Pilgrimage Politics and Place Making in Eastern Europe

Pilgrimage, Politics and
Place-Making in Eastern Europe
Since the beginning of the anthropology of pilgrimage, scant attention has been
paid to pilgrimage and pilgrim places in central, eastern and south-eastern Europe.
Seeking to address such a deficit, this book brings together scholars from central,
eastern and south-eastern Europe to explore the crossing of borders in terms of the
relationship between pilgrimage and politics, and the role which this plays in the
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process of both sacred and secular place-making.

With contributions from a range of established and new academics, including
anthropologists, historians and ethnologists, Pilgrimage, Politics and Place-
Making in Eastern Europe presents a fascinating collection of case studies and
discussions of religious, political and secular pilgrimage across the region.
Ashgate Studies in Pilgrimage
Series Editors:
Simon Coleman, University of Toronto, Canada

Dee Dyas, University of York, UK
John Eade, University of Roehampton UK and University College London, UK
Jas Elsner, University of Oxford and University of Chicago
Once relatively neglected, pilgrimage has become an increasingly prominent topic

of study over the last few decades. Its study is inevitably inter-disciplinary, and
extends across a growing range of scholarly fields, including religion, anthropology,

geography, history, literary studies, art history, archaeology, sociology, heritage
and tourism studies. This process shows no sign of abating indeed, it looks set
to continue to expand.
This series seeks to place itself at the forefront of these conversations. Covering
new work from both established and emerging scholars it encompasses themes
as diverse as pilgrimage within national and post-national frames, pilgrimage-
writing, materialities of pilgrimage, digi-pilgrimage and secular pilgrimage.
Also in the series
Muslim and Catholic Pilgrimage Practices

Explorations Through Java
Albertus Bagus Laksana
Pilgrimage, Politics and
Place-Making in Eastern Europe
Crossing the Borders
Edited by
John Eade
University of Roehampton and University College London, UK
Mario Kati
University of Zadar, Croatia
First published 2014 by Ashgate Publishing
Published 2016 by Routledge

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Copyright 2014 John Eade, Mario Kati and the contributors

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British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
The Library of Congress has cataloged the printed edition as follows:

Pilgrimage, politics and place-making in Eastern Europe : crossing the borders / edited by
John Eade and Mario Kati.
pages cm. -- (Ashgate studies in pilgrimage)
Includes index.
ISBN 978-1-4724-1592-9 (hardcover)
1. Pilgrims and pilgrimagesEurope, Eastern.
2. Religion and politicsEurope, Eastern. I. Eade, John, 1946- editor of compilation.
BL619.P5P533 2014
203.50947dc23
2013043320
ISBN 9781472415929 (hbk)

To Mato (Bato) Kati 19701992: lost in vain but never forgotten
Contents
List of Illustrations ix
Notes on Contributors xi
Acknowledgements xv
1 Introduction: Crossing the Borders 1

John Eade and Mario Kati
Part I Creating New and Reclaiming Old

Religious Homes
2 From the Chapel on the Hill to National Shrine: Creating a

Pilgrimage Home for Bosnian Croats 15
Mario Kati
3 Pilgrimages to Gkeada (Imvros), a Greco-Turkish Contested

Place: Religious Tourism or a Way to Reclaim the Homeland? 37
Giorgos Tsimouris
Part II Inter-Religious Dialogue

and Intra-Religious Competition
4 Pilgrimage Site Beyond Politics: Experience of the Sacred and

Inter-religious Dialogue in Bosnia 59
Marijana Belaj and Zvonko Marti
5 Competing Sacred Places: Making and Remaking of National

Shrines in Contemporary Poland 79
Anna Niedwied
viii Pilgrimage, Politics and Place-Making in Eastern Europe
Part III Reconstructing Religious and Secular Space
6 From Religious to Secular and Back Again: Christian Pilgrimage

Space in Albania 103
Konstantinos Giakoumis
7 Sterilization and Re-sacralization of the Places of Secular

Pilgrimage: Moving Monuments, Meanings and Crowds in Estonia 119
Polina Terkassova
8 Secular Journeys, Sacred Places: Pilgrimage and Home-making in

the Himar/Himara Area of Southern Albania 135
Nataa Gregori Bon
Part IV
9 Concluding Thoughts 153

Glenn Bowman
Bibliography 159
Index 177
List of Illustrations
2.1 Kondilo with old chapel before the construction, August 2010 17
2.2 Procession arriving at Kondilo. At the head of procession there
are three flags: flag of Our Lady of Kondilo, flag of Vatican and
flag of Bosnian Croats, August 2013 18
2.3 Painting of Our Lady of Kondilo arriving at Kondilo, August 201326
2.4 Calvary with the altar of peace at the remaining of old parish
church, August 2012 27
2.5 Old chapel in a new role: door for the procession to Kondilo,
October 2011 28
2.6 Pilgrims at new chapel on Kondilo, August 2013 30
2.7 Construction site of new national pilgrimage place of Bosnian
Croats, August 2013 31
3.1 Dereky, a close-up view 39

3.2 Dereky, from a distance 39
3.3 Festivities at Panayia Balomeni 42
3.4 Main Square, Tepeky 44
3.5 When the inside turns to outside: a house in Tepeky 47
4.1 World Meeting for Peace held in Sarajevo, 911 September 2012 64
4.2 Muslim woman by the fence surrounding the Olovo shrine during
the Mass on Assumption Day, 2011 71
4.3 Esad Pepi, the imam of Olovo, next to Fra Berislav Kalfi, the
former shrine guardian, during the Mass at the Olovo shrine,
1 May 2010 72
5.1 Jasna Gra shrine, 2010 81

5.2 Members of a Cavalry Pilgrimage after their arrival to Jasna Gra
shrine presenting themselves in reconstructed military uniforms of
old Polish Cavalry and holding a gorget and a copy of the image of
Our Lady of Czstochowa depicted in a Military Robe, July 2010 86
5.3 Liche shrine main basilica, May 2006 92
5.4 Statue of Pope John Paul II at Jasna Gra shrine, 2010 96
5.5 Jasna Gra shrine, 2010 97
x Pilgrimage, Politics and Place-Making in Eastern Europe
6.1 Odhise Paskali, The Comrades, concrete, 1972, architectural

complex of the Martyrs cemetery, Prmet 107
6.2 The architectural complex of the tombs of the Albanian
Renaissance heroes, Puntori quarters, Gjirokastra, 1970 110
6.3 The complex of houses in Galigat, Gramsh, where Enver Hoxha
once found refuge. The Galigat hut, once a state-protected
monument of culture, no longer exists; it was demolished by the
very descendants of the peasants that received Enver Hoxha 112
6.4 Lapidary statue commemorating the battle of the 1st Offensive
Brigade against Nazi forces in 1944, Pishkash, Elbasan 114
7.1 Map of Central Tallinn 122

7.2 Alyosha 124

Notes on Contributors
Marijana Belaj is an Associate Professor at the Department of Ethnology and

Cultural Anthropology, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of
Zagreb (Croatia). Her major fields of interest are contemporary pilgrimages, religion
and politics, inter-religious dynamics, (non-institutional) practices and processes
of consecration of places, persons and time. Her published works include Milijuni
na putu. Antropologija hodoaa i sveto tlo Meugorja (Millions en route: The
Anthropology of Pilgrimage and the Holy Ground of Medjugorje) (2012).
Nataa Gregori Bon is a Research Fellow at the Institute of Anthropological and

Spatial Studies, Scientific Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences
and Arts. Her research interests include place and location, border dynamics,
movement and mobility, and Europeanization. Her regional specialization is in
southern Albania where she has so far conducted over 20 months of fieldwork.
She has published several articles in Slovenian, Albanian and English on topics
such as place, pilgrimage, storytelling, material flows, Europeanization processes,
including an article in Tourism, Culture & Communication on post-communism
and locality, and in Local Lives: Migration and the Politics of Place (Ashgate 2010)
on ownership and belonging. She is the author of the monograph Spaces of
Discordance: Ethnography of Space and Place in the village of Dhermi, Southern
Albania (ZRC Publishing House, 2010) published in Slovenian. She was a guest
editor of the Special Issue of the Anthropological Notebooks, The Contributions to
Albanian Studies (2008, xiv/2).
Glenn Bowman is Reader in Social Anthropology at the University of Kent

where he directs the postgraduate programme in the Anthropology of Ethnicity,
Nationalism, and Identity. He has done extensive field research on Jerusalem
pilgrimage as well as on inter-communal shrine practices in the Middle East and the
Balkans. He has worked in Jerusalem and the West Bank on issues of nationalism
and resistance for more then twenty years; he has also carried out fieldwork in the
former Yugoslavia on contemporary art, political mobilization and, in Macedonia,
shared shrines. He recently edited Sharing the Sacra: the Politics and Pragmatics
of Inter-communal Relations around Holy Places (2012).
xii Pilgrimage, Politics and Place-Making in Eastern Europe
John Eade is Professor of Sociology and Anthropology at the University of

Roehampton and Visiting Professor at the Department for the Study of Religion,
University of Toronto. His research has focused on global migration, urban
ethnicity and identity politics as well as pilgrimage and tourism. His books include
the single-authored The Politics of Community (1989) and Placing London (2000),
the single-edited Living the Global City (1997) and the co-edited Contesting the
Sacred (1991), Reframing Pilgrimage (2004), Transnational Ties (2008) and
Accession and Migration (2009). He is currently researching the relationship
between pilgrimage and politics across Europe, linked to returning to Lourdes as
a helper after a break of 21 years.
Konstantinos Giakoumis is Deputy Rector and Associate Professor in History

and Art History at the University of New York in Tirana, Albania. He is a PhD
holder from the University of Birmingham, UK and his regional research interests
focus on the political, social, economic and religious history of the Balkans. His
contribution in this volume is based on a wider, ongoing research project on
Communism in Albania as political religion.
Mario Kati is a teaching and research assistant at the Department of Ethnology

and Cultural Anthropology at University of Zadar, Croatia. He teaches four
courses: Pilgrimage and Sacred Places, Ritual Theory, Slavic Mythology and
Introduction to Folklore Studies. His main areas of interest are pilgrimage and
sacred places, death, memory and folklore. He is the author of numerous articles,
editor and co-editor of two volumes about Bosnian Croats, and the co-editor of
Pilgrimage and Sacred Places in Southeast Europe: History, Religious Tourism
and Contemporary Trends (2014). He is currently undertaking research in the
Dalmatian hinterland and Bosnia.
Zvonko Marti is a Carmelite monk and a PhD student at the Department of

Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences,
University of Zagreb. His research interests lie in the field of inter-religious and
inter-ethnic interactions in Bosnia and Herzegovina, especially multi-religious
dialogue in pilgrimage sites. Also, he has researched the traditional attire of Croats,
Bosniaks and Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Anna Niedwied is an anthropologist teaching at the Institute of Ethnology and

Cultural Anthropology at Jagiellonian University, Krakw, Poland. She is the
author of articles and books concerning the phenomenon of Polish Catholicism
and Marian cults in Poland. Her publications include The Image and the Figure:
Our Lady of Czstochowa in Polish Culture and Popular Religion (2010).
Her other research projects deal with the symbolic dimension of urban space
and visual anthropology. Since 2009, she has been conducting ethnographic
research in Ghana, which focuses on lived religion among members of Catholic
communities there.
Notes on Contributors xiii
Polina Terkassova is a PhD candidate and a part-time lecturer in the Department

of Social and Cultural Anthropology in Tallinn University, Estonia. She graduated
from Tallinn University and did her research on nationalism and the processes of
state-making in post-Soviet Estonia. Her field of research also includes secular
pilgrimage, place-making, sense perception and sound. She is currently involved
in research with Sufi musicians in Turkey.
Giorgos Tsimouris graduated from the Department of Political Sciences,

Panteion University, Athens (1980). He studied Sociology at the University of
Essex, UK (MA, 1994) and Social Anthropology at the University of Sussex, UK
(PhD, 1998). For his doctoral thesis, he conducted research among refugees from
the Greco-Turkish war of 1922 from Asia Minor, who settled in Greece. He has
published in Greek and English on nationalism, intercultural education, refugee

and migratory issues. He is the author of the book Imvrii: Fugitives from our
Place, Hostages in our Homeland (Athens, 2007), which examines the trajectory
of the Greek community from Imvros (Gkceada). He teaches at the Department
of Social Anthropology, Panteion University, Athens.
Acknowledgements
Many people and institutions helped in different ways in the process of creating
this volume. Chapters were originally presented as papers on a conference held
at Zadar, Croatia, in 2012. So, our thanks first of all go to the Department of
Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology and the Department of Tourism and
Communication Sciences from the University of Zadar, and the university itself for
financial support. We would also like to thank the Department of Social Science,
University of Roehampton for supporting John Eades visit to Zadar. Tomislav
Klarin from the Department of Tourism and Communication Sciences, and a
member of the organizing committee, deserves special thanks and admiration for
making everything work on time and as planned. While only a small number of
presented papers were selected for inclusion in this volume, other papers presented
at the conference with their interesting topics and quality research, amid pleasant
surroundings, were very inspiring and we are very grateful to have met colleagues
and with many we have continued cooperation. We would like to thank David
Shervington and his colleagues at Ashgate and the editors of the new Studies in
Pilgrimage series for recognizing the value of this volume and helping us to realize
our ideas and aims. We also thank everyone else that helped us in any way in our
work during these past two years. Finally, we thank our families and friends who
un-selfishly allowed us to work on this volume in our free time, which should have
been spent with them.
Chapter 1
Introduction: Crossing the Borders
John Eade and Mario Kati
Background
This volume has emerged from a conference held at Zadar, Croatia, in 2012, which
brought together those researching religion, politics, tourism and pilgrimage from
both eastern and western Europe. The conference was born out of our desire to
contribute to the breakdown of boundaries and stereotypes that have been shaped
by both linguistic and disciplinary divisions. Here, we bring together scholars from
very different nations across eastern Europe to challenge those divisions through
explorations of the relationship between pilgrimage, politics and place-making.
We see eastern Europe as an ideal area for exploring the relationship between
religion and politics, and by focusing particularly on pilgrimage sites religious
and secular, old and new, as well as those which are being de-constructed. We can
also study this relationship through the links between past and present. The sites
we have chosen are located within nations whose histories are characterized by
dramatic political, economic and social change, accompanied in many cases by
traumatic conflict and shifting borders. Yet, as the deep divisions of twentieth-
century Europe soften, we can now challenge long-standing assumptions about the
Other whether this be other nations, religions, or other regions within a politically
changing Europe, such as eastern Europe, the Balkans or the Baltic states.
We are focusing, after all, on an area where empires unravelled with unexpected
speed during the early twentieth century. The revision of territorial boundaries
after the First World War had a crucial impact on central and eastern Europe
leading to antagonisms which encouraged the next, even more global conflagration
in 1939. The defeat of Nazi Germany and its allies resulted in another spate of
boundary movement as Stalin moved Polands borders westwards and supported
the creation of a new nation the German Democratic Republic at the Oder-
Neisse line. The closing of the Iron Curtain and the creation of the Berlin Wall
were two more radical changes which imposed a sharp division between European
countries, which had been linked by centuries of economic and cultural exchange.
Not surprisingly, the destruction of the Berlin Wall in 1989 visually signified the
more general collapse of the Iron Curtain and socialist political, economic and
ideological structures. The eastwards expansion of the European Union, involving
the formal entry of the A8 countries in 2004, Bulgaria and Romania in 2007, and
Croatia in 2013, encouraged young people, in particular, to migrate to the West, at
least for a time (see Burrell 2009, Black et al. 2010). Membership of the European
2 Pilgrimage, Politics and Place-Making in Eastern Europe
Union was not seen as an unmixed blessing by some of these migrants and those
remaining in their countries of origin (see Eade and Valkanova 2009).
There are encouraging signs that the flows of people, capital, goods, information
and images across European borders are not just one way. In the academic sector,
West European scholars are building networks with East European colleagues,
encouraged by EU funding of the Erasmus exchange scheme and various research
programmes. Research centres in former socialist countries, such as the Max
Planck Institute for Social Anthropology at Halle/Saale, have also contributed
to this breaking-down of intellectual boundaries. However, Chris Hann, the Max
Planck Institutes founding director, warns us against painting too rosy a picture of
change and mutual understanding. Western scholars have been influenced by long-
established stereotypes about eastern Europe, which have been compounded by
linguistic boundaries. In the sociology and anthropology of religion, for example,

those stereotypes were given intellectual force by the great German pioneer, Max
Weber. His understanding of secular modernity and capitalism was firmly linked
to the Protestant Reformation and assumptions about the essential mysticism
characterizing Orthodox Christianity (Hann 2011: 14). More recent interpretations
reproduce the sharp separation in different guises. Charles Taylor, for example,
in his influential A Secular Age (2007) brings Protestantism and Catholicism
together into a unitary north Atlantic world and ignores eastern traditions. As
Hann notes, the reader is left with the impression that Eastern Christendom is a
radically different world (ibid.: 12).
Western ignorance has been compounded by a lack of knowledge about research
undertaken across eastern and south-eastern Europe on local religious traditions,
which has a long history; see, for example, the work of those operating within
the ethnology and folklore tradition, such as Lavtiar 1933, Czarnowski 1938,
Stabej 1965, Ramov 1977, apo 1991, Belaj 1991, Ramak 1996 and Psihogiou
1996. Although German universities, in particular, have acted as an important
conduit for the dissemination of East European research, their global influence has
been restricted by the post-war dominance of English as the global lingua franca,
as well as by the power of Anglophone universities and the academic publishing
industry in an increasingly globalized market. East European conferences on the
sociology and anthropology of religion, ethnology and folklore have been forced
to adapt to this shift in academic and linguistic power. Many of their meetings
now use English as the main means of communication and we followed suit at the
Zadar conference.
Even so, the adoption of English has enabled research on East European
pilgrimage to cross territorial and intellectual borders. From the early 1990s,
scholars from the East European region have made a significant contribution to
this flow through their study of particular religious sites (for example, Vukoni
1992, Jurkovich and Gesler 1997, Buzalka 2007, Sekerdej, Pasieka and Warat
2007, Karamihova and Valtchinova 2009, Niedwied 2010), religious pilgrimage
routes and journeys (Jackowski and Smith 1992, Kozlowski 2008), or secular
pilgrimages (Belaj 2008; Povedak 2008). They have also contributed to recent
Introduction: Crossing the Borders 3
edited volumes led by western scholars (Margry 2008, Albera and Couroucli
2012, Hermkens et al. 2009). Awareness among western scholars of pilgrimage in
East Europe has increased since 1989, partly through studies by western scholars
of religion or some other segment of the culture (Duijzings 2000), or particular
religious shrines (Bax 1995, 2000, Claverie 2003, Bowman 2010). Chris Hann and
Hermann Goltzin in their edited volume, Eastern Christians in Anthropological
Perspective (2010), have also helped to bring pilgrimage research within more
general discussions of religious processes across eastern Europe, while studies
by Kormina (2004, 2010) and Rock (2007) on pilgrimage and popular religion in
Russia have shown us the danger of simply shifting stereotypes and boundaries
further east.
Interestingly, there still appears to be a certain reluctance to examine the
contemporary relationship between pilgrimage, politics and place-making in

western Europe. Admittedly, attention has been paid to the contested nature of
pilgrimage, especially by anthropologists, but even here the emphasis has often been
on the play of power and resistance at the shrines themselves rather than in relation
to secular political institutions. The more open route of the camino to Santiago de
Compostela has encouraged researchers to look beyond particular sacred sites and
to the interplay of religious and secular processes. Frey (1998), for example, has
explored the multifarious religious and non-religious motivations among those
using the various routes while attention has also been paid to the involvement
of political institutions in Spain and Brussels and the economic forces at play
(Plasquy 2010). Until the recent publications by Jansen and Notermans (2012) and
Fedele (2013), the most effective analyses of the imbrication of religious, political
and economic processes had been produced by those discussing the relationship
between pilgrimage and tourism (Badone and Roseman 2004, Timothy and Olsen
2006), or the emergence of a particular shrine such as Lourdes (Harris 1999,
Kaufman 2005, Claverie 2008). The relationship between contemporary European
pilgrimage and politics has been largely studied outside western Europe in eastern
and south-eastern Europe (Dubisch 1995, Bax 1995, 2000, Duijzings 2000, Belaj
2008), or far beyond the region (see Sax 1991, Bianchi 2004, Reader 2006).
This Volume
The substantive chapters in this volume are grouped into three parts. In Part I,
Chapters 2 and 3 consider the role played by pilgrimage in creating new homes or
reclaiming old ones. Hence, in Chapter 2, Mario Kati examines the development,
and re-creation of a Bosnian pilgrimage shrine. He explores the Catholic Churchs
relationship towards the people, in particular, and its influence on the creation
and preservation of Bosnian Croat identity through the building of a new national
shrine Kondilo. This process of place-making involves the materialization of
symbols in the landscape in order to project an image and communicate a story
about the Bosnian Croat struggle and the need for national unity. Drawing on his
own research and experience as a participant in the pilgrimage, he shows how

building a shrine and creating new places in the sacred landscape of Kondilo
affects pilgrims, not only in terms of their religious practices and pilgrimage
experiences, but also through their sense of belonging to a particular ethnic
community. He shows how the Church seeks to materialize its role and influence
in that community by leaving a permanent stamp on physical space. Through the
building and rebuilding of the Kondilo shrine, the Church asserts the permanent
presence of Croats in Bosnia, despite their declining population and deteriorating
economic and political situation.
The religious celebrations at Kondilo enable Croats from both inside and
outside Bosnia to unite in celebration of their religious and ethnic identity. This
theme of return and diaspora is continued in Chapter 3 through Giorgos Tsimouriss
study of the annual summer visit by Greeks to their original homeland the island
of Imvros/Gkceada which is now part of Turkey. He outlines the historical
background to their forced departure, the interpretation of the islands recent history
by Turkish officials and tourist office, and how the Greek returnees contest these
interpretations of what really happened in ways that can be tolerated by Turkish
officials. Their return involves pilgrimage as well as a holiday, since it coincides
with the Feast of the Assumption and is their way of reclaiming their homeland
however briefly. The Turkish authorities, on the other hand, see the Greeks as
tourists, who are contributing financially to the islands impoverished economy,
rather than as pilgrims or exiles. They emphasize the democratic face of the Turkish
republic, especially in an island that is a living testimony to intolerance and the
negation of religious, cultural and national otherness. Tsimouris concludes that
the Greek returnees through religious and daily rituals during their summer visits
conflate past and present, mundane and sacred experience, and ethnic and national
identity, and challenge fixed territorial imaginaries and national boundaries.
In Part II, we see that the interweaving of religious and ethnic identities does not
necessarily lead to the contestation of space between rival religio-ethnic groups. At
the local level, there are opportunities for inter-religious dialogue and the sharing
of sacred space. Furthermore, competition may be just as rife within a religious
boundary as across that boundary. Zvonko Marti and Marijana Belaj in Chapter 4
show, therefore, how a pilgrimage site in Olovo, Bosnia, operates as a place where
different ethnic and religious groups can collaborate and coexist in this case,
Muslims and Catholics. They challenge popular and political discourses about
Bosnia (and its pilgrimage sites) that emphasize inter-ethnic and inter-religious
separation and conflict, and they join other anthropologists in demonstrating how
pilgrimage sites can in practice be shared by members from different religious
affiliations. They show that the reality of Bosnia is much more complex when
religion and identity are not perceived as exclusionary phenomena. Inter-religious
dialogue in Olovo occurs occasionally, mostly during Catholic holidays. The
balance of the involvement of Muslims and Catholics in the dialogue varies, while
the dialogue itself extends beyond religious belief and practice. They analyse past
and present inter-religious dialogue between Catholic and Muslim believers in
Olovo on three levels: as a dialogue of religious experience, a dialogue of life

and a dialogue of deeds. They conclude that the inter-religious dialogue does
not mean that religious boundaries are totally porous; the believers remain
firmly linked to their own religion and do not avoid their differences. Religion
provides rules and guidelines for action, but the space of inter-religious exchange
enables opportunities to emerge for solving problems imposed by the reality of
everyday life.
Competition between shrines within the same ethnic-religious community
is the theme of Chapter 5. Here, Anna Niedwied examines the concept of a
national shrine through an analysis of how the Polish national story (and history)
is encrypted into the lived spaces and narratives of two Marian sanctuaries: Jasna
Gra, seen as a traditional and historic national shrine, and Liche, perceived as
an aspiring new national shrine. The national dimension of Jasna Gra seems to
be broadly accepted and recognized by Polish Catholics, at least since the 1990s
while the national dimension of Liche is also gaining significant and competing
attention. Responding to Liches rapid spatial development and popularity,
Jasna Gra has eagerly engaged visually and symbolically with the most pressing
national issues and constructed further layers of national historiosophy encrypted
into it. During the post-Communist period, the dominant national dimension of
Polish popular Catholicism has been mirrored in the development of many shrines
across the country but despite Jasna Gras continued national significance, the
most radical and influential expression of that dimension has developed at Liche.
Part III contains three chapters where the secular dimensions of pilgrimage and
place-making come to the fore. In Chapter 6, Konstantinos Giakoumis focuses on
Albania where after the Second World War the Communist regime declared the
country to be the worlds first atheist nation. He outlines the history of religious
place-making before the Communist regime, the development of secular pilgrimage
during Communism and the subsequent revival of Christian shrines since the
1990s. He shows how various combinations of person, place, text and movement
have shaped both religious and secular pilgrimages. Person-centred pilgrimages
were established around the remains of secular national heroes or where the blood
of Communist fighters or neo-martyrs of the secular regime was spilt. After the
fall of Communism in 1991, some Communist pilgrimages were erased, while
others underwent a process of reinterpretation, thanks to their polysemy which
helped to disassociate them from state-imposed Communist ideology.
Chapter 7 also investigates the contested process of place-making in the context
of secular pilgrimage. Polina Terkassova focuses on post-Communist Estonia and
its capital, Tallinn. She links the process of contested place-making to state politics
in order to gain a more profound understanding of the interconnectedness between
pilgrimage and politics as well as the processes of sacralization, sterilization
and re-sacralization of certain public places of commemoration. Her case study
concerns struggles surrounding the monument of the Unknown Soldier in Tallinn.
Her main argument is that secular pilgrimage to the monument can be interpreted as
a redemption of proximity not just with the victims of war but also with physically
remote family members and dead relatives, whose graves are scattered around
the vast territory of Russia. Hence, the nations sacred borders are continually
contested and renegotiated through the attempts to redeem the connection with the
deceased relatives, which is undertaken through movement, commemoration and
other practices of pilgrims.
In Chapter 8, Nataa Gregori Bon addresses the discursive differentiation
between religions, on the one hand, and tolerance and sharing at the level of
practice on the other. She focuses on the relationship between two different
religio-ethnic traditions (Christian Orthodox and Muslim), as well as local groups
(emigrants and locals) in the Himar (the official, Albanian name) or Himara
(the local, Greek name) area in Southern Albania. She examines the Orthodox
pilgrimage to Stavridi, which is undertaken on the day before the Feast of the
Assumption. This particular pilgrimage brings together the local population with
emigrants, who are originally from the area but mainly live in Athens in Greece.
She interprets the emigrants homecomings as a secular pilgrimage and vice versa.
She concludes that the emigrants reconstruct their sense of rootedness, constitute
their identity and reinforce their attachment to the place, and that the religious and
secular pilgrimage they are involved in can be interpreted as the trope of a route,
with its temporal and spatial dimensions related to the process of place-making.
The Central Themes in this Volume
The Relationship Between Pilgrimage, Politics and Place-Making
The influence of Communism as a political and ideological regime, not surprisingly,

acts as a key theme in the chapters set in Albania, Bosnia, Estonia and Poland. Yet,
the regimes relationship with religion and religious institutions depended on how
Communism developed both nationally and locally. We see in this volume how
Communisms collapse opened the door for religious communities to express their
identity in countries where religion could be a vehicle for ethnic identity. We also
see how their revitalized strength and presence in Albania, Bosnia and Poland has
been most visually expressed through architecture with the construction of new
shrines or the rebuilding of older ones. All kinds of state and church institutions
try to influence, in a top-down process, the creation, re-creation and destruction of
pilgrimage places, as well as the meanings and messages they send. Yet, pilgrims
have their own politics and they are the ones that make a particular project
successful or not. Through pilgrimage (migrations), permanent presence close to a
site, or the financing of buildings, pilgrims create the changes from the bottom up,
whether this involves supporting their local church leaders or confronting them.
Albania provides perhaps the most vivid illustration of state politics influence
on religion and religious institutions. As Konstantinos Giakoumis shows, the
Communist regime introduced secular sacred places and pilgrimages in an attempt
to break the power of religious shrines and institutions. Yet, although religious
sites in Albania and other post-Communist countries have been revived together
with pilgrimages to them, Polina Terkassovas Estonia case-study reminds us that
secular pilgrimage places can retain their political, social and cultural attraction
for some ethnic groups and have become symbols of a different time and events
times which may be seen by some as the good old days (see Belaj 2008).
In the Albanian, Bosnian and Turkish case studies, we also see how the growth
of modern travel and virtual communications has enabled even pilgrimage places,
located in regions almost abandoned by a particular community, have acquired
significant political influence. They are sometimes the only reason why thousands
of people come back to their native countries and at least for a brief period of time
make an important political statement and presence.
Movement, Contestation and Dialogue
All the chapters consider the process of movement in different forms. For some,
movement involves physical journeys to a country of origin. These are typically
undertaken by those from the diaspora during the summer and centre around the
Feast of the Assumption on 15 August, as well as Marian shrines which attract
both Roman Catholics and Orthodox Christians. The position of these visitors
is sometimes highly ambiguous and their feelings are very ambivalent. Those
participating in the Bosnian pilgrimage described by Kati and the Greeks visiting
Imvros discussed by Tsimouris had been displaced by war or forced migration and
are formally at least no longer members of the territories or nations, which
emerged from subsequent treaty agreements. Their return raises the painful issue
of belonging, seen in countless examples of loss and dislocation around the world.
They are returning to a homeland, where they are seen as outsiders by those now
occupying the locality.
In the Bosnia example, Kati describes them as Bosnian Croats while those
returning to Imvros call themselves Imvrii or Imviotes, that is, as those who belong
to the island despite being displaced. The contested character of both places is
evident in the mixture of religious and secular activities and the part played by
religious leaders. At Kondilo, Bosnian Croats from the diaspora mingle with
members of the local Croat minority who returned after the early 1990s war. The
ongoing political tensions and ethnic division within the new Republic of Bosnia
and Herzegovina are reflected in the Roman Catholic leaders comments about
local politics and election contests. Kati does not tell us much about what the
local Serbs think about the pilgrims, but in the Imvros case the Turkish officials
see the Greek visitors as tourists and they seek to unite them with other tourists
through secular entertainments, which rival the religious festivities where the
Imvrii seek to express their attachment to the sacred homeland.
While these two chapters explore the tensions and conflicts around pilgrimages,
coexistence and dialogue across religious and ethnic boundaries is clearly possible.
Hence, Belaj and Marti seek to counter the influence of studies by Bax and Hayden
which emphasize the role played by pilgrimage sites in former Yugoslavia and
Medjugorje in particular as spaces of religious, ethnic and political conflict. At

the Bosnian shrine of Olovo, Catholics and Muslims make ritual use of the same
sacred space, even if boundaries are drawn in both physical and ideological terms.
During the Catholic ceremonies, Muslims stay outside the church fence and do
not confuse their devotion to Holy Mary with Maryam, the mother of the prophet
Isa. At other times, however, Muslims enter the church to seek Marys help. At
the local level, therefore, multi-level dialogue challenges assumptions that sacred
places will simply reflect or resist wider political conflicts an example, in other
words, of what others have discussed in terms of shared shrines and sacra (see
Albera and Coroucli 2012, Bowman 2012).
Religious and Secular Pilgrimage Identity and Memory

All the shrines discussed here are being used as markers of identity. Since
identities are shifting conditions, so are the pilgrimage places as symbols of
those identities. They can serve as a symbol of our pilgrimage place in the same
religious community (Poland), symbol of our national identity in situation when
we are nothing but a minority in some troubled region (Bosnia, Turkey, Albania),
symbol of our community even if the pilgrimage place is not from our religious
denomination (again Bosnia), or even be a symbol of some lost time, people and
events (Estonia and Albania).
Although most of the chapters consider pilgrimage as a journey to and from
a religious shrine and the rituals taking place at a sacred place, the studies by
Gregori Bon, Tsimouris, Giakoumis and Terkassova show how pilgrimage can
involve both religious and secular processes. For the Albanian migrant workers,
who spend most of the year in Greece, the August holidays provide an opportunity
not only for religious pilgrimage but also for a more general communion with their
origins, like the roots tourists visiting Ghana or Scotland described by Schramm
(2004) and Basu (2004), for example.
The interweaving of religious and secular processes can be accompanied by
other conflations. At Imvros, the Greek returnees through religious and daily
rituals during their summer visits also conflate the past and the present, mundane
and sacred experience, and ethnic and national identity, and challenge fixed
territorial imaginaries and national boundaries. In the Albanian and Estonian case
studies by Giakoumis and Terkassova, we see how personal calendars can be
affected by changes in public calendars with the collapse of Communism. Yet
the transformations in time and space effected in Albania were less dramatic in
Estonia, where the Soviet monument and associated May Day pilgrimage survived
until recently, before being moved to the edge of Tallinn. Despite the monuments
forced mobility, Russian-speaking devotees still come to the empty space in the
city centre to fill it with red flowers. They insist on commemorating a past conflict
and a continuing struggle to maintain both their status as an ethnic minority in
independent Estonia and their ties with another homeland Russia. Different
histories and calendars are again at work here with the new, highly demonstrative
Estonian national monument appearing nearby acting as a rival place of secular,

nationalist pilgrimage in the countrys ritual calendar.
Through movement, people can switch their identities and become somebody
else, or return to the people they used to be. This is where memory comes into play.
Movement of people with distinctive identities, ideas and feelings needs a material
and tangible place that will channel all these emotions and statements. Places are
being created from the top down, others are being de-constructed in order to arrest
these movements, expressions of identity and memorialization, while others are
being preserved working from the bottom up.
Person, Place, Text and Movement

The relationship between person, place, text and movement explored in Coleman
and Eade (2004) and subsequent volumes on pilgrimage is explicitly addressed
by Kati and Giakoumis. Yet, other chapters reveal this relationship, especially
Niedwieds Polish case study. Here, the national competition between the two
shrines involves a very personal, highly charged relationship between devotees
and Our Lady through journeys to and from a sacred place where there is space
to develop a range of attractions. Through what might be described as a religious
Disneyfication, the main attraction the icon of Mary and child at Czstochowa
and Liches icon of Mary are surrounded by statues, buildings and landscaping
which are designed to stimulate the visitors imagination, emotions and religious
understanding. This process of creating thick places is assisted by textual
representations guidebooks, texts on monuments, references to the Bible,
website pages which are linked to other texts, such as theological commentaries
and school history textbooks and communicated through the media industry and
the Internet. This reflects the crucial advance of literacy across Europe and its
impact on local devotions imbued with oral traditions and folk memories.
While other chapters demonstrate the importance of transnational ties linking
diasporic communities to their homelands, the Polish case study explores not
just the ties between religious and political elites and ordinary people through
networks, which bring the local and national together it also reveals the growing
influence of supranational, European identity. Hence, the Czstochowa shrine is
represented as both a national and European sacred centre through a process of
memory-making, where Poland is located at the centre of Europe rather than on its
eastern border. The past informs the present where Poland is playing a prominent
role in an expanding European Union.
Monumentality and Changing Landscapes the Intertwining of Religious and

Secular Processes
A striking feature of the case studies is the development of new and ever more
imposing monuments. Both urban and rural landscapes are affected by the
appearance of these monuments. Some shrines generate the growth of urban
centres around them Czstochowa is the obvious example here, while Lourdes,
Fatima and Medjugorje provide more recent illustrations. Other shrines remain
secluded rural venues for example, Kondilo which only come alive on certain
occasions. The changes in architectural design raise questions about aesthetic
appearance. Are the new structures sympathetic to their surroundings? What
values are being employed when we describe them as kitsch or overbearing?
These developments and the issues they raise are not peculiar to Europe or
Christian pilgrimage they appear around the globe and involve all the world
religions through hybrid forms of spiritual religion and secular political
institutions. In Japan, for example, Shinto shrines complicate western attempts to
sharply separate religion and secular worlds, so that the Yasakuni shrine in Tokyo,
which commemorates those who died in service of the emperor since 1868, is a
complex of buildings where rituals of ancestor worship can be combined with a

visit to a museum containing weapons employed during the Second World War.
Statues and other features have been donated to the complex which covers a wide
area of 6.25 hectares. The building of churches, temples, gurdwaras and mosques
around the world are another expression of interweaving religious and secular
impulses since they not only provide sometimes on an impressive scale space
for worship but also affirm the presence of a particular ethnic or national group.
In cities expanding through global migration, these buildings have sometimes
emerged through a highly contested political process involving local, national,
transnational and global identities (see Eade 1997, Garbin 2012).
Economic Processes
The rapid development of some of the shrines discussed in this volume points
to the economic dimensions of contemporary pilgrimage which have attracted
scant attention in pilgrimage studies. Where economic considerations have been
addressed, this has usually been through discussions of the complex relationship
between pilgrimage and tourism. Yet, the operation and expansion of major shrines
involves massive accumulation and investment of resources generated by local
communities, transnational networks, regional and national governments and, in
some cases, supra-national institutions such as the European Union.
Attention is turning belatedly to the ways in which pilgrimage and religion,
more generally, contributes to and is shaped by neo-liberal market forces (see
Gauthier, Martikainen and Woodhead 2011, Reader 2013). As Kaufmans study
of the development of Lourdes during the second half of the nineteenth century
reminds us (Kaufman 2005), shrines have long been deeply implicated in the
growth of modern modes of consumption. This point is clearly appreciated by
those studying pilgrimage in Japan, for example, who have demonstrated that
the interweaving of the religious and economic has a long history (see Reader
2006, 2013). Jesus Christs expulsion of the moneylenders from the Temple has
encouraged a Christian ambivalence towards the presence of economic activities
within sacred space which finds little resonance in Japanese traditions.
Insiders and Outsiders
The complex interweaving of meanings and material culture explored in this

volume demonstrates the importance of avoiding simple distinctions between
pilgrim, tourist, exile, visitor, insider and outsider, sacred and secular. It also raises
important questions about territorial, ethnic, bodily and conceptual boundaries,
the degrees of thickness and thinness in boundaries, their porosity and changing
shape, as well as the overlap between and the collapse of boundaries. These
interweavings and questions appear in various guises during this volume, but
one classic ethnographic question returns consistently throughout the extent to
which the researchers themselves are insiders.
This question is more closely explored by Mario Kati, who describes his
role as pilgrim, organizer, researcher and Bosnian Croat. Here is someone whose
family was displaced by the war in former Yugoslavia, who suffered the loss
of family members and was brought up in Zagreb as a member of the Bosnian
Croat diaspora. Polina Terkassova also reveals her personal engagement with the
Russian-speaking minority in Estonia, while Zvonko Martis role as a Catholic
priest clearly informs his research interest in inter-religious dialogue. Konstantinos
Giakoumis clearly identifies with the Imvrii visitors as a Greek. Nataa Gregori
Bon is the most obvious outsider in terms of her ethnicity, but her research over a
period of time enabled her to build relationships where she could, to some extent,
become an insider.
Crossing Boundaries
This volume brings together, therefore, scholars from eastern and south-eastern
Europe to explore the crossing of borders through the study of the relationship
between pilgrimage and politics and the role which this plays in the process of
both sacred and secular place-making. Because it is almost impossible in many
countries across this region to separate religion from nations and nationalism,
place-making is intimately associated with (changing) constructions of the nation.
Religious institutions have frequently acted as guardians of the nation and national
unity, and during inter-ethnic conflicts, religious leaders have been among the first
to raise the flags of war and lead their religious-ethnic community in the fight
against the Other. The disintegration of Yugoslavia provides a sobering illustration
of how religious affiliation can mark a nationality and became involved in the
denunciation of the Other. Such a pattern can be found across almost all of south-
eastern Europe.
We have sought here to avoid yet another overview of papers, book, ideas and
definitions. Our main intention in this introductory chapter has been to provide an
outline of the chapters and discuss the main themes emerging from them in order
to show how, in practice, politics and pilgrimage connect and how this connection
influences place-making. The case studies from different areas of eastern and
south-eastern Europe demonstrate the complexity characterizing the relationship

between pilgrimage, politics and place-making and how careful attention must
be paid to the micro historical context. The meaning and functions of a particular
pilgrimage site and journey can go in various directions they can be symbols of
national identity or a sharing between different national and religious communities;
they can be ways to keep one imaginary community together or serve as reasons
for conflict and division; they can act as political statements or commemorate
past periods and events. Through this publication, we seek to be the first to bring
a comparative perspective to the complex and under-researched phenomenon of
both religious and secular pilgrimage in central, eastern and south-eastern Europe.
We hope that this volume will make a significant contribution to the development
of studies of religion, pilgrimage, nationalism and politics in this highly dynamic
area of Europe.
Part I
Creating New and Reclaiming
Old Religious Homes
Chapter 2
From the Chapel on the Hill
to National Shrine: Creating a Pilgrimage
Home for Bosnian Croats
Mario Kati
During the last few decades, pilgrimages and pilgrimage places in ex-Yugoslavia,
including Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), have been the focus of research by
many scholars (Vukoni 1992, Bax 1995, Duijzings 2000, Hann 2006, Belaj 2008
and 2012, Bowman 2010, Kati 2010, Henig 2012, Albera and Couroucli 2012).1
Some of this research has concentrated on the sharing of sacred places by different
religious communities (Henig 2012) and the complex relationships between those
communities, which were willing to share the same sites at one point in history and
then fought to the death at another. It was this kind of inter-communal relationship
that prompted Robert Hayden to propose the concept of antagonistic tolerance.
He explains the sharing of sacred places in south-eastern Europe as a pragmatic
adaptation to a situation in which repression of the other groups practices may
not be possible rather than an active embrace of the Other (Hayden 2002: 219).
Recently, there has been somewhat of a shift in research on pilgrimage places in
Bosnia and Herzegovina, in particular, as more and more scholars (Belaj 2012,
Henig 2012, Sara Rujanac 2013) have turned towards examining intra-communal
interaction and relationships in and towards pilgrimage places. I follow this
trend by describing the creation, development and re-creation of one particular
pilgrimage place of Bosnian Croats in order to illustrate the complex relationship
within this religious-national community between ordinary people, on the one
hand, and the Roman Catholic clergy on the other.
In Bosnia, the Croats are the smallest in terms of population of the three
constitutive nationalities (others being Bosniaks and Serbs). They possess a
distinctive heritage based around the struggle for survival over many centuries,
and are confined to the smaller towns and districts which have most frequently
functioned as enclaves of some sort. The Croats are surrounded by the larger
Bosniak and Serbian groups of inhabitants, and are deeply attached to the
Catholic Church through a special relationship with the clergy. The war in Bosnia
and Herzegovina between 1992 and 1995 has had a dramatic influence on this
1
I want to thank Marijana Belaj for her comments and advice. Especially, I want to
thank John Eade for his enormous help in the process of creating this text.
community, since it resulted in an even smaller population of Bosnian Croats,

and made them nationally, politically and culturally vulnerable. Because Bosnian
Croats have been politically divided between several parties, because economic
and military conflict has forced them to leave for the European Union and Croatia,
and because they are geographically dispersed across Bosnia, religion appears
to be the only visible, stable, element keeping them all together. I will seek to
provide an insight into the past and present situation in this particular European-
Oriental microculture (Lovrenovi 2002) by focusing on the ways in which
Bosnian Croats express their religious identity through pilgrimage. I will approach
pilgrimage places as arenas where religious and national ideas are manifested, and
analyse and problematize what happens at one particular shrine. I will examine the
Catholic Churchs relationship towards the people, in particular, and its influence
on the creation and preservation of Bosnian Croat identity through building a new
national shrine Kondilo.
About Kondilo and the Key Themes
When I first began researching pilgrimages to Kondilo in 2010, little did I know
that this pilgrimage place would change in a very short time from a small, wooden,
hilltop chapel in a forest above the village of Komuina, into what is currently
perhaps the Bosnias largest sacred construction site. Here we can see how a
sacred landscape is evolving through the addition of new sacred topoi every year,
thereby expanding the sacrality of the surrounding area (see Illustration 2.1).
Kondilo is located in the parish of Komuina, which is today part of the
so-called Republika Srpska (Republic of Srpska). Although most people living
in the area were Croats before the early 1990s war, by 2012, the demographic
situation had changed dramatically. In most of the Croatian villages surrounding
the Kondilo hill there are now very few permanent residents and these are mostly
elderly, while the nearby town of Tesli has become predominantly Serbian.
The main reason for pilgrimage to Kondilo is the eighteenth-century
miraculous painting of Mary, the Mother of God. The painting was probably
brought by Franciscans, and since a Franciscan was the first to write down the oral
tradition at the end of the nineteenth century about the arrival of the painting and
the beginning of the pilgrimage, it seems that the Church was responsible for the
creation of this pilgrimage place (Kati 2010).2 Before the 1990s war, pilgrimage
to Kondilo was limited to one a year the Feast of Marys Assumption into
heaven, on 15 August and most pilgrims came from the few nearby parishes.
Kondilo was just another pilgrimage place in Bosnian and Herzegovina: neither
more prominent nor important than other similar shrines. After the war ended,
and since the miraculous paintings return to Kondilo, the shrines importance
has rapidly increased. During the last few years, the number of pilgrimages
2
For a detailed analysis of the oral tradition, see Kati 2010 and 2013.
From the Chapel on the Hill to National Shrine 17
Illustration 2.1 Kondilo with old chapel before the construction, August 2010
to Kondilo has increased to three times a year, though the most important
pilgrimage celebration still takes place on 15 August, when thousands of people
arrive, mostly Croats from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croats temporarily residing
in the European Union, and those from Croatia and Switzerland. However, the first
pilgrimage of the year takes place during May and involves young people from
the Vrhbosna archdiocese, while the third is held during October and involves
the inhabitants of the Usora deanery.3 In fact, pilgrimage to Kondilo is one of
the reasons, and frequently the only reason, for those who were displaced from
the surrounding villages and parishes, to visit their houses, if only once a year.
Pilgrimage to Kondilo has become the symbol of the existence, homecoming and
survival for Croats from this area, as well as for Bosnian Croats in general.
In this chapter, I will begin by analysing the events that gave rise to the
significance of this pilgrimage place, and prompted the construction of the shrine,
which the Bosnian Catholic Church aims to turn into a national shrine for Bosnian
Croats. The Catholic Church is now working with the local population and pilgrims
to transform the small woodland chapel into a sacred landscape with multiple
functions. This process of place-making crucially involves the materialization of
symbols in the landscape in order to project an image and send out a story about
the Bosnian Croat struggle and the need for national unity (see Illustration 2.2).
3
The parish of Komuina is a part of Usora deanery, which belongs to Vrhbosna
archdiocese whose cathedral is in Sarajevo.
Illustration 2.2 Procession arriving at Kondilo. At the head of procession there

are three flags: flag of Our Lady of Kondilo, flag of Vatican and
flag of Bosnian Croats, August 2013
Drawing on my own research and experience as a participant in the

pilgrimage, I aim to demonstrate how building a shrine and creating new places
in the sacred landscape of Kondilo affects pilgrims, their religious practices
and pilgrimage experiences, as well as the perception of their community. I
will focus on the four pilgrimage aspects that have so far emerged as the basis
for pilgrimage research in general person, place, text (Eade and Sallnow
1991b) and movement (Coleman and Eade 2004)4 realizing that these are very
complex concepts and imply multi-layered phenomena that should be analysed
from many different perspectives.5
4
For more details about the concept of movement in pilgrimage, in sacred places, and
of movement of sanctity, see also Hermkens, Jansen and Notermans (2009: 68).
5
Kim Knott argues that locating religion entails the analysis of religion in relation to
social, economic, political as well as geographical aspects, and investigating the impact of
a specific place on religion and of religion on that same place (Knott 2009: 156). The same
aspects of analysis could be applied to any sacred place, including a pilgrimage shrine.
My Research and the Beginnings of the Construction of Kondilo
Most of my text is based on my experience, observations, participation,

interpretations and analysis. During my research, I tried to take advantage of my
role as both a researcher and a member of the Bosnian Croat community. This
dual role has been highly productive, especially in my attempts to experience
the researched location which my informants occupy and in which they act
(Fernandez 2003: 187). However, it has also been very problematic, because it
was difficult to make sharp divisions between these roles. On the one hand, I
had at my disposal the methodology and analytical model for approaching the
location, pilgrims practices and the information I gathered from interviews, but
on the other, I frequently got carried away by certain experiences on Kondilo,
moved by inspiring speeches, and sometimes limited by my own life experience

from the time prior to my initiation into ethnology.
My first encounter with Kondilo did not occur on any of the three pilgrimage
dates. On an ordinary rainy, foggy day, I came to the village, which looked almost
abandoned at first glance. The church where they kept the miraculous painting of
the Our Lady was in relatively decent shape, even though it had served as a barn
during the Serbian occupation in the Bosnian war. After a brief interview with the
parish priest and a glance at the painting, I set out for the Kondilo hill. The road
was asphalt all the way to the foot of the hill, courtesy of the Croatian government,
which in the past few years has been financially supporting the reconstruction
of roads leading to certain sacred places, churches and convents. Although not
an impressive structure, the chapel on the Kondilo hill, built in 1958 by the
people from the nearby village of Podkondilo, had a very distinct shape and a
certain mystical quality due to its positioning, especially on that particular day, all
shrouded in thick forest and mist. Next to the chapel, there was an old bell-tower,
inside which a bell-ringer would sit during pilgrimage and signal the arrival of
the procession carrying the painting. Behind the chapel stood the remnants of a
pre-war building where priests used to stay, because before the war the painting
and the priests would stay at Kondilo overnight, whereas today both the painting
and the priests return to the parish church. On my way down from the hill, I took
a moment to visit the remnants of the old church, which had lost its function as
the parish church before the war, and was destroyed to such an extent, that all
that remained was the altar section and the foundations. Most of the church was
completely overgrown with grass, as was the nearby parish office.
My next visit was on the very day of the Feast of Assumption. I came as a
researcher, but on the outside I was just one of the many pilgrims, in no way
different or more privileged. At the time, almost none of the church officials or
local population knew me and I was treated like any other pilgrim. In the following
years, and particularly after the publishing of the monograph about this region
(Kati 2011), I have become well-known and Im recognized. I have been asked
to come for coffee and refreshments at the parish office and eventually I was
made one of the stewards, who ensured that everything went smoothly. This role
has granted me access to areas and activities I had previously not been able to
see and experience, but it has also made it more difficult for me to participate
inconspicuously and to observe pilgrim practices.
My first Feast of the Assumption was spent conversing with pilgrims who
came mostly from nearby villages, as well as watching the activities at and in the
church during the pilgrimage to Kondilo and then return to the church. At the
time I was trying to find out what this painting meant to the people in the Usora
region in terms of their identity. Most of the people emphasized two facts. First,
the painting brings together Croats from both the locality and across BiH for the
Feast of the Assumption and, secondly, most of those living outside of the country
return to their homeland precisely because of Our Lady of Kondilo. If it were not
for Kondilo they would probably visit much less frequently or practically never,
since the main pilgrimage occurs only once a year. Most of these people have
renovated their houses and stayed there during the ten days of vacation they had
taken specifically for the feast. The process happening at Kondilo seems similar
to that in Gkceada (Imvros) where Orthodox Christian diaspora started to return
to the island during mid-August to celebrate the Assumption of the Virgin Mary
(see Chapter 3 in this volume). Their pilgrimage became a major meeting-point
for members of a displaced community, a chance to repair their homes, reclaim
their fields and cry for the loss of the island (Tsimouris, Chapter 3). The Turkish
authorities on Gkceada consider these events as important tourist attractions, but
for those who were forced out about four decades ago, the pilgrimage is a way to
reclaim symbolically their lost homeland and they refuse to consider themselves
as tourists. Will pilgrims to Kondilo in a few decades become tourists? Perhaps
they already have.6
The event that is planted in everyones memory and is pointed out as the
turning-point in the life of this shrine is the first pilgrimage after the 1990s war.
During the conflict, the painting was first kept at the house of a distinguished
member of the community, but after the occupation by Serbs it went into exile
together with the people, travelling through the woods into Croatia. It then spent
some time in Split, was later taken to Zagreb, and finally ended up in another very
well-known national Marian shrine at Marija Bistrica. Bosnian Croats went on
pilgrimage to Croatia to visit all of the locations where the painting had been in
exile. The pilgrimages were emotional meetings between exiled Croats and their
Mother, as they called her, who had shared the same destiny through the paintings
exodus. As a child, I had also participated in one of those meetings in Zagreb,
but was unaware at the time about what was happening around me. All I could
notice were women with tears in their eyes and serious-looking, worried men.
According to the pilgrims, the only event more emotional than these meetings
was the return of the painting to Komuina. By then, the stories of the return had
achieved mythical proportions, generating legends about the troubles and miracles
6
For a detailed analysis of the touristic aspect of Kondilo pilgrimage, see Kati
(2014)
that had happened along the way. After seven years in exile, the painting of Our
Lady was returned in 1999 on the Feast of the Assumption. These were times
immediately after the war and tensions between Croats and Serbs was still intense.
The arrival of Croats, especially the possibility of their return, was regarded as a
great threat by Serbs and the visitors were not welcomed.
During the period of my subsequent research, the situation changed completely.
Over the last few years, the pilgrimage Mass has been regularly attended by the
Serbian mayor of the nearby town of Tesli and the Serbian police collaborate
very successfully with the local priest and stewards, and even escort the cardinal
of Vrhbosna to and from the shrine. On the 2010 Feast of the Assumption, as
I walked through the village which was almost entirely abandoned only a few
months before, I could hardly recognize it. In front of every house there were
people sitting, having coffee and spending time together, children were playing
outside and cars with foreign registration plates were parked in almost every yard.
Preparations for the Feast were in full swing. Tents arrived for the live music
performances, involving mostly singers of Serbian folk songs or traditional
Croatian music, meat was roasting and booths had been set up for the sale of
souvenirs, toys, religious items, and so on. The church car park was reserved for
dignitaries, distinguished guests and priests. However, on the meadow outside the
churchyard, overlooking the church, the yard and the village cemetery, dozens of
tents appeared during the day. People from other villages in the Usora region had
arrived; they roasted the meat they had brought with them and drank, ate and sang
almost throughout the night.
During these few days, I noticed the existence of three separate worlds
that seemed to collide but were also mutually tolerated. One was the world of
entertainers, traders and beggars, who were mostly not pilgrims and saw this
gathering as a good opportunity to make a profit. They were mostly Serbs or
Roma, although there were also Croats with their own tents and sales booths.
After the afternoon Mass for the sick, which is led by Cardinal Vinko Pulji, the
archbishop of Vrhbosna, the multitude of pilgrims leave the sacred place through
the parish church fence and into the profane world. Prayers are replaced by songs,
drink, and shopping. The second of these worlds is the world of campers. Most
arrive from the nearby Usora region but a relatively large number come from other
towns and parts of Bosnia by foot, horseback, or motorcycle. They, too, take the
tour around the tents after Mass but soon return to their campsite for a barbecue of
roasted pig, and sing late into the night.
I also stayed in my friends and relatives tent until early hours of the morning.
There was a fire burning every few metres; some had brought wood and coal with
them while others would chop down wood from the nearby forest. People sang a
range of songs from popular to traditional and folk songs, and quite a few became
drunk. When my friends went to sleep in their tent, I took my sleeping bag into
the church where I discovered a third parallel world. It was filled with pilgrims
sleeping on the floor or benches, as well as those praying all night in front of the
guarded painting. One could hear the mumbling of prayers, some pilgrims snoring,
as well as the singing, yelling, and music coming from outside. In this mixture of
sounds, smells and impressions, I realized how complex this pilgrimage place
(and others) really is, how many functions it performs, how many meanings are
attributed to it and how many it actually has. This mix of devotion, celebration
and socializing is typical of almost all pilgrimage places and it seems to me that
one cannot exist without the other. This is the reason that pilgrimage places are so
important for the community they fulfil a multitude of functions but also why
pilgrimage is not reducible to one theoretical frame or research method.7
In these three pilgrimage worlds shaped by the complex relationship
between the Catholic Church in Bosnia as an institution, priests as individuals,
church members and executors of the ideas of the Church, and the people the
issue of power emerges. Who has the power to influence the other here? Who
makes decisions related to the construction of the shrine and the creation of its
meaning and symbolism?8 According to Paul Rabinow, on the analytical level,
space could be used as one of several tools to locate and identify the relations of
knowledge and power (Rabinow 2003: 354). While observing and analysing the
construction of the Kondilo shrine, from its conception to its realization, I tried
to figure out these power relations. They were most evident during the making
of key decisions for the construction of the shrine, for example, the matter of the
old chapel on Kondilo. The original intention of the parish priest was simply
to tear down the old chapel, since it had become useless. Nevertheless, the local
population, however quietly, expressed their disagreement, thus influencing the
change of decision, which resulted in the conversion and moving of the chapel,
albeit only in parts.
On the other hand, I have also met pilgrims and parishioners who have
expressed dissatisfaction with some of the parish priests decisions but to no
avail. These were mostly trivial issues, such as the matter of the car park or the
location for putting up tents. Drawing on years of experience, the parish priest
tried to organize the car park, and decide where and how cars can be parked,
in order to free up access to the church for guests and priests. He also sought
to clear a way for the procession (the route of which is discussed at the last
minute every year), working with the stewards, who acted on his strict orders.
For two consecutive years, I was one of the stewards in charge of directing
vehicles. The first year, we simply directed pilgrims to their designated car park,
which frequently caused dissatisfaction, with some people trying, and some
7
For example, I have neglected here the tourist and migration aspects, the broader
political situation, the rituals connected with the painting, the personal dimension of
pilgrimage, the many contestations happening during the pilgrimage, the very performative
journeys to Kondilo from other parts of Bosnia, and so on.
8
Although Hermkens, Jansen and Notermans argue that pilgrims invest power in
Mary (2009: 8), I have focused on the power relations between the official Church and
pilgrims since in this case the Church is the owner of the painting and manages it. I agree
with Jansen that questions about power are necessarily culture-specific (Jansen 2009: 33).
succeeding, in circumventing our orders. The following year was an even more
painful experience. It was decided to charge parking fees and this did not go
down well, even among the stewards who expressed their dissatisfaction but
only amongst themselves. However, the pilgrims, who were accustomed to free
parking, expressed their disgruntled feelings very loudly, cursing in a manner
one would not expect from pilgrims at a sacred place! Most did accept the rules
of the game, while some decided to take matters into their own hands and ignore
the priests decisions, and got away with it.
A similar but more significant example involved the fulfilment of pilgrims
vows before the painting of Our Lady. The usual practice is for pilgrims, who
are fulfilling a vow, to circle the painting three times in the direction of the sun
and each time kiss and touch it, either with their hands or other objects. Since
there are thousands of pilgrims with this same purpose, chaos often results and
stewards once again must act as controllers. To enable all the pilgrims to come
to the painting, touch it and leave a donation, they direct pilgrims towards the
entrance of the space where the painting has been placed and then escort them
out on the other side. This frequently causes confusion among the pilgrims and
turns an atmosphere of prayer and meditation into a conflict situation. Tensions
particularly arise when the pilgrims vows include circling the painting while
kneeling, since this drastically decreases their mobility. Stewards try to hurry them
on but the kneeling pilgrims usually ignore them and continue their ritual. Thus,
once again some individuals successfully circumvent the rules and avoid attempts
to regulate their activities.
It is extremely important to stress here that people are disobedient in various
degrees only when dealing with stewards as representatives of the parish and, at
that moment, of the Catholic Church. In case of a bigger problem or disagreement,
an intervention from the parish priest, or any other priest for that matter, stops all
discussion or disagreement. They are seen as occupying another level entirely and
any attempt to debate with them is futile, since they have absolute power in this
particular situation and also take all the major decisions during the construction
of the shrine. Sometimes there is room for compromise, as in the case of the old
chapel, although this seems to be more of an exception than the rule.
Individuals who ignore regulations, disturb the set order, and question the
power of the Church, were not discussed by either Rabinow or Foucault, since
both ignore the everyday resistance of individuals to spatial forms of social
control (Low and Zuniga 2003: 31). However, such everyday resistances are the
main focus of de Certeaus work. Analysing pedestrian movement in the city, he
concludes that pedestrians frequently circumvent set routes and rules, thereby
condemning certain places to inertia or disappearance and composing with
others spatial turns of phrase that are rare, accidental, or illegitimate (de
Certeau 2002: 163). Although some pilgrims circumvent set routes and rules, when
the procession or any other official ritual begins, everyone fuses into one crowd
and abides by the guidelines. It is the Church as an institution that demonstrates
its power in practice, creating and maintaining the function of particular locations,
giving them meanings which are then accepted by pilgrims, and confirmed in their
practices. In the end, power is exercised rather than possessed(Hermkens, Jansen
and Notermans 2009: 4).
My next visit was in October of the same year. I came to participate in the
pilgrimage that was merely local, and according to the pilgrims I interviewed, much
more like Kondilo as it once was. There were no entertainers, tents, campers,
pilgrims from all over BiH, cardinals, or other church and political officials. Most
of the pilgrims came from the Komuina parish and a few surrounding parishes.
However, people from Komuina who now live in Croatia, Slovenia and Germany
also come, mostly those who have retired. The gathering begins in the early hours
of the morning. People stand around the church in small groups, talking quietly
while preparing to depart for Kondilo. While observing the gathering, I wondered:
would this pilgrimage look the same if it were not for the pompous celebration of
the Feast of the Assumption? And would the pilgrimage in a few years be reduced
to this, if it was not for the construction of the national shrine on Kondilo?
Some of the pilgrims prayed in the church before the painting of Our Lady.
When I left the church and went towards the outdoor altar, I noticed other pilgrims
also praying before a painting and walking around it in fulfilment of their vows.
Two paintings? I was astounded. This second painting was identical to the first
one, except the frame was much more modest and there was no protective glass
covering. However, the pilgrims treated it with the same kind of piety as the one
inside the church. I asked one of the stewards what it was all about. He explained
that the second painting was a copy of the original, made before the war, when
the parish of Gornja Komuina separated from the parish of Komuina but still
wanted to have their own Madonna. At first glance this is a classic example
of Frazerian sympathetic magic, whereby the replica gains the power of the
original (Coleman 2009: 31). Yet, this situation was odd because the taken part
has returned and now exists alongside the original sacred item. I was surprised
that the pilgrims attitude towards the copy and the original was almost identical.
They would stand or kneel before it with the same amount of awe, circle it on foot
or knee, touch it with various objects, and kiss it. I was even more surprised when
I realized that the copy was to be carried to Kondilo in the procession, while
the original remained in the church?! It was as though this pilgrimage by local
pilgrims was less important than the one on the Feast of the Assumption.
As I was walking behind this other painting with other pilgrims, countless
questions were going through my mind. How could the pilgrims so calmly
accept the fact that they are carrying a copy of the painting of Our Lady up to
Kondilo? Why do the pilgrimage at all and what was the real purpose of the
pilgrimage if the miraculous painting was not really important? Was it the location
of Kondilo? Or was the very practice of the pilgrimage that is, of returning
home its own purpose? As I was later observing the attitude towards the original
painting, it appeared that the official shrine made a bigger distinction between the
two paintings than the actual pilgrims. The original painting has a more massive
frame of better quality, has protective glass covering and is guarded by stewards;
the cardinal himself kneels before it, saying the rosary. The original painting is
carried up to Kondilo only on the Feast of the Assumption, and is situated at a
special place in the church. Even though all of this does not apply to the copy,
pilgrims treat it just the same. They pay no attention to these distinctions and do
not consider the painting as any less worthy, all the while knowing it is a copy.
A fellow steward, with whom I spent some time guarding the entrance to the
churchyard, offered a very simple answer to all my questions: Our Lady is Our
Lady, irrespective of the painting. In his opinion, the purpose of the pilgrimage, at
least from the point of view of an ordinary pilgrim, is not the miraculous painting.
Yet, although Our Lady is everywhere and on every painting, every year people
choose to go on pilgrimage precisely to Our Lady of Kondilo. It would appear
that the crucial element is the location of the pilgrimage people are returning to
the homeland. While talking to pilgrims, who come from other parts of BiH only
for the main pilgrimage on the Feast of the Assumption, I found out that their
main motive is, in fact, the painting as a symbol of the holiness of the location.
This is another example of how complex, multifaceted and multi-vocal pilgrimage
places can be. For the local population, the pilgrimage to Kondilo is actually a
pilgrimage to ones roots, and while Kondilo is the motive for coming, pilgrims
are not taking their pain, yearnings and hopes to a special place where the divine
meets the human, but rather they are engaged in a homecoming which has an
almost religious significance. One other pilgrim explained that the few days he
spends in his native village, swimming in the nearby Usora River and coming to
Kondilo, is a way of recharging his batteries for another year spent in Slovenia,
where he now lives with his family.
Creating a Sacred Landscape: Kondilo as a Symbol of Identity and Home
Analysing pilgrimage to Walsingham, Coleman writes that pilgrimage sites involve

for the pilgrim complex and varying forms of engagement with the physical
environment provided by the village and its landscape (Coleman 2004: 53).
Through movement and performance, pilgrims recapitulate the complex theological,
historical and mythical narratives offered by the site and its officiants (ibid.: 54).
However, it is not just the engagement with the landscape that is important in the
relationship between pilgrims and the pilgrimage site, but also the architecture that
is built in that landscape. According to Lindsay Jones, architecture is the most visible
and most powerful method of both expressing and stimulating religious emotions
(Jones 2007: 251). In this chapter, I want to show how landscape in general, and in
this example, sacred landscape, emerges as an experience, as a category, as a target
of political and/or religious projects and as the subject of judgements (Arnason et
al. 2012: 1). I have tried to apply ideas advanced by Coleman and Eade in analysing
the movement of pilgrims, and also examined the sacred geography and architecture
which provide the material and symbolic background to such movement (Coleman
and Eade 2004: 17) (see Illustration 2.3).
Illustration 2.3 Painting of Our Lady of Kondilo arriving at Kondilo, August

2013
My next, important visit to Kondilo almost two years later brought many
surprises and faced me with unexpected changes in the appearance of the
pilgrimage place, as well as the landscape. As usual, I set out for Komuina a
day early, when there are not as many pilgrims and the preparations had begun
for the big day. The first thing I came across was a big sign in the neighbouring
parish on the road one must take to go to Komuina and Kondilo, which said:
Welcome back to your homes! This was a symbolically very powerful sign,
which etched itself into the memory. People were being prepared, psychologically
and spiritually, for the rest of their journey and given various mental images which
were food for thought. The second item that appeared in the landscape, attracting
attention through its appearance, size and position, was the bell-tower by the old
ruined parish church. The old parish church is situated on the hill above the current
church, giving it a dominant position, but since it was ruined and overgrown, it
did not stand out. Now, however, one could see from afar an imposing, hollow
bell-tower, made from non-corrosive aluminium, which dominated the landscape
in all its shiny glory. I headed straight up to the bell-tower. As I was approaching, I
realized that it was not a bell-tower at all but a monument to soldiers who had died
in the war. At the foot of the monument, on four sides were plaques containing the
names of fallen soldiers, while at the front there were a few wreaths left over from
a delegation visit. Later I found out that the hill had been given an official name
Illustration 2.4 Calvary with the altar of peace at the remaining of old parish
church, August 2012
Kalvarija (Calvary) symbolizing the suffering of people from that region in all
wars (see Illustration 2.4).9
Since the 2012 construction of the memorial park (as it is called on the official
website of the shrine), many delegations have laid wreaths at the monument,
including the president of the Federation of BiH, representatives of the Ministry of
Defence of BiH, a number of generals and various veterans organizations. On 10
August 2012, after laying wreaths and paying respects to fallen soldiers, a Stations
of the Cross procession began, which led up to Kondilo,10 thereby connecting
two sacred topoi Kalvarija and Kondilo. The old parish church had also been
rebuilt. The only part left standing the altar section was preserved and partly
reconstructed, while the altar had become the altar of peace dedicated to all
Croatian victims throughout history. The Kondilo hill had undergone drastic
changes too. The old chapel and bell-tower had gone and half of the hillside had
been stripped in order to create a flatter surface. Where the old chapel had stood,
there was now the skeleton of a new one, the architecture of which symbolizes
clasped hands directed towards Heaven. Behind it rose a large concrete building,
designed to accommodate members of the clergy. There will also be a new outdoor
9
See <http://www.komusina-kondzilo.net/>.
Ibid.
10
altar, as well as a building with toilets. The Stations of the Cross procession was to
start at the foot of Kondilo and lead along a new path which helped to shorten the
climb, even though the climb itself was now a bit more demanding.
As I descended to the parish church, I noticed changes there as well. Talking
to local parishioners before the beginning of construction, I found out that they
had opposed demolition of the old Kondilo chapel built by their grandfathers and
had asked it be given some other function. Clearly, there had been a compromise,
because the old chapel had been given a new function enabling it to be both
symbolically and physically close to the painting. As it happens, the old chapel
was moved next to the parish church and functioned as the outdoor altar. Although
the roof and roof construction had been entirely changed and the closed middle
section had gone, leaving the chapel looking more like a gazebo, its familiar shape
and the stone foundation, where the builders of the first chapel inscribed the year
of construction (with letters which are now emphasized), did indeed confirm that
this was the chapel of Kondilo. This is where the painting is now kept during the
Mass for the sick on 14 August, when pilgrims fulfil their vows and the cardinal
kneels while saying the rosary (see Illustration 2.5).
On the morning of 15 August, the procession with the painting left for
Kondilo, first passing through the old chapel as if through a door, making its
Illustration 2.5 Old chapel in a new role: door for the procession to Kondilo,
October 2011
way towards Kondilo and the new chapel. This new practice connected the old
and new chapels and, metaphorically, the older generations who had built the old
chapel, and the new generation building the new chapel and modern shrine, which
is rooted in and connected to the past and tradition. Although it is self-evident that
particular architectural forms (in this case, the old Kondilo chapel and the old
parish church) have certain meanings, too often we assume that the real meaning
is the one intended by the architect or builder. Lindsay Jones, on the other hand,
claims that every built form functions as a multivalent symbol and evokes different
meanings and responses from different audiences (Jones 2007: 257). This is what
Jones calls a ritual-architectural event:
architectural meaning is not a condition or quality of the built form itself;

works of architecture, and the meanings they evoke, are not once-and-for-
all. Instead, the significances and meanings arise from situations, or ritual-
architectural events, wherein people engage works of art and architecture in a
kind of dialogical exchange. (Ibid. :252)
The change in the original meaning is most evident in the case of the Kondilo
chapel built by parishioners in 1958 and the old parish church. Not only does their
meaning today vary, but so does their function, thus entirely changing the meaning,
in order to accommodate new needs and circumstances (see Illustration 2.6).
Like every year, in 2012, the Mass for the sick was once again led by the
Bosnian cardinal, Vinko Pulji, a great orator whose sermons have always been
well received by the masses, since he emphasized the return, the home, the survival
of Croats in Bosnia, and so on. In his homilies, the cardinal also addresses current
political issues. Hence, in 2012 he discussed the war, the situation after the Dayton
Accord, and the need to return to ones roots and protect the homeland:
There is no truth about the war, and without real truth, there is no stable peace.
There is no true justice without stable peace, because the peace after Dayton is
a straitjacket Children must learn about their roots. One must know how to
protect ones roots If you sell your fathers and grandfathers house, you have
not sold a house, you have sold your father. You may leave your homeland, but
your homeland will never leave you.11
The cardinal proceeded to discuss the local elections occurring in Bosnia that year,
encouraging people to vote and urging those living outside BiH to come and vote,
in order to help those who live in Bosnia but were unable to exercise their rights:
At the time of the election, everyone must show that they love their people. We
have the power to legally secure our rights. Thus, it is necessary to understand the
importance of solidarity with ones birthplace, ones homeland, ones people.12
11
Ibid.
12
Ibid.
Illustration 2.6 Pilgrims at new chapel on Kondilo, August 2013
Suffragan Bishop Pero Sudar led the procession towards Kondilo the next
day, which passed through the old chapel and by the old church, now converted
into the peace altar, and past the monument to fallen soldiers. He led the Mass on
Kondilo, the first ever on the new altar and on Kondilo under construction. And
for the first time, the painting stayed at what was at the time still the skeleton of the
new chapel. Bishop Sudar also delivered a passionate speech, relating the home
(referring to the sign in the neighbouring parish I mentioned) and the return of
Croats to Bosnia, with Kondilo and the Mother of God, our Mother. His voice
echoing through the speakers all over Kondilo and the valley, and the view of the
Illustration 2.7 Construction site of new national pilgrimage place of Bosnian

Croats, August 2013
thousands of people around the altar, stirred mixed feelings among the pilgrims,
making some of them cry (see Illustration 2.7).
The construction and changes that had happened after my last visit has
intensified the significance of this pilgrimage place and introduced some new
practices. It has also created a sacred landscape consisting of a prominent topos,
where the emphasis is put on the home, the Croatian struggle during the war, the
sacrifice of those killed, Christs Way of the Cross, as well as Kondilo itself as the
central place and symbol of Croatian survival in Bosnia. Together, all of the topoi
in this sacred landscape constitute the fundamental mission, which Kondilo as an
institutional pilgrimage aims to promote: the sanctity of the home, the necessity
of Croats return to Bosnia, honouring ones ancestors and fallen soldiers, and
keeping the faith in Christ and our Mother the Queen of Croats. Deliberately or
not, it is as if the religio-political programme is present in the landscape, and while
walking through this space, one can easily learn what our foundation is, what the
reality is and how we should work on the future.
Although all this looks like a political programme, there is no politics here
at least at first glance. Politicians do visit Kondilo every year in a private
capacity, or in delegations, but I do not have the impression that they have had any
major influence on the shrines construction or appearance, or that their visit has
had any major influence on their political success or failure. The project for the
construction of the shrine and its surroundings, its appearance and the messages it
conveys, appear to be exclusively the expression of the Catholic Church in Bosnia.
The Church is once again, much like during the Ottoman Empire, reasserting
the primacy of preserving and building national unity and the national survival
of Croats in BiH. The fact is that todays Kondilo, with its sacred landscape,
was created and persists through interventions from above, that is, from the
Church which aims to institutionalize an otherwise quite informal pilgrimage
place. However, pilgrims were quick to accept new practices and have, whether
consciously or subconsciously, confirmed by their performances the status of
Kondilo as a national symbol of Bosnian Croats. Through movement, their
bodies and performances, pilgrims have kept alive and given meaning to all of
these locations built and created by the Church.

The Komuina parish priest and keeper of Kondilo published a letter,
available on the parish website, happily announcing the commencement of the
shrines reconstruction and the motives behind it:
This is an old Marian shrine in the Vrhbosna archdiocese. It was completely

devastated in the last war, as was Komuina. Due to the war, many have left
Bosnia, cutting the number of members of our Vrhbosna archdiocese in half.
Many are wondering whether there is a future for the Catholics and Croats in
Bosnia and Herzegovina! Those who remained in the homes of their great-
grandfathers, just like those who have come back from exile, carry in their
hearts the wounds of the war, the feeling of humiliation, and being abandoned
by everyone. Once brave and proud, full of faith and perseverance, people are
today broken down and hopeless. And whenever times were hard and troubled,
the Catholics in our archdiocese turned to Our Lady for help and consolation.
We need Her today, now more than ever. With Her as our advocate and protector,
we wish to ask God for mercy and new spiritual strength to rise above, strength
for renewal and zeal. We wish to renew our ancient faith, to strengthen our
national roots and once again build our familiar Catholic identity in Bosnia and
Herzegovina. The Kondilo shrine will offer all this, to both old and young. The
Blessed Virgin Mary has always been the refuge of sinners, comforter of the
afflicted, and the help for the sick.13
This letter clearly reflected the fundamental ideas behind the construction of
the shrine and actually outlined the plan of the events which were to occur after
its publication and the beginning of construction. The key messages, which the
Bosnian Catholic Church as a whole and certain priests were trying to convey
whenever they had the opportunity in the last few years, have been materializing
at Kondilo and its surroundings. Kondilo is becoming a religious-national theme
park, where visitors/pilgrims can see and experience all the things that make them
Ibid.
13
a part of the Bosnian Croat community, and the things that make Komuina and
Kondilo a Croatian place.
However, if this process is to be successful, it must work both ways. Although
the Church as an institution was the main instigator of the construction and the
leading creator of key ideas and symbolism, without the participation of pilgrims
(whose donations were the main source of funding for the construction), the
development would not have been possible, nor would it have made any sense.
Coming on foot from neighbouring parishes and wearing T-shirts and carrying
signs with the image of Our Lady of Kondilo, the pilgrims pass through the
warscape (Hermkens 2009: 69) of villages and towns in Republika Srpska,
almost as if to demonstrate their presence and refusal to fade away. They also pass
through the old chapel, next to the former parish church, and the monument to
fallen soldiers, and walk the Stations of the Cross all the way to the new Kondilo
chapel. Here is the pilgrims response to the calls of the Church: a confirmation
and re-energizing of the symbiosis between Bosnian Croats as a people and their
Church in Bosnia.
The strength of the bond between Croats and the Catholic Church in Bosnia,
and especially the Croatian connection with the Franciscan order (the only order
which was allowed to exist throughout Ottoman rule), is best seen in the old local
name given to Franciscan friars uncles (ujaci). According to legend, the name
comes from the time when Franciscans were forced to hide from their Ottoman
persecutors and were presented as members of the family or uncles who came to
visit, when Ottomans visited the village (Lovrenovi 2002: 132). Although all
the available literature stresses the close connection between the Franciscans and
Croats in BiH, which has almost fused their histories, Lovrenovi warns that their
relationship must be observed through a more layered and dialectical approach.
Although the two groups are inseparably intertwined, they also differed in material,
existential and cultural terms, and in terms of interests (ibid.: 134).
Most authors, who have studied the Franciscans and Bosnian Croats, agree
that the Franciscans were responsible for the survival of the Catholic Croatian
people in Bosnia, as well as Croat religious-cultural, and national identity (ibid.:
145). However, Loverenovi points out that this frequently meant that the
Franciscans had some sort of absolute power over the people, both on the outside
before Turkish authority, and even more so on the inside, in every aspect of this
community spiritual, customary, familial, social (ibid.: 145).
The situation changed drastically for the Franciscans with the onset of Austro-
Hungarian rule and the founding of the Vrhbosna archdiocese in 1881. They lost
their influence and their parishes, and became embroiled in a conflict with the
bishop in Sarajevo which has more or less lasted until today14 (ibid.). Although
many parishes, including Komuina with its Kondilo shrine, are no longer
Franciscan, the relationship between the Church and local people and its influence
14
In this chapter, I cannot go into details about these historical events and the conflict
inside the Bosnian Catholic Church.
has not weakened. Although the Bosnian Catholic Church is not the same as the
one which was dominated by the Franciscans, Lovrenovi claims that it is still an
institution influenced by the religio-political views established by the first Bosnian
archbishop, Josip Stadler (ibid.: 159). However, I cannot entirely agree with this
claim, since I believe that the contemporary Catholic Church in BiH must be
studied in the context of the current political and social situation, which is very
complex, especially for Bosnian Croats. Although Lovrenovi is right to point
out the occasionally rigid attitude of the Church leaders and their engagement in
national-political activities, I do not believe that this is rooted in history; it is rather
a reflection of the current situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where religion
in general, especially since the war, has become once more the main vehicle for
expressing national identity.
Conclusion
Places, in general, are politicized, culturally relative, historically specific, local

and multiple constructions (Rodman 2003: 205) and yet another example of a
pilgrimage place Kondilo shows how this also applies to sacred places in
particular. Sacred places are complex, multifaceted, and multi-vocal and like other
pilgrimage sites, Kondilo is not reducible to a single meaning or experience; it is
felt to be in everyones interest but for many different reasons (Schechner 1995:
157). As Rodman points out, For each inhabitant, a place has a unique reality, one
in which meaning is shared with other people and places. The links in these chains
of experienced places are forged of culture and history (2003: 208).
Even though a particular place may have a unique and special significance for
each person, places also have significance and values which are shared among
the community. In my research, I have tried to apply the ideas of Coleman and
Eade and analyse the movement of the pilgrims. I have combined this analysis with
an exploration of the sacred geography and architecture which provide the material
and symbolic background to such movement (Coleman and Eade 2004: 17).
At the same time I have not neglected the triad of person, text and place (Eade
and Sallnow 1991b). By drawing on my experience as a pilgrim, a steward at a
pilgrimage shrine, an ethnologist and a local, I have sought to shed some light
on the development and re-creation of a pilgrimage place of Bosnian Croats, and
use it to illustrate the complex processes taking place within this religio-national
community.
It seems that this Christian pilgrimage place was actually started by the
Church. The Franciscans brought the painting of the Madonna with them to
Komuina village and they were the first to write down the tradition explaining
the miraculous arrival of the painting, thus giving to pilgrims a mythical story
of the sanctity of place. They were very eager to spread this narrative to pilgrims
coming to Kondilo, and they are now creating a national shrine that is based
on the historical roots of Croatians in this region and the divine choice of this
particular place. The construction and changes that have happened at Kondilo
and its environs recently have intensified the significance of this pilgrimage place,
introduced new practices, created a sacred landscape consisting of prominent
topoi, which seek to promote the sanctity of the home and the need for Croats to
return to Bosnia to honour their ancestors and fallen soldiers, and to keep the faith
in Christ and His Mother the Queen of the Croats. This programme is materially
present in the landscape, and while walking through this space people can easily
learn what their heritage is, what the reality is and how they should work on the
future. This process works both ways. Although the Church as an institution was
the main instigator of the construction, and the main creator of key ideas and
symbolism, without the participation of pilgrims and their donations, construction
would neither have been possible, nor would it make any sense. By coming on
foot from neighbouring parishes, passing through villages and towns in Republika
Srpska, passing through the old chapel, next to the old parish church, and the
monument to fallen soldiers, and walking the Stations of the Cross all the way to
the new Kondilo chapel, pilgrims respond to the Churchs calls and confirm the
symbiosis between Bosnian Croats as a people and their Church in Bosnia.
In the relationship between individual pilgrims and the pilgrimage worlds
that coexist with the institutional Church, we can see how the latter exercises its
power. Its officials direct pilgrims to their designated car park, forbid merchant
tents near the churchyard, constrain the fulfilment of pilgrims vows, design and
decide about the construction and new look of the sanctuary and inscribe meaning
into space. The Catholic Church is, in fact, the only stable factor keeping the
Bosnian-Croatian community, more generally, together. By building churches and
shrines, especially such national pilgrimage places as Kondilo, the Church seeks
to materialize its role and influence in the community, and leave a permanent stamp
on physical space. In the process, the Church asserts the permanent presence of
Croats in Bosnia, despite their declining population and deteriorating economic
and political situation.
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Pilgrimage, Politics and

Place-Making in Eastern Europe

process of both sacred and secular place-making.

Simon Coleman, University of Toronto, Canada

Once relatively neglected, pilgrimage has become an increasingly prominent topic

extends across a growing range of scholarly fields, including religion, anthropology,

Also in the series

Muslim and Catholic Pilgrimage Practices

Published 2016 by Routledge

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

Copyright 2014 John Eade, Mario Kati and the contributors

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

The Library of Congress has cataloged the printed edition as follows:

ISBN 9781472415929 (hbk)

1 Introduction: Crossing the Borders 1

Part I Creating New and Reclaiming Old

2 From the Chapel on the Hill to National Shrine: Creating a

3 Pilgrimages to Gkeada (Imvros), a Greco-Turkish Contested

Part II Inter-Religious Dialogue

4 Pilgrimage Site Beyond Politics: Experience of the Sacred and

5 Competing Sacred Places: Making and Remaking of National

Part III Reconstructing Religious and Secular Space

6 From Religious to Secular and Back Again: Christian Pilgrimage

7 Sterilization and Re-sacralization of the Places of Secular

8 Secular Journeys, Sacred Places: Pilgrimage and Home-making in

Nataa Gregori Bon

9 Concluding Thoughts 153

3.1 Dereky, a close-up view 39

5.1 Jasna Gra shrine, 2010 81

6.1 Odhise Paskali, The Comrades, concrete, 1972, architectural

7.1 Map of Central Tallinn 122

7.2 Alyosha 124

Marijana Belaj is an Associate Professor at the Department of Ethnology and

Nataa Gregori Bon is a Research Fellow at the Institute of Anthropological and

Glenn Bowman is Reader in Social Anthropology at the University of Kent

John Eade is Professor of Sociology and Anthropology at the University of

Konstantinos Giakoumis is Deputy Rector and Associate Professor in History

Mario Kati is a teaching and research assistant at the Department of Ethnology

Zvonko Marti is a Carmelite monk and a PhD student at the Department of

Anna Niedwied is an anthropologist teaching at the Institute of Ethnology and

Polina Terkassova is a PhD candidate and a part-time lecturer in the Department

Giorgos Tsimouris graduated from the Department of Political Sciences,

published in Greek and English on nationalism, intercultural education, refugee

linguistic boundaries. In the sociology and anthropology of religion, for example,

contemporary relationship between pilgrimage, politics and place-making in

own research and experience as a participant in the pilgrimage, he shows how

Olovo on three levels: as a dialogue of religious experience, a dialogue of life

The Central Themes in this Volume

The Relationship Between Pilgrimage, Politics and Place-Making

The influence of Communism as a political and ideological regime, not surprisingly,

Movement, Contestation and Dialogue

Medjugorje in particular as spaces of religious, ethnic and political conflict. At

Religious and Secular Pilgrimage Identity and Memory

Estonian national monument appearing nearby acting as a rival place of secular,

Person, Place, Text and Movement

Monumentality and Changing Landscapes the Intertwining of Religious and

complex of buildings where rituals of ancestor worship can be combined with a

Insiders and Outsiders

The complex interweaving of meanings and material culture explored in this

south-eastern Europe demonstrate the complexity characterizing the relationship

community, since it resulted in an even smaller population of Bosnian Croats,

About Kondilo and the Key Themes

Illustration 2.2 Procession arriving at Kondilo. At the head of procession there

Drawing on my own research and experience as a participant in the

1 Introduction: Crossing the Borders 1

9 Concluding Thoughts 153

3.1 Dereky, a close-up view 39

5.1 Jasna Gra shrine, 2010 81

7.1 Map of Central Tallinn 122

7.2 Alyosha 124