Issue:

April 15, 2009

SPECIAL
RNM UPDATE “For over 150 years, the Monroe Doctrine provided the guiding principles for U.S. policy toward
Latin America, asserting U.S. primacy in the foreign affairs of the region. Over the past two
decades, those principles have become increasingly obsolete. Washington’s basic policy
framework, however, has not changed sufficiently to reflect the new reality. U.S. policy can no
longer be based on the assumption that the United States is the most important outside actor in
Latin America. If there was an era of U.S. hegemony in Latin America, it is over.”
(From “U.S.‐Latin America Relations: A New Direction for a New Reality” Report of an
Independent Task Force Sponsored by the Council on Foreign Relations, 2008)

Introduction That is, the region has become de‐prioritized on

The foregoing pronouncement on US relations with
the Americas reflects an underlying premise that will
influence the tenor of the Fifth Summit of the
Americas which will take place in Trinidad and Tobago
on April 17‐19, 2009.
Economic, political and social landscapes within the
Caribbean and Latin America have changed since the
first Summit of the Americas took place in 1994. The
region for the most part, particularly within the
Caribbean region adheres to the principles of
democracy and freer trade and has become more
integrated into the multilateral trade system. The
social, cultural and economic linkages with the US
have also strengthened over the last decade through
migration and trade. The result of the transformation
within Latin America and the Caribbean has been
relative hemispheric stability and peace.
Unfortunately, this stability and predictability in Latin
American and Caribbean countries has come at a
cost.
the US external policy agenda. Undoubtedly,
hemispheric security issues related to drug
trafficking and money laundering still evoke some
US focus on the region. Furthermore, in the
absence of a Free Trade Area of the Americas
(FTAA), the US has pursued a series of free trade
agreement negotiations with Latin American trade
partners in order to harmonize and consolidate its
foreign trade objectives within the region.
However, the US has undertaken a shift in the
allocation of resources to facilitate the security of
its interests in the Middle East. Moreover, the
attempt to secure foreign trade objectives
through bilateral free trade agreements with
individual countries has been considered a failed
strategy which has sapped momentum for a
region wide arrangement such as the FTAA.
The decline in the significance of the region in the
eyes of the US has been paralleled by a shift in
relations between the region and the
international community.

CRNM UPDATE is the flagship electronic trade newsletter of the Caribbean Regional Negotiating Machinery (CRNM). Published in English, it is a rich
source of probing research on and detailed analyses of international trade policy issues and developments germane to the Caribbean. Prepared by the
Information Unit of the CRNM, the newsletter focuses on the CRNM, trade negotiation issues within its mandate and related activities. Its intention is to
provide impetus for feedback by and awareness amongst a variety of stakeholders, as regards trade policy developments of currency and importance to
the Caribbean.
http://www.crnm.org
This has resulted in a marked reduction of
American hegemony and influence within region.
Furthermore, over the last decade, certain Latin
American giants such as Brazil and Venezuela
have gained increasing significance. This has
resulted in a jostling for space and influence
within the region and in turn has created changes
in intra‐regional relations, especially with respect
to the integration of Cuba. Therefore, the foreign
policy agenda within Latin America and the
Caribbean has transcended dependency upon US.
These changes have certain implications for inter‐
American dialogue and therefore, the Summitry
process. The most recent change of US
administration has evoked expectations within
the international community with respect to the
transformation of US relations at the multilateral
level and at the hemispheric level. The changes
experienced within the Region necessitate
changes in US approaches and ideology. New
approaches must incorporate consideration of the
reduction of Latin America’s geo‐political
dependence upon the US and the maturity of
development that has been achieved thus far
within the Region. Therefore, as the new US
administration tries to address the fractures in its
position within the international community, it
now faces the challenge of rethinking its
diplomatic posture within the region.
In this Special RNM Update, we will take stock of
some developments in geo‐political relations
between the US, and Latin America and the
Caribbean and will consider the possible
implications for the outcome of the Fifth Summit
of the Americas.
CRNM UPDATE is the flagship electronic trade newsletter of the Caribbean Regional Negotiating Machinery (CRNM). Published in English, it is a rich
source of probing research on and detailed analyses of international trade policy issues and developments germane to the Caribbean. Prepared by the
Information Unit of the CRNM, the newsletter focuses on the CRNM, trade negotiation issues within its mandate and related activities. Its intention is to
provide impetus for feedback by and awareness amongst a variety of stakeholders, as regards trade policy developments of currency and importance to
the Caribbean.
http://www.crnm.org
The Rise of Venezuelan Influence and of
ALBA
Venezuela has been a traditional hemispheric ally
of the US. However, the current Venezuelan
President Hugo Chavez has been less than
discreet in his criticism of the US, and as a result
Venezuela‐US relations have become strained.
This notwithstanding, the economic relationship
between Venezuela and the US is quite
entrenched. Caracas is one of the four suppliers of
foreign oil to the United States. A large
percentage of Venezuela's oil exports go to the
United States and many of Venezuela's refineries
produce gas especially for American markets.
The political influence of Venezuela within the
region is linked to its economic strength based on
its oil resources and related assets. The mercantile
diplomacy practiced by Venezuela under
President Chavez’s leadership is clearly illustrated
by the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas
(ALBA) initiative which is spearheaded by
Venezuela. Under this initiative, the Venezuela
government has committed to spending over $30
billion dollars to support subscribing Latin
American and Caribbean nations, namely Cuba,
Bolivia, Nicaragua, Dominica, St. Vincent and the
Grenadines, Antigua and Barbuda, and Honduras,
through initiatives designed to address, inter alia,
oil and energy; communications and
transportation; external debt financing and food
security. The objective of this mercantile
diplomacy has been to bolster Venezuelan
hegemonic ambitions through the creation of a
bloc, spearheaded by Venezuela and its
advocates, which promises that it would foster
Latin American and Caribbean development
independently of US influence.
In addition to consolidating power through
integration, Venezuela has also aggressively
pursued bilateral diplomatic and economic
relationships with countries outside the
Hemisphere such as China in order to strengthen
its independence of the US. The diversion of
American attention from the Hemisphere has
provided opportunity for China to deepen its
trade relationships within the region. In April
2009, the Chinese Government met with
President Chavez to concretize their economic
and political alliances with respect to cooperation
on energy and agricultural production. Trade
between Venezuela and China, which amounted
to $200 million in 1998, rose to $1.3 billion in
2004 and $9.7 billion in 2008. The increasing trade
and diplomatic relations between the two
countries, illustrates the infiltration of US rivals
into a geo‐political space formally considered as
the privileged domain of the US. Furthermore, it
symbolizes the ‘new viable options’ for Latin
American partnerships with other large and
economically significant countries.
Given Venezuela’s economic and cultural links to
the US, it is likely that President Chavez’s
departure from elected politics will eventually
lead to a normalization of diplomatic relations
between the countries. However, President
Chavez’s recent victory in the referendum vote
to abolish term limits for elected officials has
ensured that his political supremacy within
Venezuela could continue for a third six‐year term
in 2012. On the other hand, the global financial
crisis and the reduction in the global price of oil in
recent times have compromised Venezuela’s oil
export revenue – a key element to the successful
financing of the ALBA initiative. Venezuela, in
keeping with its rhetoric of reducing dependency
upon the US, has sought to diversify its oil export
markets and strengthen ties with other interested
third countries outside the Hemisphere.
Unfortunately, in the current economic climate,
the trans‐shipment costs of exporting oil to
destinations outside of the Hemisphere, to
countries such as China, undermine the viability of
this option.
CRNM UPDATE is the flagship electronic trade newsletter of the Caribbean Regional Negotiating Machinery (CRNM). Published in English, it is a rich
source of probing research on and detailed analyses of international trade policy issues and developments germane to the Caribbean. Prepared by the
Information Unit of the CRNM, the newsletter focuses on the CRNM, trade negotiation issues within its mandate and related activities. Its intention is to
provide impetus for feedback by and awareness amongst a variety of stakeholders, as regards trade policy developments of currency and importance to
the Caribbean.
http://www.crnm.org
Hence, for Venezuela, significantly reducing its
dependency on the trade relationship with the US
which absorbs 60 % of its exports may not be
sustainable at this point.
Notwithstanding the antagonistic posture vis‐à‐vis
the US, the rise of Venezuelan influence especially
as it relates to the emergence of regional
initiatives such as ALBA should not be considered
necessarily detrimental to the US nor other Latin
American and Caribbean countries. ALBA, in as far
as it fosters the deeper and wider integration of
Latin American and Caribbean countries could
enhance the economic stability of the Region.
From the CARICOM perspective, the decision of
some member states to join ALBA is not
inconsistent with their obligations under the
Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas. ALBA, currently
configured as a cooperation and aid arrangement,
does not incorporate arrangements which involve
the granting of tariff concessions and in this way
does not present a potential to undermine the
development of the CARICOM single economic
space.
Politically, the risk to CARICOM countries
participating in the ALBA initiative would be more
relevant but even in this context, it is minimal.
The US, Latin America and the Caribbean are
inter‐dependent but the relationship is also
asymmetrical. CARICOM, for strategic reasons
would not want to be seen as adopting an
antagonistic posture towards the US, its most
significant trade partner within the hemisphere.
At the same time, the US which has shown
limitations in continuing to be the primary driver
and facilitator of hemispheric development, ought
not to be disposed to object to CARICOM member
states’ efforts to help themselves through
alliances with their neighbors. From the US
perspective, Venezuela has not engaged in
activities that present a serious threat to US
interests. Furthermore, the ability of Venezuela
to become a region‐wide political leader is limited
by its economic power, and the extent to which it
can influence a region made up of countries with
to vast differences in economic capacity,
development priorities, and political ambition.
Regardless of Venezuela’s posture, the
inescapable interconnection and inter‐
dependence with the US and other regional
countries requires that a solution is found to
facilitate dialogue. One of the issues on which
they must dialogue is energy security. Most of the
discussion during the Summit may emphasize
reducing dependence upon fossil fuels and finding
sustainable energy alternatives – which to an
OPEC country like Venezuela would not be
attractive. In general, Venezuela’s geo‐political
goals are highly dependent upon its oil production
and export. Failure to be part of a plurilateral
solution to energy security will not be ideal for
Venezuela nor any member state of the region.
The Emergence of Brazil as a Latin American
Leader and US Partner
Brazil, as one of the largest economies within
Latin America has long ago emerged as a regional
leader. At the multilateral level, Brazil has been a
major interlocutor on behalf of developing
countries during the Doha Round. Additionally, it
continues to be active at the regional level. In
2004, Brazil assumed the leadership of the
military troops of the United Nations
peacekeeping mission in Haiti. Brazil has also been
able to rally donor support for Haiti. In 2005,
Brazilian Chancellor Celso Amorim and the World
Bank's vice‐president of Foreign Relations, Ian
Goldin, signed an agreement for a program to co‐
finance social projects in Haiti.
CRNM UPDATE is the flagship electronic trade newsletter of the Caribbean Regional Negotiating Machinery (CRNM). Published in English, it is a rich
source of probing research on and detailed analyses of international trade policy issues and developments germane to the Caribbean. Prepared by the
Information Unit of the CRNM, the newsletter focuses on the CRNM, trade negotiation issues within its mandate and related activities. Its intention is to
provide impetus for feedback by and awareness amongst a variety of stakeholders, as regards trade policy developments of currency and importance to
the Caribbean.
http://www.crnm.org
Brazil’s ambitions go beyond altruism and reflect
its attempts to leverage its own geo‐political
objectives, including a attaining a permanent seat
on the UN Security Council.
Brazil’s standing in the region has allowed it to
adopt a useful geo‐politically moderate position in
the region. This was evident during the December
2008 Latin American Summit which convened 33
Latin American and Caribbean countries including
Cuba but excluded the US and Canada. During the
Summit, while Bolivia’s President Morales
adopted anti‐American rhetoric to voice strong
support for Cuba and the removal of the US
embargo, Brazil as the host of the summit
tempered the tenor of the conference by
advocating that the new US administration be
afforded time to illustrate a change in its foreign
policy towards Cuba and the rest of Latin America
and the Caribbean. At the same time, Brazil was
able to accept credit and the recognition of its
regional neighbors for hosting what was
considered by the Latin American and Caribbean
region as a conference of historic significance
signaling the region’s new independence from the
US and Canada. It should also be recalled that
after the collapse of the bilateral agreement on
drug trafficking between Bolivia and the US, in
response to the resulting US suspension of
preferential tariffs on Bolivian goods, the Bolivian
Government expelled the US Drug Enforcement
Administration agents and turned to Brazil to
commence talks about cooperation in this area.
By demonstrating its hemispheric and multilateral
diplomacy, political moderation and capacity to
lead regional cooperation initiatives, Brazil has
been able to strongly promote its candidacy as a
hegemonic power within the region. Given Brazil’s
diplomatic and economic influence internationally
and within the Hemisphere, the US has come to
regard the nation as a hemispheric partner and a
counter‐balance to the hegemonic ambitions of
Venezuela which has been antagonistic towards
the US.
This has been most evident in the cooperation
between Brazil and the US on energy security. On
one hand, the US is keen on reducing its
dependence on foreign oil and has been exploring
alternative energy solutions, especially ethanol.
On the other hand, Brazil is the world’s largest
consumer and producer of ethanol from
sugarcane. For these reasons, Brazil and the US,
through initiatives to facilitate technology sharing
and the development of ethanol production
standards, have sought to deepen their
cooperation in the expansion of ethanol
production, trade and use throughout Latin
America and the Caribbean. Importantly,
cooperation in this manner addresses export
development and expansion within the Latin
American and Caribbean region as well as energy
security of not only the US but also of Latin
America and the Caribbean. At the same time,
consistent with US interests, such hemispheric
initiatives could undermine the sphere of
Venezuelan influence which is inextricably linked
to the region’s dependency upon oil.
The nature of such partnership between the US
and Brazil could shape the potential of dialogue
on Energy security during the Fifth Summit of the
Americas to produce meaningful and positive
outcomes for hemispheric development.
Normalizing relations with Cuba
Through the US embargo, Cuba has been kept at
the periphery of hemispheric relations. However,
this has not impeded efforts by Latin America and
the Caribbean to advocate Cuba’s full integration
within the international community. This has been
illustrated most recently, for example, by the
decision of the Rio Group of Latin American and
Caribbean countries to accept Cuba as its twenty‐
third member in November 2008.
CRNM UPDATE is the flagship electronic trade newsletter of the Caribbean Regional Negotiating Machinery (CRNM). Published in English, it is a rich
source of probing research on and detailed analyses of international trade policy issues and developments germane to the Caribbean. Prepared by the
Information Unit of the CRNM, the newsletter focuses on the CRNM, trade negotiation issues within its mandate and related activities. Its intention is to
provide impetus for feedback by and awareness amongst a variety of stakeholders, as regards trade policy developments of currency and importance to
the Caribbean.
http://www.crnm.org
Through the provision of technical assistance in
education and health care especially, Cuba has
also sought to deepen its relations within the
region. Despite these efforts, the US
peripheralization of Cuba has been maintained.
Cuba has not been invited to participate in the
Fifth Summit of the Americas. Neither has the
normalization of relations with Cuba been
included on the Summit agenda.
In March 2009, US President Barack Obama
signed into law a government spending bill that
allows Cuban‐Americans to travel to Cuba once a
year and send more money to relatives there. The
measures to facilitate this were approved earlier
this week. Though Latin America and the
Caribbean have acknowledged this as an initial
step towards normalization of relations, it has
been regarded as insufficient. Hence, Latin
American and Caribbean have maintained that
during the Summit, they will continue to press for
the removal of the embargo. The US on the other
hand has been adamant that changes in policy
would be effected when Cuba establishes
democracy and addresses human rights violations
of its citizens.
Some commentators have lamented the potential
of this impasse to distract the leaders during the
Summit from cooperating on pressing agenda
items such as the global financial crisis and energy
security. However, the US should not
underestimate the political and economic
importance of the Cuba issue to its domestic
constituency and to the rest of the region. Even
with the restrictions of the US embargo on Cuba,
many US firms have established agreements
awaiting activation precisely at the time in the
future that the embargo will be lifted by the US
government. American firms therefore stand at
the ready, in anticipation of the advent of
normalized relations between Cuba and the US.
Latin American and Caribbean countries should
also be similarly prepared to take advantage of
opportunities to be a primary beneficiary of any
normalization of relations between Cuba and the
US.
 Cuba’s growth as a result of its re‐integration
could serve as a conduit to attract international
investment to the entire Latin American and
Caribbean region. It should be noted further that
normalization of relations could be a litmus test
about the US commitment to reengage the region
on the latter’s terms, and could improve Inter‐
American dialogue and cooperation during the
Fifth Summit and beyond.
Securing CARICOM’s trading space in US
markets
The Caribbean Basin Initiative (CBI) was initially
launched in 1983 through the Caribbean Basin
Economic Recovery Act (CBERA), and was
expanded in 2000 through the US‐Caribbean Basin
Trade Partnership Act (CBTPA). These two acts
which together are known as CBI were designed
to provide unilateral preferences to a specific
group of qualifying countries. For this reason, the
legal implementation of CBI has required a WTO
waiver. The CBERA waiver expired on December
31, 2005. US efforts to renew the CBERA waiver
were unsuccessful as Paraguay continued to block
progress on grounds that it should be
compensated for alleged trade damage caused by
exclusion from U.S. programs.
In the absence of a waiver, the US unilaterally
continued to provide CBERA preferences. This has
been possible because the legislation facilitating
CBERA has no termination date for CBERA
preferences and as such is considered permanent
at the Federal level. CBTPA preferences, on the
other hand, were designed to give NAFTA parity
to products previously excluded under CBERA and
were set to be terminated either on September
30, 2008 or upon entry into force of the Free
Trade Areas of the Americas (FTAA), whichever
came first. The absence of a WTO waiver for
CBERA and the expiration of the CBTPA created
CRNM UPDATE is the flagship electronic trade newsletter of the Caribbean Regional Negotiating Machinery (CRNM). Published in English, it is a rich
source of probing research on and detailed analyses of international trade policy issues and developments germane to the Caribbean. Prepared by the
Information Unit of the CRNM, the newsletter focuses on the CRNM, trade negotiation issues within its mandate and related activities. Its intention is to
provide impetus for feedback by and awareness amongst a variety of stakeholders, as regards trade policy developments of currency and importance to
the Caribbean.
http://www.crnm.org
uncertainty for the future of CARICOM trade
relations with the United States.
It is within this context that during the 28th
Meeting of the Conference of Heads of
Government of the Caribbean Community, an
understanding was reached between CARICOM
and the US about the scope of future relations.
During that Meeting which featured a dialogue
with the Chairman of the US House Committee of
Ways and Means, Congressman Charles Rangel, it
was jointly agreed to strengthen existing trade
arrangements, which includes an upgrade and
extension of CBI scheduled to expire in September
2008.
This commitment was apparently honoured in
February 2008 when Congressman Charles Rangel
introduced H.R. 5264, the Trade Preference
Extension Act of 2008. This bill was crafted to
extend until 2010 three trade preference
programs scheduled to expire in 2008 including
the Andean Trade Preference Act (ATPA), the
Generalised System of Preferences and the CBTPA
program. However, the political climate within
Congress was not conducive to the approval of
the extension of the all the Preferential
agreements introduced under H.R. 5264. The Bush
Administration has prioritized consolidation of
Congressional support for and consideration of
the free trade agreement with Colombia, a
beneficiary of the ATPA. The extension of ATPA is
considered politically linked to the leveraging of
Congressional consideration of the Colombia FTA.
These political tensions contributed to the
approval of ATPA extension until December 2008
under the Bill. However, the extension of the
other preferential agreements, including CBI
preferences, was dropped from the Bill.
Notwithstanding this setback, Congressman
Rangel was able to leverage the CBI extension
back on the political agenda through the
Congressional negotiation of the new five year
H.R. 2419, the Food and Energy Security Act,
otherwise known as the Farm Bill. In May 2008,
 the US Congress approved the 2007 Farm Bill
which extended CBTPA preferences until 2010.
On March 24, 2009, WTO Council for Trade in
Goods finally approved the long standing waiver
request from the US on CBERA. The approval of
the waiver which will remain valid until 2014, now
provides the legal authorization for CARICOM to
export goods covered under CBERA to the US
duty‐free. CARICOM beneficiaries of CBERA
preferences are Antigua and Barbuda, the
Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Dominica, Grenada,
Guyana, Haiti, Jamaica, St. Lucia, St. Vincent and
the Grenadines, Trinidad and Tobago, Montserrat,
Saint Kitts‐Nevis. Waivers for the African Growth
and Opportunity Act (AGOA) and the Andean
Trade Preference Act (ATPA) were also approved
by the WTO Council.
The approval of the waiver is a positive
development in US‐Caribbean trade relations. The
achievement is linked notably to some level of
compromise reached between the US and
Paraguay whose objections to the waiver related
to concerns about unfair competition to its local
producers because of the US unilateral
preferential trade regimes with the Caribbean,
and other countries. The language of the Council’s
Decision heavily implies US assurances to third
countries such as Paraguay, that the preferences
awarded under CBERA and the other similar
unilateral trade regimes, will not impact the US’s
offer in the Doha Round to reduce or even
eliminate tariffs on goods, including those
covered under CBERA. The Caribbean Community
(CARICOM) has been deeply concerned about
preserving long standing preferences within the
context of multilateral negotiations. The danger
that the US may not give due consideration to
addressing the speed and degree of the erosion of
preferences such as CBERA during the WTO
negotiations, is for the CARICOM quite
worrisome.
CRNM UPDATE is the flagship electronic trade newsletter of the Caribbean Regional Negotiating Machinery (CRNM). Published in English, it is a rich
source of probing research on and detailed analyses of international trade policy issues and developments germane to the Caribbean. Prepared by the
Information Unit of the CRNM, the newsletter focuses on the CRNM, trade negotiation issues within its mandate and related activities. Its intention is to
provide impetus for feedback by and awareness amongst a variety of stakeholders, as regards trade policy developments of currency and importance to
the Caribbean.
http://www.crnm.org
Though CBI preferences have been secured for
now, CARICOM needs to consider the nature of its
trade relations after the timelines of these
extensions expire.
Therefore, notwithstanding the benefit realized in
the renewal of the WTO waiver, during the
Summit of the Americas, CARICOM countries
would wish to take the opportunity to sustain
lobbying efforts especially with respect to
Paraguay, to ensure that their objectives and
needs are not prejudiced during the multilateral
process. Generally, it would be beneficial to
CARICOM member states to intensify diplomatic
initiatives with Latin America in order to facilitate
greater understanding about the peculiarities of
CARICOM, especially with respect to CARICOM’s
vulnerability and need to preserve long standing
trade preferences.
The challenge to attain both the waiver and the
extension for CBTPA by Congress is indicative of
the growing intolerance at the multilateral level
and within the US Congress towards non‐
reciprocal unilateral preferences. An alternative,
would be to engage in a free trade agreement
with the US, is not for CARICOM a simple
undertaking. In the first instance, CARICOM would
have to decide whether a free trade arrangement
with the US would be aligned with CARICOM’s
development needs.
Consideration would also have to be given to the
likelihood of the US position on this matter. Given
the declining significance of Caribbean geo‐
political relations with the West since the end of
the Cold War, it is unlikely that there is a
significant incentive for the US to give priority to
the creation of a new US‐CARICOM trade
relationship. US foreign policy is currently tailored
to address security issues as well as the expansion
of US export markets. CARICOM is not a large
export market for the US.
 Furthermore, collectively, CARICOM States, with
relatively stable democratic political regimes, do
not pose significant threat to US national security.
However, the proximity of CARICOM States may
be sufficiently significant to warrant US concerns
about hemispheric security and the protection of
its ‘Third Border’. Therefore, CARICOM may be
able to seize the attention of the US if it frames
the language of development within the language
of security and the preservation of democracy.
A new CARICOM‐US trade arrangement of
developmental consequence to the Caribbean
would depend on the ability of CARICOM to focus
its dialogue with the US on the direct relationship
between economic development, development
assistance and the preservation of democracy,
political stability and US security.
Critical to this is the inextricable link between the
disbursement of development funding and the
development of the CSME, and the preservation
of CARICOM integration, particularly as that
relates to fostering the stabilization, rehabilitation
and development of Haiti. These critical
components of CARICOM development should not
only be expressed as crucial to CARICOM but also
as primary features of a US Hemispheric strategy.
Having secured the extension of CBI preferences,
in‐depth consideration of matters related to
future trade relations with the US are not likely to
feature prominently during exchanges between
CARICOM and the US during the Summit.
However, such consideration should be the focus
of intra‐CARICOM dialogue in the future.
Other matters of significance to CARICOM will be
tabled during the Summit for consideration by the
US. These matters include but are not limited to
debt relief; tax haven legislation; regional security;
and cooperation on deportation policy.
CRNM UPDATE is the flagship electronic trade newsletter of the Caribbean Regional Negotiating Machinery (CRNM). Published in English, it is a rich
source of probing research on and detailed analyses of international trade policy issues and developments germane to the Caribbean. Prepared by the
Information Unit of the CRNM, the newsletter focuses on the CRNM, trade negotiation issues within its mandate and related activities. Its intention is to
provide impetus for feedback by and awareness amongst a variety of stakeholders, as regards trade policy developments of currency and importance to
the Caribbean.
http://www.crnm.org
Conclusion
In light of developments within the region, it
would be necessary for the US, Latin America and
the Caribbean to engage in dialogue marked by
the language of partnership rather than of
paternalism. The parties involved would need to
take stock of the maturity of Latin America and
the Caribbean whilst remaining mindful of the
need to cooperate to improve the levels of
development within the hemisphere.
At the same time, all parties should take into
consideration the significant extent to which the
region is inter‐ In light of developments within the
region, it would be necessary for the US, Latin
America and the Caribbean to engage in dialogue
marked by the language of partnership rather
than of paternalism. The parties involved would
need to take stock of the maturity of Latin
America and the Caribbean whilst remaining
mindful of the need to cooperate to improve the
levels of development within the hemisphere. At
the same time, all parties should take into
consideration the significant extent to which the
region is inter‐connected and inter‐dependent.
Opportunities exist for the region to collaborate
to address the challenges of the times, especially
the financial crisis and the need to create a viable
energy security strategy. Only through meaningful
engagement on such matters will the region be
able to better secure the prosperity of its people.
******