These suggestions, however, were made in reference to other young people, who lacked
knowledge about politics, rather than in reference to themselves. In the data extract below, Tim
argues strenuously that allowing young people to emerge from education without a minimum
threshold of political literacy is unacceptable:

Personally I think politics should be taught as standard in schools, or at

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 least incorporated into humanities somehow, because I dont think its right
that kids can leave school at 16 or 18 and not have any idea what a
general election is, which I think a lot of my friends did. We werent that
bothered about it. It wasnt something that engaged us at that age. I am not
saying that kids should leave school, you know obsessed with newspapers
and politics and want to know everything that is going on, but I feel that as
a human being I feel that as much as it is your right and expected of you to
be able to read and write and add up ... I think that you need to be
equipped for the world that you are going out into
Tim, 22

In order to address this perceived problematic lack of understanding of politics among young
people, the respondents offered numerous suggestions about how an increase in political
education and information might be effected. Donna suggested that educating young people about
politics early on in a young persons life might serve to reduce commonly-held negative
stereotypes about politics:

I think that would get more people interested because I think its like in the
persons mind-set from when they are a teenager that politics is for like old
guys in suits and, you know, it is nothing to do with me
Donna, 20

In order to increase political engagement, Ashkir argued that political education might usefully
demonstrate to young people their potential to influence political decisions:

Inform them of the process and what happens, informing them of what they
are worth almost and what they can contribute to the country and stuff
Ashkir, 19

Another respondent claimed that an accessible introductory guide, outlining basic political
information, might increase young peoples political knowledge. In the data extract below, Greg
suggests the information might most usefully target specific social groups:

You know they do Computers for Dummies books, Guitar for Dummies.
Maybe that... maybe not a book, but the whole scheme of things, the whole
country needs to take like a more laymans terms when it comes to

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 politics... Maybe some sort of newspaper, website aimed at the thicker
public if you like, the more sort of working class
Greg, 24

In addition to an increase in the amount of political education and information available,

respondents noted that efforts to educate must form part of an on-going process. Heather claimed
that the large amount of coverage and analysis of political events during the general election
campaign was difficult to comprehend, and advocated a more measured/consistent supply of
political information that would be more easily understood:

I think there should be more information available for the public on politics,
because like every 5 years there is a massive rush of information and its
sometimes a bit overwhelming to take it all in, especially like because I
never had a particular interest in it before and then you know I have my job,
I have my social life and then things to try and read up on and I think if it
was more widespread younger people would take an interest in it
Heather, 24

Stelios made a similar point, suggesting that the lack of knowledge among young people might be
addressed by providing them with information in advance of elections. In the data extract below, he
claims that young people might be inspired by speaking to them directly, with a view to fostering
engagement with politics in the longer term:

Maybe find the more interesting topics in politics and go and talk to big
groups of young adults which are maybe 2 or 3 years before they go into
vote- so maybe put that interest there so then so they can find it
themselves
Stelios, 18

Personal Circumstances

The respondents also described how their engagement with politics had altered over recent years
due to changes in personal circumstances. In particular they highlighted how politics increasingly
affected them as they grew older and, for example, became eligible to vote. Hence, it appeared
from respondent accounts that engagement was perceived to increase experientially as political
issues were perceived as affecting their lives.

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Several respondents described how employment had influenced both the level and nature of their
engagement with politics. Heather described how, since recently commencing her role as a nurse,
she had become more interested in issues and news relating to the NHS, particularly her own
pension:

Since I started my job, so within the last two years definitely, I have started
to take an interest because, especially with sort of like the NHS policies,
especially pensions policy because I think by the time that we come to
retire well be working until we are sort of 75-80...so, just because of my job
and sort of the future you know I have paid a pension since I was 18 so I
you know, I really want to make sure I am going to be looked after when I
am older and going to be protected as well. So that has interested me a lot
Heather, 24

Other young peoples accounts also indicated how interest in politics may be fuelled by self-
interest. Notably here, respondents talked about concern over proposed spending cuts which had
potential implications for their personal occupational circumstances. One example of this was
offered by Ant, who spoke about how his future plans to pursue a career in policing were affected
by current and emerging events:

How much it affects me I suppose... I want to work in law enforcement and

doing computer forensics it can affect you and I suppose career wise and
personally I think that is what makes me interested in it, so over the last few
years its probably been a sort of steady rise, you know looking for jobs,
you know especially with the economy when it crashed you know that
peaked my interested a lot and then I took more notice of the, what was
going on around me and then over the last few months because I have
started my Masters and it is only when I started that I realised the issues
that they were raising you know in the world of computer forensics with
police around the world and things that also piqued my interest a little bit
more and made me look into it a little bit more
Ant, 24

Similar circumstances were highlighted by Ffion, who described how her preferred career field was
also under threat from proposed public spending cuts. In the data extract below, Ffion outlined her
concerns that the forthcoming spending review of late 2010 was likely to see cuts which would
affect her career options. Here, she recalled her experiences of similar cuts in the recent past:

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 I think George Osborne is going to announce the budget, isnt he? ... And it
is suspected that Arts funding is going to be cut by about 20-25%, so yeah,
that is what I am really worried about because I am getting quite involved
with... well, it happened about 2 or 3 years ago when I ran an art workshop
for children every Saturday and that got cancelled because we had to start
giving our money to build the Olympic stadium, the government didnt fund
us as they needed to give all their money to- so I started to really get
annoyed about it and get involved in it then. And now I am looking into
running like community art based things in communities that dont have
much money and I need to get as much funding as possible for like these
projects to happen and if there is not much funding going round then I am
not going to get much... its just a joke
Ffion, 22

In a similar vein Tim claimed that he and his partner, a teacher, would be affected by budget
decisions. In the extract below he claims that they would be under severe pressure if his partner
was to lose her job due to cuts to the education budget:

Now everything they do affects my life every day. If they cut the education
budget and my girlfriend loses her job, do you know what I mean they could
just cut the budget a little bit and suddenly we could be screwed, do you
know what I mean? So everything they do affects me now
Tim, 22

Young people also described how insight gained through experiences with their jobs had caused
them to rethink preconceptions about specific political issues. Hence, Ceri described how working
in the field of property had reshaped her opinions about benefit claimants:

You get so many extremes walks of life here. You get the most spoiled
brats coming in...you get people who are on housing benefit and have got
no intention of getting a job and I will tell you about 90% of the calls we get
for housing benefit are white Welsh people, not immigrants. Which is you
know... from what the media would have you believe. But we get so many
white under- I was going to say underclass, but its a terrible, terrible term-
but people who have just got no motivation and no incentive at all... and its

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 all white Welsh people
Ceri, 24

In a similar vein, Tim spoke of how his employment had given him more of an insight into politics.
As a journalist, he described the subject of politics as somewhat engaging, which, he noted,
contrasted with the popularly-held perception of politics as being somewhat dull:

Its not just a load of fuddy-duddy grey suits chatting and not getting a lot
done, immediately you realise how interesting it is, I think its fascinating,
parliament
Tim, 22

Life Cycle
Several young people talked about how the way in which individuals engage with politics changes
throughout the life course. Some looked back at how their political views had changed in recent
years, while others looked forward to how they anticipated their life circumstances, and
consequently their engagement with politics might change in the future. Those looking backwards
tended to be the respondents towards the older range of the sample. For example, 25 year old
Emma spoke of how her overall political standpoint was becoming less liberal with age:

I think I scare myself in that I am less liberal than I used to be ...whereas

previously I would categorise myself as completely like liberal lefty, woolly,
hug-a-hoody hippie, and you know the state should take care of everyone,
but as I get a bit older I am getting a bit more kind of cynical on that side of
things
Emma, 25

Another older respondent who looked back at how his political view had evolved was Ant (aged 24
at the time of the interview), who claimed that his political views had changed as issues were
perceived as increasingly affecting his life:

I actually used to be when I was younger quite conservative, but I have sort
of moved into being more liberal myself just more because the issues
affecting me a little bit more differently
Ant, 24

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Some young people claimed that their political views had become more sophisticated with age,
leading to a less strong and more subtle viewpoint. For example, Ceri described how when she
was younger things were a bit more black and white... I was a bit more ignorant. She described
her younger self as extremely partisan and as holding a simplistic view of political parties, I was
just like Labour: good, Lib Dems: good, Tories: bad (Ceri, 24). Other respondents claimed that
their increasing knowledge about politics was a function of growing older and gaining wisdom.
Hence, Greg credited his increasing interest in politics with being older and wiser:

Definitely as I have got older I sort of take more notice... I think its more
because I have become wiser- I know it sounds vain
Greg, 24

Ashkir also used the adjective wiser to describe how his interest in politics had increased in line
with his becoming more knowledgeable, I suppose you get wiser as you get older (Ashkir, 19).
Young peoples association between political knowledge and wisdom is interesting, due the
overwhelmingly positive connotations of the latter term, which is often associated with virtue and
judgement.

Interestingly, of the forward looking respondents, many had been categorised as very unengaged
respondents. These young people said that they anticipated becoming more interested in politics in
the future when they became more involved or more affected by politics. Pippa, who was 21 at
the time of the interview, suggested that while her level of political knowledge was currently low,
and her degree of engagement with political issues was currently modest, she nevertheless
anticipated increased knowledge about, and engagement with, political issues at some point in the
future:

as I have matured and come out of college and gone into working you
learn more every day, really, and I think you get a strong opinion about
things as you get a bit older and you learn about things more in more
depth, as they say
Pippa, 21

Tanya claimed that she was beginning to care about politics as she perceived it as impacting
upon her life in the future:

I always thought no, I dont care, but now I do care because it is going to
involve me soon a lot more
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 Tanya, 18

Likewise, Gina spoke of how, although she was currently not interested in politics, she anticipated
becoming a lot more engaged in the future, when she anticipated that it would affect her more:

I am not really interested in it I think when I am more obviously when you

are older and you are more into paying the tax and, you know, if you are
ever ill, or when you have got your own house ... it is obviously going to
affect me more than it does now. But not at the moment
Gina, 21

Tim, however, who presented himself as already engaged with politics, anticipated progressing
beyond mere interest towards more active participation:

I would love to think that when I am older I think I would be more heavily
involved. I would love to be a local councillor or something. I like the idea of
that. . I like the idea of helping people
Tim, 22

Young people taking part in the study made a link between acquiring eligibility to vote and their
level of interest in politics. Ashkir, for example, spoke of how the General Election of 2010 was the
first in which he had been eligible to vote, and that this had made him pay more attention... to
politics. However it is also apparent from the data extract below that while eligibility to vote may
have been perceived as a catalyst to Ashkirs increased interest in politics, the actual event (the
first opportunity to vote) was not perceived as a moment of epiphany

This election, the election in the summer, that was like the first time I was
able to vote- I am 21- so it was the first time, so I would say I paid more
attention... it was like these elections were the first time I was able to vote
so I would say I had an interest but now I have more of an active interest
and I had more... it wasnt that I woke up in the morning and thought yes, I
can vote, the dawn of a new day or whatever it was like oh, I can vote,
whatever
Ashkir, 19

The accounts of other young people were somewhat more focussed on the point at which they

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became old enough to vote. For example Lisa, who claimed to be uninterested in politics before
she was eligible to vote, said:

I think its increased a lot since I voted for the first time. Partly because I am
actually old enough to be involved with it now, I dont think I had a lot of
opinions as a child about it. Like I can vote but I didnt really, you know.
Obviously I had had a few question that I had asked and or I would look up
and things but not overly because my opinion wouldnt have made that
much of a difference.
Lisa, 20

Young people linked increased interest with, and engagement in, politics with a range of life
experiences or changes. These life experiences, which included leaving the family home, seeking
employment and having children, were highlighted by young people in the context of discussion
about how politics appeared to increasingly affect their lives as they aged. Increased engagement
with politics was often associated with increased responsibility, such as moving out of the parental
home and into their own home. For young people, like Martin, moving away from home
represented a life change whereby priorities and views changed, you start becoming independent
and you start thinking of things differently (Martin, 23). In the data extract below, Katie suggested
that moving out of the parental home led a greater sense of responsibility and, associated with this,
increased interest in political issues:

Because we dont consider ourselves proper adults yet, we havent quite

grown up- most of us still live with our parents. Between 19 and mid 20s,
quite a range- but if we still live with our parents, its still their decision, we
live by their rules. But if you moved out we probably would get a bit more
interested because were on our own
Katie, 19

Another example of this was offered by Jess, who spoke of how moving out from her parents
house had meant that she faced increasing responsibilities, and that those previously assumed by
her parents, became her responsibilities:

Because now I live on my own I am sort of more independent I sort of have

to look at things that are going to affect me, really whereas before when I
lived at home it was like a little bubble, and I left it to my mum and dad if
the petrol was going up, not a problem, because I didnt drive. So it wasnt

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 going to affect me at all because I wouldnt have cared
Jess, 20

Similarly, Stuart described how assuming responsibility for obligations previously met by others
increased his awareness of, and interest in, issues that not previously concerned him. In the data
extract below he illustrates, through reference to his own experience, the importance of first-hand
experience to economic awareness:

Prices, taxes on petrol, you know it never really occurred to me when I was
just driving my mums car actually now I have got my own car things like
taxes on petrol and things like that you look at you go whoa, hang on how
come Britain are one of the cheapest countries in the world at drilling,
transporting and storing fuel and yet we charge I think its the second
highest price in the world? sort of thing, so inevitably those things which
impact on your daily lives
Stuart, 24

Several young people drew on their own experiences to illustrate how changing circumstances
affected their interest and involvement in issues which previously had seemed less important to
them. Two key issues here were employment and finance, as illustrated by Matt:

Its your own personal circumstances, as well as sort of unemployment and

you know what jobs are going to go down the local area, how its going to
affect the local area and especially with the coalition coming in now the
effects on me, myself, my family... I am maturing now, I have got a family so
financially ... thats really sparked a big interest as well
Matt, 22

Some young people, like Martin, contrasted their current level of interest to their how they had felt
about specific events and issues when they were younger:

I wasnt that interested when I was in school. As soon as I left school then
jobs and that come on my mind so I automatically thought of that. I have
now got a partner- two year old, she has a two year old son, so then I am
automatically thinking about housing and things like that now and hearing
about like housing cuts and council tax and things like that is getting me

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 into that
Martin, 23

In addition to their own experience of life course events, young people anticipated future
responsibilities which might affect their interest in, or engagement with, politics. Here, for those
without children, becoming a parent was highlighted as a likely influential event. Hence, for
example, Katie described how the personal responsibilities of an individual in their early twenties
were typically less than that of somebody older, linking this to engagement with politics:

When youre a teenager or early 20s you can do what you want, you have
got no responsibilities except for your work and as long as it doesnt
personally affect you, you dont care... just carry on with your life, it wont
directly affect you wont go out and vote or do anything- just not caring, as
long as you get your money, youre fine. But as you get older you get a job,
you have kids. Its my kids Ive got to look out for, changing stuff.
Katie, 19

Similarly, Ceri suggested that the level of engagement with politics increased as young people took
on responsibilities such as children or mortgages. In the data extract below, she claimed that a
major driver of political engagement was the extent to which individuals were personally affected
by an event or circumstances, and thus increased engagement was a function of self-interest:

I think politics is something you will get more interested in when you have
got a family and a bigger and a mortgage and that sort of thing, and the
decisions impact you more strongly. I think for young people like myself
where you havent got dependents and you are renting it is easy to sort of
brush it under the carpet and forget about it. I think a lot of young people
arent taking an interest because it doesnt impact them. People not are
selfish but are selfish in the sense that well, why do I care if it doesnt
impact me? And I think that is the thing
Ceri, 24

Geographical connection/identification was also cited as influencing levels political engagement.

One example of this was reported by Sally, who made a link between where she lived and her
engagement with politics. Sally had recently returned to South Wales after travelling around the
world for five years. In the data extract below, she claimed that remaining in one place for a longer
period had caused her to develop a stronger connection to the local area:
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 I am becoming more and more politically-minded because I am starting to
stay still a bit and... if youre moving through different countries you ...are
not really aware of what is happening in one place and if you stay in one
place long enough you want to try and help things and make things better
Sally, 23

As well as increasing levels of political engagement, changing life circumstances were also
perceived as influential in respect of how young people viewed specific political issues. One
example of this was offered by Ceri, who claimed that her understanding of (and sympathies with)
particular issues, namely tuition fees, had altered as a function of her transition from student to
employee:

I think when you are in Uni you are a bit more influenced in that sort of
sense, especially with things like tuition fees, because now I can take a
step back and think well I can think more rationally, thinking oh they are
putting fees up for students, its awful, and I work in the environment where
I see a lot of students, I see how much money some of them have got and
its well, actually they could probably afford to pay a little bit more
Ceri, 24

Contemporary Events
Many of the respondents spoke of how their level of political engagement had been affected by
external political and social developments. Anna, for example, spoke of how her recent
unemployment meant that political and economic decisions were affecting her more than in the
past. In the data extract below, she suggested that 12 months earlier, when she had a job (and few
financial concerns), she had paid less attention to political events than she did at the time of being
interviewed:

I think a lot more things are affecting me now than a year ago. A year ago I
had a full time job and I had, you know I didnt have money worries and
therefore didnt take any notice of it. And now things are different. Things do
affect me so I am taking more interest in it...
Anna, 22

In addition to such specific examples as this, other respondents talked about wider overall trends

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within society which impacted upon political engagement. Young people who linked wider societal
trends with levels of political engagement were primarily those categorised as the very engaged
respondents. These included Ant, who in the data extract below describes how he perceived a
wide trend towards self-interest within society:

I dont know, maybe the priorities have changed, the I suppose there has
been people looking more towards themselves, how can they get
themselves you know sorted out and I suppose in one respect that is quite
good but they, you know people think too much about I need to make
myself rich and okay first ...if we look to politics and then make a decision
about changing everything, maybe it will affect me anyway, you know rather
than just taking care of themselves first
Ant, 24

Sally made a somewhat similar point to Ant, suggesting that individuals were increasingly looking
out for themselves rather than others, which resulted in a fragmented or atomised society. In the
data extract below she describes of how she perceives such self-interest to be problematic,
attributing it to overarching economic forces:

I think things have become more selfish lately... I think more and more
people are just looking at themselves and you know the media is not
helping and that has a big part to play in it because politics is what is best
for everyone and also it is- I think there is a huge disconnection going on,
people are not really aware of what is happening, or why it is happening-
you know, I am alright ... think it is a deep problem, I think it is a problem
that sprung from our culture and society at the moment so sort of in my
opinion, I think and I wasnt always like this...capitalist, materialist society
basically and it is- you are told you, you, you sell yourself all this kind of
thing and then they do and they dont care about politics, it is becoming
very separate
Sally, 23

Summary
This chapter has examined how respondents accounted for their experiences of political
engagement in relation to their personal backgrounds and circumstances. The respondents
identified such factors as education level, employment status, knowledge about political issues,
'passion' for political issues, parental input, geographical location, and ethnicity as key influences

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of their proclivity to engage with, or participate in politics. In focusing on the individual
characteristics of the respondents, it became clear that there were two distinct 'groups' identifiable
within the sample, one 'very engaged' with politics, the other 'very unengaged'. In using two such
groups to frame the discussion of individual factors that underpin political engagement, the chapter
drew upon Max Weber's use of 'Ideal Types'.

The chapter also examined the degree to which the 'Life Cycle' theory of political engagement was
evident within the data. Several respondents indicated that the nature and level of their
engagement with politics had changed in accordance with key developments as they grew older-
leaving school, entering the employment market, moving into independent accommodation. In a
similar vein, some respondents described how their political engagement had changed over time,
or in relation to wider events such as the economic crisis following 2008.

Following this chapters discussion of the importance ascribed to individual characterisitcs and
circumstances in accounting for political engagement, the next chapter examines how politics was
perceieved as somewhat remote from the lives of the respondents.

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5- REMOTENESS AND PROXIMITY
This second findings chapter examines ways in which, if at all, the young people, who took part in
the study, perceived politics affecting their lives. Two key themes emerged from the data, which are
recurrently evident throughout the chapter, are proximity and remoteness. That is, young peoples
accounts of political interest and engagement appeared to be informed in part by the extent to, and
ways in which, young people perceived themselves to be affected by or distanced from politicians
and the political issues which they were perceived to represent.

Proximity
Many respondents said that in order for young people to engage with politics, they must first
perceive political issues as affecting their everyday lives. A few respondents identified a direct link
between their own lives and political issues, including Tim, who spoke of how politics affects you
every day (Tim, 22). Likewise, Ashkir described even seemingly routine/mundane, everyday,
actions (such as waiting for a bus) as examples of how politics impacted upon the lives of
individuals:

As simple as just people waiting for a bus and the bus is not coming for
ages. Like a person you would think, like someone.... I am paying road tax,
I am paying this, I am paying that- why isnt the bus here?
Ashkir, 19

Several young people claimed that levels of political engagement reflected the degree to which
individuals perceived politics to affect them. Fran, for example, who was categorised as among the
very unengaged respondents, suggests below, that engagement with political events is most
pronounced where the issues are perceived as proximate to the individual:

But then when its happening around you, thats when its like whoa, it
could be your next door neighbour... its more real
Fran, 21

In a similar vein, in the following data extract, Matt uses a physiological analogy to illustrate the
importance of impact on individuals:

I think something has to relate for someone to find interest in it so I think

yeah the relation really, how it would affect them it hits you on the chest and

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 you find interest in something
Matt, 22

Some young people highlighted how relevance was a necessary precursor to political engagement.
From this position, any concerted attempt to increase engagement with politics would be rendered
futile where individuals perceived themselves as personally unaffected. In the data extract below,
Ceri claims that in cases where individuals do not perceive themselves as affected, no amount of
promotional literature or targeted campaigning will prompt engagement:

I dont think people are ever going to care until it is affecting them- I know it
is an awful thing to say. You can send all the flyers out and all the
campaigning and all the ads on Facebook you want, they will turn up to
vote... but they are not really going to care that much
Ceri, 24

Hence, most respondents claimed that for politics to be perceived as important to young people,
they must be perceived as relevant to the issues in which they are interested. In the data extract
below, Katie suggests that issues on the current political agenda are not the same as those of
importance to young people like herself:

They all talk about the NHS, schools and that, but there is nothing that they
themselves are interested in ... if there was more connection to things I am
interested in- the war, immigration, jobs ... It is more likely to get you more
involved if you have got a personal interest in it. If something happened to
the music industry I couldnt care less, but I have got friends who are into
music, they would get into that. But they wouldnt necessarily say anything
about the war or anything because they havent got an interest in it
Katie, 19

The respondents reported that engagement of young people might be increased by making more
explicit the links between the lives and interests of individuals and the issues in question. Here, Tim
suggested that the presentation of politics to young people should be tailored to their interests. He
argued that a young person who was a "maths and science kind of person", for example, was more
likely to be interested in issues such as fuel taxation, than someone with little interest in figures.
Other respondents claimed that self-interest was an important catalyst in creating engagement
among young people. In the data extract below, Ceri provides an example of how engagement
among young people might be successfully engendered through the use of meaningful
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interventions:

If you tell a young person right okay this party is going to take 50 a month
out of your wages and put it in a trust fund, and this party is going to top up
your wages by 50 and you can spend it yourself ... if there was a big
difference and it was going to impact them then they would maybe think
ooh, actually I like the idea of having a trust fund... or I dont like the idea
of someone taking my money... if it was going to directly affect them then
maybe they would have more of an interest ... people are selfish in the
sense that well why do I care if it doesnt impact me?
Ceri, 24

There were numerous examples evident within the data of respondents making direct links
between political issues and their own lives, and the lives of their significant others. For example,
some respondents who were unemployed attributed unemployment in part to the way in which
immigration was perceived to affect their own lives, or the lives of those close to them. In the data
extract below, Martin suggests that immigration had played a part in his personal inability to find
work after leaving school:

Immigration then. Its probably because that affects me a lot because in the
area now we are having a lot of people coming from other places, taking
jobs and that and its awkward for me then when I left school, especially
with the recession
Martin, 23

There were also examples of where respondents anticipated how current issues may affect them
indirectly, through the experience of other family members. Stelios, for example, said he was
worried about proposed changes to VAT because his parents were self-employed, as obviously
that affects me directly (Stelios, 18).

Some respondent accounts also focused how 'other' people were affected. For example, in the
data extract below, Angus recounts how the issue of immigration had impacted upon the
employment of a friend. He also extrapolates from his friends experience to ways in which others,
including himself, might be similarly affected:

A friend of mine got fired because he wouldnt take a pay cut. And the

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 manager just said to him for what I am paying you I could hire five Polish
people, which just puts more in my mind that its people coming in and
taking our jobs
Angus, 21

Several young people focused on the way in which political issues might affect their significant
others. For example, Greg discussed pension reforms, highlighting implications for his father:

My old man shouldnt be working now- hes 66 and hes still working you
know...so I would definitely bring that down
Greg, 24

Likewise, another young person spoke in positive terms about the National Health Service
following his fathers recent experience with dialysis treatment. Here, Ant claims to be more
supportive of the NHS following the level of care that his father had received:

Over the last 4 years my dad has been on dialysis so we have been very
interested in what people have had to say about the NHS... we get quite
passionate when people say bad things about the NHS, I suppose that is
one aspect we are quite defensive on, they have treated us quite well
Ant, 24

Other young people also spoke about how their families and communities were affected by war
and international conflict. Here, Greg said that recent proposals for funding cuts to the military had
increased his engagement with issues surrounding the military, because of his brothers direct
involvement:

Because my older brother is in the royal marines, anything that sort of

tends towards cutting cutbacks, and all that sort of thing, when it comes to
military I would perk up and read that I suppose... yeah me or close people
around me, definitely
Greg, 24

The link between interest in, and engagement with, specific issues and the perceived affect upon
the community was also evident in some respondent accounts. For example, Fran reported how
recently there was a man from just up the road and he got killed out in Afghan (Fran, 21),

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describing how the war had assumed increased importance to her following the impact on her
community of a local soldiers death.

Accounts of non-engagement also evoked the importance of perceived significance. A good

example of this was provided by Tim, when he talked about why he was not engaged by the issue
of climate change. Here, Tim explained that he did not perceive the issue as likely to affect his life
in the near future, and therefore did not perceive it to be of great significance. He did, however, add
the proviso that his level of interest in climate change may increase if the issue affected him later in
his life. In the data extract below, Tim describes how, although he has accepted the science behind
climate change, his lack of engagement is due to a perception of temporal remoteness from this
particular issue. Here he repeatedly uses the phrase it doesnt affect me to emphasise his
distance from the issue:

Eventually, in hundreds and hundreds- probably thousands of years ... I

dont think its happening quickly...as far as I am concerned it doesnt affect
me...Its like telling me ... youre going to die at 75... I will worry about that
when I am 74- it doesnt affect me ...I dont feel any sense of responsibility
about it and it doesnt bother me... we are responsible but it doesnt bother
me. It doesnt faze me, you know, I have got no interest in it- it is never
going to affect me and that is the problem ... I dont care, it doesnt affect
me
Tim, 22

A similar perspective on the relationship between time and engagement with particular political
issues was offered by Ceri, who suggested that, owing to her current position of relative comfort,
she did not perceive any particular political issues to greatly affect her life in a negative way, or in
her own words I dont have to worry. In the data extract below, however, she describes a concern
that she may be faced with unemployment and accommodation issues in the future:

I am in a bracket luckily where I cant see myself being affected very much
at all because the only person I really need to take care of is myself and my
outgoings arent very big. So personally I find myself quite fortunate that I
havent got a family, I havent got a mortgage, I have got what society
thinks you should have, you know ,at a certain point of your life. Yet
because I would be screwed ... I am not in a position- touch wood- where I
am worried about losing my job, you know I could turn up at work tomorrow
and get sacked, we all could, it is always around the corner, I feel relatively

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 secure at the moment in my work and I rent so I dont have to worry
Ceri, 24

Politicians
The respondents identified several ways in which they perceived politics as being remote from
their lives. Here, many of the young peoples accounts focussed particularly upon their perceptions
of politicians. Several respondents argued that the social background of politicians was typically
quite different to the lives and interests of the majority of the people whom they represented.
Hence, young people talked about how politicians were generally older men from privileged
backgrounds, with private educations, who represented a social elite, or the upper classes.
There were repeated references in the data to politicians having experienced relatively privileged
backgrounds in comparison to the young people themselves, in terms of money and status, with
respondents describing politicians in terms such as posh (Ceri, 24), or even really posh ... upper
class people (Greg, 24). In the data extract below, a young person contrasts politicians with the
wider population, using exaggerated imagery that denotes privilege and status:

A privileged person who is surrounded by money, basically on a throne of

money while the rest of us are out struggling
Angus, 21

Many young people also depicted politicians as being privately educated (Ashkir, Ceri, Martin), or
at least as having had a good education (Katie). Stuart, for example, claimed that for many young
people the word politics evokes a set socio-economic stereotype; one which is associated with
privilege:

You ask a young person what is politics and its a middle aged man- white,
Cambridge or Oxford, tie...
Stuart, 24

According to some respondent accounts, the relatively privileged backgrounds and education of
politicians, and the network of connections with which they were associated, provided them with an
advantage in pursuing a career in politics. In the data extract below, Katie suggests that occupying
senior positions in politics is typical for people from such backgrounds, acknowledging social
homogeneity among those holding political office. In the data extract below she suggests that this
homogeneity may, be self-perpetuating, implying a link between social class and political office:

From the ones I have seen they are normally all the same...... they havent
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 just sprouted up from nowhere
Katie, 19

Other respondents made links between socio-economic background and political engagement.
One such respondent was Mark, who claimed that individuals from backgrounds more advantaged
than the relatively deprived housing estate, where he was brought up, were more likely to follow
politics:

People in like higher quality environments would be more interested in

politics... Nice houses, no troublemakers
Mark, 18

Several young people who had described their own background as relatively deprived claimed that
politicians lacked credibility when making decisions that affected people like themselves. Here,
Ceri emphasised the gulf in social class between people like herself and a typical politician,
claiming that politicians from very advantaged backgrounds lacked credibility. Here she used
imagery which denoted an unequal power relationship, with the (male) politician located above
that of the ordinary person:

...some posh Etonian telling me about living in a council estate...on their

high horse and look down on people...what the hell does he know?
Ceri, 24

The perception that politicians lack authority was also highlighted by Anna, who claimed that
politicians lacked the necessary understanding of certain issues due to a lack of first-hand
experience. This was, she reported, because they did not experience the real hard life, and were
therefore unable to truly appreciate the experiences of those on whose behalf they made
decisions (Anna, 22). Ashkir, who also described politicians as far removed from the experiences of
lay people, challenged the legitimacy of their authority. In the data extract below he presents
politicians as emanating from social backgrounds, associated with relative comfort and advantage,
quite removed from the experiences of the majority of the electorate which they purport to
represent:

You see sort of men in suits making decisions, making sort of decisions on
behalf of the general public, you see a person who is privately educated,
who has had sort of a decent life, decent money, decent everything
deciding to make a decision on someone that is the complete opposite to

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 that, the opposite end of the spectrum, who is not very well off, who is very
he hasnt had a lot of money in life, they havent had a lot of opportunities
Ashkir, 19

Martin made a broadly similar point. However, whereas Ashkir and Ceri simply drew attention to
the stark contrast between the backgrounds of politicians and lay individuals, Martins account
raised issues of responsibility and blame. In the data extract below, politicians are presented as
both ignorant of the circumstances of their electorate, and arrogant:

A lot of them, I think, are arrogant. They think they know everyones
situation when they dont. I dont think they research into things as much as
they should, like they dont visit places that they are making decisions on....
so I think thats why I think they are arrogant really . . . . A lot of them come
from backgrounds where they have gone to private schools and things like
that and then they are making decisions for people then that have got none
of that
Martin, 23

In addition to making contrasts between their own backgrounds and those of politicians, several
respondents claimed that they would be more likely to engage with politicians whom they
perceived as having shared similar experiences to their own. For example, one young person
claimed that he would be more likely to support a politician who had risen to the position from a
relatively modest background:

Maybe if they come from the same sort of background as me I think that
would influence me, not born into it sort of thing. Starting off at the bottom
maybe and working their way up
Greg, 24

The allusion to moving up referenced in the above account resonates with Ceris earlier depiction
of the politician on a high horse looking down upon young people who are placed in a subordinate
position.

Many accounts highlighted a link between money and political ambition, with several young people
somewhat scornful of politicians whom they perceived as motivated by financial gain. For the most
part, young people reported that politicians should be treated equally to ordinary people, rather
than enjoying special privileges. Those like Fran, who suggested that politicians were primarily

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motivated by financial interest, were vehement in the opinion that access to expenses and/or perks
by politicians should be curtailed:

Money- they are all in it for the money. I dont understand how they can
make... They are controlling peoples lives. I think there should be a budget
on money and things but give the big bulks to the people that actually need
it, you know they have their petrol expenses paid for and youve had all this
stuff in the paper they have had holidays paid for and, I dont believe in all
that, they shouldnt have no perks. Its just a job at the end of the day they
should be on minimum wage like everyone else
Fran, 21

Issue of accountability were raised by many young people when discussing politicians. Generally
young people perceived politicians as overpaid, and many felt, like Anna, that remuneration should
be linked to performance:

Theres a lot of things in the news about MPs being paid loads and having
expenses and so I would cut that, you are not getting paid lots by me, you
are getting equally, you are getting paid sort of relevant to what you do...
Anna, 22

Finally, the level of remuneration and reward associated with the role was understood by some
young people to attract unsuitable individuals into politics. In the data extract below, for example,
Sally suggests that some individuals pursue a career in politics due to financial self-interest. This
she claims can result in the appointment of undesirable individuals to positions of power:

I think we have had a long line of politicians who have been, you know I
think a lot of people I would want to be in power wouldnt want to be in
power and so you get people who want to be in power going into power
and its sort of there is a lot of money there and again I get a lot of negative
connotations
Sally, 23

Men in suits
When asked about their perceived images of politicians, young people tended to depict bland
images of men wearing suits. Several respondents alluded to a sense of blandness and uniformity,
describing politicians as somewhat generic or lacking in identifiable features. One example of this

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was apparent from Tims account of a typical politician, who was depicted as largely faceless and
nondescript:

Probably, like I imagine a lot of people say, immediately I see, you know,
the grey suits, and Westminster... straight away, man in a suit. Not even- he
hasnt got a face, its just a suit in Westminster
Tim, 22

A similar portrayal was provided by Katie, whose image of a typical politician was equally generic
and indistinguishable from any other. In the data extract below, she suggests that politicians lack
distinguishing features, not only physically, but in terms of the overall way in which they behave:

They all mainly look the same, I think when you have got all the debates
and you see them on their podiums and that I am thinking oh right when
you are just standing there because they all look the same, they have got a
suit, tie, general haircut... they do all look the same. There is nothing to say
oh yeah I like him, or isnt that the guy with the ...? its just all normal, they
always conform to certain rules, they dont try to say yeah, I will try it this
way to see if people react differently to it, to what they know gets results.
Katie, 19

This faceless and nondescript image of politicians presented by young people was drawn on in
support of the contention that politicians generally were poorly equipped to represent the wider
electorate, and younger people in particular, on a number of counts. On one count it was notable
that the suited politicians described by the majority of the respondents were male rather than
female. Here, Sally highlighted a concern that an old man in a suit shouldnt be the representation
of humankind (Sally, 23). Indeed, several young people claimed that this reflected a wider problem
of gender imbalance within politics. The gender issue was picked up by several respondents
irrespective of their reported levels of interest/engagement in politics. For example, Jess, who was
categorised as among the very unengaged respondents, reported on gender inequality of
politicians:

I think there should be more ladies in there as well, there is a lot of men,
like I said, I think of old men and there should be more women in there
because there is not a lot at all is there? I think there is like 15 or something
Jess, 20

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The perceived lack of representation for women within politics was also perceived as problematic
from a policy perspective. Here, one young person noted that issues relating to female equality
were presided over by men, who lacked authority on such issues:

I think there is a frustration looking at like a male-dominated political

system and going do they know what affects women? And almost like what
kind of right do you have to decide on some issues? Things like equality
laws for women as well and like equal pay for women and stuff, you kind of
go well, you know most of you are men deciding this
Emma, 25

The image of politicians as typically male was also claimed, by respondents, to affect the number
of young women likely to become interested in politics. Hence, in the data extract below, Mark
suggested that young women might be more interested in politics if there were more female role
models:

Well... like theres gender, where girls wouldnt I dont know, they wouldnt
really want to listen to a male person because they would rather listen to a
female. Its more of a role model
Mark, 18

In addition to gender, several respondents suggested that the typical age of politicians was
problematic in terms of young peoples engagement. That is, the perceived age difference between
young people and the majority of politicians was understood as a barrier to engagement for most
young people. In the data extract below, Tim highlighted a difference between the majority of young
people in this respect, and the minority of those who were committed to, and involved in, politics as
a teenager:

The problem is you cant relate to politics or to politicians when youre 16 or

18, I dont think. You can if youre William Hague when youre 16 but no
one else is like that- normal people, average people arent like that
Tim, 22

In a similar vein, Libby claimed that a perceived lack of role models and representatives for young
people was problematic. In the data extract below she notes that young peoples perception of
politicians, as socially remote from themselves, serves to inhibit the inclination to engage with
politics:

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 Older gentleman in a suit, with white hair and glasses, that has had a really
good education and thats the main thing. There doesnt tend to be a lot of
younger people in politics and I think that that could be part of the problem
because mainly when youre younger- you dont, a lot of people dont have
that much of an interest in it
Libby, 20

To reiterate, young people highlighted the differences between themselves and politicians as a
barrier to interest in, and engagement with, politics. Unsurprisingly therefore, many of the young
people said they would be more inclined to engage with politicians whom they perceived as similar
to themselves. Here, respondents highlighted the importance of being down-to-earth, as opposed
to being remote or distanced in terms of attitudes and behaviours. The importance of initial
perceptions was particularly highlighted in accounts of respondents who talked about making snap
decisions about politicians based upon first impressions. Hence, Tanya described how initial
perceptions have longer term implications:

Their attitude, the way they are. They would have to show- do you know
what I mean when I say that someone looks caring and genuine. I would
have to see that. If I didnt see that, then no. And you can see it straight
away if someone is genuine or not
Tanya, 18

In making initial judgements about politicians, respondents owned to drawing on a range of visual
cues. One set of cues were clearly linked, in young peoples accounts, to outward appearance. We
have already seen how some respondents perceived politicians generally as nameless, faceless,
suited individuals. Specifically, clothing was highlighted by several young people as influencing
their perception of politicians. In the following data extract, for example, Angus describes some of
the qualities/characteristics which he attributes to politicians simply because of what they are
wearing:

I think what would put me off more is how they were dressed. If you could
see through, on a silhouette you can sometimes see if they are wearing a
shirt or a suit. If they are wearing a suit it might put me off slightly. It might
make me think they are just mainly in it for money. But if you can tell if
somebody is wearing I dont know more down to earth clothing you can see

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 shes going through the same stuff we are
Angus, 21

Some respondents talked about ways in which image manipulation might be achieved through
simply altering outward appearance and this in turn might increase engagement with politics
among young people. In the data extract below, for example, Greg claims that if politicians were to
eschew suits and ties in favour of an alternative look, young peoples perceptions of politicians as
remote from themselves may diminish:

Maybe have uniforms instead of wearing suits all the time, maybe have
uniforms, colour schemes for different parties- so Labour could have like
say Man United tops, but they wouldnt be football tops, you know what I
mean and you would have conservatives in a different strip kind of thing,
maybe just to mix it up a bit you know and make it more youthful. I think
you will find that people will think you are more approachable. Sort of more
like touchable if you know what I mean. Its like another world, another
country.
Greg, 24

In the above account, Greg, uses the analogy of touch to convey the importance of connection. We
have seen previously how respondents attributed much importance to the ability of politicians to
relate to young people. Interestingly, respondents did not necessarily expect politicians to be
perfect. In the following data extract, for example, Lisa reports that unlike some, who expect
politicians to live exemplary lives, she herself does not attach great importance to the way in which
politicians live their lives:

They want them to have the ideal family life as well, set an example and
things- you should listen to him because his life is really good, he has like
the perfect family... that kind of thing, when I dont think that necessarily
affects the way a person will work. I think in a way they should set an
example, but like say someone gets a bit too drunk and ends up in a fight
with someone I dont think that should be overly frowned upon because if it
doesnt affect the way that they work
Lisa, 20

Similarly, Katie suggested that she would have more sympathy for a politician whose personal life
was perceived to be realistic, rather than idealistic. Here it is again apparent that ability to relate to
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politicians as individuals was perceived by young people to facilitate interest in, and engagement
with, politics:

They dont say I am one of you- they have got the same problems as you
so help me to help you...Something to make them more interesting, not
the perfect school life, like all the kids, the wife, the house- all that stuff can
change, be different ... a bit more sort of... real, really... They dont live in a
posh house; they live in a normal street, with normal cars- kids who get into
trouble now and again
Katie, 19

This notion that politicians may be perceived more favourably where they are understood to be
human and more like us, was also apparent from Stuarts description of the recent death of the
Prime Ministers father. Here, Stuart spoke of how, despite his personal socialist loyalties, he had
more sympathy for David Cameron, as the news almost made him seem more human. Stuart,
who claimed this view was shared by several of his friends, drew attention to how the event had
undermined the differences between themselves and Cameron arising as a function of social class
and upbringing:

This white upper-middle-class public schoolboy is maybe going through

some of the things that were in their life and all of a sudden they feel that
they can actually relate to him
Stuart, 24

In addition to perceived demographic remoteness, some respondents spoke of feeling remote

from politicians in other ways. This derived from the perception, held by many respondents, that
the actions of politicians served to alienate and disengage young people. For example, Sally
claimed that her negative perception of politics was based upon politicians performances. That
is, Sally held that the people in power dont represent enough of the people they are
representing. This lack of perceived representation was apparent from respondent accounts of
themselves as political outsiders:

It doesnt make you feel like were involved in it much. It basically makes
me feel its the people around that table who make everything
Angus, 21

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The sense of being an outsider was also apparent from some respondent accounts of
consultation. Here, young people argued that politicians did not adequately consult the views of
those affected by their decisions. In the data extract below Greg suggests that too many decisions
are taken by politicians, whom he perceives as out-of-touch with the concerns of most people:

Thinking they know whats best without actually asking people. Just taking
it in their own hands and trying to make decisions that they think is right
instead of asking us lot. Its just like ugh, this is what I think will work and I
am going to do it sort of thing
Greg, 24

This view was echoed by Jess, who claimed that politicians make decisions without adequate
research and/or consultation. This, he argued, disproportionately affected those excluded from the
decision-making process. In the data extract below, Jess reinforces the characterisation of
politicians being above ordinary people and lives:

I just get the impression sometimes that they are above everyone, okay
not, thats the wrong word, but... I think they obviously, they dont always
take into consideration like the effects because its not really going to affect
them because really, is it? You know. What they decide, they are obviously
not going to get affected, I dont think they really you know, I think they
dont really do a lot of research personally.
Jess, 20

In addition to the general point about consultation made by many young people, some
respondents, like Mark, provided specific examples of where they perceived politicians were not
listening to the views of the electorate. On the subject of immigration, for example, Mark noted I
dont think they listen to the British people enough, they are doing more things for immigrants than
for the British people (Mark, 18).

Personality
Several young people also distanced themselves from what they perceived as the undesirable
personal qualities of some politicians, and politically-engaged acquaintances. Indeed, there was a
tendency among some respondents to use emotive adjectives and conjure up vivid images when
describing negative personal attributes of politicians. One respondent, for example, described
politicians as akin to cartoonish representations of wealth, from his youth:

111
 When I hear the word politician- have you ever done History? Well you
know you get those funny cartoons, the really fat guys surrounded by
money, smoking a cigar? I get those pictures in my head
Angus, 21

Likewise, Libby used a particularly vivid analogy to portray her understanding of the relationship
between politicians and ordinary people:

A big, fat pig sat in a chair just and sort of like loads of little ants to
represent the people in this country and the pig just sort of laughing
Libby, 20

One young person compared politicians to con artists (Greg), evoking connotations of deliberate
lying in order to achieve unethical personal gain. Another argued that politicians were sly
(James), denoting connotations of deceit and cynicism. Other disparaging adjectives used by
respondents to depict politicians included slimy and roguish (Ffion, 22) (to denote dishonesty, or
evasiveness), and arrogance and self-satisfaction:

Boring.... know it all.... annoying I find them extremely annoying, they have
all got annoying voices, and they all shout, they are just quite slimy... I think
they look quite up themselves if Im honest, dont they? And they are not
normal people, well they obviously are but they like to think they are not
when really they are
Gina, 21

It should be noted, however, that young people, like James, were often aware of the way in which
they evoked stereotypes to depict politicians, You just sort of know some are sly dont you? But
thats like a general stereotype isnt it? That theyre all liars and that Most respondent
comments, however, were more measured, albeit still highlighting perceived mendacity. Some of
these accounts centred on politicians evasiveness in the face of questioning. Lisa, for example,
accused politicians of avoiding direct questions:

Just like when people are asking normal questions and they try and evade
it if they dont want to answer it, and it would just be, in my opinion, a lot
better if they just gave them a straight answer
Lisa, 20
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Some young people claimed not trust anything that politicians say. For example, Libby reported
that like most of the people in this country ... I just dont believe a word that politicians say
anymore (Libby, 20). At least some of this mistrust was reportedly based on past experience.
Hence, below, Ant intimates how specific actions of UK and US leaders inform his mistrust of
politicians:

When I think of politicians I think of probably feel like maybe I dont trust
them, I probably think of somebody like Tony Blair, George Bush probably
come to mind. Something about lies that comes to mind
Ant, 24

Indeed according to many respondent accounts, mistrust of politicians was, at least to some
extent, experientially informed. Hence, young people talked about how continued
underperformance of elected representatives had led to them losing faith in politicians. One
example of this was offered by Heather who, in the data extract below, argues that politicians
reneging on, or failing to deliver commitments, has served to undermine public trust:

I think a lot of politicians have gone back on their word over the years, on
their policies and or havent come through with their policies and I have
found, I have heard sort of like from family members and people who have
voted before that they have said I shouldnt have voted for this party
because they havent delivered on their policies and things, so I think MPs
and the public have a lack of trust in MPs to deliver
Heather, 24

In focussing upon barriers to, and facilitators of, young peoples engagement with politics this
section has presented respondent perceptions of politicians as largely negative. Here, it is
important to note that not all perceptions of politicians were negative. Indeed, in many accounts
politicians were presented by respondents in a positive or sympathetic manner. It is also important
to note, however, that positive perceptions of politicians were more evident where there was a
perceived connection between the elected minister and his/her electorate, and more particularly
the respondent him/herself:

I think in any job when youre in the public eye there is going to be factor of
spin ...you are going to have to spin things in your favour. I mean any job
that you do, I think that makes people think that they are dishonest, but no
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 more so than anyone else in my eyes. I dont think anybody can say that
they are hand on heart honest in everything that they do because you want
to be liked and you want to be supported and you dont want to be
unpopular. And it is so important in politics to play that game and to win as
many votes as you can.
Ceri, 24

Hence, in more positive accounts, politicians were attributed personal characteristics and traits
which were perceived as rendering them less remote and more approachable. For example, while
negative accounts had focussed on the perceived generic or faceless persona of politicians ,
more positive accounts of politicians cited elected representatives most familiar to the young
people, such as a local MP. One such positive account of a politician was Anguss description of
his local MP, who he depicts below as approachable, hard-working, and effective:

Julie Morgan, who is an MP for Labour ... you dont just see her around
election times, she is always holding surgeries where you can go and talk
to her, she is the one my family has dealt with. My family had problems
getting a new kitchen in so they got on the phone to her and she did the
best she can to sort it out
Angus, 21

In the above account, the favourable rendition draws on the respondents positive past experience
of his local politician. Favourable impressions of local politicians were not, however, always related
to direct individual experience. Some accounts highlighted the perception that a local MP was
generally helpful to the community. Here, for example, Ashkir, who spoke of how a local MP had
supported, over a long period of time, the community of Somalians living in Cardiff:

To be fair our MP Alun Michael, like he has been where I am from, the
Somalian community he has been an MP for decades and he has helped
the community a lot
Ashkir, 19

Similarly, in the data extract below Tim drew on second-hand knowledge about the same politician
in a positive account of his local MP whom he described as engaged:

Alun Michael, do you know who he is? He has been the MP here since 87

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 and by all accounts ... superb, really engaged ...by all accounts he was a
good MP
Tim, 22

In addition to politicians known (either through first-hand experience or through experiences of

significant others), respondents also identified nationally-known politicians that they admired or
respected. For example John Prescott and Boris Johnson were both described in positive terms for
being extraordinary or different from other politicians. These politicians were presented quite
differently from the nameless, faceless stereotypes described by many respondents. In the data
extract below, Greg describes admiration for John Prescott for acting in an unusual/unexpected
way when he physically assaulted a protester during the 2001 election campaign. Here Prescott is
admired for acting outside his role, in a way which renders him more human than other politicians:

John Prescott- I remember seeing the clip on the internet of when he

punched that guy that egged him, that was pretty cool. Yeah, I liked that
Greg, 24

Another way in which respondents depicted John Prescott positively, was in reference to his social
class and (relating to this) his perceived down-to-earth attitude. This again can be contrasted to
the earlier accounts of politicians perceived as aloof and/or privileged. In the data extract below
Ceri suggests that Prescotts working class background gives him increased credibility in relation
to many social issues. This account contrasts highly with her previously reported perception of
politicians as generally emanating from a privileged background and therefore lacking authority:

I like John Prescott. A lot of people dont. I think what you see is what you
get and he is pretty much, he is a working class guy so I am like well he
actually knows what he is talking about
Ceri, 24

Being down-to-earth was also described as an attractive characteristic of the US President, Barack
Obama. In the data extract below, Stuart suggests that this perception of the president as an
ordinary guy means that the electorate understand him as someone they can relate to:

With Obama, he is a black man, hes real, he talks on the level of... and that
is the thing, people feel like they can relate
Stuart, 24

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While data presented thus far suggest respondents generally related better to politicians with
whom they perceived some kind of connection, some young people argued that it was necessary
for politicians to be different from the general electorate. Here, it was argued by some young
people that the job carried out by politicians is not easy, and by implication, not everybody could do
it. Hence, one young person, albeit only one of the respondent group, claimed that politicians
should be paid a lot more (Jack). There was also some sympathy expressed by young people
regarding the expectations put upon politicians. Ceri, for example, sympathised with the public-
facing nature of the role, arguing that no individual with high levels of media exposure could
reasonably claim to be consistently honest. In the quote below she argues and that the nature of
electoral politics means that politicians must attempt to maintain popularity, and linked to this, carry
out a certain level of spin;

I think in any job when youre in the public eye there is going to be factor of
spin ...you are going to have to spin things in your favour. I mean any job
that you do, I think that makes people think that they are dishonest, but no
more so than anyone else in my eyes. I dont think anybody can say that
they are hand on heart honest in everything that they do because you want
to be liked and you want to be supported and you dont want to be
unpopular. And it is so important in politics to play that game and to win as
many votes as you can
Ceri, 24

Another characteristic identified by young people, which was perceived to set some politicians
apart from the general public, was personal charisma. In the following quote, Obama is attributed
by Ffion with personal charisma along with a number of other positive characteristics which set him
apart from other (notably UK) politicians:

In America they had Obama and he was just like ridiculous, you couldnt
have made him up, if you wrote a film about somebodys life. You could not
sit down and create a character as amazing as him. Looks, charisma,
charm, intelligence... he has got, literally- oh, he should be the president of
the world, forever, it would just be amazing. If you look at the people weve
got to choose from and youre like hmmm...
Ffion, 22

Another politician endowed with personality by respondents was Boris Johnson, who was

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described as both charismatic and cool. Here again young people highlighted the differences
between this particular political figure and faceless ... talking suits (Donna, 20) discussed
previously. In addition to having personality and charisma, Johnson was also perceived by some
young people as a regular guy, who connected with ordinary people. It was this type of approach
which most young people claimed would increase engagement with politics:

I like Boris Johnsons approach. Yeah, he is not scared to roll his sleeves
up and have a go, you like see him out in London on bikes and things.
Yeah, I think that kind of approach would help
Greg, 24

It was interesting to note that young peoples preferences for politicians as individuals was not
necessarily affected by their political allegiances. Political affiliation was not cited as a factor
causing respondents to either like or dislike specific politicians, although some young people
owned to liking some politicians despite their political allegiances. For example, Boris Johnson and
David Cameron were described as likeable despite being Conservative. Hence, Donna for
example prefaced her positive account of Boris Johnson, with I know hes a Tory, but ... (Donna,
20). Similarly, Ffion noted, Even though I hate to say it, and I am not a fan of the Conservatives at
all, but David Cameron is so likeable (Ffion 22).

It is also of note that relatively few Welsh politicians (Alun Michael and Julie Morgan) were cited
among the 'positive' accounts of politicians provided by young people, and indeed the overall lack
of reference by respondents to Welsh politicians arguably reinforces the point that politics were
regarded as something that happened remotely from the young people in the sample group.

'Political' people
A small minority of young people, among those who had been categorised as unengaged in
politics, described politics as quite a nerdy thing to be into (Donna, 20). Certainly among these
respondents, politics was understood to be an interest/activity better suited to older people:

You cant relate to politics or to politicians when youre 16 or 18 I dont

think- normal people, average people arent like that
Tim, 22

While not necessarily representative of the views of the wider sample, the following data extract
illustrates an association made by some young people in the study between their perceptions of

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political agents, in this case a local candidate, and their own engagement in political activity:

This boy I know called Toby (note: 4), he is the Labour candidate in our
local region ...and I just think of him- he is quite short and he wears
glasses, hes from near Cardiff, hes a student. And he is just such a...
oh...hes so slimy and just dodges questions and hes just so arrogant and
so obnoxious and I just think- he is the reason that I am put off
Ffion, 22

Certainly there was some evidence of respondents distancing themselves from what they
perceived as fanatical political views and their proponents. Here, respondents talked about
conspiracy theorists and the delusional:

I used to live with this guy and he would this guy is a proper conspiracy
theorist, and he was saying how the government put fluoride in our water
...its to chill you out so you dont stand up for your rights and stuff, hes like
they want you to back down they want you to just be sitting there watching
Eastenders, they dont want you to rally and I know he is like insane but he
used to think that the Americans did 9/11
Ceri, 24

Evident in respondent accounts, irrespective of young peoples personal interest/engagement in

politics, was a general dislike of those, especially other younger people, who were perceived as
overtly political, or in other words as political fanatics. An example of this is provided by Katie who,
in the following data extract, suggests that people can behave in an overbearing manner when
discussing politics. Here. She describes the impact this can have on others:

As long as they dont try and force their views on other people, they can
think and do what they like. A friend of mine, his grandfather is in really
heavily into politics and he is a Conservative and he is trying to get his
grandson and that into it as well. All of our friends, they dont really do
politics so they are taking the mick out of him
Katie, 19

Likewise, James suggested that those heavily engaged with politics may be poor company if they
bang on about political topics. Here, James described a thin line between being interested in

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politics, and being fanatical about it: I will take it or leave it. I like to know whats going on, but I will
never be massively interested and bang on....

Location, location, location

Some young people described a sense of their own geographical remoteness from the political
world. Here, they distinguished between, for example, London-based decision-makers and the
location of those about whom decisions were made. The sense of geographical remoteness was
apparent in the way in which some young people, when talking about what politics meant to them,
linked their accounts to specific places/buildings. The types of location cited by the respondents,
which were mainly in London, included Westminster (Tim, Ceri), the House of Commons
(Martin, Emma), the Houses of Parliament (Donna, Ffion), and "Downing Street... sort of official
buildings" (Ant, 24). Interestingly no reference was made local institutions, such as the Senedd
building in Cardiff which is the seat of Welsh Government. However, reinforcing the importance of
connection, through location, one first language Welsh speaker argued that laws affecting Wales
should not be made remotely:

It seems a bit stupid for our laws to be made outside of Wales- whats the
point? Were Welsh, we make our own. Everywhere else has got their own
law, so why shouldnt we? I know were small and stuck on the side of
England. If it only affects Wales, why not make it in Wales?
Katie, 19

Some respondents expressed unease about engaging with politics on a UK rather than a local
scale, perhaps reflecting a tension between the different physical levels (local and UK) at which
politics takes place. Certainly, some young people were concerned that they themselves should be
more engaged with local politics and issues. Hence Emma said, I am really bad about knowing
anything about local politics, I havent got a clue for the most part (Emma, 25), while Ant spoke of
how he did not pay as much attention to my local area as I should do (Ant, 24).

Many respondents perceived themselves as even more removed from events occurring on the
world stage. Here, it was argued, that because some decisions made and acted upon, by more
powerful nations were beyond the control of the UK, individuals felt disempowered:

America could sweep in and interfere and do something and it will affect us
or like a bank will collapse somewhere else, and that will affect us and
theres things beyond your control as well
Emma, 25
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This position was echoed by Angus who argued that the locus of political power was in the USA
rather than the UK, which, he suggested, meant that that the leaders of the UK were subordinate to
those in America decision-making in respect of decisions affecting the lives of British people:

Well I think the person in charge of the country isnt the British at all, I
reckon its the Americans who have more of an influence. Its like they are
telling our Prime minister what to do and he is just blindly following it
Angus, 21

The perceived need to connect to both political figures and political issues, which is apparent
throughout his chapter, was also evident in the way in which Tim evoked an association between
identity and engagement. Tim who was not from Wales originally, described himself as a non-
Welsh resident of Wales. This, he reported, undermined his engagement with Welsh affairs. His
anticipated future location out of Wales further served to undermine any inclination to engage:

I feel less engaged with Welsh issues... probably because I am not Welsh. I
dont see myself being here all my life, if they cut things in Wales it probably
wont affect me that much longer there is a niggling thing at the back of
my mind saying you dont need to worry about that, its a Welsh issue
Tim, 22

While not all young people talked about distance from politicians, and political issues, in physical
terms, the concept of distance as well as disconnection was evoked in different ways.

Some young people, for example, talked about a disconnection between political decision making
and those affected by the decisions made. Here, for example, Ashkir argued that that political
decision making was based upon the aggregation and synthesis of statistics, which were far
removed from the needs/preferences of the electorate:

There is a system there is something in place that allows them to make

decisions... data collected, percentages, yeah-numbers on a piece of
paper. Then I think the government makes a decision based on what they
can see on that piece of paper, not what they can see outside amongst the
masses, so that is how I think of it, that comes back to the whole politicians
being out of touch....

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 Ashkir, 19

In a similar vein, Sally described a sense of disconnection between the politician who creates
legislation and the individual to whom the law applies. In the data extract below, Sally highlights
this point with an example from her own experience:

The House of Parliament is just disconnected from each region....if people

want to smoke weed or something... what, some guy in a building in
London is telling me I cant have a joint? What!!!?
Sally, 23

The perception of politics as geographically remote from the respondents resonated with their
accounts of out-of-touch politicians presented previously. This was typified in Martins account,
when he said they (politicians) cant understand our situation as well, because they live in London
(Martin, 23).

To reiterate, distance was presented in respondent accounts in different ways. This included, as we
have seen, horizontal distance, and also vertical distance. Sally, for example, perceived politics to
on a higher level, remote from the daily lives of individuals. She spoke of politics as "the highest
level of power and control in society", which may as well be a different planet (Sally, 23). Other
respondent accounts alluded to subordination and coercion between politics and the individual,
with the locus of political power being external to the individual, who was obliged to obey rules and
legislation. James, for example, referred to politics as both controlling and omnipotent:

I just sort of see it as law-making and sort of controlling, but yeah, like it
involves everything, it has an influence on literally everything we do
James, 19

Similarly, other young people, like Mark and Ashkir, talked about politics in term of obligations
placed upon the individual: "the way we have to abide by the rules" (Mark, 18), and the inability for
individuals to control events, with choices being made for you (Ashkir, 19).

Jargon & Accessibility

The remoteness which young people highlighted in respect of politicians, and the issues they
represented, appeared to be exacerbated by their perceptions about the language of politics. Many
respondent accounts suggested that the inaccessible language used in politics was a barrier to
political engagement. Some spoke of how they struggled to understand some political language
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and were therefore intimidated. One respondent who described politics as difficult to follow was
Matt, who claimed that the style of language used by politicians was particularly off-putting to
young people:

I am taking more interest. But even now I think its so easy to switch off,
especially for young people because there is so much sort of, how can I put
it? Different terms and pronunciations and a lot of people wouldnt
understand, like myself, I dont understand at the moment ... Party names
and the titles and all that sort of stuff, and I think the way they generally talk
as well. I think its not straight to the point, they beat around the bush and
people start to switch off immediately then you know ... I think better
wording ... I think it needs to be made a lot simpler for young people to find
it interesting ... I think there is a lot of confusion and I think it needs to be
broken down a bit
Matt, 22

In the quote below, Matt went on to claim that he would be more likely to take an interest in politics
if it was easier to understand and therefore less intimidating:

I dont think people get the opportunity to have an input and I think people
may feel, how can I put it? May feel sort of ... like small to have an input...
they may feel insecure because I mean the thing is, that environment with
all the terminology, all the titles and party names, I think for young people or
anyone may feel intimidated to have an input into that environment. So I
think that pushes people away again
Matt, 22

Some young people suggested that the use of convoluted language by politicians was deliberate;
intended to reduce the participation of the socially disadvantaged and excluded. The perceived
attempt by politicians to exclude, was described as aggravating by respondents like Angus,
although in the data extract below he also argues how that politicians mistakenly believe that
complicated language is appealing to lay people like himself:

They just bore me- its like rather than talk sense, they are using words, we
dont want them to know, they are making it seem to educated so the
common people we cant listen to it properly... I reckon its deliberate, to

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 confuse us. I think they feel that the bigger the words they use, it attracts us
more to them which is wrong. If they keep it simple so we can follow it. It
makes it more attractive to us
Angus, 21

The perceived misuse of language by political agents, which they intended to mislead, was evident
in several of the young peoples accounts. Here, for example, Stuart, suggested that past
governments have intentionally used jargon-heavy language to obfuscate unpopular policy
decisions. In the data extract below, he suggests that governments rely on unpopular legislation
being complex and inaccessible in order to secure its passage through the legislative process:

Certain past governments, particularly some past Conservative

governments, have been worried that actually if people could understand
what they wanted to do, they wouldnt get it through
Stuart, 24

In the data extract below, Stuart went on to argue that specific and difficult political events are kept
secret from the general public. Here he argued for increased transparency within politics in order to
increase engagement:

A lot of politics is done behind a smokescreen, as you know, only certain

things are made available... the war in Iraq, and they will look at all of these
documents and all of these things that are only released to them and in 30
years time they will be released to everybody, but for now they are just
released to them ...I would like to see it so that people could actually at
least be able to make their mind up to a greater extent
Stuart, 24

The importance of accessibility was highlighted by respondents when they talked about the political
party leaders debates which were televised in 2010 prior to the UK general elections. Here, Stuart
noted how because the debates were conducted/presented in a way which was accessible they
had increased levels of interest in politics among young people:

What it actually did was brought politics down to a level in which people
who really werent interested in politics ... I think is just a case of making
things much easier for people to understand... because if young people feel

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 like they are intelligent, and important, and involved, they are much more
likely to stay involved and stay enthused and feel like they can make a
difference
Stuart, 24

Other respondents claimed that the format of the debates had enabled some politicians to appear
more accessible and more human. In the data extract below Ashkir describes how while the
issues themselves were interesting, it was the way in which politicians presented themselves- the
images of themselves which they portrayed- that had grabbed popular attention. Again it is
interesting to note here how the focus upon politicians themselves appears to eclipse young
peoples perceptions of the issues which they represent:

I found that interesting but with the debates I was like I remember again,
coming back to the whole political discussion with my friend, it wasnt more
of an issues thing, it was more of a the way you look to people the way you
present to people and do you know the first American debate in 1961 or the
Nixon Kennedy one, that one, when you look at that that was nothing to do
with political issues, that was the way he was portrayed the guy was cool,
he was suave, he was like, he could talk whereas the other guy was
sweaty, he was uncomfortable. This one was more sort of ... a bumbling
Gordon Brown, sparkling Nick Clegg, and a mediocre David Cameron
Ashkir, 19

Summary
This chapter has focused on respondent perceptions of politics as being remote from their lives.
The chapter began with respondents suggested that in order for political engagement amongst
young people to increase, then outcomes from the political 'world' must be understood as
impacting upon their daily lives.

Politicians were identified as key actors in this chapter, with many respondents describing their
perceptions of politicians as being socially and physically remote from the lives of ordinary people
as impacting on their perceptions that politicians were willing or able to address their concerns.
Other accounts focused on politicians as being bland or 'indistinguishable', with similar adverse
consequences for political engagement among young people- with a notable few 'charismatic'
exceptions to this rule also identified.

The other key point that this chapter identified was the link respondents identified between jargon

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and political engagement. Many of the group suggested that the complicated or technical language
used by politicians represented another form of remoteness form the daily lives of ordinary people,
which caused them not to engage with politics.

This chapter has examined how perceptions of proximity and remoteness underpinned respondent
accounts of political engagement. The next chapter examines the key barriers and drivers which
were described as either inhibiting or enabling their engagement with politics.

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6- BARRIERS AND DRIVERS
This third findings chapter focuses on the respondent accounts of barriers to, and facilitators of,
political participation and engagement. A key issue underpinning respondent accounts of
engagement in politics was perceived efficacy. That is, many young peoples enthusiasm for
political engagement appeared tempered by a perception that their involvement would make little
or no difference. For example, in the data extract below, Libby claims that her engagement with
politics had recently declined because she felt it would be to no great effect:

I used to take some form interest in it before but I dont really any more
because it doesnt seem like there is a lot that you can do
Libby, 20

In regard to international, and world events in particular, the certainty of some respondents, that
their involvement would not make a difference, appeared to underpin a sense of ineffectuality. In
the quote below, Fran, for example, says that despite being passionate about the war in
Afghanistan, she recognises her own powerlessness over such events:

I dont believe our men should be over there and that its wrong ... There is
no use working yourself up and shouting because you cant change it...I
know for definite I could never change the world so I dont really think about
it
Fran, 21

The respondents appeared divided about the efficacy of political participation as part of a larger
group. Some, like Fran for example, claimed that involvement was futile even where a shared view
or cause was involved:

I find everybody feels the same, but there is no use working yourself up
and shouting because you cant change it
Fran, 21

Other young people, however, appeared to distinguish between the perceived effectiveness of
groups versus individuals. Hence group action was generally understood as more effective than
individual action, which was perceived as unlikely to have any impact. In the data extract below,
James suggests that while individuals might be effective in respect of relatively minor issues, this
was unlikely in regards to larger issues:

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 If its small scale then you have got a chance of making a difference ... if
you want, say, the goals to be taken down on the park...but on a big scale,
on really important issues I dont think you can make a difference
James, 19

While Emma, cited below, agreed that individuals working alone were less effective than groups,
she also highlighted how the effect of any intervention may not be immediate but gradual and
piecemeal:

I think realistically, you know, it takes more than one person and more than
one set of ideas to change things, and things do take time to change kind
of thing and thinking about kind of you know the impact... as one person
you cant change everything, and certainly cant do it overnight
Emma, 25

In addition to the perception, held by some respondents, of their ineffectuality in regard to change,
some understood their own input to be pointless for other reasons. Anna, for example, said she
was reluctant to participate in politics because she perceived that her input was somehow not
required. Hence, she argued that her political views were already adequately represented and
thus she did not feel obliged to engage or participate because, I think my view is the view of
many (Anna, 22). While many young people perceived their input as either pointless or
unnecessary, there was some acknowledgement that this was associated with ethical implications.
That is, if this view was shared collectively, then nobody would ever participate in politics:

I feel like I should probably do something, maybe its a little bit in my mind
thinking well, what can one person do, such as me? But I suppose then you
are thinking if everyone thought like that then no one would do it you know
so I do feel an element of guilt in not doing anything
Ant, 24

While young people generally reported that groups were more politically efficacious than
individuals, not all groups were perceived as equal. In particular, certain group were perceived to
exercise more political power than others. Here, respondents argued that the socially privileged
wielded more power than those socially disadvantaged. Hence, young people, like Angus, who
perceived themselves to be less socially advantaged than others, claimed to have less power than

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socially advantaged individuals. This, he suggested, was because socially advantaged groups had
more in common with politicians, than those less advantaged like himself:

I dont think any one person can make a difference at all. Sometimes I dont
even think a group of people can make a proper difference- its all on what
the politicians want put in. We say we want something, they want
something else in and they say it will affect us the same or it will affect us
better but it doesnt. It always hits us badly
Angus 21

The perception that socio-economic position strongly informs a groups capacity to influence
political decisions was echoed by Greg in the extract below, who claimed that he would be more
inclined to engage with, and participate in, politics were he more closely aligned socially with those
in political power. Hence he argues:

If I could actually make an impact then I possibly would (participate), yeah...

again it comes to class doesnt it? Its sort of the middle and upper class
that run the country and deal with that sort of issues, and we just sort of tag
along, so thats how I look at it anyway
Greg, 24

Capturing succinctly the views of many young people taking part in the study, in the data extract
below Libby suggests that young people perceive social class and education as key to efficacy in
affecting political change. She also notes that age and inexperience of young people works against
their perceived ability to contribute in the eyes of wider society:

A lot of young people seem to have the opinion that you cant really change
anything so unless youre older and come from a decent background and
have a good education then what you say really doesnt matter ... You get
taken more seriously as you get older, whereas when youre younger you
have no idea how things work
Libby, 20

Perceptions of powerlessness evident among the respondent group, lent a defeatist air to some
young peoples accounts. This appeared to affect not only their perceived inability to change the
present, but also the perceived inevitability that events or policies anticipated would come to pass.

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For example, Ceri provided a pessimistic account of the current Governments proposed policy of
spending cuts. As she demonstrates in the data extract below, even though the policy was not yet
implemented a sense of inevitability and resignation is apparent in her account:

We have got another two years of this government there is nothing we can
do now, they are going to do what they want to do. I dont know it is a
defeatist attitude and you feel they are going to do it anyway there is
nothing I can say that is going to stop them making cuts its too late now.
They have done what they are going to do.
Ceri, 24

Voting
Some of the young people in the study spoke in negative terms about their perceptions of voting.
Underpinning these respondent perceptions was the understanding that voting would not create
change. In the data extract below, Donna claims that many young people are convinced that voting
is not worthwhile because of its ineffectuality:

I think a lot of young people just arent really interested in it because it is

such a world away from, like, what we live in- it just seems like oh if I vote
its not going to make a difference and like its really hard trying to
convince people that if you do vote you can change.
Donna, 20

One young person, Matt, who was largely sceptical about voting, perceived no personal benefit to
be gained. Hence his past disinclination to vote was linked to the understanding that it would make
no difference to himself, whether he voted or not:

I have never voted, although I would like to this year... just never thought it
would have any effect, you know what I mean? On myself like
Matt, 22

For some respondents, scepticism about voting was experientially based. Hence, for example,
Heather claimed that the recent General Election had not heralded any changes to her life. This
point is interesting also because of the respondents expected immediacy of change following the
election of a new government to power. Here, Heathers narrative suggests unrealistic expectations
of the political process, with very little policy changes likely to have been implemented between the

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General Election in May 2010 and the interview taking place in October:

I dont feel that there has been any immediate change to my life...nothing
changed; nothing has changed in my life since the election
Heather, 24

Some young people, primarily those who were categorised among the very engaged respondents,
who maintained faith in the electorate system, were nonplussed by what was perceived as the
failure of elected candidates to follow through on pre-election promises. Hence, while these young
people were less sceptical than those who rejected voting as a futile exercise per se, they also
perceived their expectations to be unmet:

That is one of my frustrations at the minute, its like are we getting what we
vote for? You know if you went by sheer numbers of people who said I
want this, this or this, be it at a local level even, or at a national level, you
kind of go well, are we getting that?
Emma, 25

Other respondents, like Sally, who were likewise categorised as 'very engaged', also experienced
the electoral system as disempowering:

You have a vote slip, but you dont feel like you have power at all
Sally, 23

In some cases the electoral system itself was perceived to discriminate unfairly. The first-past-the
post electoral system used in UK General Elections, for example1, allocates a single parliamentary
seat to the candidate with the highest number of votes in a particular geographic constituency.
Here respondents talked about wasted votes and used adjectives such as futile, to express
dissatisfaction with what they perceived to be an unfair system, where particular constituencies are
regarded as safe bets in terms of the party that is likely to win the seat. In such areas, where one
party was understood to have an historical stronghold, those supporting alternative political parties
anticipated failure from the outset. It was this anticipation of failure that fuelled young peoples
dissatisfaction with voting. Hence, for example, while Sally voted in the recent general election, she
doubted the efficacy of doing so:

1
The National Assembly for Wales uses a form of proportional representation whereby a PR list of 20 tops
up 40 first-past-the-post seats.
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 (Voted?) Yes I did... first time; yeah it was actually, yeah... I voted Liberal. It
was Valleys... and it did feel futile because its a Labour seat
Sally, 23

Young people also acknowledged the futility of voting for political parties perceived as no-hopers.
Here as apparent in the above points, individual votes which were not anticipated to realise their
objectives, were understood as redundant. Hence, for example, Heather argued the futility of
voting for a political party which has little chance of success, theres no point in voting for the Lib
Dems because not enough people would, so it would be a wasted vote.

Some young people highlighted how the possibility of electing a candidate of choice depended on
other factors outside of their control. Hence, for example, the chances of a Labour candidate being
elected in a Conservative stronghold were deemed negligible. Here, electoral possibilities were
understood as a function of where voters lived:

A lot of my friends live in Wilmslow, which is George Osbornes

constituency... they dont vote Conservative, and that means they have no
representation
Jack, 21

Those respondents that were more knowledgeable about the electoral system demonstrated a
more sophisticated understanding of the implications for the election of their candidate/party of
choice. Angus, for example, argued that because the major political parties win a disproportionate
number of seats, they are likely to dominate government for the foreseeable future:

And the voting system, you know no matter who... if everyone in Britain
votes for UKIP right now Labour or Conservatives would still be on the
bench. They will still win the election because is its a stupid first past the
post system... The amount of votes they got is nowhere near the amount
the amount of seats they should have. They got a lot more seats for a lot
less votes... it is a wasted vote.
Angus, 21

Another reason for scepticism about voting, provided by some respondents, was lack of

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identification with any particular political party or candidate. In the data extract below Ashkir, in
accounting for not participating in the recent general election, distances himself from apathy about
voting. Rather, Ashkir argues, he did not vote because he had no sense of affiliation or
engagement with any of the major political parties or their representatives:

I didnt vote during the thing- I was able to vote but I didnt vote.... I dont
know why one of the reasons was I couldnt identify with sort of the
mainstream political parties, to be honest, I cant say I looked at many
other, not I looked but I sort of it didnt really interest me... in terms of
looking at the bigger picture I couldnt really see who I wanted to vote for. It
wasnt a case of oh I cant be bothered to vote, I dont want to vote, it was a
case of why should I go out? Why should I give someone my vote when I
am not going to vote for the sake of it?
Ashkir, 19

Not all elections were accorded the same status by respondents, which appeared to affect their
inclination to vote. The UK General Election of 2010 was regarded by some as having greater
significance than recent elections in 2005 and 2001- in the case of both of which the majority of
respondents would have been too young to have voted. Ceri claimed that she had been more
engaged by the 2010 election due to the outcome being perceived as less predictable, rather than
recent election in which the result was regarded as somewhat inevitable:

I must have just been 18, you know the general election, I went ... Labour
were due to win again and things like that and I dont think there was as
much of a kerfuffle. This year there was, because obviously things were a
lot more unstable, and obviously no one really knew how this election was
going to go right until the end
Ceri, 24

Some respondents talked about practical issues when accounting for non-voting. For example,
Gina described how a combination of long working hours and her mothers failure to arrange postal
registration had prevented her from voting. Hence, in the data extract below Gina describes how
personal circumstances, rather than disinterest, apathy or disinclination to vote, were the reasons
for her non-turnout in the 2010 general election:

No... well I usually vote, but this year my mum didnt send off my postal
vote and I was working so by the time I got home my polling station for me
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 is at the bottom of my road, so that had already closed by the time I got
home and I couldnt go there because I didnt have my vote. You know you
need the postal vote or you need that card thing, my mum hadnt done it
either so she forgot to do it
Gina, 21

Likewise, several other young people cited practical reasons for not voting. However, in some
cases these respondents acknowledged that practical issues were compounded with a lack of
interest in, or perceived connection to, politics. For example, Ffion described how a combination of
University timetabling and the election registration deadline served to deter her from voting.
However, at the same time she indicated that the lack of prior organisation, necessary for her to
overcome these barriers, was due in part to a disconnection between herself and politics:

Well I didnt vote, just gone- I was going to vote but didnt register soon
enough... I would have voted, it just all came down to not registering and
then I couldnt get home to register to vote because I think I had an exam...
yeah, had an exam, so yeah, because I didnt vote I think I am yeah a bit
unconnected to the political world
Ffion, 22

Not all young peoples accounts of voting were negative. What is notable here is that positive
accounts of voting were mostly linked to electoral circumstance whereby the respondents
preferred candidate was perceived as in with a chance. In addition, while respondents were largely
sceptical about the impact of their individual vote, some acknowledged that the combination of a
large number of individual votes might make a difference to the outcome of a seat:

Some are just like oh well, whats one vote? But if 1,000 people in one
constituency did that ...it might have gone a different way
Heather, 24

As the constituency of the respondent cited above was decided by less than 300 votes in the 2010
General Election, her perception of the importance of an individual vote is perhaps unsurprising.

While many respondents were quite sceptical about voting, in terms of its perceived efficacy, a few
young people valued the experience as an opportunity to express their preferences. For these
respondents voting was presented as an act symbolising engagement, and was valued for its own

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sake. As indicated in the data extract below, for Emma voting was the culmination of her political
interest and involvement:

(Voting)...it felt kind of- it did feel very good, it felt like making kind of
statement like this is what I want... after being quite involved, and taking
quite a big interest in it, it was really important to actually, you know, bother
to go and vote
Emma, 25

The same respondent went on to suggest that the act of voting, or in other words participating in
the electoral system, afforded a certain legitimacy regarding the expression of political opinion that
non-voters lacked:

... it would have felt really wrong to like you know rant and rave for weeks
going up the election, going, you know, What is he on about? What is he
on about? kind of thing and then not bother to vote... If you take an interest
and you are active in politics, which just means like you vote in my opinion
in that you kind of almost that earns you the right to moan about the
country and stuff, whereas if you dont take any interest and you just
generally moan about the country and dont vote as well, I just kind of think
well do something about it, even if its just simply voting
Emma, 25

Politicians as barriers/drivers
When talking about how social issues might best be pursued, many respondents claimed that
contacting a local representative would be one of their first options. Some young people focussed
on the local area, like Matt, who identified local councillors as a starting point for pursuing political
causes. A few young people claimed to have links with local council representatives, whom they
contacted in regard to local issues. Jack, for example, described contacting councillors as an
effective way to address local concerns:

I know personally a few councillors for the area and they are very
reasonable guys, they will answer emails and what not, so if there is an
actual issue you are concerned about there is you know a definite, very
simple way to make a difference- say, you know, people are parking
illegally in this area
Jack, 21
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There were few respondent accounts in which young people said they had pursued social issues.
However some young people anticipated the ways in which they might respond to an issue in an
attempt to address a concern. Here, they talked about how local agents, specifically local members
of parliament, might act as conduits for getting issues raised at a UK level. In these accounts, while
most respondents were vague about the mechanisms of how this might be achieved, they tended
to talk in somewhat loose terms about reaching those higher up or on a more powerful level.
James, for example, said that one course of action for an individual or group, wishing to address a
specific issue, would be to send a letter to your local politicianand hope it gets passed on to
the higher level. Similarly, Heather talked about contacting a local politician in order for the
message to be directed upwards:

(You) try and contact the local MP and see what can be done about it...
then it would be the MP going forward and speaking to, you know, sort of
people higher up then
Heather, 24

This perception of the relative powerlessness of individuals, or those on the ground as opposed to
those higher up, was apparent in many of the young peoples accounts. Here, the importance of
reaching the most effective individuals was highlighted:

As an individual, I think your input is minute...you have to know the right

people to get a positive input, to find the right people
Matt, 22

While largely in agreement that it was necessary to reach those likely to be most effective, through
local contacts, the identification of individuals in whom confidence might reasonably be bestowed
appeared more problematic. It was illustrated in the previous chapter how many respondents had
little confidence in politicians, who were often depicted by young people as ineffective, I dont think
they are very effective at all (Pippa, 21), incapable of reaching clear decisions, a lot of them I
think just squabble over everything, nothing gets decided half the time (Martin, 23), and unable to
deliver on manifesto promises, where they say I can change all this for you...(but) they just cant
(Katie, 19). A lack of trust in the abilities of politicians was linked in many respondent accounts to
their failure to convince respondents that young peoples participation was in anyway meaningful:

They (young people) dont have no faith in the politicians, and they (young
people) just dont believe their opinion matters and they dont believe their
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 opinion makes a difference.
Stelios, 18

As discussed earlier, in relation to their perceptions of voting, the understanding of politicians as

ineffective and powerless was one factor underpinning young peoples perception of themselves as
unable to make a difference or effect change:

I dont think a politician can change a lot of things, because they are not as
powerful as they think they are and they cant change the way people live
or the way everybody thinks. They can just tell people their opinions on
what they think would work better but they havent got the power to do it at
all, I just think its pointless
Gina, 21

In addition, there was a clearly a perception held by some young people, like Gina above, that the
political process was ineffectual because its agents were largely self-interested and self-absorbed,
and that they say all the stuff that they want to change and everyone to clap them and think they
are amazing but they dont actually care enough to change it:

I think its a load of rubbish really- I just dont think it affects me still, and I
dont think you know it doesnt actually make a difference. They can sit
there and they can talk about it as much as they want, but nothing actually
changes, so I do think it is just for people to you know get to say their
opinions so everyone can hear them but then they dont actually follow
through on what they are doing, it is like a soap box they can stand there
and say like when we are in there and you get someone on the phone and
they just like to tell you their opinions but they are not going to do your
survey or they are not going to care about you after you have had the
conversation they just like to shout at you for five minutes and tell you their
opinions and then they feel better about themselves and I think that is what
politicians are.
Gina 21

The high level of distrust expressed by young people, about the motivation and ability of politicians,
was linked in some respondent accounts to the need for some kind of tangible evidence or proof of
effectiveness. In particular this was associated with voting, where the young person cited below
advocated that politicians underwent a trial period in order that voters might assess their
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capability to deliver upon their election promises:

I dont want to vote for somebody and be let down by that somebody, so
no. I would never be interested...I would want to see them working first,
give them like a three months trial and if they made the changes they were
promising then perhaps
Fran, 21

Likewise, Heather suggested that politicians should be called to account for what they had
achieved, what they had failed to achieve and how they were going to improve on their
performance, in order to engage public confidence in pre-election manifestos:

Say in the next year there could be a sort of campaign by our local MP and
then like a day or something and then the MP could give a little say and talk
and say this is what weve done for you so far and I think if politicians
actually sat down and said well this is what weve done to make things
better... you know that the public would have more faith and trust and then
also it would, could be a good way to say this is what we promised, we
havent done this but this is what we are planning to do...
Heather, 24

Collective Action
Collective action, comprising involvement in organised protest rallies and/or marches, was
perceived by many young people as more personally powering than the more individual form of
political participation represented by voting. Collective protests were described by these
respondents as potentially powerful or enjoyable. This reinforces a point discussed earlier in
relation to perceptions of the efficacy of political participation, where respondents claimed that the
collective (rather than individual) nature of activity rendered it more influential, or as in the words of
Sally, when everyone gets together, they are quite powerful (Sally, 23 ). Irrespective of whether
respondents identified with specific causes, generally group action was perceived to be effective in
raising awareness of issues:

For example say... the EDL (English Defence League), I am not, they sort
of... their whole thing is immigration isnt it?...they take to the streets and
they rioted and that was in the paper, what was happening with immigration
policy

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 James, 19

Among those who spoke in positive terms about participating in political protests was Ashkir, who
described, like some other respondents, how his first experience with political protests has been at
school. In the data extract below, Ashkir recounts having participated in an organised local protest,
which linked to a larger nationwide march:

I must have been like in high school, Year 8 or something, 2003 when the
whole Iraq war was going on, we had- remember when 1,000,000 people
marched in London or something. In high school, everyone left their
lessons, a mass walk-out in the playground, sort of exposure to something
politically oriented, one of my first experiences, which I found quite
interesting
Ashkir, 19

Interestingly, some young people identified with specific group actions, perceiving them as effective
irrespective of whether they had participated or not. For example, Ant, who spoke of how, although
he did not physically participate in protests over the Iraq war, he understood himself to be in some
way as among those protesting. In the data extract below , while reporting that he had decided
against attending a London-based protest, Ants use of the collective pronoun we suggests that in
some sense he claims the (albeit limited) success of the protest as in part his own:

I think we came close to stopping, well not stopping the war but I think it
just showed how much of an influence people can have when we had the
rallies. I think, I feel that the government had no idea how big a how many
people would turn out and be against it when they initially marched against
it and there was literally thousands, millions doing it ... I was contemplating
going to the walk against war in London but I dont physically get involved
in things like that, actually
Ant, 24

Not all the respondents, however, were equally enthusiastic about collective action, arguing in
some cases their participation owed more to rhetoric than reality. Hence some young people
reflected on how genuine commitment to the cause was not always the motivating factor to
participate:

Well, in school we had like a protest against the war, but it was just about
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 running around and not being in class... I was like 15 or something ... I was
against the war, I thought it was stupid, but I dont know
Donna, 20

Likewise, Ashkir recounted how a friend his had participated in a political protest despite not
knowing the objectives of the action. The reason given for this young mans participation was that
he simply followed the example of his co-workers:

Like my friend, a guy I know, he worked in a post office about 2 years ago
when we were in sixth form. It was the whole post office strike thing. He just
took, they were striking so he never went into work and we said why are
you striking?, and he said oh yeah I dunno, they just told me not to come
in. I find that quite interesting, but he didnt know that he was participating
in a political act
Ashkir, 19

Others described how participation might be a function of the benefits of belonging to a group,
rather than the objective of the group itself. Here, Ffion reported membership of a group that
participated in protests and direct action. In the extract below, however, she reveals how she did
not possess a large amount of knowledge of the aims and issues associated with the group, but
perceived membership of conferring some kind of social credibility:

I am a member of Hope Not Hate. I dont really know much about it. I will
just blag that I know what its about.... it is an anti-fascist group, basically
lots of people get together and support Hope Not Hate and were
supporting anti-fascism. There are demonstrations and Hope Not Hate try
and stop people like the EDL protesting... I have not been, no
Ffion, 22

Another example of young people participating in collective action for reasons other than the
groups apparent political agenda was provided by Greg. In the account below, Greg describes
how his participation in a protest abroad was a wholly a function of being present at the time, and
not otherwise engaged. This account represents another example of a young person participating
in a political protest without necessarily being engaged or familiar with the cause for which the
protest is supporting:

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 I did once, when I was in Spain actually, probably not going to help your
study, but we were just sat outside the office in a coffee shop, like, this one
lunchtime, and there was a big march that went down the road, something
to do with their government, I am not quite sure what it was about. So we
just sort of tagged along and thought why not? And we had the picket
boards and all that kind of thing... I think it was something to do with the
kids, the education in Spain, something silly like school holidays- they
wanted to cut the school holidays or something daft, so we thought wed
join in
Greg, 24

Other forms of political participation, aside from voting and protests, highlighted by young people,
included taking part in surveys and referenda. Here respondents focused particularly on the use of
petitions as a means of expressing political opinions. However, some young people, like Donna,
who claimed that petitions were potentially useful vehicles for expressing political views, said they
would only sign petitions regarding issues perceived to be of personal significance, I would sign if
it was really like important to me (Donna, 20). Other respondents appeared less committed to their
usefulness. Hence, for example, Greg reported that while he might sign a petition relating to an
issue he identified with, if it were presented to him, he would not actively seek one out:

It (petition) is something I would sign up for if I had seen something- yeah it

is something... I would, yeah but going to look for one to sign I wouldnt- I
wouldnt do that
Greg, 24

Lack of Knowledge
In the previous Chapter it was noted how young people highlighted the importance of knowledge
about politics when discussing engagement. Certainly, lack of personal knowledge/experience was
understood by respondents as a barrier to political participation. Many respondents, such as
Heather, claimed that they simply lacked the practical knowledge to participate in politics. In the
data extract below Heather notes how this lack of know how rather than a lack of interest in, or
engagement with, political issues, prevents her from participating:

I wouldnt say a lack of interest, just and probably a lack of know-how as

well, I wouldnt even know how to contact my local MP
Heather, 24

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Young people who were allocated to the very unengaged respondent category also claimed that
lack of knowledge about issues and candidates prevented them from voting. In the data extract
below, Jess describes how she chose not to vote, rather than vote for a candidate about whom she
knew little:

Vote, no I havent. I dont know why, I am 20 I should have voted at 18, but
then I dont want to because until I know who I want to vote for I dont really
want to vote, so I shouldnt just write anything down you know?
Jess, 20

Likewise, Pippa reported declining to vote on the grounds of ignorance; in this instance because
she did know enough about which candidate would advantage her the most. Hence, rather than
vote without understanding issues represented by candidates, Pippa chose to abstain from the
election:

I mean this time I didnt really know who to vote for, you know, who would
benefit me more I didnt really know what, who to vote for really, so I just
chose not to
Pippa, 21

That lack of political knowledge was perceived to fuel apathy among young people with the political
system was also apparent in the account of Jack, who suggested that if young people were
unfamiliar with important political events they would, as a consequence, fail to recognise how these
events affected their lives. In the data extract below Jack uses the example of European Union
politics to press home the point:

A lot of it is down to just education, as I say if people dont know whats...

the biggest thing is people dont really know what theyre doing in Brussels,
and Strasbourg for the European Parliament. So they tend to think whats
the point in it?
Jack, 21

Other respondents said they were deterred from voting because, in their experience, those elected
to power failed to live up to expectations. While this point has been discussed previously, here it is
important to note that arguably young peoples expectations were not always realistic and this in
itself reflects a lack of knowledge/understanding about political process. For example, while Gina
reported that she did not vote because she did not trust politicians to deliver, her expectations of
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what was possible to achieve in a given time-frame were problematic. In the data extract below,
taken from her interview in October 2010, Gina talks disparagingly about a politician who, in her
opinion, had failed to deliver on his/her May election promises. Given the relatively period of time
(less than five months) that had elapsed since the election, her expectation were arguably over-
optimistic:

If I had voted in that thing in May and I had voted for the man who was like
I am going to change the hospitals, I would be fuming now... because
nothing has happened
Gina, 21

It is interesting to note in the above narrative, how Gina draws on the perceived failure of the
political representative to account for, or rationalise, not voting. Another interesting aspect of the
narrative was her reference to the UK General Election as that thing in May- arguably reflecting
unfamiliarity with, or disinterest in, political terms. That young people spontaneously offered
explanations such as this for not participating in politics, particularly elections, suggests that non-
participation may be understood, at least to some extent, as socially problematic. Indeed in many
narratives where respondents declared themselves as uninterested in politics, or as non-
participators, young people seemed eager to offer reasonable explanations for this. However, in
some cases young people acknowledged how their accounts of non-participation were less than
satisfactory. For example, while time pressures were identified a barrier to participation in politics
by some respondents, they simultaneously queried the legitimacy of what was in a few cases
acknowledged as an excuse rather than a reason. Hence, Ant who said that his lack of political
participation was due to time pressures associated with work, himself queried this explanation:

Part of it is work and time to do it, really, but then again I suppose that is
not really an excuse, I suppose I can spare you know half a day or a day
doing something.
Ant, 24

Likewise, Emma suggested that she was too busy to participate more in political actions, before
going on to cast doubt on her own reasoning:

With the greatest will in the world I dont get involved in anything else
because I never seem to have time- yeah again I just think its a lack of
time which is not a reasonable excuse
Emma, 25
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It was clear from the data, therefore, that some young people struggled to provide what they
perceived as a legitimate or reasonable explanation for non interest/participation. These young
people often accounted for non-involvement by citing a range of reasons, not least of all were
laziness or apathy. Hence, for example, one respondent described a cycle whereby she was
initially motivated to become politically active by attending a political music festival before gradually
losing the impetus. In the data extract below, Ceri attributes her loss of motivation to a combination
to a lack of time and interest:

I go to Glastonbury, I come back saying I am going to get involved now, I

am going to make a difference, and then I get back to work and I am like
oh I really havent got the time. I should do more really... laziness. ... I
have got to say it is not conscious laziness. I dont sit there thinking, oh I
could make a difference then I just cant be arsed. Ill forget, then
something just takes me another way
Ceri, 24

Of those respondents categorised very unengaged', lack of interest was among the most common
explanations provided for lack of political participation. For these young people, politics was
perceived as simply unenjoyable and boring. In the extract below, Katie describes her perceptions
of the audio-visual experience of following political debates in the form of a comment partially
directed towards an imaginary politician:

A big huge debate about something that is really boring- lots of people
shouting on both sides... youre just there in a suit, low voice, trying to get
out to everyone, bored facial expression standing there. Its just boring to
look at. Your voice is boring so youre not quite listening, trying to
understand it. The entire thing is boring
Katie, 19

For these respondents politics was perceived as meaningless rhetoric to which they had no
connection and which had little or no bearing on their lives:

I am not really into listening to two people argue about something... that
doesnt interest me. They just argue for an hour. I dont find that interesting
at all...
Gina, 21
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In some cases those respondents categorised as very unengaged, described politics as having
a deleterious effect upon them. In the data extract below, Jess describes, from her own
experience, why she thinks young people do not follow politics:

It comes across as very boring, its not being made across to be something
fun. It is all newspapers, reading. I think young people especially think of it
all newspapers, just like pages and pages just to get educated because
there is so much going on, like so much going on that I dont think you
know people dont obviously you know really, they just think its too much
effort to read the Guardian, its pages and pages and pages. Its not being
made across as sort of... I dont know, and it all seems very not like light
and jolly, its all sort of depressing and gloomy
Jess, 21

Likewise Tanya, who declared herself to be poorly informed and uninterested in politics, described
politics as both at depressing and stressful:

I dont like the thought of when youre involved in it- you are like, I always
see people who are talking about it are always worried, always worrying so
I dont really want to get involved in the worrying ... That just sounds like a
load of stress...
Tanya, 18

The rejection of politics as not enjoyable, and in some cases deleterious, was described by one
young person, categorised as 'very engaged', as a function of the current absence of political
content from (particularly) media content and music with which the young people associated. In the
following data extract, Ant contrasts his own personal enjoyment of, and influence by, politically-
focused music with what he perceived as relatively apolitical contemporary music and popular
culture:

I think another blockage, why young people arent really getting involved in
politics is probably, its the media and what they are reading, and what they
are watching. It is more to do with like the drinking culture- that is more fun
than actually getting into politics and I think they see these people, these
bands and things, they are just getting drunk, they are not worrying about

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 the politics so I think that is probably one aspect they are trying to follow in
their footsteps. When I was younger when I watched bands like Rage
Against the Machine and System of a Down, they were quite into their
politics and they got people thinking about it a bit more. Nowadays you get
things like N-Dubz, you know, and its sort of: go to the club
Ant, 24

Shared Political Experiences

As discussed earlier in the chapter, participation as a joint or shared endeavour, as opposed to
individual affiliation, was perceived by many respondents as more engaging. Indeed, some
respondents described participation in collective action (whether this was virtual in the sense of
feeling part of a wider movement, or face to face) as enjoyable. Part of this enjoyment appeared to
derive from respondent perception that joint action was the most effective or meaningful. In the
following data extract, Martin describes how the process of developing a group response to a
specific issue can be driven forward by its own momentum:

I think the best way to sort of get an input is to get a group together, starting
with local councillors, young people at your project, youth workers and then
taking the group forward
Martin, 23

Membership of a wider community, irrespective of whether this involved physical interaction with
others, was also cited by respondents as a reason for involvement in collective action. In the data
extract below, for example, Ffion describes her enjoyment of political participation- in this instance
protesting against the Iraq war, as a function of the psychological benefits derived from being a
member of a wider group:

I remember it felt really good to be part of something like that ...to be doing
something which I thought was a good cause...Yeah, nice to feel part of
something like that
Ffion, 22

For some, pleasure was associated which what was presented as the social aspect of sharing
similar views. In this respect several respondents talked about their experiences of the then recent
general election of 2010. On one count the election was understood as a national happening, of
which everyone was a part, and which constituted an event (albeit differentially experienced
according to political perspectives) shared by individuals. Here, some young people described the

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coverage of the election as something, you couldnt really avoid (Heather, 24), and about which
all of the country was talking (Tim, 22). Other respondents focussed upon the 'social' and
communal way in which they had experienced the election campaign. Ceri, for example,
recounted how she and her housemates regularly gathered together to watch the televised leaders
debates and election results:

There would normally be at least four of us sitting down and watching them
together, and all getting our car in and having a discussion about it
Ceri, 24

Sally compared watching the televised campaign with others and whilst alone. In the following data
extract, she explains how she preferred to watch the coverage with friends rather than alone,
because that provided an opportunity to participate in the discussions and debates were prompted
by the coverage:

It was actually quite good to watch it with friends, because we were talking
about it and getting quite passionate about it... you realise how communal
politics is
Sally, 23

The same respondent went on to describe avidly following the outcome of the 2010 general
election, because it was understood as such an important event:

After the election ... I was really excited. I was like something big is going
to happen here. I was watching every minute- I was like whats happening
now? Whats happening now?
Sally, 23

Expectations
In the above section we have seen how some respondents valued the interactive, or social
element, of politics. Equally, young people talked about how the expectations of (particularly
significant) others might influence their involvement. In Chapter 4 it was noted how those allocated
to the 'very engaged' respondent category talked about the importance of parents and other close
relatives in influencing their interest in politics. Here they talked about this influence affecting (or its
potential to affect) actual participation. One powerful influence over parental expectations,
highlighted by some respondents, was the suffragette movement:

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 My mum was like the Suffragettes died for you to vote so every time there
wasany election we had to go for it because were women, you know,
someone died for this
Ceri, 24

Similarly, Anna spoke of how a more politically engaged friend of hers, whom she described as
crazy into politics, went absolutely mental at me- she said we fought for the right to vote (Anna,
22). These narrative extracts illustrate the powerfulness of connection. In the both examples a
direct link is made between the womens suffrage movement, its achievements and the
responsibility of women, to vote. Many other respondents described how their level of interest and
engagement with politics was influenced by conversations with family members and friends about
political issues. In some cases this interaction was described by young people as unidirectional or
imbalanced in terms of power and knowledge. Young people perceived such interaction as an
attempt by parents or guardians to inform or educate rather than having a debate between equal
partners. Hence, Lisa described how her stepfather would inform her about certain political topics,
imparting a partisan perspective, he tries to make me vote Conservative if he can (Lisa, 20).
Others, like Mark, whose stepfather reportedly attempted discussion of political issues with him
frequently, owned to being baffled by much of the content of what was imparted.

While the balance of knowledge was reportedly unequal in many respondent accounts of political
discussion with family and friends, it was not always presented as coercive. Often respondents
reported themselves, or their partner as better informed, leading on the discussion and in some
cases serving as a useful source of information on current affairs. Pippa described how her
partner, rather than herself, tended to inform on political matters, often having watched the news or
discussed an issue with his friends (Pippa, 21). Similarly, Stuart described how his partner would
often ask him for updates on current events:

She likes to be up to date and she likes to be politically engaged so in a bid

to sort of- she will ask me what should I think about this? and obviously
that is dangerous territory, you dont want to start down
Stuart, 24

Hence, some young people tended to impart, and others receive, information about political issues
and events within a close relationship. This type of interaction where those more engaged informed
those who were less engaged was also evident in other areas of the young peoples lives. In
respect of work, respondents, categorised in this study as more engaged, talked about imparting
political information to their relatively unengaged and uninformed colleagues. Hence, Ceri

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described how she frequently answered political questions posed by her less informed colleague.
In the extract below, Ceri spoke of how she would not only impart political information to her
colleague but did so in partisan manner:

One of the girls in work, she has got no clue, she has absolutely no clue
about politics, she doesnt know whats left, right, she doesnt know
anything. And she would ask me questions about, oh, who is this? What
does this person stand for? And I will try and sort of speak to her and bring
her round to my right way of thinking
Ceri, 24

Similarly, some young people categorised as 'very unengaged' described how they were kept
informed of some political issues by colleagues. This was particularly evident where a political
issue was perceived as impacting upon work. Hence, Fran described how a colleague had
explained what the consequences of the October 2010 UK Government Comprehensive Spending
Review might be for the youth centre at which they both worked:

Yesterday I did have another staff member here explain to me what was
happening...he kept on about it and he looked it up online and in the end
then I said well what does it mean?
Fran, 21

Interestingly, two young people, categorised as 'very unengaged', who participated in the study,
reported spontaneously how taking part in the interview had increased their interest in, and
engagement with, the concept of politics. Anna spoke of having initial reservations about her ability
to discuss politics, which had eased over the course of the interview. She added that the
experience had potentially increased her future engagement with politics, saying I would say after
talking to you about it, it does make me want to pay more attention (Anna, 22). Similarly, Fran
described feeling a sense apprehension prior to the interview, but claimed to find the experience of
discussing politics more enjoyable than anticipated:

When I heard the word politics I was a bit like ooh, I havent got a clue. I
thought I wouldnt be able to sit down and talk about politics... but no- it
hasnt been that bad
Fran, 21

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Engaging with politics
Those young people who described themselves as engaged with politics depicted this engagement
in different ways. Work comprised one manifestation of engagement presented by young people.
Here some young people described their employment as the manifestation of their political beliefs,
and arguably in some cases respondents (who had been categorised as 'very engaged') were
drawn to the type of employment which facilitated this manifestation. Emma, for example,
described her work with a gay rights charity as motivated by a strong personal attachment to the
issue:

I work part time for a gay rights charity so obviously the things that come
through on that I get a lot of information about political things that affect like
gay people and that then makes me have that emotional attachment to it
and take it personally and personal interest in it, even though it might not
ever directly affect me so just at the moment we are getting like things on
civil partnership- although its kind of ancient in political terms now there is
a lot of campaigning, cant we have marriage as a term? And even though
a lot of people say its not necessary and it doesnt really affect me at all
Emma, 25

Likewise, Ceri talked about how individuals, across a spectrum of political positions, might be
drawn to employment which reflected their beliefs. In the following data extract, she describes her
partners aim to become a social worker as motivated by a sense of compassion rather than
financial reward, which she claims was generally applicable public sector work:

With public service, you have to want to do it a bit. Like my boyfriend- he is

in his last year of his masters degree as a social worker and he always
says I want to do this because I want to make a difference, I want to help
people, I have never done it for the money, and he is right he has never
done it for the money. You are always going to get some people who are
doing it for the money. But then again there are going to be those people
who are slightly attracted to private sector work where you have got your
bonuses, you have got your healthcare, you have got this, that, and the
other. There are certain things that you can only do in the public sector
Ceri, 24

It should be noted also how Ceris own position, may arguably reflect her own dedication to socially
responsible ideals, a lot of the women in my family are nurses. My mother is a nurse, my cousin is

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a nurse, my gran is a nurse (Ceri, 24). Others spoke about pursuing their interests in specific
political issues in other ways. An example of this is provided by Sally who spoke passionately
about environmental issues. In the data extract below, Sally describes the importance of
environmental issues, and her personal connection with them:

The thing top of my list at the moment is the environment. Because I feel
that that is very, very, very urgent at the moment, we are literally digging
ourselves into a grave so I feel that is constantly something that is weighing
down on me and I feel that we need to do something about what we are
doing every day to make our environment worse
Sally, 23

Her perceived need to address the issue appears to inform Sallys perceptions of culpability which
in turn influence her personal response in to the issue. In the following data extract she describes
how she is responding personally through a commitment to sustainable lifestyle:

Have you heard about transition towns? ... that kind of thing kind of
encompasses all the problems I am seeing in politics at the moment. Lack
of local people having any power over their own destiny, environment and
everything so I think that it is hard to separate sometimes because it all
connects between.... I just signed up for a practical sustainability course in
Bristol in September... no qualifications or anything, but it is all about skill
and so I am planning to learn how to build eco-houses, learn how to survive
off the land and live generally on the Earth
Sally, 23

Another way in which respondents described the manifestation of political interests was through
membership of interest groups. In the data extract below Stuart talks about his connection to those
interest groups/agencies which represent his own environmental concerns:

I am part of a group called ARAJ International- its a political, religious

based charity. I work with them, so that sort of things, and things like the
environmental agencies I am members of and speak on and things like
that... Project Aware- I am a professional scuba diver so I work with Project
Aware which works with the environmental agencies against like the killing
of sharks or things like that
Stuart, 24
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Affiliation
Respondent identification with, and support for, political ideals appeared to affect their actual
engagement in a number of different ways and according to different circumstances. For example,
some young people described how their support for particular parties altered according to whether
they were in or out of power. Matt, for example, described how his level of political
interest/engagement had increased with the change in government at Westminster. Here, Matt
reported how his support for his preferred party (and his interests in politics per se) increased
following their defeat in the 2010 General Election. Matt was approximately nine years old in 1997,
when the Labour party were last out of office in Westminster. This meant that he had limited
experience of his preferred party in opposition, Labour has been in for so long I have never seen
change . so I have never been interested (Matt, 22). The motivation to vote was linked in some
other respondent accounts to the desire to prevent a specific party or its representation from
gaining power. Hence, James described voting tactically, against the Tories rather than for
Labour (James 19). Others, like Sally reported similarly, claiming that her desire to see the
Conservatives lose the election played a large part in the way she voted, Labour just to not have
the Conservatives (Sally, 23).

Some respondents, while expressing interest in some political issues, were unwilling to nail their
colours to any one particular mast. These young people said while they tended to support a
particular political party on some issues, they might support another party on other issues. This
effectively ruled out affiliation to a single political party. In the data extract below, Stuart explains
how no single party reflects his position across a spectrum of issues:

I am not a member at the moment, no. I have political leanings, but I have
never found a political party that I am willing to attach myself to because
none of them I dont think satisfy. I dont think there is any of them who I
can... There are smaller parties, the Green Party, I agree with a lot of what
they say but then again not enough to attach myself to
Stuart, 24

Similarly, Ant explained that he agreed with specific policies put forward by each of the three main
political parties in the UK, and consequently could not give his wholehearted support to any of
them:

I think elements of all three... I do feel more comfortable with the Lib Dems
than with Labour, but... I am not a Labour supporter. I am not a really a total

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 Conservative supporter, but there are elements of both which I think they
are good on, but then I dont think all three parties really give me anything I
can get behind
Ant, 24

Given respondent reticence to support a single party, it is perhaps unsurprising that most
respondents maintained a distinct aversion to party membership. This arguably affected
respondents active engagement in politics, given that much political activity takes places in a party
context. In some, albeit a small minority of cases, reticence to become a fully-fledged member of a
political party evidently affected respondent attitudes to, and intentions towards, political
engagement. In the data extract below, for example, Tim claims that while contemplating standing
as an elected representative in the future, it is unlikely to happen because he is reticent about
towing a party line, due to his rejection the notion of wholesale subscription to a party:

I would love to be a local councillor or something. I like the idea of that. I

like the idea of helping people, but again, I dont like the idea of towing a
party line in a council meeting. That appals me, the whole notion of that
Tim, 22

Internet and Social Media

The internet emerged as an important medium for respondent engagement with politics in a
number of ways. As well as being cited as the primary source of political information (news and
facts) for the majority of the respondents, the internet was used as a place to absorb and impart
political opinions and views. Here, the internet was accessed not only to affirm young peoples
existing views but also to read opposing positions. Tim, for example, described regularly reading a
blog (a self-authored online written piece), not because he necessarily agreed with the views of the
author:

Even though I dont agree with most of what his views are, I read it
because hes interesting and it sparks opinion, the fact that he gets like
700, 800 comments on every article
Tim, 22

Many young people, like James, described the interactive nature of political debate as enjoyable
and engaging experience because: you can really talk about issues (James, 19). Others,
including Stuart, said they were motivated by personal interest to comment on online political
articles and debates. In the data extract below, Stuart describes how he defended fellow teachers

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where he found the content of the discussion unacceptable:

I have commented on some stories on the BBC before, normally ones I get
frustrated on- you tend to comment more on the ones where you have an
opposing opinion... you quite often retort or whatever else if its something...
outrageous, you just get generalised comments .... you get 6 weeks off and
you only work 9 until 3, the sort of thing that gets you feeling you need to
write something back
Stuart, 24

In respondent accounts of internet use, Facebook emerged as the most popular social networking
site for young people in the study and most of their discussion about politics and internet use drew
on young peoples experiences of using this platform. Accounts of the ways in which Facebook
was utilised regarding political interests and engagement made much reference to young peoples
individual Facebook connections, commonly known as friends. Hence respondents talked about
the way in which they might discuss issues on Facebook, with friends and other acquaintances
from their own personal social network, in addition to with strangers on public forums within
Facebook. For example, Ffion described how some friends had used Facebook like big discussion
forum type thing ... a way for them to put their ideas out... (Ffion, 22). Some, like Libby, for
example, described how such Facebook debates were particularly prevalent during the 2010
election campaign:

When the election was on that was pretty much the whole thing Facebook
was about, having debates with people
Libby, 20

Facebook was also presented by respondents as a powerful vehicle for furthering political
campaigns. For example, Heather described how she would use Facebook, due to its large
network of users, as a starting point if she was seeking to advance a political cause:

If you wanted to make a change or be heard or noticed, and if it was what

you were trying to change or get your view across was worth hearing, the
internet would be a good place to start and especially on Facebook
because I have something like 300 and something friends
Heather, 24

Finally, one respondent described how she had enjoyed following the 2010 election campaign
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online due to the participatory nature of social network websites, where multiple participants are
offering their views and comments in real time as a story or event develops:

It did feel good to be involved and have a say ... making comments all the
time amongst my friends and things like that- I was one of the geeks who
sat and watched the debates with Twitter on my laptop
Emma, 25

Summary
This chapter focused on the respondent accounts of what prevented and prompted political
engagement.

The chapter examined the degree to which participation in political processes was perceived as
being efficacious, and the extent to which that was an important factor underpinning engagement
for the young people. The respondents outlined how participation as a 'group' rather than on an
individual basis was regarded as more effective, with some questioning whether their involvement
at the individual level was necessary. There was also a clear perception that social class was a
significant factor in determining efficacy, with many respondents suggesting that more
disadvantaged groups have less ability to impact political decisions.

Voting was described by many as the key participatory action, and several respondents offered
accounts of their experiences of participation in elections. While some respondents reported
positive experiences of voting, often linked with a sense of direct contribution and participation in a
large-scale event, others held reservations. For many, the electoral system used in UK General
elections meant that support for certain parties in certain regions was perceived to be a 'wasted
vote'. Others identified a lack of affiliation with the main parties as a key limiter to engagement with
elections, with others focusing on negative perceptions of the ability of politicians to 'deliver' (either
through incompetence or self-interest) as a factor behind non-engagement.

Lack of knowledge of political events, participants, and procedures, was cited by numerous
respondents as a key barrier to further engagement and participation. Interestingly, some
suggested that they, or acquaintances of theirs, had participated in direct action activity such as
marches without knowledge of the issues and intentions behind the protest.

Finally, the chapter saw the respondents outline other barriers and drivers to engagement with
politics, including factors and simplistic as 'laziness' on the part of the would-be participant.

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Similarly, other respondents claimed that they simply did not enjoy reading about, discussing, or
participating in politics, with many suggesting that politics is boring. When politics was identified as
being enjoyable, it was often connected with the notion of it being a shared experience, for
instance watching the televised party leader debates in 2010, or listening to politically-informed
music at a festival.

This chapter has explored the key factors and structures which were described as inhibiting or
prompting policial engagement. The last chapter considers the key findings in the context of the
exisiting literature.

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7- DISCUSSION
Caveats to the Study
Achieving a study sample which represented a wide range of characteristics and experiences of
young people was problematic. In particular, the identification and recruitment of some young
people from disadvantaged areas was challenging and this delayed the collection of data. Issues
with respondent recruitment from lower socio-economic groups are acknowledged in the literature
by, for example, Patel (2003), who noted that recruiting males, from lower socio-economic
backgrounds, within urban areas is often experienced as difficult. Equally, it is possible that the
study focus on engagement with politics affected respondent recruitment, particularly among
those least interested in/knowledgeable about politics. While, arguably, participation and
recruitment was influenced by self-selection of potentially those most interested in the issue of
politics, the achieved sample reflected a broad spectrum of young people both in terms of
demographic differences, ages, gender, and proclaimed interest in the study topic.

The research comprised a small-scale qualitative study, conducted within a single window of time,
and this renders generalisation to the wider population or other groups of young people elsewhere,
problematic. Indeed qualitative research is criticised by some who claim that generalisability is at
best challenging, and where it is made should be done so explicitly and in moderation (Payne &
Williams: 2005; Williams: 2002). Notwithstanding this observation, the qualitative interviews, which
are widely acknowledged as able to produce in-depth accounts of phenomena (Denzin & Lincoln:
1998; also Patton: 1987), elicited rich narratives from young people. In addition, many of the
findings supported those of previous quantitative research, thus offering a more in-depth
understanding of the relationship between young people and political engagement. Moreover, the
drilling down into respondent accounts, and the development and application of theoretical insight,
arguably renders some aspects of the findings transferable to other, albeit carefully identified,
population subgroups and issues.

It is acknowledged that research participant accounts may meet particular objectives for
respondents, and in some ways act as a vehicle for presentation of self (Blaxter: 1990). Indeed, in-
depth interviewing, may be perceived by interviewees as more intrusive than anonymous
questionnaires, and may compromise the respondents willingness to reveal more personal views,
beliefs and experiences for fear of embarrassment or punishment (Marshall & Rossman: 1999).
Some respondents in the study, for example, appeared cagey or careful about the way in which
they presented some personal views. This may have been influenced by social desirability bias
(Fisher: 1993) where the respondent answers in a manner perceived as more socially acceptable
to the researcher (Sage: 2004). Here it must be noted, however, that the interviews captured a
wide range of different perspectives on social issues, and in some cases respondents appeared
156
fully aware that the opinions they were expressing (for example relating to issues such as
immigration and ethnicity) might be perceived as extreme or controversial.

7.1- Individual
The chapter will now examine two broad issues which emerged within the data in the context of the
literature. The first of these is the way in which individual background, circumstance and
experience appeared to differentially affect political engagement. The second issue concerns
respondent discussion about the ways in which they attempted to influence the political world.

Weber & Ideal Types

In the study presented here, two quite distinct respondents groups emerged from the data, and the
distinguishing features of the two groups were found to be useful in making sense of respondent
accounts. For the purposes of the analysis, the groups were respectfully categorised as very
engaged and very unengaged. In identifying these respondent categories the study acknowledges
the work of Max Weber, a German sociologist who popularised the use of Ideal Types in social
analysis, at the turn of the 20th Century (Stanford: 2012). Weber's 'Ideal Type' model of social
analysis used artificial constructs to explain behaviour (Kuckartz: 1991). This was achieved by
identifying key commonalities within cases to create a "unified analytical construct" (Stanford:
2012) that represented, not an average, but a purposively-selected group of characteristics. These
idealised abstracts may represent any number of analytical models, from the ideal hospital patient,
to the ideal political engager.

The deployment of ideal types enabled the study to identify two highly distinct groups of young
people, characterised primarily by their very high, or very low, degree of engagement with politics.
Each group displayed a number of unifying characteristics, including education and knowledge
level, as well as being linked by socio-economic identifiers such as age and occupational status.
Although useful in identifying respondents who could be categorised as most and least politically
engaged, the ideal type model was unable to adequately account for the partially engaged. Here, it
is important to acknowledge that most of the respondents could not be so neatly categorised.
Notwithstanding this, those who were somewhat engaged, and thus did not fit into either of the
ideal types categories, did demonstrate some similarities to (and some differences from) those in
the two identified groups, and these shared similarities and differences were also equally telling
about the nuances of engagement among young people. In summary, while categorisation of ideal
types was found to be a useful tool in the analytic process, it was used cautiously and was found to
be by no means conceptually exhaustive.

One key differentiator apparent between participants in the study reported here was their level of
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knowledge about, and/or familiarity with, political issues. This ranged within the sample group from
unfamiliarity with the term 'politics', including some visible discomfort when discussing the topic, to
informed and garrulous analysis of current political issues. While the majority of the respondents
appeared to share a definition of 'politics', discussed below, there were some that seemed to visibly
struggle when attempting to answer initial exploratory questions, such as what comes to mind
when you hear the word politics?. Limitation of the degree of familiarity with politics, was apparent
where some respondents repeatedly sought to clarify with the interviewer exactly what they were
being asked, seeking assurance that they were talking about the 'correct' topics. It is important at
this point to note, however, that while the researcher made every effort to avoid 'prompting' or
imposing his own definition of 'politics' onto the respondents, some limited interviewer input was
required at the start of the interview to enable the respondents to understand the aims of the
research. Once some examples of commonly-held political images or issues had been suggested,
the interview flowed smoothly, with the respondents discussing a wide range of issues that they
had perhaps not hitherto understood as political. The research literature also appears to support
this finding, suggesting that while many young people are interested in a range of political issues
they do not necessarily consider them to be 'political' (White et al: 2006; Hollander & Longo: 2008;
Day et al: 2006; Todd et al: 2004).

Those young people who appeared to display more knowledge about politics and political issues
also tended to share a wider definition of which actions were 'political'. Conversely, young people
displaying less knowledge tended to present politics as associated with, and largely restricted to,
Westminster. The research literature suggests that what is perceived as being 'political' varies
widely according to individuals, with variation apparent between different nations (for example,
Canadians hold a generally more wider conception of what is 'political' that Americans), between
ages (with older people holding a wider conception than younger cohorts), gender (males wider
than females), political affiliation (liberals wider than conservatives), and education level (more
educated individuals share wider conception than the less educated). However, according to
Spannring (2005) it is in fact younger people who generally tend to hold a broader definition of
political activities than older people . The literature also suggests that there is some confusion
amongst young people as to the definition of what is and is not political (Cotti & Cornolti: 2004).

Lamprianou (2012) offers an interesting perspective on the debate, around what is and what is not,
'political', using the violence which occurred over several nights in a number of UK cities during
the summer of 2011 as an example. Lamprianou notes that the Prime Minister dismissed the riots
as being simply apolitical lawlessness, while the Leader of the Opposition claimed that there was a
'political message behind the smashing of shops and the confrontation of police officers
(Lamprianou: 2012). Lamprianou argues that the public positions adopted by Cameron and

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Miliband mirrored a dichotomy between the two main theoretical perspectives of political
participation. Cameron's position was 'praxialist'. That is, he did not regard the violence as being
political because the participants were not engaging with any established channel of political
representation. Conversely, Miliband's position was 'teleological' in the sense that there was a
political force behind the violence (relating to disadvantaged young people and societal alienation)
even if the participants were not necessarily conscious that they were delivering a political
message through illegal means (Lamprianou: 2012). This thesis is sympathetic to the latter
interpretation, and accepts the teleological position that in order to be political an action must
simply have an identifiable political intention behind it, regardless of the degree of acceptability
ascribed to it, or extent to which it relates to pre-defined political channels.

Knowledge
A finding of the study was that young people linked their engagement in politics to knowledge.
Hence some young people said that they were unable to better engage with politics due to a lack
of understanding, or that they lacked a certain 'base' level of knowledge. There is some evidence
that young people feel unable to participate without perceiving themselves to be adequately well-
informed (Spannring: 2005). Some of the most politically informed respondents alluded to a similar
threshold, suggesting that school-leavers should possess a certain minimum level of political
'literacy', the absence of which they deemed problematic for democracy. Similar assessments were
made of the health of young people's political knowledge in the mid-1990s, leading to the
publication of 'Education for citizenship and the teaching of Democracy in Schools', also known as
the 'Crick Report' (Crick et al: 1998). The 2012 Hansard Society Audit of Political Engagement
found that the number of young people reporting that they knew at least 'a fair amount' about
politics had risen from 17% in 2004 to 31% in 2012, which the authors suggested was due to the
success of efforts to increase the amount of citizenship education in schools (Hansard Society:
2012).

Another finding relates to inaccessible language and jargon as a barrier to following politics.
Indeed some study respondents speculated that such terminology was deliberately obtuse to
prevent many members of the public from understanding, and therefore participating. Here, the live
televised party leader debates which preceded the 2010 UK General Election were cited by many
respondents as a recent example of their engagement with politics, due mainly to the content of
the debates being pitched at a level that was perceived as inclusive to those with limited levels of
political knowledge or vocabulary. Likewise, McKinney and Chattopadhyay (2007) have claimed
that an interest in debates is linked to political engagement, albeit in an American context, where
there is a longer tradition of such events.

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The study findings also indicate the importance of self-presentation for young people vis-a-vis
political participation. Hence lack of individual knowledge was cited by many respondents as a
barrier to participating in certain political conversations, even among those who reported enjoying
discussing political issues, due to a perception that they may be judged negatively by peers for
being uninformed. This kind of self-censorship is also reported within the literature, with young
people wishing to avoid publicly airing their political views, even amongst groups of friends, for fear
of being regarded in a negative manner due to their perceived ignorance (Hayes et al: 2006). It
was therefore interesting that while very few of the young people spoke in positive terms about
politics or politicians, the notion of participating in a political discussion without a sufficient degree
of political familiarity was presented as problematic. The 'very engaged' and 'very unengaged' ideal
types demonstrated respectively high or low levels of political knowledge.

A number of researchers identify links between education level and level of political engagement
(Verba & Nie: 1987; Electoral Commission: 2002; Hillygus: 2005). Putnam argues that this link is
associated with social capital, in that more highly educated people are more likely to be 'joiners
and trusters', and as a result are better-connected to other 'joiners and trusters' (Putnam: 1996).
Other explanations include Goetz' socio-economic account, which suggests that higher levels of
education are linked with attendant socio-economic resources and increased leisure time (Goetz:
2003). Hillygus notes that the 'political meritocracy' hypothesis posits no causal link between
education level and political engagement level, other than to suggest that individuals who are more
intelligent are simply more likely to be interested in politics, and these individuals are also more
likely to have a higher level of education (Hillygus: 2005). Finally, some research suggests that
higher education levels are associated with increased political engagement due to the 'participatory
learning' environments characteristic of educational institutions. Democratic behaviour is learnt and
fostered through such activities as debates and mock elections, which is maintained into adulthood
(Kiesa et al: 2007; Conti & Cornolti: 2004). This resonated with the study findings, with numerous
respondents describing how they had become interested in a political issue because they had
studied the subject at school, or that activities like voting for University presidents and
representatives led to later political participation. The 'very engaged' and 'very unengaged' ideal
types identified above fitted within this, with the most engaged all having attended University, some
of whom were undertaking postgraduate courses. By contrast, the 'very unengaged' were either
not at university or were relatively early on in their education cycle (partially a function of their age).

Research has evidenced a relationship between family upbringing and political engagement,
including not only an individuals political outlook, but their motivation and desire to participate
(Bentley et al: 1999; White et al: 2000). This was highly evident within the research data, with
several respondents identifying their parental upbringing as having heavily influenced the level and

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nature of their political engagement. While some respondents spoke of how they had directly
inherited partisan affiliations or stances on certain issues from their parents, others noted that
attempts to 'lead' them a certain way, or support a particular political party, had somewhat
backfired, with the teenager 'rebelling' against perceived parental intrusion. Much previous
research suggests that many young peoples first encounter with the political comes at home,
through discussions with their family, and the degree to which a family is politicised has a large
bearing on the degree to which an individual is politically engaged (White et al: 2000; Kiesa et al:
2007; The Electoral Commission: 2006; Keeter et al: 2002). Some research also indicates that
family is regarded as an important source of political knowledge (Cotti & Cornolti: 2004).

As well as fostering an interest in politics, an individuals family background can be seen as

preparation for civic life as relationships with family members provide an early lesson in democratic
discourse (Giddens: 2003; Keeter et al: 2002). Some respondents described how their parents had
instilled particular behavioural habits that had fostered engagement with politics, for instance
discussing contemporary political events over the dinner table, or bringing a broadsheet
newspaper into the household. Similarly, some spoke of how negative attitudes towards politics
had been transferred from their parents to themselves. This too was borne out by the literature,
with several authors claiming that cynical or apathetic attitudes toward politics were often
transmitted from parents to their children (Jones & Portney: 2007; Furnham & Stacey: 1991). In a
clear demonstration of this trend, Jones and Portney (2007) also found that among young people
whose parents voted in every election, 80.1% were registered to vote. This figure contrasts
strongly with young people whose parents never voted, among whom only 30.3% were registered
to vote (Jones & Portney: 2007). Again, the high and low engagement levels of the two ideal types
outlined earlier appeared to fit in with this notion, with the very unengaged suggesting that their
parents had either not fostered an interest in politics, and in one case had even directly tempered a
respondent's desire to participate, suggesting that they should reserve judgement before voting.

Some of the young people participating in the study identified their peers and friends as providing a
forum for political discussion and learning, and reported that they regularly talked about political
issues with friends, family, and co-workers. However, several respondents also spoke of how their
perceptions of political young people, as experienced via their extended peer group, were
somewhat negative, with such individuals characterised variously as nerdy, fanatical, deluded,
smarmy, and uninteresting. These accounts of political young people are echoed by some
literature, which suggests that young people do not hold positive views of other young people who
are deemed to be overly engaged with politics to the detriment of social relations (Johnson &
Knock: 2005; Day et al: 2006).

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Other ways in which the peer group was identified as negatively influencing the individuals
likelihood of engaging with politics was evident when the young people spoke of how they would
often limit their input into political discussion due to being anxious about appearing uninformed.
The danger of a political discussion turning 'extreme' was also cited as a threat to political debate
amongst friends keen to preserve a sense of harmony. The research literature also indicates that
the role of the peer group is an important factor that determines an individuals proclivity for political
participation. The peer group can influence the individual by enabling them to feel affiliated and
part of something, as well as exerting pressure to conform, (Kingdom: 2003; Conti & Cornolti:
2004; Pattie, Sevd & Whitely: 2003). This pressure to conform was certainly evident among the
accounts of several respondents who reported that a friend or family member had to some degree
encouraged/pressured them to vote, making reference to historical struggles for the right to vote,
such as the womens suffrage movement of the early twentieth century. Such attitudes are also
reflected in the literature, with young people describing a sense of duty to participate in politics
(White et al: 2000) and make the most of the rights available to them, based upon an awareness of
their own relative material privilege (Kiesa et el: 2007). The 'very unengaged' ideal type group
identified above frequently made reference to not wishing to be seen as uninformed or
controversial when discussing politics, while some of the more engaged group described enjoying
political discussion.

There is a large amount of comparative research examining male and female political behaviour,
with women (especially younger women) generally described as being marginally less engaged
with, less knowledgeable about, and less ready to participate in politics than men (The Hansard
Society: 2008; The Hansard Society: 2008; Goetz: 2003; Bernstein: 2005; The Electoral
Commission: 2004). Some research suggests that females may hold a perception of politics as
being for men, and subsequently not wish to participate, with their consequent lack of participation
serving to reinforce such a perception among other women (Lynn & Young: 2006). It was
interesting, therefore, to note that the very-unengaged respondents identified within this sample
group were all female. Moreover, those young women demonstrating interest with and engagement
in politics tended to identify with feminist issues (such as female emancipation. However it should
be emphasised that this was a small sample group, using qualitative methodology, so any
inferences about gender should be interpreted with caution.

Many respondents identified links between the workplace and a young persons level of political
engagement. As well as being a social environment which provided a forum for discussion, the
workplace was also identified as a place in which political views develop, with several respondents
recounting how experiences from their working lives had influenced their political views and
behaviours. Some respondents described how an individuals employment could be considered as

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a political act or statement in itself- for example, teachers, social workers, or nurses, using their
careers to affect what they perceived as a positive influence on society. Others identified how their
professional identity had also informed their political views and engagement. Similarly, some
respondents described how their job, or that of a partner or friend, was under threat due to the
economic climate, which had again influenced their engagement with politics. The 'very-engaged'
respondent group identified in the above discussion of ideal types made frequent and direct
references to how their situation within society, as a function of their occupation, influenced their
degree of engagement with politics.

Many respondents highlighted a perceived link between geography, as a function of socio-

economic status, and political engagement. This was echoed in the 2012 Hansard Society Audit of
Political Engagement, which reported that women, people in social grade C2, younger people, and
those living in the certain regions were more likely than average to feel indifferent about politics
(Hansard Society: 2012). Some respondents, in the study reported here, claimed that individuals
from more deprived communities were less interested in politics, and that those from more affluent
backgrounds and surroundings were more so. This type of sentiment was also encountered in a
1999 study of young people from poor areas, which found that residents perceived their
communities to be lacking in comparison to wealthier areas, and that political participation was
something that occurred elsewhere (Bentley et al: 1999).

The respondents also made interesting links between geographic location and the nature of
political engagement, with some suggesting that an individuals physical surroundings played a
large part in determining not just their proclivity to participate, but the type of issue in which they
would be interested, and the partisan allegiances that they were likely to adopt. There is some
research that makes similar links between the nature of an area (e.g. urban, rural, affluent,
deprived) and the type of political issues residents are likely to perceive as important (Verba & Nie:
1987; Woods et al: 2008; Bentley & Gurumurthy: 1999). Busch and Reinhardt allude to the notion
of industrial hotbeds, suggesting that certain physical areas, with a historical concentration of
traded industries are substantially more likely to vote than employees in traded but geographically
dispersed sectors (Busch & Reinhardt: 2005).

It was also interesting to note that while many of the respondents were born in Wales, references
to Welsh identity and politics were limited, with only one respondent making a direct link between
his nationality and personal engagement with politics. This may be reflective of a more general lack
of association made between nationality and politics among the sample.

For many respondents, the degree to which an individual will participate in, or engage with, politics

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appeared a straightforward question of enjoyment. Many claimed that they simply found politics to
be dull, depressing, or stressful- a finding also noted by the literature (White et al: 2000). For
others, their enjoyment of politics was linked with the social element, with many recounting having
enjoyed the perception of being part of a large event during the 2010 UK General Election
campaign, with groups of housemates sharing communal spaces to watch and discuss the
televised debates together. This positive association between attachment and politics is evident in
the work of Conti & Cornolti (2004) and Stoker (2006), who argue that individuals must enjoy
participation in order to do so. Some respondents also highlighted popular culture such as
musicians and festivals as arousing their enjoyment and interest in political participation, with some
describing how attending a concert or hearing a certain bands political music had inspired them,
and made them feel positive towards political action. This is also evident in the literature, with Conti
& Cornolti arguing that if young people receive political messages from alternative sources such
as musicians (rather than parents or teachers) they may view them with enhanced credibility (Conti
& Cornolti: 2004; also Ross & Rose: 1994).

Finally, a sense of enjoyment was also reported by some of the very unengaged respondent group
identified above, who interestingly reported a positive feeling towards politics and political issues in
the immediate aftermath of the research interview, with many talking at length about a wide
number of topics that they had hitherto not considered as political. Generally, however, the very
unengaged group spoke of a disdain for politics, while the 'high-engager' group, although often
critical of political actors and processes, identified a sense of enjoyment associated with political
participation and engagement.

Life Cycle
Much literature is devoted to the notion of a life cycle theory of political engagement, whereby the
young person becomes steadily more engaged with politics as their life takes them past a series of
common landmark events, such as starting work, moving out of the parental house, buying their
own house, or having children et cetera, much of which are correlated with age (Hooghe & Stolle:
2003). This may explain why many young people are generally less interested in politics than older
members of society. As an individuals level of responsibility and perceived stake in society
increases- brought about by such developments as having children, owning ones own home,
career-related experiences, increased reliance on health services, then levels of political
engagement will correspondingly rise (White et al: 2000; OToole: 2004; Spannring: 2005; Norris:
2003).

There was plentiful evidence of this phenomenon observable within the data, with respondents
both attributing their recent increases in political engagement to changes in their circumstances,

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and also, interestingly, predicting that their future levels engagement would be higher. In the case
of the latter, the very unengaged respondents (who were often also the youngest respondents)
often claimed that as they got older they would be more likely to engage with, and participate in,
politics because then they would perceive themselves to be affected by political events to a greater
degree, in keeping with the life cycle theory. Important life cycle milestones identified by the group
included becoming eligible to vote, and increasing responsibilities in relation to family and
parenthood. Those categorised as very engaged were also able to analyse their political outlook
along a similar time line, and suggested that their political views had changed over time, and spoke
of a perception that they had become either more cynical, more conservative, or more wise with
age. This again fits with the ideal type models identified above, whereby the most engaged were
clustered towards 23, 24, and 25, while the lowest were all aged 21 and under.

The annual Hansard Society Audit of Political Engagement (2012) provides an interesting
assessment of the relationship between ageing and political engagement. Now in its ninth year, the
annual survey has collected data on enough respondents to allow for cross-comparison between
age cohorts, in this instance the responses of respondents born between 1979 -1985 were
compared with those born in 1972-1978. The results appeared to indicate that both cohorts
increased their level of knowledge and engagement with politics as they aged, with the 79-85
cohort catching up with the older cohort as the groups reached their late twenties and early thirties
(Hansard Society: 2012).

Other research emphasises the importance of the generational or period effect, the contemporary
political, historical, social, and economic circumstances that inform the young persons
engagement (Hooghe & Stolle: 2003; Norris: 2003; Conti & Cornolti: 2004; Kiesa et al: 2007). One
contemporary generational effect is that, compared to their parents generation, todays young
people are generally getting married, having children, and entering full employment at a later point
in their lives, which has the effect of delaying the aforementioned life cycle effect (Hooghe &
Stolle: 2003; Norris: 2003).

Putnam (1996) argues that one of the most important recent period effects was the widespread
introduction of television. In a paper entitled The Strange Disappearance of Civic America,
Putnam argued that the older generation (in the mid-1990s) were more inclined towards civic
engagement than younger cohorts as they reached maturity and were engaged in more social
networks before television became pervasive in living rooms, with increased TV viewing correlated
with a decline in levels of political engagement (Putnam: 1996). The contextual effect most often
referred to by the respondents in this study was the economic recession and its negative
influences upon the employment prospects of the young people and their contemporaries.

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Another effect relevant to this historical period which appeared to inform the political engagement
of the respondents was the increasing prominence of the internet in political participation. Many
respondents spoke in positive terms about using the internet for political purposes, including its
effectiveness as an information source for any unfamiliar political topic, for real-time news-
gathering on developing events, or for instantly fact-checking political speeches. Others described
the internet as a potentially powerful mobilising tool, able to connect with millions of potential
political allies. Several authors have noted the rise of the internet as a potential vehicle for political
participation (Gibson et al: 2000; Rycroft 2007; Gibson et al: 2000; Livingstone et al: 2004), with
one describing it as a tract, megaphone, teach-in, book store, fundraising event, demonstration,
makeshift stage, and war room all in one (Tapscott 1998, p300). The research links higher levels
of internet activity with higher levels of political engagement, as a likely a function of demographic
overlap (that is, the type of person interested in politics is also the type of person that uses the
internet more) rather than a direct causal relationship (de Vreese: 2007; Best & Krueger: 2005).

The respondents made particular reference to their presence on Facebook, which they suggested
enabled them to display their political allegiance by membership of (or liking) specific groups and
causes, by updating their network as to their current status, some of which was political or topical
in content, by debating political issues with other users, and by organising events with a political
using the site.

7.2- Impact
Engagement versus Participation
The second part of this chapter focuses on the various ways in which the young people sought to
influence the political world through participation in various activities. Before examining political
participation it is important to acknowledge that there is some disagreement within the literature
about exactly what is and is not political participation. Very broadly, earlier research tends to focus
on electoral politics, although there has been an increasing acceptance that newer forms of activity
(such as boycotting certain products or wearing a political t-shirt) are forms of participation. The
terms 'engagement' and 'participation' are not synonymous, despite some authors using the terms
interchangeably, with the former generally accepted as more broad, and the latter relating to
specific 'actions' with intention. For example, Pattie et al (2003) define participation as all types of
activity geared towards influencing policy or legislation (Pattie et al: 2003), and offer an extensive
list of activities ranging from donating money to an organisation, voting in an election, and signing
a petition (the most common activities in which their study respondents had participated), through
to illegal protests and strikes (the least common). For Moug (2008), the distinction between
engagement and participation is dependent on the degree of activity and intention represented by

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a particular action. Moug argues that only deliberate action which has the intention of impacting
upon political outcomes should 'count' as political participation. Therefore, writing a letter to an MP
could be classed as 'participation' but discussing political issues among friends would not, rather
that would be categorised as 'engagement' (Moug: 2008).

OToole (2004) and France (2007) have argued that the definition of exactly which activities
constitute participation has been too narrow in many academic studies, resulting in an inaccurate
and unduly 'pessimistic' assessment of levels of political engagement among the public (OToole:
2004; France: 2007). Studies pointing toward a steadily declining trend of political engagement
often fail to take into account the growth of the types of participation that take place beyond the
realm of elections and parties. Traditional forms of political participation, as defined and measured
by pre-1960s researchers, focus on voting, party campaigning, and standing for office. Since the
1960s other, less 'traditional', forms of political participation have become much more widespread;
actions such as petitioning, public demonstration, and civil disobedience (Wilks-Heeg & Clayton:
2005).

Norris (2004) notes that some of these 'non-traditional' forms of participation are themselves
increasingly regarded as mainstream. Norris therefore suggests a distinction not between types of
action, but between intended outcome, with 'citizen-oriented' and 'cause-oriented' participation,
aimed at different ends (Norris: 2004). Norris' citizen-oriented categories of participation mirror the
above 'traditional' actions, such as voting or lobbying, while the 'cause-oriented' set of actions
focus on issues such as climate change, globalisation, multiculturalism, and gender equality, rather
than bread and butter issues such as jobs and wages (Norris: 2004). Such activities may include
volunteering at a local school, protesting against deforestation, and consciously avoiding the
purchase of certain consumer goods which are known to use unethical sourcing or labour (Norris:
2004). Norris (2003) and Stoker (2006) have also identified a generational shift in political
engagement away from the collectivised and dutiful to the individualised and the non-hierarchical
(Stoker: 2006).

It is also noteworthy that the young people in the respondent group generally appeared to share
the 'narrow' definition of what politics was, with a focus primarily on electoral activity and the
actions of politicians. If young people generally are more likely to perceive politics as constituted of
a wider range of activities that voting and campaigning, then there was little evidence of it within
this study.

While not all forms of participation are alike, neither are the intentions of participants who partake
in such activities. For example, an individual who writes a letter to their MP is unlikely to be same

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person that would attend an illegal protest- the letter is a demonstration of faith that the formal
processes of democracy works, while the protest is not (Pattie et al: 2003). Lamprianou (2012) also
notes that in seeking to categorise 'types' of participation, it is important to remember that some
activities may have multiple intentions and dimensions, and thus do not fit neatly into a single
theoretical category.

Campbell makes an interesting distinction between 'authentic' and 'illusory' forms of participation,
claiming that some forms of participation, for example public consultation meetings, are symbolic
gestures, aimed at creating the illusion of influence to the participants, and the meeting is used to
justify a pre-determined action (Campbell: 2005).

Amn & Ekman argue for a theoretical framework which distinguishes between 'manifest' and
'latent' forms of participation. Manifest forms include behaviour that is associated with elections,
campaigning, and protesting, and is ultimately aimed at influencing government decisions or policy
outcomes. Latent includes mere 'engagement', that is, not necessarily requiring an individual to
participate in a particular activity which is aimed at influencing a particular policy outcome, but
includes simply being aware of various social and political issues, reading newspapers, or
discussing social or political issues with a friend or family (Amn & Ekman (2009).

In addition to the distinction between latent and manifest forms of participation, Amn & Ekman
(2009) also advocate a distinction between 'individual' and 'collective' participation. This distinction
is predicated upon a shift at the societal level (in Western democracies) away from more 'collective'
forms of political participation, oriented around nationality or class, and towards a focus on
individual identity. The authors thus construct a framework which simultaneously distinguishes
between latent and manifest participation, as well as individual and collective forms. For example,
volunteering at a local homeless shelter would be categorised by Amn & Ekman as both 'latent' (it
is not expressly intended to impact upon government policy) as well as 'collective' (it is occurring in
one's local community). By contrast, voting in a general election would be categorised as both
'individual' and as 'manifest' (Amn & Ekman: 2009).

In addition to this framework of participation, Amn & Ekman (2009) append the category of 'non-
participation'. Non-participation is also sub-categorised according to the format above. For
example, 'not voting' might be an active decision, in the sense that the individual perceives
inadequacy with the electoral system or choice of parties and candidates available and so chooses
not to vote. It may also be 'passive' in the sense that the individual is uninformed about the
election, is not registered, or simply does not care or wish to participate . This distinction may also
be characterised as one between 'apathy' (individual simply does not care) and 'alienation' (the
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individual does care, but does not perceive participation as efficacious). For these reasons, the
study described here uses the term engagement to mean a broad set of behaviours in which the
individual is conscious of events within the political world, with participation taken to mean active
attempts to impact upon this political world in some way.

Efficacy
The respondents in this study assessed participation in politics according to its perceived efficacy,
with some perceiving democratic participation as effective, and others as not. In the literature a
'rational choice' model of civic participation is put forward, with emphasis on the perceived efficacy
of participation. In this model individual actors weigh up how to behave according to a series of
micro cost/benefit analyses. If a prospective participant in political action perceives insufficient
'benefit' to be gained from their participating, then they are less likely to do so (Pattie et al: 2003).
The literature suggests that political participation amongst young people is reinforced by
perceptions of efficacy- simply, if young people perceive their actions as having an impact upon the
political world, they are more likely to remain engaged with politics (Cotti & Cornolti: 2004).

This notion of perceived efficacy is also maintained by Stoker (2006), who employs the acronym
'CLEAR' to outline what motivates individuals to participate in politics. He argues first that people
are more likely to participate in the political process when they Can do, that is, when they feel that
they have adequate resources to participate, with time being the most important. Second, Stoker
argues that people Like to participate in politics when they feel a sense of attachment and
affiliation to a group or cause (also Conti & Cornolti: 2004). Third, people need to feel Enabled to
participate by being made aware of processes, relevant contacts, strategies and goals. Fourth,
people are more likely to become involved in politics if they are Asked to- individuals usually need
to be directly mobilised by an activist, meeting or campaign (also Keeter et al: 2002). Finally, when
people feel that their political action is being Responded to, they are more likely to participate in
the future as they perceive evidence that their contribution is efficacious (Stoker: 2006).

The accounts of the respondents, in the study reported here, placed great emphasis on the
perceived effectiveness of their participation in political processes. In this sense participation in
politics was being assessed in terms of how effective it was at achieving a particular end, rather
than as an end in itself. Many respondents spoke in somewhat negative terms as they assessed
the potential influence that they, or people like them, could realistically expect to have on the
political world from the perspective of social status, with people from lower socio-economic groups
invariably presented as relatively powerless. This view is echoed by the work of Spannring (2005),
who suggests that young people do you mean young people from lower socio-economic groups
perceive themselves, as excluded from the decision-making process (Spannring: 2005). These

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negative perceptions presented by the young people in the sample were resonate with the
literature. For example, the 2008 Audit of Political Engagement suggested that a relatively small
proportion of those surveyed agreed with the statement: when people like me get involved in
politics, they really can change the way that the country is run (The Hansard Society: 2008).
Similarly, Todd and Taylor (2004) identify a widespread and resigned sense of fatalism among
many young people that significant changes to policy are currently impossible to achieve, and that
the situation is unchangeable (Todd & Taylor: 2004).

Some of the young people drew distinctions between the (somewhat limited) political efficacy of an
individual acting alone in comparison to the (greater) political efficacy of a large group, with large-
scale collective participation presented as potentially powerful. However, in addition to this, some
respondents claimed that for this reason they perceived little incentive for themselves to
participate, as enough other people of similar political views already participated in politics for the
individual in question not to participate. Other young people taking part in the study suggested that
types of issue in which they were interested were simply beyond the scope of traditional national
political institutions, and so described a perception of powerlessness to influence change from this
perspective.

As suggested above, a lack of understanding among some of the young people about political
processes appeared to inform a somewhat unrealistic level of expectation for political institutions to
deliver major changes to society within short time frames, which in turn appeared to reinforce
negative perceptions of politics. Despite the majority of the interviews being conducted during the
final months of 2010, just three to six months after the General Election, many young peoples
accounts appeared to indicate that they had expected radical and immediate changes in policy to
be perceptible. This phenomenon resonates with the background literature, with several authors
noting that many young people do not perceive participation in politics as efficacious due to a lack
of understanding of political processes. Changes in government brought about by elections are not
perceived as leading to a readily identifiable change in policy (Johnson & Marshall: 2004; Kiesa et
al: 2007; Spannring: 2005; White et al: 2000). It is suggested that young people need to perceive
these concrete goals as being accomplished and behold the proven results of political action in
order feel engaged with the political process (Conti & Cornolti: 2004). At the extreme one
respondent claimed not to perceive any changes in policy being brought about by the new
government, despite the interview being recorded with less than three months having elapsed
since the General Election.

Elections
Despite voting being perceived by many of the young people in the study as the primary means by

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which individuals express political power, the tone of discussion which surrounded accounts of
participating in elections was largely negative. A perceived lack of efficacy in political participation
characterised much of the respondents discussion of voting. There is much academic consensus
that, compared to older groups, young people are disproportionately less likely to vote or to report
trusting in democratic institutions (Norris: 2003; OToole: 2004; Dermody & Hanmer-Lloyd: 2003;
Shucksmith & Jentsch: 2004; The Electoral Commission 2008). It is also argued that young people
are increasingly eschewing what are deemed to be traditional forms of political participation, which
centre around electoral politics, in favour more issue-based political actions, such as protests or
petitions (Spannring: 2005). This is argued to be partly because young people do not perceive
participation in elections as being efficacious, with many instead regarding voting as simply a
waste of time (Johnson & Marshall: 2004; Kiesa et al: 2007; Conti & Cornolti: 2004; Todd et al:
2004).

While these views were commonplace among the respondents in the study reported here, there
were nevertheless some respondents who spoke in positive terms about voting. Some described
experiencing a sense of power when casting their vote, and described the ritualistic aspect to
participating, in which the individual is symbolically acting out a form of political ceremony. Others
spoke about voting in terms of the entitlements it enabled with regards to repining in relation to
political issues- for some, non-voters had in forfeited their right to complain. For these
respondents, those individuals who did not vote, because they were too lazy to do so, had less
right to criticise political agents.

Primarily, however, respondent accounts of voting were negative in tone. One reason for this was a
perception that voting did not lead to major changes due to a perceived convergence of ideas and
policies between the main political parties, with several respondents suggesting that they found it
somewhat difficult to differentiate between them. This is backed up in the literature by Spannring
(2005), who argues that young people perceive an absence of choice at elections because they
find parties hard to distinguish (Spannring: 2005). It is important to note that finding political parties
hard to differentiate is a function of numerous explanations. Firstly, the individual may be unable to
distinguish between political parties due to a lack of knowledge rather than because the policies of
parties have converged. In this case, if the individual possessed more information about the
positions of the parties they may well begin to perceive distinctions. Secondly, the parties may
indeed be indistinguishable from one another, with only relative experts able to readily distinguish
between the stances of political parties on various issues. Thirdly, the political affiliations of the
young person may cause them to perceive a relative homogeneity among the major political
parties. If the individual is of a political disposition that some could be described as more extreme,
then when viewed from their relatively remote ideological vantage point, the degree to which such

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parties appear to be indistinguishable may well increase.

The first-past-the-post electoral system used in UK General Elections was also cited by many
study respondents as problematic, due to a perception that votes for certain parties, in certain
areas, were effectively wasted. This is because in each geographic constituency the seat is
awarded outright to the candidate with the highest number of votes, with all other votes not
counting towards a national or regional total (as is the case in the Wales National Assembly, where
constituency seats are complemented by regional seats awarded according to national totals).
While some respondents described the election system as problematic based upon their own
experience, others cited the experience of their friends. This is noted in the literature, with the
problem of wasted votes or unfair results identified as problematic for democracy, as
demonstrated by the theoretical possibility that a party could hypothetically finish in second place in
every constituency, amassing 49.9% of all votes cast, yet receive no seats in parliament. It is also
worth noting that references to 'the election' referred retrospectively to the 2010 UK General
Election, rather than the (then) forthcoming 2011 National Assembly for Wales elections.

There is also an issue whereby many smaller parties lack the resources to field a candidate in all
650 UK constituencies, which means that many voters may perceive a limited choice of candidates
and parties (White et al: 2000; Kingdom: 2003; Dermody & Hanmer-Lloyd: 2003). A lack of variety
within the available selection of political parties was identified by some respondents, particularly
those with political views which did not closely match any of the major political parties.

The political context of an election was also identified by the young people as influencing their
proclivity to vote, a finding mirrored by the literature (The Electoral Commission: 2006). For
example, the 2001 British General Election was widely regarded in its build-up as being
uncompetitive, with Labour predicted to cruise to a comfortable victory, which led many potential
voters to stay away from the polls (Dermody & Hanmer-Lloyd: 2003; Claassen: 2007). In Wales,
Scully (2006) suggested that low participation in the Assembly elections in Wales has been a
function of the perception that the election is not of great importance, reflective of perceptions of
the Assembly itself as weak or irrelevant (Scully et al: 2004). The 2010 General Election, however,
was perceived by many of the young people in the group to have been less predictable, with the
final outcome impossible to accurately predict, and therefore more engaging. The 2010 General
Election campaign was also described as being somehow different by the respondents due to the
prominence of live televised party leader debates, which were viewed in positive terms as having
been engaging, exciting, and accessible.

The temporal cycle of elections were also identified by the young people as somewhat problematic,
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with respondents describing an overwhelming rush of information in the lead-up to an election,
followed by long periods where the political world did not engage with them. This problem was also
identified in the literature, with Deetz (1992) suggesting that modern election cycles reduce voters
to akin to a consumer (Deetz: 1992), who are consulted at occasional intervals and then largely
ignored.

In addition to these perceived barriers to participation, which required a priori political knowledge
on the part of the respondent in order to be able to analyse problems, several of the less engaged
respondents identified more straightforward barriers to voting, which were of a practical or logistical
nature. However, it was noted that such justifications were often qualified by the respondents, who
themselves owned that such barriers could most likely have been overcome relatively
straightforwardly if they had so wished. Arguably this suggests voting is not perceived as high
priority by some young people, although it is acknowledged as being socially responsible.

The literature does identify several barriers to voting which disproportionately impact upon young
people, including the physical inconvenience of visiting a polling station at the prescribed time slot,
ignorance of procedure, ignorance about the very existence of an upcoming election,
administrative inefficiency such as having recently moved and therefore not being on register, and
deliberate avoidance of registration in relation to the secondary uses of the register (The Electoral
Commission: 2002). Johnson and Marshall have also suggested that many young people have a
disinclination to vote due to the physical inconvenience of leaving the house and visiting a polling
station on a particular day (Johnson & Marshall: 2004; also Kiesa et al: 2007). This physical
inconvenience may have been linked to a wider sense of weariness, which one report identified as
a barrier to wider political participation, with respondents reporting that they lacked the energy,
time, and consequently the inclination to become politically involved (Bentley et al: 1999).

Nevertheless, it is important to note that the young people viewed political engagement and
participation as a thing that they 'should' do or aspire to. This took the form of many respondents
'justifying' their non-participation, or explaining how they would like to be more engaged if certain
barriers were not present. This may also have been a function of the research process, whereby
respondents might have inferred that the topic was important from the very fact that they were
being interviewed about it. Therefore, it is important from a reflexive research perspective to
recognise that while every effort was made to be impartial, some of my own assumptions (that
democracy, political participation, engagement with the political process, knowledge of and interest
in current affairs, is an inherently good thing) may have permeated the interview process (Maton:
2003).

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Politicians
One of the main barriers to voting identified by the young people was the perception that politicians
are unable to deliver on their promises. Politicians were described in a predominantly negative
manner by the respondents, with very few young people identifying positive characteristics or
adopting a sympathetic stance.

The respondents identified a gap between themselves and politicians in terms of socio-economic
status, with the latter generally characterised as old, posh, and male. The age gap between what
was perceived to be a typical politician and the young people was presented as problematic as it
meant that young people lacked representation in parliament. This is echoed within the literature,
which describes a similar discrepancy between the young people and elected representatives
(White et al: 2000). Similarly, a gap between the social backgrounds of politicians and those of
ordinary young people has been identified as a common source of young people perceiving
politicians as lacking credibility when making political decisions (White et al: 2000; Day et al: 2006;
Bentley et al: 1999). Spannring (2005) also suggests that young people regard politicians as either
ignorant of, or indifferent to, their lives and experiences. This too was borne out by the responses
of the young people in my study, who strongly questioned how what they perceived as pampered
politicians could claim to adequately represent people like themselves without having shared
similar experiences. The notion of having shared lived experiences with ordinary people was
presented as being of importance to the respondents, with politicians that were seen to have
personal lives that were similar to the young people seemingly more likely to be accepted as
credible representatives. The respondents also spoke in generally negative terms about the
personalities of politicians, whom they described as being either arrogant, aloof, obnoxious,
greedy, duplicitous, mendacious, roguish, or any combination of these.

The respondents also focused on the perceived shortcomings of politicians from a performance
perspective. They described politicians as being ineffective and of not achieving their stated aims
due to either personal incompetence, or a modus operandi that is geared more towards one-
upmanship and political points-scoring than outcomes. These views are also apparent within the
literature, with several authors noting that for many young people the predominant image of politics
is of elected representatives arguing and shouting at each other during parliamentary debates
seen on television and yet not accomplishing anything (White et al: 2000; Spannring: 2005). This
causes young people to perceive elected representatives as inefficacious owing to personal
incompetence (Dermody & Hanmer-Lloyd: 2003).

Other research has indicated that many young people lack faith in politicians to be truthful or to
keep promises (White et al: 2000). In a survey of over 1,000 people from all over Europe in 2002,

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over 50% of respondents said that either hardly any or very few politicians care what ordinary
people think, and less than 1% have complete trust in politicians (Stoker: 2006). Politicians are
seen by many young people as crooks who take back-handers (Bentley et al: 1999, p181), who
are concerned with their own personal wealth and prestige rather than representing the interests
and concerns of young people, their constituents, or the country as a whole (White et al: 2000;
Conti & Cornolti: 2004; Day et al: 2006; Stoker: 2006). Young people see politicians, as well as the
parties that they represent, as habitual liars (Stoker: 2006) that seek to manipulate voters using the
media (Kiesa et al: 2007; Bentley et al: 1999). Against this backdrop it is hardly surprising that
many of the young people described a lack of trust in politicians, with several using vivid imagery to
convey their distaste with politicians. Some of this used anthropomorphic imagery to characterise
politicians as non-human, linking them with negative personality traits that often popularly
associated with animals, such as greed and pigs, or rats and deceit.

Some research has suggested that the role of the media has served to compound negative
perceptions of politicians, due to a focus on negative reporting. This may include a focus on the
apparent inability of governments to deliver upon guarantees, accusations of lies, media spin,
policy u-turns, corruption, and sleaze. The effect of such generally negative reporting may be to
perpetuate dissatisfaction either by affirming existing negative attitudes and stereotypes, or by
framing politics within the context of doubt, distrust, and disappointment (Dermody & Hanmer-
Lloyd: 2003; also Conti & Cornolti: 2004).

Among the relatively few positive accounts of politicians, provided by young people, familiarity was
clearly implicated in sympathetic assessments. Generally if a politician was perceived to be
charismatic they were viewed more favourably by the respondents. Similarly, famous politicians
that were perceived as being somewhat eccentric or down to earth were also spoken of in more
sympathetic terms by the respondents. Other positive accounts of politicians related to the
performance of their local MP or Assembly Member, based on both direct and second-hand
accounts. Such views all necessarily require a degree of familiarity with the politician in question,
suggesting that if a politician is well known to the young person they may have a better chance of
being perceived in a positive manner.

In a similar vein, politicians who were perceived to be more human were the subject of more
sympathetic accounts from the young people. The notion of being more human is interesting in
this context as it implies a huge sense of remoteness between the young people and their
perception of a typical politician if to merely be seen as human is regarded as positive. The live
televised party leader debates that were screened during the 2010 General Election campaign
were identified by many respondents as having increased their engagement with politics, due in

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large part to the performance in the debates of Nick Clegg. The leader of the Liberal Democrats
was described by many respondents as having presented himself in an agreeable and accessible
manner, which contrasted with what many young people perceived to be a typical politician.

The better-informed and more politically engaged respondents tended to also be the ones to offer
a sympathetic account of politicians. Some suggested that politicians did a very demanding job,
and drew on comparisons with their own working lives to express sympathy, for example the need
to represent their company or organisation externally, and so be answerable to critics on behalf of
that organisation in a similar manner to politicians with their parties.

Many researchers have argued that young people are increasingly rejecting the wholesale
adoption of policy positions which supporting a single party represents, and are instead
characterised by holding a number of different positions on a number of different issues, resulting
in an individualistic and patchwork political allegiance (Norris: 2003; also White et al: 2006). This is
because individuals, especially younger sections of society, feel decreasingly constrained by the
ideology of a party or religious group; they feel at liberty to cherry-pick individual stances for
individual issues, appropriating values into a patchwork, idiosyncratic political outlook (Spannring:
2005). Spannring (2005) argues that young people generally find it difficult to remain loyal to one
organisation due to a generational shift away from a unidirectional and hierarchical conception of
politics. This has also led to decreased numbers of young people joining political parties- for
example, in the mid-1990s less than 1% of Conservative Party membership was under 25, while
Labour and the Liberal democrats had average ages of 48 and 49 respectively (Weinstein, Todd &
Taylor: 2004). Membership is deteriorating particularly rapidly in the case of the Conservative
Party, as the demographic composition of their membership is generally older, and so is literally
dying out without being replaced by young successors (Wilks-Heeg & Clayton: 2005). Kiesa et al
suggest that many young people feel turned off the idea of joining a political party due to a
reluctance to be labelled and limited in their personal beliefs (Kiesa et al: 2007).

Several of the young people taking part in the study described the notion of being constrained by a
single political partys ideology as unappealing, which is broadly reflective of findings from the
literature. In many cases the young people also described supporting numerous political parties
depending on the political issue at stake, rather than defining their political views in relation to a
single party.

Some research conducted prior to the 2010 election found that many young people perceived a
crisis of representation due to the ideological convergence of the major political parties, leading to
an inability to distinguish between them and a lack of choice (Bentley et al: 1999; Spannring:
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2005). This sentiment was only partially reflected in the interview data, only a small minority of
whom alluded to such a crisis. Indeed, what was more problematic for the majority of the
respondents was the Conservative Party being in government in Westminster, with many of the
respondents describing it in strongly negative terms, and professing that they supported Labour.
Among the most vehement critics of the Conservatives were those young people brought up in
areas characterised by long-standing historical resentment of the party, and whose parents were
described as Labour supporters.

The outcome of the 2010 General Election reportedly influenced the engagement of many young
people taking part in the study, who as self-identified Labour supporters were highly critical of the
Conservatives. Young people rejecting political party membership may reflect a perception that
when ones party of choice is in government, there is little reason to engage with politics. Indeed a
respondent, in the study reported here, claimed that he had never been interested in politics
throughout his teenage years or adult life because Labour was in government in Westminster, and
is was only because that situation changed that his interest in political affairs increased.

Direct action
The literature suggests that young people have been increasingly drawn towards less traditional
(that is, non-electoral) forms of political participation, actions which include petitioning, public
demonstrations, and civil disobedience (Wilks-Heeg & Clayton: 2005). There were several
examples of the young people in the respondent group having participated in political protests,
which appears to give support to that claim. However, it must be emphasised that not all protest
participation was considered to be of equal value. While some respondents described the act of
political protest as potentially highly effective at raising awareness of a particular issue, there were
others who suggested that many participants are not adequately informed about the very issue
about they are protesting. One such example of this was offered by a respondent who recounted
having joined in a protest whilst in Spain, despite possessing no information other than the protest
was concerned with education, due to a language barrier. This episode was also complemented by
other accounts of young people participating in protests whilst at school in order to avoid attending
lessons, rather than as a political act. There is some literature which makes similar arguments,
suggesting that political protest and action for some young people can sometimes be a somewhat
superficial or voguish gesture rather than genuine expression of political will (Stoker: 2006), or that
protest can often be confused and incoherent in scope (Conti and Cornolti: 2004).

However, some respondents recalled having participated in protests against the 2003 invasion of
Iraq whilst in school. The respondent group would have been aged between 10 and 18 years old at
the time of the invasion. Arguably, therefore, the research findings of OToole and Todd, which

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suggested that the large number of young people who took part in protests in the spring of 2003 as
the UK and US prepared to invade Iraq were evidence that they were not in fact apathetic or
apolitical, are relevant here (OToole: 2004; Todd et al: 2004).

Remoteness
One recurrent theme within the data was a perception that politics is something that is remote from
the individual, and that engagement is dependent upon the individual perceiving the impact of
politics as proximate and relevant to their daily lives. As discussed above, many respondents
viewed politicians as being socially remote from their own experiences, and so unable to represent
them in a credible manner. Similarly, some respondents identified a physical remoteness between
their location (in Wales) and the locus of political power, which was in London or yet further afield.

Indeed, this absence of reference to the National Assembly of Wales was an interesting finding
identified from the respondent discussion of the locus of politics. There were no direct references
to the Welsh Assembly, the Senedd, or the First Minister, with respondents firmly 'locating' politics
in Westminster. When Welsh politicians were mentioned, it was as local MPs, indicating that the
degree of familiarity with politicians occurred at both a UK and a local level, rather than on Wales'
devolved tier in Cardiff Bay. Here it should be noted that although the study was located within
Wales, including North/South Wales, it was not a study of Welsh political engagement per se.
Rather, the study sought wherever possible to allow the respondents to use their own definitions of
what was (and was not) political.

This distinction is worthy of consideration, as many people define their political views according to
nationality, with Plaid Cymru frequently cited as more popular with young people (Scully & Wyn-
Jones: 2012). The relationship between Welsh identity and political engagement is not
straightforward, and is complicated by the fact that self-identity is split between Wales and Britain.
Welshness 'competes' with Britishness for the majority of the population, with a 2007 survey
showing that the people of Wales split their self-reporting of nationality across the following
categories: Welsh not British (22%); More Welsh than British (21%); Equally Welsh and British
(31%); More British than Welsh (10%); British not Welsh (10%) (Johnes: 2011, p12).

While younger people in 1997 were more in favour of devolution than older members of the
electorate, it has been suggested that low levels of knowledge of, or interest in, the National
Assembly of Wales is a function of age itself- those aged 18 to 25 in 2010 were simply not old
enough during the devolution referendum of 1997 or the opening of the Assembly in 1999 to have
been engaged by the campaign (Scully and Wyn-Jones: 2012). Therefore, young people are
generally more supportive of the principle of devolution than older age groups, yet are also less
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knowledgeable and interested in the National Assembly (Johnes: 2011). Young people are less
likely to vote in Assembly elections than General elections (Scully and Wyn-Jones: 2012). Turnout
in the Assembly election of 2007 was 44%, compared with 62% in 2005 UK General Election
(Johnes: 2011, p12)

Further to this, the research took place in between the 2010 General Election and the 2011
National Assembly Election, meaning that the Assembly which existed during the data collection
was a weaker institution in terms of straightforward political power than that which exists today.
This is because of a referendum in March 2011 in which the people of Wales voted in favour of a
removal of the UK Government's ability to interfere in Welsh Bills- simply put, the Assembly no
longer has to 'ask permission' from Westminster to legislate.

Another sense in which physical location was linked to a perception of remoteness from political
engagement was the scale at which some respondents engaged with issues. For example, some
of the more engaged respondents tended to focus on global or international political issues, and
reported rarely, if ever, engaging with local issues, a finding echoed by Todd et al (Todd et al:
2004). Some research indicates that young people do not feel attached to a nation-state, rather,
they engage with politics as a citizen of a region, or even globally (Cotti & Cornolti: 2004). By
contrast, some respondents, including the least engaged and informed, reported engaging with
political issues only when they were immediately apparent in their lives, or in their local community.
What was clear in such cases was that, as discussed above, some individuals were more readily
able to engage with political issues without necessarily perceiving a direct link between that issue
and their own life. In contrast, others required greater proximity, as per the research of White et al
(2000), who suggest that young people in very unengaged groups were more likely to engage
politically only when issues were directly and personally relevant to them or their local community
(White et al: 2000).

7.3- Theory
Macro and micro levels
It is important to acknowledge that there are numerous theoretical levels at which such an
examination may occur, ranging from the 'macro' down to the 'micro' levels. Norris (2002) analysis
of competing theoretical accounts of levels of political activism across multiple Western countries
groups explanatory theories into four broad categories. Here, levels of political participation are
accounted for differentially in terms of changes in: society, state institutions, mobilising
organisations, and individual-level access to socio-economic resources (Norris: 2002). These four
categories represent a distinction between macro-level, meso-level, and micro-level accounts of
political activism (Norris: 2002). At the macro-level we find theories of political activation based

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upon societal modernisation, with institutional changes occupying space between 'macro' and
'meso' levels. At the 'meso' level there are theoretical accounts focusing on such 'mobilising
agencies' as the media and political parties, with individual contexts such as resource-access or
personal motivation informing theories at the 'micro' level (Norris: 2002).

Starting initially at the macro level and working downwards, Norris introduces accounts that focus
on 'societal modernisation', and which emphasise the influence of factors such as rising living
standards and increasing access to educational resources on levels of political activism. Such
trends are cited as leading to increasingly engaged citizens, seeking to influence the political
process via non-traditional forms of popular action, such as striking or social movements. In
addition to such trends is a de-alignment of hitherto rigid loyalty towards traditional 'hierarchical'
organisations and authorities such as political parties (Norris: 2002).

Societal modernisation theories claim that the historical transition from 'traditional', agricultural,
societies towards post-industrial urbanisation has been accompanied by an increase in overall
education levels, occupational specialisation, standards of living, expected lifespans, amounts of
leisure time available, and access to mass media sources, all of which have influenced levels of
political participation (Norris: 2002). Other important trends include a shift in traditional gender
roles, rapid advancements in science and technology, multiculturalism, increasing social mobility,
the secularisation of society, and more recently developments such as the spread of the internet or
globalisation (Norris: 2002). Given the nature and scope of this study it was not possible, or
appropriate, to measure such trends either temporally or across the nation, although some of the
developments to which Norris alludes, for example the notion of globalisation interfering with
established spheres of political sovereignty, were arguably evident within the data.

The process of globalisation is argued to be undermining the authority and power of national
political institutions which is consequently undermining trust in politicians and reinforcing electoral
apathy (Dermody & Hanmer-Lloyd: 2003; Gamarnikow & Green: 1999). Democratically-elected
political institutions are perceived to be unable to adequately respond to certain types of
international issue, such as climate change, which is argued to increasingly cause individuals to
bypass national institutions in favour single issue-based politics, such as demonstrations, ethical
consumerism, or the signing of petitions (Stoker: 2006; White et al: 2000).

Norris notes that critics of societal modernisation theory claim that such trends are complex and
multidimensional, and just as likely to account for increases in levels of political activism as they
are decreases, with any number of analyses and interpretations possible. For example, trends
such as increasing levels of education, which may cause an increase in political activism by means
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of increased overall capacity for critical thought, may be offset by other, unrelated, factors (Norris:
2002; Hansard Society: 2012).

There has also been an overall decrease in so-called 'traditional' forms of political participation,
which centred on electoral activity, and an increase in more alternative means of political activity.
This in turn reflects a shift in importance placed by younger generations upon 'outdated' ideological
concepts of left-versus-right, towards issues relating to the post-materialist agenda of quality of life
issues, such as the environment, gender equality and human rights (Norris: 2002, p4). Another
'societal' theory of political participation relates to generational socialisation, in which the first few
elections of an adult's life strongly determine their propensity to vote for a lifetime (Franklin: 2004).

The second level of theory identified by Norris relates to institutions, in which changes in levels of
political participation and activism are primarily attributable to the democratic structures of states,
or as she describes it, changes in the rules of the game (Norris: 2002). Examples of such factors
cited by Norris include reform of enfranchisement, with new groups of voters being added to the
electorate, or the type of electoral system used, with majoritarian and proportional systems
influencing in different ways the perceptions of the efficacy of voting. Norris also notes that such
accounts tend to focus on international comparative analyses, for example comparing electoral
turnout rates in Australia (where voting in major elections is compulsory) to the United Kingdom
(where it is not) (Norris: 2002).

Another 'institutional' explanation for political participation is as the anticipated closeness of a

particular election race, with elections that are expected to be close (such as the 2010 General
Election in the UK) seeing higher turnouts than those which are perceived as being something of a
'foregone conclusion' (for example, the UK General Election in 2001) (Rosenstone and Hansen:
1993; Pattie & Johnston: 2001; Clarke et al: 2004; Franklin: 2004). While some respondents in the
study presented here did make brief comparisons between the perceived closeness of the 2010
UK General Election with previous elections, it was beyond the remit and scope of this study to
measure such a phenomenon.

Thirdly, Norris identifies theories which centre on mobilisation. These focus on the relationship
between such organisations as churches, trade unions, and in particular political parties and their
strategies to engage members. Emphasis is placed upon declining levels of membership of, or
sense of attachment to, such organisations, with individuals less likely to remain rigidly 'loyal' to a
particular political parties or groups on a long term basis. It is interesting here to note that some of
the examples cited by Norris of such theories partially overlap with the 'societal' and 'institutional'
theories described above. For example, declining membership of trade unions and attendant
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support for class-based political parties can also be explained by institutional changes (such as
industrial legislation), socio-economic changes (declining manufacturing base in post-industrial
societies) (Norris: 2002).

Norris situates Putnam's work on Social Capital into this category of theorisation, with claims that
membership of social networks, or membership of community, sports, and workplace groups is in
decline, and so too therefore is 'social capital', a form of currency created through social
interaction that is associated with the proclivity to participate in mass activities (Norris: 2002).
Norris (2001) argues that although Putnam's Social Capital definition is comprised of both
institutional trust and networks, it is the former rather than the latter which drives political
participation. This is a result of an active and critical citizenry causing government to 'raise their
game', and so deliver better outcomes, which engenders greater levels of trust (Norris: 2001).

Other examples of 'mobilising agency' include formal pressure groups (such as Greenpeace),
informal political movements (such as the women's movement of the 1970s, or latterly the 'Occupy'
movement), as well as the media. Norris (2000) claims that the changing nature of the way the
media covers politics is the cause of much disengagement, arguing that pre-modern campaigning
techniques, which centred on face-to-face contact (such as local meetings, live oration, or
domestic door-knocking), have been replaced by advertising and media-led campaigns, much of
which is described as cynical and negative in tone, for example, 'attack ads', which are particularly
prevalent in the USA, or media focus on the more controversial aspects of politics, rather than
routine policy-making (Norris: 2000).

Finally, we turn to the individual level, the theoretical tier in which this study is located. A large
volume of previous research has emphasised the role of individual background in determining
proclivity to engage with politics (Norris: 2002; Conklin: 2008, Wilks-Heeg & Clayton: 2005 ; Brown
& Uslander: 2002; Verba & Nie: 1987; Campbell: 2005; Walsh et al: 2004). This work explains
differing levels of political engagement between individuals through recourse to differential access
to 'resources' which enable or foster such engagement.

Bourdieu and Political Engagement 'Capitals'

The study drew on Bourdieus work on capital to understand political engagement. Here it is
argued that political engagement may be understood as a function, in part, of individual stockpiles
of capital, which both drive and limit engagement with, as well as subsequent participation in,
politics. In simple terms, political engagement can be understood as driven by a variety of different
'capitals'. Individuals that possess more of these forms of capital are more engaged with politics
than those without. The primary forms of 'political engagement capitals' identified within this study
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included knowledge of, and interest in, politics, the perception that politics was proximate to one's
life, and an understanding of how one's participation was efficacious. Before focusing on the main
theoretical tools the study borrows from Bourdieu, it is necessary to provide a brief summary of
his views on politics, and the study of politics, as inferred from his writing and interviews.

Pierre Bourdieu was an influential French sociologist who organised much of his work around a
central theme of power relationships within society (Swartz: 2006). The theoretical constructs of
fields, capital, and habitus inform the theoretical understanding underpinning the analysis.
Bourdieu is relatively absent throughout much of British and American political research, which is
primarily a function of his rejection of academic silos, and broad focus (Swartz: 2006). One
notable exception to this is Robert Putnams work on social capital, which is theoretically informed
by Bourdieu (Swartz: 2006).

Bourdieu devoted relatively little time to the analysis of political parties or elections because he
understood sociology as the study of power, without necessarily recognising the validity of
distinction between academic sub-fields (Swartz: 2003). Bourdieu sought instead to analyse the
political in terms of power relations between rival collective identities being played out across
society. For Bourdieu, Politics (with a capital P) is a performance that reflects real-world
competitions for power (Swartz: 2006).

Wacquant (2006) notes that it is important to distinguish between three types of politics located
within the works of Bourdieu. Firstly, is the personal partisan position of Bourdieu, which was a
fundamental guiding principle for much of his work, and was essentially socialistic, as he termed in
gauche de gauche (left of the left) (Wacquant: 2006). Secondly, Bourdieu also wrote specifically
about politics in terms of the public sphere- elections, politicians, opinion polls, and parties. Thirdly,
there is everything else, in the sense that Bourdieu was fundamentally concerned with power
relationships across wider society, a broad perspective sociology which transcended traditional
academic political science niches such as voter behaviour (Wacquant: 2006).

In his analysis of opinion polls (Bourdieu: 1972), Bourdieu made an interesting point relating to
political engagement, suggesting that the no replies were in fact the most interesting responses.
Bourdieu claimed that not completing a political survey was a political act in itself, as it not only
questioned the premise that all opinions were valid and worthy of consideration, but revealed that
in order to participate in the public sphere, an individual must possess a certain degree of capital.
He claimed that groups such as women or the less educated were more likely to self-exclude
themselves from participation in surveys, and in so doing, exclude themselves from political
discourse (Bourdieu: 1972). This notion that those who perceived themselves as having fewer
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social resources are less likely to participate resonates with my own study findings.

For Bourdieu, political power is largely symbolic in the sense that the ability to define and delineate
certain societal subgroups as distinct entities informs the political discussion, as Swartz (2003: p5)
puts it, "Naming brings into existence. It creates symbolic power. Politics is the construction of
collective identities". Similarly, the scope of acceptable political debate is framed at a societal elite
level, so many potential political actors are essentially bound by this frame (Swartz: 2003). Political
actions begin with some attempt to influence the doxa (the accepted status quo) (Swartz: 2003)
political action begins with some attempt to change the 'doxa', aka the status quo (to reinforce or
subvert the way things have settled).

One of Bourdieus key arguments relating to politics was that the main players of the political
game speak only to one another, ignoring the concerns of their constituents (Bourdieu: 1991), a
notion which resonates with many of the respondents in this study, who described experiencing
remoteness from the political world. Such concerns included the view that politicians are socially
remote in terms of class, physically remote in terms of location, linguistically remote in terms of the
ornate and inaccessible language they used, and normatively remote, in terms of the interests they
were pursuing seen as at odds with those of ordinary people.

Linked to this is Bourdieus suggestion that once individual voters have chosen their
representative, they have effectively relinquished their political power and voice, as that
representative goes on to represent their own personal agendas, rather than those of the electors.
Bourdieu termed this dispossession (Swartz: 2003) and claimed that it especially impacts on the
dominated classes, who lack various relevant forms of capital (explained below), leading to
political alienation (Bourdieu: 1991).

This tendency is also identified elsewhere in politics, with Bourdieu citing the example of a leader
of the protests in Paris in May 1968, whom Bourdieu claimed was using the supposed backing of
other rioters to legitimate and impose his own views rather than those of the group (Bourdieu:
1991). Bourdieu also made similar claims about opinion polls, which he suggested were used as
post-hoc instruments to confer a mandate upon a policy rather than examine what for policy should
take (Bourdieu: 1972). Bourdieu also regarded the process of globalisation as fundamentally
disempowering to ordinary citizens (Bourdieu: 2002), as did some of the respondents in my study,
who claimed that political forces external to the UK were most influential.

Fields and Habitus

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In terms of epistemology, Bourdieu posited that sociological inquiry was impossible without the
researcher (at least to some degree) imposing their own partisan political ideology. This is because
the researcher, like their subjects, are inherently steeped in politics as presented by the mass
media, with the scope of acceptable inquiry bound by cultural limiters (Swartz: 2003). One way
Bourdieu suggested that the researcher might at least attempt to circumvent these limitations is the
construction of the field, and use this model to at least attempt to recognise the symbolic cage
within which the debate is occurring. Therefore, one of the key roles of the researcher is to
highlight the many concepts and power structures that the social world simply takes for granted
(Swartz: 2003).

Bourdieu used fields as constructs to illustrate relational power games. Fields are an arena of
competition for control of limited resources, and could take the form of, for example, the economic
field, the domestic field, the workplaces field, and so on. The key point is that these games each
have their own set of rules which govern and inform the behaviour of the players (Bourdieu &
Wacquant: 1992). Within each distinct field, certain player characteristics and attribute sets lead to
more successful outcomes. Possession of these resources allows certain players to appear to
display a more natural sense de jeu (feel for the game) than others (Lamaison & Bourdieu:
1986; also Adkins: 2011).

Within a field, social action is created partially in improvised response to unexpected events, and
partly by deep-seated cultural norms (habitus). Bourdieu (1977) used the concept habitus to
account for behaviour as a collection of shared experiences and conditions (such as gender, social
class, regional traditions, et cetera). Habitus is not only an individual's way of acting, but also the
historical and cultural tradition and circumstances that inform such a disposition (Wacquant: 2006;
Adkins: 2011). Hage (2013) notes that habitus translates best into English as simply habit- the
way one ends up doing things.

In Bourdieu's (1977) theory of habitus the decision-making process is akin to instinct, rather than
a consciously-experienced process of rational cost-benefit analyses. This is comparable to a tennis
player reacting to the spin and bounce of ball when executing a particular type of shot, whilst
simultaneously remembering the overall rules of the game (Bourdieu: 1977). These strategic
improvisations are sometimes made with long-term goals in mind, sometimes without, with
structural limitations on the individual sometimes perceivable, and sometimes not. What action is
created is therefore not fully the result of pure free will, neither is it entirely the result of a
predetermined set of social or institutional structures, rather a dynamic and constant negotiation
between the two (Lamprianou: 2012).

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Bourdieu outlines the political field as a game in which the prize for players is to legitimately
impose their views on other occupants (Swartz: 2003). It has certain rules and conventions, the
key players have their own respective interests, and it has dominant and weaker players
(Bourdieu: 1991). The edges of the political fields represent the outer limits of the universe of
political discourse, and thereby the universe of what is politically thinkable (Bourdieu: 1991, p172).
It is the theatre where symbolic representations of real-world power relations are played out
(Wacquant: 2006).

This study uses the theoretical notion of a political 'field' as a location for political engagement to
occur. Using the above analogy of a 'game', some of the young people in the group were adept
players, while others lacked either the necessary attributes or inclination to adequately participate.
Those with more of these attributes may be understood to possess a greater degree of political
engagement capital.

Capital- what is it?

The key resources that determine how effectively (or otherwise) a player performs in the game
that is the political field (as with any field) are referred to as capital (Bourdieu & Wacquant: 1992).
For Bourdieu, capital in this context refers not only to physical forms of capital such as money or
property, but cultural capital (such as ones educational credentials or sense of ambition), as well
as social capital such as networks of contacts (Bourdieu: 1977; Casey: 2005). Swartz identifies
factors such as age, gender, wealth, and education as forming the basis for capital accumulation
(Swartz: 2003).

Another key feature of capital in this context is that one form can be converted into another. Casey
uses the example of a baker using physical and social forms of capital (such as money,
ingredients, and training) to make a cake. This cake can be exchanged for money at a profit
(economic capital), given as a birthday party (social capital), given away as a free sample to
increase customer base (network) or simply eaten by the maker, with each potential outcome
representing another form of capital, and so on (Casey: 2005). In the field of politics, for example,
economic capital (possessed by a company) might buy advertising space for an election candidate,
and therefore political capital (Casey: 2005).

However useful the notion of capital may be to accounting for behaviours, it is nevertheless
important to remember that it is merely a construct being used to illustrate relational disparities.
Attempting to methodologically 'count' non-physical capital leaves the researcher in danger of
veering into arguably pseudo-scientific territory (Casey: 2005)- the key point here is that some
people and groups possess more capital than others, and that capital can be many things.
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Political capital is the main currency within the field of politics, and is linked with an actors ability
to impose their will on others and to get things done, as well as their reputation or standing as
perceived by others (Swartz: 2003). Shurgurensky (2000) argues that political capital is
concentrated in the hands of social elites, noting that those with more political capital tend to
possess: greater levels of knowledge about political facts and procedures; more personal skills and
attributes such as literacy, numeracy, and powers of persuasion; more self-confidence; political
contacts; conviction and determination to succeed; greater amounts of resources such as spare
time and money, which are largely functions of class and gender. Shurgurensky (2000) also
identifies how those with high levels of one form of relevant capital in this regard tend to possess
high levels of related capital, and that such discrepancies of capital possession function at both an
individual and group level (Shurgurensky: 2000). Both Shurgurensky and Swartz identify that
holding the perception that participation in politics is efficacious is an important precursor to
becoming involved (Swartz: 2003; Shurgurensky: 2000).

Political engagement and capital

The findings of my study suggest that political engagement can be understood as driven by various
forms of individual capitals, which function as both a barrier and a driver to players within the field
of politics. The two ideal types identified within the Individual findings chapter serve to illustrate
the vastly differing stockpiles of resources from which players in the political field were able to
draw, which informed their habitus. To put it simply, some respondents appeared to possess more
of the things that drive or enable political engagement than others.

Those who were inclined to engage with politics were generally more highly educated, and
displayed greater awareness of political issues and processes than did those in the very
unengaged group. There were also key differences observable in terms of the degree of interest
and enjoyment that the very engaged group identified when describing politics, again in sharp
contrast to those that did not engage, who spoke of politics in negative terms, or were simply
uninterested. Those given to eschew politics might arguably therefore be understood as lacking in
political engagement capital.

The attraction of utilising Bourdieus analytical tools in this manner is, in part, its simplicity. Using
the concept of capital to understand differing levels and manners of political engagement is a
relatively straightforward means of theorising and accounting for differences in behaviour. It allows
for complex systems of interactions to occur between actors and institutions within a given field, as
well as allowing for temporal adjustments. Having politicised parents is thus a form of 'political
engagement capital', but so too is living in an electoral constituency where the party one wishes to
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vote for is available, and is perceived as having a realistic prospect of success. A habitus whereby
one perceives reading about or discussing political issues as enjoyable might arguably encourage
political engagement, whereas being of a disposition where politics is seen as boring, complicated,
and futile is likely to dampen engagement.

Individual cases identified within the data might serve to illustrate how the idea of 'political
engagement capitals' can be applied to real-world examples. One might explain how Pippa,
extremely unengaged with politics at 18 years old, might become a politically-engaged 25 year old
by anticipating how experiences in education and work introduce her to new knowledge about
political issues (capital: knowledge). As well as the political engagement capital acquired through
this new knowledge, Pippa discusses political issues with friends or her partner, who encourage
her to join a political party or watch Question Time with them. She now possesses a social
network with whom she can discuss and debate political issues (capital: social network). As she
leaves education and enters the employment market as an estate agent, she regularly starts
paying attention to stories relating housing and property policy, and therefore possesses another
form of capital (capital: interest in politics). Her work colleague explains certain issues and
processes that develop her understanding further (capital: knowledge). Throughout her
experiences, her stockpile of political engagement capital has grown, and she now regularly votes
(capital: habitual participation), reads the local newspaper, and animatedly discusses with her
partner the merits of a proposed change to legislation relating to landlords (capital: enjoyment of
politics). This example uses the 'life cycle' theory to illustrate how the amount of capital possessed
may vary over time, with consequences for an individual level of political engagement.

Ceri's high level of engagement with politics was underpinned by a strong attachment to her
family's identity as working class (capital: identification with group). She was not only proud of her
heritage as a supporter of one major political party, but was openly inimical towards another.
However, despite regularly voting (capital: ritual and tradition of participation), watching political TV
programmes (capital: interest in politics), and discussing political issues (capital: enjoyment of
politics), she identified that laziness (capital: inclination) and the business of day-to-day living
(capital: spare time) functioned as a kind of barrier to further participation. Ceri also attempted to
'educate' her less-informed work colleague Pippa about social and political issues, which not only
(as above) increased Pippa's level of knowledge, but may well have served to bolster Ceri's own
beliefs- or, indeed, to put Pippa off politics even further. Ceri's example illustrates that political
engagement capitals may be transferable between individuals.

Similarly, Greg perceived himself as lacking in the necessary resources to impact upon many
political decisions as a function of his relatively low socio-economic status. He claimed that people

188
of his social class were not influential (capital: perceptions of efficacy), and that it was the elites,
the 'posh', that truly mattered (capital: perception of social status). He suggested a number of
initiatives that might make politics more accessible to 'ordinary' people such as himself, which
mainly involved simplifying language and enabling understanding of issues and processes (capital:
knowledge and understanding).

These forms of capital are not to be considered in isolation, however- they interact and influence
one another. Sally, for example, reported not engaging with politics despite ostensibly possessing
plenty of 'political engagement capital'. Despite her strong and at times passionate views on a
number of social and political issues (capital: knowledge, interest), she did not perceive her
participation in politics as efficacious (capital: perception of efficacy). Assigned to the 'very
engaged' ideal type group, she spoke knowledgeably and analytically about a range of issues, yet
also rejected formal avenues of political representation. She perceived herself as being socially
remote from politicians, whom she also saw as self-interested, and does not vote because her
preferred party rarely win more than a 10% share of the votes in her south Wales electoral
constituency (capital: electoral circumstances). The most important political issue for her was that
of climate change, which she did not perceive the Government, at a local, Welsh, or UK level, as
being capable of addressing. In this sense she lacks political engagement capital because, despite
her knowledge of, and passion for, political issues, she does not perceive any efficacy in
participation due to dissatisfaction with the relevant political apparatus. Therefore, Sally's high level
of political knowledge, rather than functioning as a form of capital which increased political
engagement, was in arguably negated by her level of knowledge about political processes, which
caused her to perceive participation as inefficacious.

These examples, drawn directly from the data, illustrate both the complexity of each individuals
access to political engagement capital, as well as the usefulness of capital as a theoretical
explanatory tool. Other individual cases from the sample could equally be drawn on to highlight
how key demographic or experiential forms of capital affect engagement with politics.

7.4 Concluding Comments

The qualitative approach used in this study has facilitated an in-depth exploration of young
peoples accounts of political engagement. The richness of many of the accounts provides a level
of detail that can enliven and add to existing quantitative research, as well as providing a micro-
level focus of the experiences that inform young peoples relationship with politics. In addition to
this, the qualitative nature of the research has also meant that the emphasis has been on
exploration rather than confirmation. The young people were encouraged to define politics in their
own terms, with minimal guidance from the interviewer, rather than having a more rigid definition of

189
the political imposed upon them, which they may not necessarily share.

The study analysis drew upon Bourdieus construct of capital to understand respondent accounts
of engagement and participation in terms of the various types of capital to which they have access.
It was demonstrated that certain individuals possessed more of these types of capital than others
with regards to the drivers behind engaging with politics. Such forms of capital included, most
notably, the level of awareness of political issues and personalities, as well as the perception that
politics was something close to the everyday lives of the respondents. Interestingly, the perception
that participating in political process was efficacious was another key capital identified in this
study, however it was also shown that such capital did not necessarily transpose directly over onto
knowledge level. That is, a young person might present themselves as unable to participate in
politics due to their lack of knowledge about political issues, whereas too much knowledge may
have also dampened the proclivity to act, for example if they saw their efforts as having no or little
discernible impact.

In broad terms these capitals can be understood to index respondent habitus. A young person that
was aware of, and passionate about, political issues, who came from a family in which political
participation and identity was prevalent, or whose stage within their life cycle meant that they
perceived the realm of politics as impacting upon their lives, might be seen as having a habitus
disposed towards political engagement. In contrast, another young person for whom the above set
of circumstances did not apply- who did not understand, or care about, political issues, and did not
perceive their lives as being impacted by politics, nor their impact through voting or protesting as
being efficacious- may be understood as having a habitus less disposed to political engagement.

Using Webers ideal type classifications, two highly identifiable respondent groups were identified
within the data in terms of their political engagement and participation. Each of these groups was
indexed by a respective habitus, enabling access to different resources, or political engagement
capitals. The very engaged and the very unengaged groups were contrasted with one another,
with the former more engaged, more keen to participate, older, more educated, more simply
interested in politics than the latter.

Bourdieus concept of habitus was also useful in understanding the importance of remoteness and
proximity (to the experiences of respondents) in relation to political engagement. For some, politics
was conducted quite separately to their own lives, by socially remote actors-posh, white, male,
middle-aged, out-of-touch politicians- in the interests of the elite, rather than ordinary people.
There was also a clear sense in which perceptions of geographic remoteness, aligned to socio-
economic remoteness, underpinned respondent accounts of politics, with political power located in
places like London, Brussels, or Washington, rather than The Valleys, Wrexham, or Butetown.

190
Effectively, the thesis suggests that key aspects of engagement and participation cluster around
dispositions or habitus. These are indexed to different types of capital, which in turn inform
perceived proximity to, or remoteness from, political worlds. Therefore, in order to address non-
engagement, or reticence to engage, among young people, policy makers might usefully focus on
strengthening young people's capacity through access to the various types of capital outlined
above. Policy that is informed by the above considerations of capital might, and in some cases
already does, take steps to address the areas that are realistically achievable, for instance,
educating young people to a minimum level of political 'literacy', or promoting participation in
democratic institutions through mock parliaments, through interventions such as Funky Dragon, or
organised Parliamentary visits. However, as we have seen, some forms of 'un-engagement' are
informed not by a lack of 'enabling' capital (such as knowledge or inclination), but by a lucid and
insightful consideration of the relative merits of political participation. In this sense issues ranging
from the choice of available parties accessible through the present electoral system(s) through to
the shrinking role of the national state as part of globalisation, mean that a perception of
engagement with political processes as being worthwhile is often difficult to reconcile with young
peoples realities. Thus, in addition to facilitating competence to participate, political organisations
and their representatives might usefully attend to issues of their own inclusiveness in order to
make the political world more relevant, germane, and connected to the experiences of young
people whom they seek to engage.

Future Research
This study captured only a 'snapshot' of the levels of political engagement among a sample of
young adults in late 2010. One readily identifiable focus of future research would seek to examine
the relationship between the life cycle process and levels of political engagement, using a
longitudinal study. The research could potentially shed further light on how, for example, a
relatively unengaged 18 year old might become more engaged with politics over the course of their
life, as per the life cycle theory, where significant life developments (for example, home ownership
or entering the world of employment) are regarded as impacting upon an individual's perception
that they hold a 'stake' in society.

In addition to the life cycle aspect of this research, one might also focus on the ever-shifting
political context which informs political engagement. For example, since the interviews in this study
were conducted, significant events such as the Wikileaks affair or the Leveson inquiry, might be
examined for their influence on political engagement. For example, a staunch Liberal Democrat
supporter interviewed in 2010, at the outset of their participation in coalition government in
Westminster, may hold differing views about the party, its leader, and the efficacy of participation in
politics when interviewed for a second time in 2015.

191
Ideally, the same sample group of respondents could be re-interviewed several years after the
initial interview, with a view to examining the similarities and developments between their initial
interviews and the follow-up. One particular focus that would be interesting would be to re-interview
the very unengaged participants, such as Tanya, who initially struggled to speak in her interview, so
limited was her familiarity with the term 'politics'. By the end of the interview, she had spoken on a
wide range of topics that she may not necessarily have identified as 'political' prior to the interview.
A follow up interview might also explore how, if at all, her perceptions of politics had informed or
shaped by participation in the 2010 interview. Charting their relationship and engagement with
politics using a longitudinal format would provide a rich insight into the process of political
engagement among the respondent group.

Finally, the historical context may also prove worthy of study, with scope for an interesting piece of
research on the extent to which, if at all, contemporary issues such as high levels of youth
unemployment serve to delay or stimulate the onset of life events which typically inform the life
cycle theory.

192
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Appendix 1- Respondent Recruitment Letter/email Delet

Dear XXXXXXXXXXX

Re: A Qualitative Study of the Political Engagement of Young Adults

My name is Michael Anderson and I am a PhD student at Glyndwr University, Wrexham. My PhD
study explores young peoples views about politics and involvement with political issues .
I am writing to ask you whether you would like to take part in the study. As part of the study I will
be talking to young adults (aged between 18 and 25), like yourself, across Wales.

If you agree to take part, the interview will take place wherever is convenient for you (either at your
home or another mutually agreed place) and will last about an hour. Everything you say will be
treated in the strictest confidence and it will not be possible to identify anyone who has taken part
in the study (i.e. no names will be used and all references to people taking part will be either coded
or replaced with pseudonyms). You may also withdraw from the study and interview at any time.

I am attaching an information sheet about the study. If you would like more information about the
study please contact me either by telephone XXXXXXXXXX, email m.anderson@glyndwr.ac.uk or
by writing to Michael Anderson, c/o Emily Warren, Social Inclusion Research Unit, Glyndwr
University Wrexham, Mold Road, Wrexham, LL11 2AW .

You can also contact my PhD supervisor, Professor Odette Parry, by telephone XXXXXXXX or
email o.parry@glyndwr.ac.uk

Thanks for taking the time to read this information.

Yours faithfully

Michael Anderson

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Appendix 2- Respondent Information Sheet Delet

A Qualitative Study of the Political Engagement of Young Adults

What is the research about?

My name is Michael Anderson and I am a PhD student at Glyndwr University, Wrexham. My PhD
Delet
study will examine young peoples engagement and participation in politics. involve

Why and how was I chosen?

The project aims to interview young people aged between 18 and 25 about their views about Delet
politics and involvement with political issues .

Do I have to take part?

No. It is your choice whether you take part. If you do wish to take part, we will meet for about an
hour and talk about social and political issues. You can withdraw from the research at any time at
all, before, during and after the meeting.

Will I be paid?
If you take part I will be able to pay your travel expenses.

What might be the disadvantages of taking part?

The only disadvantage is that you will be giving up some of your time. You may, however, find the
study interesting and worthwhile.

Will my taking part be kept confidential?

No one apart from myself will know what you said. Your name will not appear on any reports of the
study findings.

What will happen to the results?

I will be writing them up for my PhD thesis and expect to publish them in journals and talk about
them at conferences. At no point however will your name be associated with the study and you will
not be identified in any of the reports on the findings.

What will happen next if I want to take part?

If you do not wish to take part just fill in and return the attached opt out sheet (the postage has
been paid) and you will hear no more about it. Alternatively, if you think you may be interested in
taking part, you can contact me on the telephone number or email address below.

If you agree to be interviewed, the interviews will take place at a mutually agreed place, and will
last about an hour. Anything you say will be treated in the strictest confidence and it will not be
possible to identify anyone who has taken part in the study (i.e. no names will be used and all
references to people taking part will be either coded or replaced with pseudonyms). With your
permission I would like to audio record the conversation so I dont have to write everything down.
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No-one else apart from myself will ever hear the recording. You can withdraw from the study and
interview at any time.

Where can I get more information?

If you would like more information about this study, please feel free to get in contact with me either
by telephone XXXXXXXXXXX, email m.anderson@glyndwr.ac.uk or by writing to:

Michael Anderson
Social Inclusion Research Unit
Glyndwr University
Mold Road
Wrexham
LL11 2AW

You can also contact my PhD supervisor, Professor Odette Parry by telephone XXXXXXXXX or
Delet
email o.parry@glyndwr.ac.uk, or at the above postal address.

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 Delet
Appendix 3- Interview Check-list
1- Introduction

Do consent form

Ice breakers- ask them to say a little about themselves and what they are dong

Briefly explain purpose/format of interview

Describe the study and emphasise there no right answers or wrong answer. Also if there
is anything at all that makes them feel uncomfortable they need not answer (and can stop
the interview at any time).

2. Demographic Information (age, education, occupation etc)

3- Understanding Of Politics And Areas Of Interest

What they understand about politics/political issues

What, if any are their interests (Global, national, local)

Who is (or should be) interested in these issues?

4- How Is Information About Political Issues Acquired & Shared?

What influences respondent interests/views (eg family, friends, education, work etc)

How is information acquired (i.e. actively/passively)

Use of internet

5- Political Participation/ Engagement

What is their involvement (if any)

Perceived efficacy of involvement

How do they (or would they) become involved

How much is it issue based

Voting behaviour/intentions

Support for Parties

Perceptions of Politicians

Involvement with interest groups

Ways of participating

5- Conclusion

Anything to do with political issues or political action that we havent talked about today that
you think is relevant?

End of interview

Thanks for your time

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Appendix 4- Table showing data analysis process
Analytic Stage Description
First listen Engaging with whole data set
through audio recordings
Transcription Transcription of interviews into
Microsoft Word
Development of Primary Codes Begin basic coding
Data Coding Allocation of basic categories in For example, the broad
to more sophisticated codes
Thematic organisation Use identified themes to
organise the data
Critical assessment of themes Check themes across the entire This task included re-checking
data set
'Back to Whole' Reshape overall content of
thesis around the key themes
Notes
Initial engagement with data
started during first interview,
with notes being made
throughout, which informed
later interviews.
I transcribed these interviews
myself, as soon as possible
after the recording in order to
maintain maximum familiarity
with data.
Identified very basic categories
of data- for example personal
information, interests, level and
modes of participation, barriers
and facilitators
category 'Personal' was refined
into accounts of: 'educational
background/status', 'parental
input', geographic location',
'peer group', 'employment
situation'
Organisation into into three key
themes: 'The Individual's Story',
'Remoteness and proximity
from Politics', 'Barriers to /
Drivers of Political
Engagement'
data to 'spot' instances of
themes missed in initial
readings.
Some issues did not fit neatly
into any single key theme (e.g.
'knowledge' cut across all
three)
Each key theme formed the
basis of a single data analysis
chapter
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Appendix 5- Respondent Table

Ideal Type
Pseudonym Age Gender Education Occupation
Category
Very
Tanya 18 F Left at 16, considering Call Centre
Unengaged
options

Stelios 18 M A-Levels, considering Call Centre

options Not categorised
At University
James 19 M Student
(Sociology)
Not categorised

At University
Ashkir 19 M Student
(Chemical
Not categorised
Engineering)
Very
Kate 19 F A-Levels Unemployed
Unengaged

Dropped out of
Libby 19 F Call Centre
University
Not categorised

Donna 20 F At University Student

Not categorised
Dropped out of Very
Jess 20 F Call Centre
University Unengaged

Lisa 20 F Graduate Unemployed

Not categorised
Angus 21 M Left at 16 Unemployed
Not categorised

Jack 21 M Masters (Physics) Call centre

Not categorised

Very
Gina 21 F Left at 18 Call Centre
Unengaged

Very
Fran 21 F Left at 16 Full-time parent
Unengaged

Very
Pippa 21 F A Levels Property agent
Unengaged

Ffion 22 F At University Student

Not categorised
Anna 22 F A Levels Unemployed
Not categorised
Tim 22 M Studying for MA Journalist / Call Very Engaged
centre

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Matt 22 M Left at 16 Unemployed
Not categorised
Martin 23 M Left at 16 Unemployed
Not categorised
Sally 23 F Left at 16 Refused Very Engaged

Ceri 24 F Graduate (Sociology) Property Agent Very Engaged

Greg 24 M Left at 16 IT assistant

Not categorised
Hannah 24 F Post Graduate Nurse
Not categorised
Stuart 24 M Postgraduate (History) Teacher Very Engaged

Ant 24 M Studying for Masters Call centre

Not categorised

Emma 25 F Writing PhD Lecturer Very Engaged

212