Paraguayan Independence and Doctor Francia

Paraguayan Independence and Doctor Francia
Author(s): Jerry W. Cooney

Source: The Americas, Vol. 28, No. 4 (Apr., 1972), pp. 407-428
Published by: Cambridge University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/980204
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PARAGUAYAN INDEPENDENCE AND DOCTOR FRANCIA
NE OF THE consequences of the Buenos Aires re

in May of 1810 was the eventual independence of
and the rise to power of Doctor Jos6 Gaspar Ro
Francia. But before analysing the events of the Independ
ment in the isolated province of Paraguay it is necessary
both the conditions in that region in the last decade of c
and the activities of Doctor Francia in the same period.
The last Intendente-Gobernador of Paraguay, Bernardo de Velasco,

governed a province which had shared in the reforms accompanying
the creation of the Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata and the Intendant
system. Although hindered by an archaic militia system, frequent at-
tacks by Indians from the Gran Chaco and the north, remnants of the
feudalistic encomienda system, and isolation from the rest of the Vice-
royalty, nonetheless this province had made significant economic and
cultural progress since the notable but dreary report of Governor
Agustin Fernando de Pinedo in 1777.' Asunci6n in the last thirty years
of colonial rule became the center of shipbuilding in the Rio de la
Plata, ropeyards supplied cordage for ships of war, and the Edict of
Free Commerce in 1778 freed the province from archaic taxation and
commercial restrictions. The Portuguese-Spanish boundary commis-
sion of the 1780's and the establishment of a royal monopoly of tobacco
in the same decade introduced specie to Paraguay for the first time,
greatly stimulating commerce; and the yerba mate industry was thriv-
ing.2 In addition, the province enjoyed competent governors and ad-
ministrators since the creation of the Intendant system, revitalizing as
a side effect the moribund Asunci6n Cabildo. Several governors in the
last decades of royal rule also took an interest in education and sup-
ported the establishment of the Colegio de San Carlos and other bene-
ficial projects for the betterment of education in the colony."
SAgustin Fernando de Pinedo, "Informe del Gobernador del Paraguay Agustin

Fernando de Pinedo a S. M. el Rey de Espafia acerca de la pobreza de la provincia
y de la opresi6n de los indios," Revista del Instituto Paraguayo, LI & LII (1905),
337-352, 3-31, respectively.
2 Rafael Eladio Velazquez, El Paraguay en 1811 (Asunci6n, 1966), pp. 77-86.
3Ibid. John Lynch, Spanish Colonial Administration, 1782-1810. The Intendant
System in the Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata. (London, 1958), pp. 158-161, 210-
215. Olinda Massare de Kostianovsky, La instruccidn pzliblica en la 6poca colonial
(Asunci6n, 1968), pp. 187-217.
407
408 PARAGUAYAN INDEPENDENCE AND FRANCIA
However, under the surface of this prosperity and seem

tentment other influences were present which affected Paragu
as the rest of Spanish America. The economic reforms and
progress had created a small criollo elite, educated in the m
Enlightenment, and deprived of all important governmental po
addition, the commerce and shipping of Paraguay were larg
hands of non-Paraguayans. The Paraguayan elite, economic
upon the cultivation of tobacco, or the exploitation of yer
either to the Church or to the militia for prestige. The militia
to play a crucial role in Paraguayan independence, had been
in the first decade of the nineteenth century and many you
such as Fulgencio Yegros, his brother Antonio Tomis, and P
Cavallero, were prominent leaders in the Emancipation Mov
the same time, the Church in Paraguay was becoming m
guayan although the most important positions were still a
of the Spanish-born.
Socially and culturally, Paraguay by 1800 was unique amon

American colonies. The long isolation and neglect by the C
fostered a spirit of localism which had manifested itself as
1720's in the Comunero revolt. The taxation of Paraguayan
for the benefit of other areas of the Empire, allied with econo
petition from the favored Jesuit Missions during the 1600's
had created a spirit of resentment; and this resentment was
appear immediately with the expulsion of the Jesuits and th
tion of economic reforms concurrent with the establishment of the
Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata. Also, the lack of migration to
Paraguay, the necessity of a subsistence agricultural economy for most
of the colonial period, the large number of Guarani Indians and the
subsequent acculturation of the native population, all had formed a
unique and culturally homogeneous mestizo population (often speaking
Guarani in preference to Spanish).' In consideration of these factors
of cultural and linguistic unity, geographical isolation, and the appear-
ance of a new elite closely associated with the rest of the inhabitants,
Paraguay at the beginning of the nineteenth century possessed many of
the ingredients necessary for nationhood.
But notwithstanding the isolation of this province, Paraguay was

affected by the events of the last decade of the eighteenth century and
the first of the nineteenth which accompanied the French Revolution
and the Napoleonic Wars. During the War of Oranges in 1801 an
4Eladio Velazquez, El Paraguay en 1811, pp. 63-76. Efraim Cardozo, El Paraguay
colonial: Las raices de la nacionalidad (Buenos Aires, 1959), passim.
JERRY W. COONEY 409
unsuccessful expedition was mounted from A

Portuguese fort of Coimbra in the Mato Gross
occurred on the northern border.5 In 1806 Governor Velasco was
ordered to send the Paraguayan militia to aid in the defense of the R
de la Plata against the British. These troops were dispatched under th
command of Coronel Jos6 de Espinola who ruthlessly pressed camp
sinos into the militia, forcing them to abandon families and farms in thei
attempts to evade military service." The Paraguayans who served in
the Rio de la Plata participated in the defense of Montevideo an
Buenos Aires in 1807. The Montevidean defense was badly handled b
the Viceroy marqu6s de Sobremonte and officers of the Paraguayan
militia carried resentment back home with them. They also carried
with them the example of the deposition of Sobremonte by the crioll
of Buenos Aires and some copies of the British newspaper, La Estrell
del Sur, printed in Montevideo and advocating the rebellion of t
Spanish colonies. The results of this expedition were bitterness in th
militia and population of Paraguay, social and economic dislocati
within the province, and a dread of future involvement in the Rio de
Plata.7 The colony became tranquil by 1809 but the events of th
British invasion were remembered.
Elsewhere authorities did not succeed in calming their jurisdictions in

the wake of the confusion caused by the Napoleonic invasion of Spain
and the kidnapping of Fernando VII. In 1810 the criollos of Buenos
Aires revolted against their Spanish masters and avidly desired the ad-
herence of the rest of the provinces of the Rio de la Plata to their
revolution. However, there was resistance to the port city in C6rdoba,
Montevideo, Upper Per', and Paraguay; and the porteiios erred in
sending Jose de Espinola to Paraguay. This soldier was in Buenos
Aires during that city's revolution and immediately became a partisan
of the new government, but his arrival in Paraguay caused resentment
and fear that another expedition would be sent to the Rio de la Plata.
After a few rash acts by Espinola designed to gain Paraguay for Buenos
, V. Correa Filho, As raias de Matto Grosso (Sio Paulo, 1925), III, 135-149. Coman-
dante of Villa Real de la Concepci6n Coronel Jose de Espinola to the Governor of Para-
guay Laizaro de Ribera, Concepci6n, February 19, 1802, in Colegio Visconde de Rio-
Branco, Biblioteca Nacional, Rio de Janeiro, 1-30, 26, 27. Hereafter cited as CRB.
8 Governor of Paraguay Bernardo de Velasco to Viceroy the marquis de Sobremonte,
Asunci6n, October 19, 1806, in Archivo General de la Naci6n, Buenos Aires, IX-5-5-#1.
Hereafter cited as AGN. Bando of Governor Velasco, Asunci6n, January 15, 1807, in
Archivo Nacional de Asunci6n, Secci6n Hist6rica, volume 204. Hereafter cited as
ANA-SH.
SIbid. Juan Beverina, Las invasiones inglesas al Rio de la Plata (1806-1807)

Aires, 1939), II, 116-117, 151-152. Jesus L. Blanco Sanchez, El capitdin don
Tomds Yegros. Prdcer de la independencia nacional (Asunci6n, 1961), pp. 7-
Aires, Governor Velasco arrested him and the province was a

by the governor that it had naught to fear. Espinola escaped t
Aires and there reported to the Junta of that city that force
needed to subjugate Paraguay.8 In September of 1810 an ex
under the command of Manuel Belgrano was ordered to deliv
guay from Spanish rule. Both the portefio Junta and Belgrano
mistaken impression that the mere appearance of an army of l
would cause a revolt against Velasco.9 They were wrong;
was extremely well liked by the Paraguayans and there was to
distrust in the province concerning portefio motives. Nevert
late 1810 Belgrano and his small army began the march to Paragu
Meanwhile in Asunci6n, Velasco and the Cabildo of that cit

a meeting, or Junta General, of the province for July 24, 181
was attended by royal officials and principal vecinos. It was
at this Junta General that Paraguay would be placed on a war
that Spanish authority was supreme, that communications wi
tevideo would be maintained, and that insomuch as possible, g
tions would be preserved with Buenos Aires." However, it soo
necessary to send an armed expedition to Corrientes to rescu
guayan merchant vessels there detained on orders from Buenos A
Belgrano appeared on the banks of the Paran."
Governor Velasco had prepared the province to the best of his a
for an eventual conflict with the former capital. He exho
Paraguayans to defend the fights of Fernando VII, arrested pa
Buenos Aires, assembled and increased the militia, secretly a
Portuguese commander in Rio Grande do Sul for aid, and in
cember of 1810 marched his army from Asunci6n to meet B
No Portuguese aid arrived but the untrained Paraguayans def
equally untrained, but smaller, portefio army at Paraguari on
19, 1811, and later at Tacuari on March 9, 1811. Although de
Belgrano was still able to save the remnants of his army by an ar
with the Paraguayan commander and marched back across the
8 Bando of Governor Velasco about the putative expedition to the Rio d
Asunci6n, July 2, 1810, ANA-SH 211. Expediente on the capture of Coron
Asunci6n, July 14, 1810, ANA-SH 211.
9 Secret Instructions given to General Manuel Belgrano by the Junta
Aires, Buenos Aires, September 22, 1810, AGN X-23-2#6.
10 Resolutions of the Junta General of Paraguay, Asunci6n, July 27, 181
211.
11 Expediente on the expedition to Corrientes, Asunci6n, September 27, 18

211.
12 Coronel Luis Vittone, El Paraguay en la lucha por su independencia

1960), pp. 45-94.
JERRY W. COONEY 411
Before he departed and in the absence of G

commander subverted many of the Para
course of negotiations, emphasizing pea
Americans, and freedom of commerce. T
soil and a conspiracy arose among Paragu
most fervent plotter being Fulgencio Ye
mander of the militia at Itaptia (now
aware of discontent in the province b
officers. He was hardly in any positio
of Paraguari the Governor had precipito
leaving the fight to the Paraguayan criollo
and the Spanish cause suffered a great l
Governor Velasco did feel secure enou
civilians who favored the protefio cau
minor conspiracies independent of the offi
Belgrano's propaganda, the startling su

Velasco's dubious conduct at Paraguari',
royalists in Asunci6n when they heard an e
had conquered at Paraguari, and the gov
toward certain criollo militia officers after the victories all combined
to produce a situation ripe for rebellion. The final event which in-
stigated the Paraguayan revolution of May 14, 1811, was the arrival of
a Portuguese emissary to Asunci6n, one Lieutenant Jos6 de Abreu,
sent there by General Diogo de Souza, commander of the Portuguese
army in Rio Grande do Sul. The Portuguese desired to expand in the
Rio de la Plata region by claiming the right of inheritance of Princess
Carlota Joaquina, sister of the kidnapped Fernando VII, and wife of
the Prince Regent Joao of Portugal, then with his court in Rio de
Janeiro. Having earlier received a plea from Velasco for aid against
the portefios, the Portuguese court considered it, and then authorized
Souza to reply. The mission of Abreu was the result.15 This young
officer was joyfully received in Asunci6n in early May of 1811 by the
royalist Cabildo and Governor Velasco, both parties being fearful of
a reinvasion by Belgrano and frightened of the possibility of criollo
dominance in the province. After several days of festivities and nego-
13 Julio CUsar Chaves, La revolucidn del 14 y 15 de mayo (Asunci6n, 1961), pp.

27-31.
14Carlos R. Centuri6n, Precursores y actores de la independencia del Paraguay

(Asunci6n, 1962), pp. 20-42. Marcelino Rodriguez, "Recuerdos de un precursor de
la revoluci6n paraguaya en 1811," Revista Nacional, XIII (1874), 174-183.
15 Efraim Cardozo, "La Princesa Carlota Joaquina y la independencia del Paraguay,"
Revista de Indias, XIV (1954), 363-375.
tiation, the Cabildo of Asunci6n enthusiastically (and Governo

more reluctandtly) agreed to the stationing of two hundred Po
troops on Spanish soil and promised to recognize the rights o
Joaquina.Y
The Portuguese involvement was bitterly opposed by the Paraguayan
militia. For two hundred years Paraguay had stood as a bulwark against
Portuguese expansion in the Rio de la Plata and any delivery of the
province to the ancient enemy was abhorrent. The results of the nego-
tiations between Abreu and Velasco were communicated to various
officers by the governor's aide, Pedro Somellera, who was a secret sup-
porter of the portefio cause; and the same officers were informed that
the governor was aware of their plot.17 Startled by this intelligence some
officers of the militia anticipated by several weeks the planned revolt
that was to occur simultaneously in Itapiia, Corrientes (which recently
had been occupied by Paraguayan forces), and the Cordillera out-
side of Asunci6n. On the night of May 14, 1811, Capitan Pedro Juan
Cavallero and other officers seized the Cuartel General of Asunci6n and
bloodlessly forced Governor Velasco to accede to their demands. Ve-
lasco protested that he had no intention of delivering the province to
any foreign power but he was compelled to terminate all negotiations
with Abreu, deliver all arms in city to the insurgents, and accept two
civilians to rule jointly with him." Paraguay was now and permanently
freed from Spanish rule although the actual proclamation of indepen-
dence was not until 1813.
II
But how did these events of the last years of royal rule in Paraguay
affect Doctor Francia? And what was his position in Paraguayan society
that he could become the most prominent figure of Paraguayan In-
dependence?
This Paraguayan criollo was the son of Jos6 Engracia Rodriguez
Francia, a Portuguese-Brazilian immigrant to Paraguay who married
I' Report on the Abreu mission by Francisco das Chagas Santos of Sio Borja to
General Diogo de Souza, Sio Borja, June 7, 1811, in Vittone, pp. 181-193. Acuerdo of
the Cabildo of Asunci6n, Asunci6n, May 13, 1811, CRB 1-29, 22, 9.
17 Pedro Somellera, "Notas del doctor don Pedro Somellera 4 la introducci6n que
ha puesto el doctor Rengger a su ensayo hist6rico sobre la revoluci6n del Paraguay,"
in Museo Mitre, Documentos del Archivo de Belgrano (Buenos Aires, 1914), III, 320-
324.
18Capitin Pedro Juan Cavallero to Governor Velasco, Asunci6n, May 15, 1811,
ANA-SH 214. Bando of Velasco, Asunci6n, May 15, 1811, ANA-SH 214. Bando of
Velasco, Asunci6n, May 17, 1811, ANA-SH 214.
JERRY W. COONEY 413
Maria Josefa Fabiana Velasco y Yegros, a de

criollo family. Their son, Jose was born Jan
and educated in that city. At the age of fou
risen to militia posts of importance in the c
to the University of C6rdoba in Tucumin w
torate in Sacred Theology. It is probable th
he enter the Church but five years of expos
philosophes of the eighteenth century and h
him away from that institution. On his ret
received a position in the Real Colegio Sem
institution opened in 1783 to educate the c
upper class and to provide clergy for the pr
Because of his then liberal ideas, acerbic d

those less intellectually endowed, Francia wa
post following a dispute with the Colegio's
voted himself to the study and practise of
reputation for integrity and zeal in defense
came known throughout the province and
abilities were held in awe by the ordinary
the arandzi guazz2 (the Guarani for one of t
ever, his ability did not save him from slighti
ancestry indicated he was a mulatto. This b
no foundation) prevented him from marryi
and embittered Francia against the gente d
bined with estrangement from his father, a
tion, and an understandable resentment of Spa
he in positions of authority, the unfortun
formation of an austere, cold, and arrogant
withdrew into his work and books, formed
had little contact with his relatives."9
Regardless of his little-concealed contempt for other people, Francia's

abilities were recognized by various colonial officials and the popula-
tion of Paraguay, and in the first decade of the nineteenth century he
held various positions in the Cabildo of Asunci6n. It is also believed
that in 1804 he supported the putative attempt by Asunci6n vecinos to
have the penultimate Intendente-Gobernador Lizaro de Ribera removed.
19 Julio CGsar Chaves, El Supremo Dictador (4th revised edition: Madrid, 1964),
pp. 25-72, passim. Francisco Wisner, El Dictador del Paraguay: Jose Gaspar de Francia
(2nd edition; Buenos Aires, 1957), pp. 15-25. Informe of Doctor Francia, Asunci6n,
August 18, 1809, Archivo Nacional de Asunci6n, Nueva Encuadernaci6n, volume 3405.
Hereafter cited as ANA-NE.
Ribera was replaced, but more through reasons of internal S

politics than by the efforts of Paraguayans. In 1806 the Gov
the area comprising the former thirty Jesuit Missions, Ber
Velasco, was also appointed Governor of Paraguay, and in his e
was one Pedro Somellera, an administrative aide and a nat
Buenos Aires. Somellera befriended Francia and through t
influence the Paraguayan criollo became further involved in the w
the Asunci6n Cabildo and in minor Intendencia positions.20 I
Francia was chosen by the Cabildo of Asunci6n to be Par
delegate to the selection in Buenos Aires of the representativ
Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata to the Central Junta of Sp
body acting in the name of the absent King Fernando VII. B
an accusation of perjury directed against Doctor Francia with r
his candidacy, he did not go to Buenos Aires.21 The circumsta
rounding his candidacy evidently embittered him against furt
with the government since in 1810 and early 1811 he had no
position in the province. Or, one may conjecture, the accusa
perjury made him unacceptable to higher authorities. In
Francia returned to his books and law practice, and spent mo
time at his country home of Ibiray outside Asunci6n. In 181
Gaspar Rodriguez de Francia was forty-four years old, well
astute, and recognized throughout the province; but apparently d
to be only one more able criollo in the system favoring the Spani
Because he had no official position and never served in the

little documentary evidence exists as to his attitudes or action
the period from May of 1810 to May of 1811. However, it
safely assumed that he never fervently supported Spanish a
after Governor Velasco received the news of the porteiio re
Indeed, at the Junta General of July 1810 he was reported t
stated that "Spanish authority had collapsed on the continen
though this statement cannot be positively verified it undoubted
sented his sentiments.22 Then, after the Junta General, little is
his actions during the preparation for the defense of the prov
there is no doubt that from Ibiray he took an active interes
events transpiring in Paraguay and was reported to have crit
armistice which allowed Belgrano to withdraw across the Paran
20Chaves, El Supremo Dictador, pp. 72-75. Somellera, 314-315.

21 Election of a deputy by the Cabildo of Asunci6n, Asunci6n, August 4, 18
NE 3405.
22 Somellera, 325.
23 Chaves, El Supremo Dictador, pp. 101-102.
JERRY W. COONEY 415
latter complaint did not spring from a desire to h

but rather from an innate dislike and distrust of
Aires.
III
Suddenly, with the capitulation of Governor Velasco to the rebelliou

militia officers Doctor Francia again appears. Both Pedro Somelle
and Fray Fernando Cavallero, the latter a cleric favorable to the officers'
plot and a relative of Francia, urged the officers to accept Francia a
one of Velasco's associates in the government. Some officers we
at first hesitant about this nomination as they considered Francia's
politics too ambiguous; but they were assured by Fray Cavaller
as to his nephew's sentiments and ability, and Francia and Jua
Valeriano Zevallos were chosen. Doctor Francia was immediately sum
moned from his country home, accepted the position, and quickl
advised the militia to make no premature overtures to the Buenos Air
Junta.24 This advice was advanced to forestall the Paraguayan factio
advocating immediate union with the port city-Doctor Francia's inna
nationalism was quickly revealed. The other associate in government
Juan Valeriano Zevallos, was a Spaniard sympathetic to the revolution
and chosen to reassure those Spanish-born of importance in the colon
but still uneasy about recent events.
The Triumvirate of Government-Francia, Zevallos, and Velasco

immediately summoned a provincial assembly to decide on the future
form of government of Paraguay and relations with Buenos Aires.2
They also ordered the immediate evacuation of Corrientes as a peacef
gesture to the former viceregal capital.26 Before the assembly met, how-
ever, Velasco was removed from his position in early June by office
of the Cuartel General who discovered a letter purporting to prove
the treason of his actions with regard to the Portuguese negotiations.2
Thus, prior to the Congress of June 17, 1811, Francia and Zevallos (in
conjunction with the military) governed Paraguay.
Three different factions were present in Paraguay after the revo
of May 14, 1811. The Spanish party was impotent but the other tw
portefios and patriotas, were both important and at odds as to the future
24 Somellera, 325.
25 Triumvirate of Paraguay to the population, Asunci6n, May 28, 1811, ANA-SH 21
26 Bando of Triumvirate of Paraguay ordering the evacuation of Corrientes, Asunci6n
May 30, 1811, ANA-SH 213.
27Bando of the officers of the Cuartel General concerning the deposition of Velasco,
Asunci6n, June 9, 1811, ANA-SH 213. Carlos Genoves to Governor Velasco, aboard
the falucho San Martin, April 27, 1811, ANA-SH 213.
of the province. Doctor Francia quickly became the spokesm

extreme patriotas who advocated autonomy for Paraguay w
others such as Pedro Somellera desired that the province re
former subordination to Buenos Aires. Francia was atune to local
opinion and turned on his former sponsor, ordering Somellera ar
and kept incomunicado.28 The absence of the most important l
of the portefio faction strengthened the patriotas' cause and la
1811 Somellera was released and he and other portefios deporte
Buenos Aires. At the same time, as a leader of the patriotas, Fr
cultivated the hitherto unimportant element of the population
relied mainly upon subsistence agricultural and pastoral pursuits
group, the largest numerically in Paraguay, had no close conne
with Buenos Aires, either culturally or economically. They cou
and were, molded by Doctor Francia into a strong force for nat
ism-and to a reversion to the localism and isolationism which character-
ized Paraguay during most of the colonial period.
At the congress in Asunci6n in 1811 Francia played a prominent role
and on the first day addressed the approximately three hundred dele-
gates. In a calm, well-reasoned speech in which he appealed to natural
law, Doctor Francia defended the revolution, warned the assembly of
dangers to Paraguay, and outlined three main tasks before the congress.
They were:
The form of government and administration that we should have and

observe in the future should be dealt with first. In second place, to
ascertain our relations with the city of Buenos Aires and other adhering
provinces. In third place, to decide what is the best course with respect
to the individuals who previously exercised authority in this city, and
at present find themselves suspended in precaution of any influence
or disposition against the liberty of the country ... *29
The congress deliberated for a day and then it almost unanimously

decided to form a Junta of five members to govern the province in
the name of Fernando VII. Fulgencio Yegros, supported by the militia,
was elected President of the Junta; Doctor Francia, Capitan Pedro
Juan Cavallero, Doctor Fernando de la Mora, and Doctor Francisco
Bogarin were elected vocales. The assembly approved the appointment
of criollos to the Cabildo of Asunci6n, and resolved that in the future
Paraguayans would claim all governmental positions.
This congress also abolished the hated royal monopoly of tobacco
28Somellera, 330-333.
29 Francia to the Paraguayan Congress, Asunci6n, June 18, 1811, ANA-SH 213.
JERRY W. COONEY 417
which had greatly profited the Crown at t

abolished or modified various taxes. Revenues that had been earmarked
for the royal coffers were to pay for the defense of the frontiers-th
congress citing the danger from the Portuguese. The Junta was charge
with the maintenance of "friendship, good harmony, and correspond-
ence with the city of Buenos Aires, and other confederated provinces
... ," and Paraguay looked with favor upon a congress of all th
provinces of Rio de la Plata. However, until such a congress met,
Paraguay recognized no other authority than that emanating from the
province. Doctor Francia was appointed Paraguay's delegate to any
assembly of the Rio de la Plata should that province decide to be
represented (it never did). In addition, an area north of the Paran
and south of 1eembuc6 was annexed from Corrientes-this violation
of the "natural limits" of Paraguay having earlier been resented by
all Paraguayans, Bishops of Asunci6n, and governors of the province.3
The Paraguayan Junta soon began negotiations with Buenos Aires.
On July 20, 1811, it sent the former capital a note which broached the
idea of federation with equal rights among provinces, but warned
Buenos Aires that Paraguay would not "change some chains for others."
Paraguay's conditions for federation were: (1) while no general cong-
ress of the Rio de la Plata met, Paraguay would govern itself with no
interference from Buenos Aires; (2) that the former capital of the
Viceroyalty would cease collecting taxes on Paraguayan yerba; (3) that
the royal monopoly of tobacco be abolished; and (4) that no form of
government by any congress of the Ri6 de la Plata would be accepted
by Paraguay until approved by that province in a general assembly.3'
This proposal of confederation or federation with safeguards was
supported (if not first suggested) by Doctor Francia who as a reputed
admirer of American federalism saw it as a device to preserve local
independence, yet maintain good relations with Buenos Aires that so
many then deemed necessary for the province's commerce and defense.32
The Buenos Aires Junta responded quickly and dispatched Manuel

Belgrano and Doctor Vicente de Echevarria to Asunci6n to treat with the
Paraguayan Junta. However, the basis on which the portefios were to
negotiate differed from that expected by Paraguay. Rather than approve
of any form of federation which could weaken the port city's position
with the other provinces then under its control, Buenos Aires desired
30 Act of Congress, Asunci6n, June 20, 1811, ANA-SH 214.

31 Paraguayan Junta to the Junta of Buenos Aires, Asunci6n, July 20, 1811, ANA-SH
214.
32 Efraim Cardozo, El plan federal del Dr. Francia (Buenos Aires, 1941), pp. 18-23.
a central government with Paraguay subordinate to t

failing that, an alliance with Paraguay for mutual defense
gaining position of Buenos Aires was weak since during th
1811 it saw itself menaced by both Spanish reaction and
expansion.3 After the departure of the emissaries to Asunci6
tefio Junta recognized the substance of Paraguay's conditi
was there a possibility of a strong diplomatic thrust to retur
to Buenos Aires' authority.4
In the meantime, Doctor Francia had resigned from the Ju

August of 1811. The reason for his departure was a disp
military and many Paraguayans were dismayed and urg
turn., Antonio Tomas Yegros, Comandante of the Cu
of Asunci6n, wrote the Cabildo of that city strongly sug
Francia be reinstated in the Junta, that Doctor Bogarin
from that body, and that another congress be convened t
in Bogarin's place. The Cabildo, under pressure from the m
requested the Junta's opinion in this matter and also ask
return.86 Although the Junta agreed completely with th
Bogarin, Doctor Francia still refused to be reinstated, asking
be the future of the province should the military continue t
desires through force of arms, and could the Cabildo ev
that if he did return, the same conflict would not again occ
The province was thrown into confusion by this ret

Francia had already gained a large number of partisans
his honesty, his zeal in defense of Paraguayan autonomy
in administration. And by this time there was some disg
conduct of other members of the Junta since they wer
later characterized them, "inept" and "frivolous." 88 Fav
blatant and they allowed local militia commanders to w
in the countryside while unrest and discontent increased
3 Ibid. Junta of Buenos Aires to Belgrano and Echevarria, Buenos

1811, AGN X-1-9#12. Junta of Buenos Aires to Junta of Paraguay
October 1, 1811, AGN X-1-9#12.
84 Junta of Buenos Aires to the Junta of Paraguay, Buenos Aires, A
ANA-SH 214.
5 Junta of Paraguay to Doctor Francia, Asunci6n, August 6, 1811 ANA-SH 2
Doctor Francia to the Junta of Paraguay, Ibiray, August 7, 1811, ANA-SH 214.
36 Acuerdo of the Cabildo of Asunci6n, Asunci6n, September 2, 1811, ANA-SH
S37Doctor Francia to the Cabildo of Asunci6n, Ibiray, September 3, 1811, ANA
214.
38 "Auto de Francia, Asunci6n, Noviembre 4, 1817," Revista del Paraguay, I (1

453-458.
JERRY W. COONEY 419
However, more important than Francia's ad

other vocales' lack of same was the charismatic hold that Doctor Francia
was acquiring over the mass of the Paraguayan people. It is difficult to
imagine a cold, middle-aged lawyer having this type of power but even-
tually this appeal was to be the most important ingredient in the estab-
lishment and continuation of his generation-long dictatorship. And an
indication of this power was underscored by the desire of the majority
of Paraguayans that he possess absolute power. Not only did Doctor
Francia want power but consciously or not most of his countrymen
recognized that he, for all his personal oddities, was as much a Para-
guayan as they and could be relied upon to articulate their unspoken
desires. With unerring accuracy the future Dictator recognized the
Paraguayan Zeitgeist of isolation, distrust of the outside world, a desire
for peace, and a love of autonomy. While other members of the Junta
attempted to further the interests of those few Paraguayans involved
in export agriculture, Francia recognized the force of the common
Paraguayans who knew little about and cared less for such pursuits.
Subsistence agriculture was the way of life for most Paraguayans of the
countryside. Lacking any commitments to commerce, friends, or
relatives, Francia could and did pose as the impartial patriarchical figure
so recurrent in Paraguayan history. But this attitude was more than a
pose-to Francia and to the common Paraguayan it was reality and
perhaps meant the nationhood of Paraguay. This enigmatic figure has
been termed the personification of Rousseau's General Will as applied
to a leader of a people. Such a characterization would be incomplete.
Doctor Francia used and molded the Paraguayan General Will, but
rose above it at the same time as a true charismatic leader must.89
Already aware of the appeal which Francia possessed the Junta re-
solved to suspend Francisco Bogarin who had made himself obnoxious
to Francia, and the Cabildo of Asunci6n acted as mediator between
Francia and the military. At first this mediation achieved nothing but
soon the news of the imminent arrival of Belgrano and Echevarria was
received. Then, fearful that unnecessary concessions would be granted
to Buenos Aires in his absence, Francia rejoined the Junta after receiving
assurances that the military would not again interfere in governmental
matters.40 Shortly after his reincorporation into the Junta he enhanced
his prestige during a farsical attempt of a coup d'etat by various Span-
" Charisma is still an elusive concept but for a discussion of this phenomenon as
applied to a leader in a "conservative" sense-as would be the case of Doctor Francia-
see: Edward Shils, "Charisma, Order, and Status," American Sociological Review,
XXX (1965), 200-205.
iards and royalist Paraguayans who thought they could take a

of unrest in Asunci6n to return Governor Velasco to authorit
eral participants in this coup were executed and the rest qui
prisoned, but never was the new government in danger. Fin
portefio mission arrived in Asunci6n and in early October
meetings were held between the emissaries from Buenos Air
the Paraguayan Junta-with Francia ably defending the inter
Paraguay at these conferences. On October 12, 1811, a treaty
Buenos Aires and Paraguay was concluded and signed. By the
this treaty the former viceregal capital recognized Paraguayan au
until that province decided to join with the others of the R
Plata, recognized the Paraguayan claim to boundaries, abolish
taxes previously paid Buenos Aires, recognized the abolitio
royal monopoly of tobacco, and included a vague mutual defen
This defense clause and a separate article forbidding Buenos
impose heavy taxes on Paraguayan products exported down-ri
led to the rupture of relations between the two parties in 181
newly formed Triumvirate in Buenos Aires approved this tr
disliked the recognition of Paraguayan boundaries.4 But in a
Paraguay was now free to follow its own course and althoug
were later to be some external alarms this area was not s
threatened by foreign foes until the War of the Triple Allianc
Francia could now devote much of his time and attention to th
and acquisition of power.
Francia's return to the Junta lasted but a few months. Ag
December 15, 1811, he resigned from this body and did not
for almost a year. The reasons for his second resignation were
interference from the military and a dispute with other member
Junta over the release of certain political prisoners-a release
Francia opposed. He then requested the remaining member
Junta to summon a new provincial congress but they rejected his
accusing him of "attempting to place his interests above
the country." The future Dictator denied this charge, stated
request would not divide the province, and complained of the
41 Secret Manifesto of the Junta (not the Junta of Paraguay), Asunci6n,

1811, ANA-SH 214. There is little doubt that the royalist plotters were en
action by the government. Their attempted coup d'etat was a complete f
discredited their party. Somellera, 337-339.
42Treaty between Paraguay and Buenos Aires, Asunci6n, October 12, 18
SH 214.
43Triumvirate of Buenos Aires to Belgrano and Echevarria, Buenos Aires, Octobe

31, 1811, AGN X-1-9#13.
JERRY W. COONEY 421
tude of his colleagues after he had should

ministration." He later asserted:
The Junta with only three members was neither legitimate nor compe-
tent . . . no one who knew the persons and circumstances could imagine
that it was the intention of the Congress to authorize, even in this case,
three individuals absolutely inexpert, destitute of all knowledge, and
in a word [sic] totally ignorant and inept . ..45
IV
The absent vocal had allies throughout the province and the first
indication of support for him came from the recently reconstituted
Cabildo of Asunci6n which attempted, in lieu of a clear definition of
power, to interfere in what the Junta considered its own affairs.4" The
attempt was not successful but already difficulties were increasing for
the rump Junta and the Cabildo, having partisans of Francia sitting
upon it, kept sniping at the Junta throughout 1812. In the countryside
local militia commanders and certain administrators were often corrupt
and incompetent. The continual interference by officers of the militia
in governmental matters complicated administration while Fulgencio
Yegros and other high officials were accused of neglecting their duties
for the social life of Asunci6n. This state of affairs had occurred while
Francia was in the Junta, but he had labored to correct it. Now in
his absence, matters worsened and grumbling grew apace within
Paraguay."
Nevertheless, the Junta (and particularly Fernando de la Mora) in
1812 did advance projects for the betterment of Paraguay. The Colegio
de San Carlos was reopened after better than a year of inactivity. Plans
were made for an expansion of primary education, a literary society was
founded, steam navigation of the Paraguay River proposed, new com-
mercial regulations enacted, and a military academy suggested. The
Inquisition was abolished and the Bishop of Asunci6n and most of the
Church hierarchy threw their support to the revolution." Most of the
4Doctor Francia to the Junta of Paraguay, Ibiray, December 15, 1811, ANA-SH
214. Junta of Paraguay to Doctor Francia, Asunci6n, December 16, 1811, ANA-SH 214.
45 ",Auto de Francia, Asunci6n, Noviembre 4, 1817, " 453-458.
46Cabildo of Asunci6n to the Junta of Paraguay, Asunci6n, December 31, 1811,
ANA-SH 214. Junta of Paraguay to the Cabildo of Asunci6n, December 31, 1811,
ANA-SH 214.
4 Junta of Paraguay to the population, Asunci6n, June 19, 1812, ANA-SH 218.
this proclamation the remaining Junta warned against grumbling, subversion, e
and gave those discontent with the regime fifteen days to remove themselves and th
goods from the province.
48 Carlos R. Centuri6n, Historia de la cultura paraguaya (Asunci6n, 1961), I, 184-
new projects, in any case, would have taken some time to

none succeeded, either because of lack of funds, lack of
ministrators, or Francia's indifference to such matters w
assumed dictatorial power. Also it may be assumed that
foreign affairs absorbed much of the Junta's attention to th
of internal matters.
One such concern was the Portuguese occupation in early summer

of 1812 of the temporarily abandoned Paraguayan fort of Borb6n (now
Olimpo) in the far north. This incursion by their Lusitanian neighbors
greatly startled the Paraguayans and an expedition was prepared to
regain the fort. However, before any conflict occurred it was peacefully
returned to Paraguay. Nevertheless, this contretemps could not but
increase the already high distrust of the Portuguese by the Paraguay-
ans.49 In addition, the Junta aided Jos6 Artigas while that Uruguayan
gaucho leader was subordinate to Buenos Aires, sending him tobacco
and yerba for his army."? But while aiding Artigas relations with
Buenos Aires steadily worsened. That city desired and requested mili-
tary aid under the provisions of the October 12, 1811 treaty and Para-
guay claimed that in the present circumstances it was all that that
province could do to protect itself and maintain internal order. The
portefios supported a subversive movement in the province, began to
sequester Paraguayan goods, and finally, in violation of the same treaty,
heavily taxed the products of the up-river province." The former capi-
tal of the Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata had not forgotten its earlier
desire to incorporate Paraguay into its system of government and be-
lieved that these measures would effect this end.
If all these events were not enough for the beleaguered Junta, Francia
was rapidly consolidating his hold over the campo. Small estate owners
and campesinos were wooed by him as he secretly criticized the Junta
from his retirement at Ibiray. A Scottish merchant, John Parish Robert-
son, was then in Paraguay and acquainted with the future Dictator.
Robertson later asserted:
49 Junta of Paraguay to Triumvirate of Buenos Aires, Asunci6n, May 26, 1812, AGN
X-1-9#13. R. Antonio Ramos, La politica del Brasil en el Paraguay bajo la dictadura
del Dr. Francia (2nd edition; Buenos Aires, 1959), pp. 21-30.
50o Junta of Paraguay to Triumvirate of Buenos Aires, Asunci6n, January 19, 1812,
ANA-SH 217.
51 Ventura Diaz de Bedoya to Triumvirate of Buenos Aires, Buenos Aires, Jan

23, 1812, AGN X-1-9#12. Jose' Zvala y Delgadillo (attributed to Doctor Juan M
Grance), "Diario de los sucesos memorables de la Asunci6n desde el 14 de
de 1812," Revista Nacional, III (1887), 245. Chaves, Historia de las relaciones en
Buenos-Ayres y el Paraguay, 1810-1813, pp. 178-195.
JERRY W. COONEY 423
He [Francia] received secret visits from most of

and landed proprietors of the country; he enco
of men who had hitherto never dreamt of obt
meekness and condescension to the lower, all
classes of society. His plan was to imbue the
feeling that they were misgoverned by a few i
merit; and to insinuate if he should once co
different it would be. He represented to them
revolution had been to overthrow the aristocra
Spain; whereas it was now apparent that these
superseded by others more odious, because they
whom they knew to be no more than their equ
inferiors.52
In May of 1812 the Junta ordered the celebration of the first anni-
versary of the revolution, but there was no doubt that under all the
festivities dissatisfaction reigned. And many Paraguayans desired the
return of Doctor Francia to the Junta.5s Paraguay was still independent
of Buenos Aires but portefio pressure was increasing. The public had
become disgusted with the conduct of the Junta and militia officers, and
discontent roiled the countryside. Finally, in November the Junta
capitulated to Doctor Francia, tacitly acknowledged that he was indis-
pensable, and welcomed him back to that body.
The conditions he imposed for his return were a virtual veto on all
measures taken by the government and the creation of a battalion of
infantry responsible to no one but Doctor Francia." With his return
Francia began in earnest to increase his authority. He appointed his
own partisans to positions within the government; and seizing on the
pretexts of the loss of part of the treaty with Buenos Aires, the tempo-
rary loss of Fort Borb6n, and Fernando de la Mora's supposed sym-
pathies for the portefio government, eventually had that vocal dismissed
from the Junta-claiming at the same time de la Mora was drunk and
dissolute.55 Francia was now the only civilian of importance in high
authority and far and beyond the most astute and best educated person
wielding power. His methods were simple-to discredit, dismiss, or
exile any person in power who threatened in any manner his intellectual
dominance of the government, and to place his adherents in other posts
of lesser authority. He encountered little opposition in this program;
52 J. P. and W. P. Robertson, Letters on Paraguay (London, 1838), I, 336-337.

58 Zivala y Delgadillo, 241-245. Comandante of the Cuartel General Antonio Tomas
Yegros to Doctor Francia, Asunci6n, May 15, 1812, ANA-SH 218.
54 Acuerdo of the Junta of Paraguay, Asunci6n, November 16, 1812, ANA-SH 218.
55 Junta of Paraguay to Fernando de la Mora, Asunci6n, December 22, 1812, CRB
1-30, 2, 80. Auto of Junta of Paraguay, Asunci6n, September 18, 1813, CRB 1-30, 2, 80.
the elite of Asunci6n and the entire province not only recogn
ability but perceived that his base of power, the small landown
not be swayed from allegiance to Francia.
While the future Dictator was engaged in these pursuit

Aires was experiencing difficulties, and in early 1813 after th
the Triumvirate of that city Doctor Nicolis de Herrera was
Asunci6n to request that Paraguay send a delegate to an u
congress of all the provinces of the Rio de la Plata.5" Revolu
solidarity was urgently needed in the face of unexpected resis
the Spanish in upper Peri', Portuguese ambitions in the Rio de
and obstinant desires for autonomy by the gauchos of th
Oriental. The Paraguayan Junta delayed replying to Herrera
portefio envoy wasted his time in Asunci6n while, at Francia's
preparations were made for a provincial congress to deal wit
matter and the formation of a new government for Paraguay
on September 30, 1813, this congress met, attended by appro
one thousand delegates with the campo fully represented and
astically supporting Doctor Francia.7
The congress, under urging from Francia and other Paragu

angered by Buenos Aires' recent actions, rejected Herrera's i
to send delegates to any congress of the Rio de la Plata. Later
Francia informed the portefio envoy that little cooperation
expected from Paraguay as long as Buenos Aires imposed oner
on Paraguayan products exported down-river.8 In addition t
with the question of representation at Buenos Aires, the Par
Congress of 1813 deliberated on the future form of govern
Paraguay. Past experience had revealed the folly of too many
charge of administration and after much discussion this cong
proved the Consular system for Paraguay-two equal Consu
nating in highest power every four months. Fulgencio Ye
Doctor Francia were the two Consuls with the first period of
stration falling to Francia. The congress also declared Paragu
an independent republic, charged the Consuls with the defe
56 Instructions to Nicolais de Herrera from the Buenos Aires governme

Aires, March 4, 1813, AGN X-1-9#12.
57 Junta of Paraguay to Juez Comisionado of Ybicuy, Asunci6n, August
ANA-SH 221.
58 Act of Government, Asunci6n, October 12, 1813, ANA-SH 222. Herre
Government of Buenos Aires, Asunci6n, October 13, 1813, AGN X-1-9#12.
JERRY W. COONEY 425
security of the new state, gave to each com

armed forces, each his commission as brigad
administrative procedures for the new g
another congress within a year's time." All
no doubt that Francia with his knowledge
French Revolution was responsible for this
and within a year he was to play the role o
of Pompey.60
Three salient features characterized the o

Doctor Francia's dominance and acquisitio
Paraguayan policy of non-intervention i
the final destruction of the Spaniards as a for
of 1814 when another congress was assembl
of the Congress of 1813, Consul Francia was cl
in the new nation and Paraguay's independen
hindsight) was an accomplished fact.
Early in the Consulate Francia demonstra

with the first conflict occurring over the
Government. Francia's partisan was chosen a
aged governmental selections in the future.6
in positions of authority and Yegros weakly
Francia handle the day-to-day matters of g
most administrators owed their positions to
to obey his wishes. This policy was to have
his goal of internal order as he labored to go
it also signified the complete triumph of
peculiar occurrence was that there was so lit
on the part of Yegros or other militia offic
One can only surmise that by this time he w
and recognized as so indispensable that no
him. Those militia officers that he distruste
placed on the frontier far from the seat of go
The measures against the Spanish in Asun

this party. Since the abortive conspiracy o
had only been subject to certain fines and no
59 Act of Government, Asunci6n, October 12, 1813,

60 There is an apocryphal story that at the celebrat
system there were two chairs, one marked Caesar a
Francia was supposed to have seized the one mark
Dictador, p. 166.
61 Wisner, pp. 70-72.
anti-portefio attitude furthered Francia's policy of Paraguayan au

However, to dispel rumors that he was pro-Spanish, he and Ye
posed early in 1814 to expel about one hundred Spaniards fr
guayan soil. Failing to receive permission from Buenos Aires
them into territory subject to that city, other measures of ha
were instituted.62 One day in January of 1814 those Spanish-b
were not considered citizens of Paraguay were summoned to
plaza of Asunci6n. There they were forced to submit to a de
harangue by the Secretary of Government. Later the same y
were deprived of all civil rights and Spanish-born males forb
marry Paraguayan criollas. Those Spaniards desirous of ma
were limited to women still legally classified as Indians, mu
negras.3 This measure was decreed to limit the social and
influence of the Spanish in Paraguay. Anti-Spanish measures
under the Dictatorship and this element was effectively depri
influence. Francia's criollo resentment of the Spaniard had o
dormant; it never was extinguished.
The other preoccupation of the Consulate was the mainten

neutrality or non-intervention in the Rio de la Plata. Both Ye
Francia were in agreement on this matter as conditions had
quite confused since Artigas was now in opposition to Buenos A
near anarchy prevailed in the Banda Oriental and adjacent ar
Uruguayan gaucho was gaining allies in his struggle against th
nance of the city of Buenos Aires since the centralistic policy
city created distrust in the interior.
Early in 1814 Artigas believed the moment was propitious and t

the Paraguayan commander at Itapuia proposed an alliance w
guay.64 Certain citizens of that republic were sympathetic to
struggle against Buenos Aires and he could count on support f
officers in the Paraguayan army. However, Francia believed
best way to maintain independence was to stand aloof from the p
of the Uruguayan. Nevertheless, Artigas did persuade the com
at Itapia, Vicente Antonio Matiauda, to aid him in a campaig
those portefio troops present in the Missions area. Matiauda
missed by the Consulate and fled Paraguay while Corrientes an

63 J. P. and W. P. Robertson, Letters on Paraguay, II, 34-36. Consuls of
to the Cura Vicario of Capiatai including the Consular Resolution of Marc
Asunci6n, July 1, 1814, in Archivo de la Curia Metropolitana de Asunci6
# 107, Volume II.
64 Artigas to Comandante Vicente Matiauda of Itap ia, Batovi, January
ANA-SH 223.
JERRY W. COONEY 427
Aires were informed of Paraguay's disavow

of aid to Artigas turned him against Franc
by subversion to overthrow the then Dictat
Francia had so consolidated his power that
posed to the Dictator and sympathetic to A
there was no chance of a change of rulers.
repercussions as his followers stopped ships
and confiscated cargoes.66
In October of 1814 another congress asse

this time Francia's position was unassailable
power, his charismatic hold on the campo
made him the logical choice to become s
congress elected him Dictador Supremo de
five years.6 The center of opposition to hi
ci6n and various enemies opposed this meas
ation of the Consulate. Especially among th
dismissed nor converted was there oppositi
Jos6 Gaspar Rodriguez de Francia had achie
to retain it until his death in 1840.
He continued to consolidate his position, provided good government,

took steps to increase the military power of his nation, protected the
republic's interests in the face of anarchy in the Rio de la Plata, and
took no severe measures against his political enemies in 1815 and 1816.
During this period Buenos Aires and Artigas continued to harass Para-
guay and from this pressure came the eventual isolation of his nation.
In 1815 his measures against the Indians of the north who were raiding
into the area of Concepci6n increased the admiration felt for him by
citizens of the republic. Finally, in June of 1816 he was elected by
another congress to be "Dictator of the Republic for life. ..." ,"6 For
twenty-four more years Francia was the sole arbiter of Paraguay's
destiny. Only once in this period was he menaced by an internal con-
spiracy and those plotters were ruthlessly liquidated. Several times in
this period of the Dictatorship there were minor altercations on the
frontiers, but Paraguay was secure in isolation and no foreign power
wasted the time and effort to threaten seriously Francia's regime.
65 Consuls of Paraguay to the Lieutenant Governor of Corrientes, Asunci6n, March
13, 1814, ANA-SH 223.
66J. P. and W. P. Robertson, Francia's Reign of Terror (Philadelphia, 1839), II,
84-102.
67 Act of the Paraguayan Congress, Asunci6n, October 3, 1814, CRB 1-30, 24, 45.
68 J. P. and W. P. Robertson, Letters on Paraguay, II, 314-317. Wisner, pp. 74-77.
69 Act of Congress, Asunci6n, June 1, 1816, CRB 1-29, 23, 5-B.
VI
One can conclude that by 1814 the independence of Paraguay was

assured as long as there was no Spanish resurgence in the Rio de la Plata.
General Jos6 de San Martin and Buenos Aires' efforts were to assure
that no such resurgence occurred. Preoccupied with this struggle,
internal difficulties, and opposition to the Portuguese (and later the
Brazilian) dreams of expansion in the Banda Oriental, the portefios were
never able to muster sufficient power to incorporate Paraguay into their
form of the old Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata. All Paraguay had
to do was to maintain vigilance against any conspiracies mounted by
the former capital and to provide a government which would not be
swayed by old traditions and revolutionary sentiment so as to desire
union with Buenos Aires. Doctor Francia supplied this government.
His nationalism was fanatical and later, rather than submit to insults
from either Artigas or Buenos Aires, or expose his nation to the anarchy
of the Lower Rio de la Plata, he almost completely isolated Paraguay
from the world.
As important as his policies was the character of Doctor Francia.

To be sure, by 1811 most of the colonial institutions had discredited
themselves and were in no position to supply leadership as he was. The
Cabildo of Asunci6n, the Church, the Viceroyalty, the Spanish then
resident in Paraguay, and later the militia, none could provide effective
leadership for one reason or the other. Nevertheless, Francia's persever-
ance and political skill were astounding. Through the period 1810-1814
he appeared as the only Paraguayan who really knew what he wanted,
and had the courage and ability to effect his wishes. He never wavered
in his defense of Paraguayan autonomy and never let any consideration
sway him from his pursuit of power. When one surveys Latin America
in the period of independence, Paraguay reveals definite peculiarities,
and most of them may be traced to this individual. In an era dominated
by the young energetic military caudillo, Paraguay was ruled by a
fanatical, charismatic, well-educated, middle-aged lawyer who never in
his life served in a military capacity. Yet his rule was stronger and
carried as many, if not more, implications for the future of his nation
than that of other caudillos of the same period. One may argue about
the importance of the individual in history but Doctor Jos6 Gaspar
Rodriguez de Francia was greatly responsible for the existence of
Paraguay as an independent nation.
JERRY W. COONEY.
University of Louisville
Louisville, Kentucky

Paraguayan Independence and Doctor Francia

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Paraguayan Independence and Doctor Francia

Author(s): Jerry W. Cooney

NE OF THE consequences of the Buenos Aires re

The last Intendente-Gobernador of Paraguay, Bernardo de Velasco,

SAgustin Fernando de Pinedo, "Informe del Gobernador del Paraguay Agustin

However, under the surface of this prosperity and seem

Socially and culturally, Paraguay by 1800 was unique amon

But notwithstanding the isolation of this province, Paraguay was

unsuccessful expedition was mounted from A

Elsewhere authorities did not succeed in calming their jurisdictions in

SIbid. Juan Beverina, Las invasiones inglesas al Rio de la Plata (1806-1807)

Aires, Governor Velasco arrested him and the province was a

Meanwhile in Asunci6n, Velasco and the Cabildo of that cit

11 Expediente on the expedition to Corrientes, Asunci6n, September 27, 18

12 Coronel Luis Vittone, El Paraguay en la lucha por su independencia

Before he departed and in the absence of G

Belgrano's propaganda, the startling su

13 Julio CUsar Chaves, La revolucidn del 14 y 15 de mayo (Asunci6n, 1961), pp.

14Carlos R. Centuri6n, Precursores y actores de la independencia del Paraguay

tiation, the Cabildo of Asunci6n enthusiastically (and Governo

Maria Josefa Fabiana Velasco y Yegros, a de

Because of his then liberal ideas, acerbic d

Regardless of his little-concealed contempt for other people, Francia's

Ribera was replaced, but more through reasons of internal S

Because he had no official position and never served in the

20Chaves, El Supremo Dictador, pp. 72-75. Somellera, 314-315.

latter complaint did not spring from a desire to h

Suddenly, with the capitulation of Governor Velasco to the rebelliou

The Triumvirate of Government-Francia, Zevallos, and Velasco

of the province. Doctor Francia quickly became the spokesm

The form of government and administration that we should have and

The congress deliberated for a day and then it almost unanimously

which had greatly profited the Crown at t

The Buenos Aires Junta responded quickly and dispatched Manuel

30 Act of Congress, Asunci6n, June 20, 1811, ANA-SH 214.

a central government with Paraguay subordinate to t

In the meantime, Doctor Francia had resigned from the Ju

The province was thrown into confusion by this ret

3 Ibid. Junta of Buenos Aires to Belgrano and Echevarria, Buenos

38 "Auto de Francia, Asunci6n, Noviembre 4, 1817," Revista del Paraguay, I (1

However, more important than Francia's ad

iards and royalist Paraguayans who thought they could take a

41 Secret Manifesto of the Junta (not the Junta of Paraguay), Asunci6n,

43Triumvirate of Buenos Aires to Belgrano and Echevarria, Buenos Aires, Octobe

tude of his colleagues after he had should

new projects, in any case, would have taken some time to

One such concern was the Portuguese occupation in early summer

51 Ventura Diaz de Bedoya to Triumvirate of Buenos Aires, Buenos Aires, Jan

He [Francia] received secret visits from most of

52 J. P. and W. P. Robertson, Letters on Paraguay (London, 1838), I, 336-337.

While the future Dictator was engaged in these pursuit

The congress, under urging from Francia and other Paragu

56 Instructions to Nicolais de Herrera from the Buenos Aires governme

security of the new state, gave to each com

Three salient features characterized the o

Early in the Consulate Francia demonstra

The measures against the Spanish in Asun

59 Act of Government, Asunci6n, October 12, 1813,

anti-portefio attitude furthered Francia's policy of Paraguayan au

The other preoccupation of the Consulate was the mainten

Early in 1814 Artigas believed the moment was propitious and t

62 Chaves, El Supremo Dictador, pp. 168-169.

Aires were informed of Paraguay's disavow

In October of 1814 another congress asse