Women Space in the Fish Port Tambler Complex and the Value-Chain Nodes of the

Fishing Industry in General Santos City, Philippines: An Ethnographic Study

Raymundo R. Pavo and Larry N. Digal

University of the Philippines Mindanao, Mintal, Tugbok District,
Davao City 8000, Philippines

Abstract

This study seeks to ethnographically map and describe the spaces of women in the Fish Port Tambler
Complex of General Santos City, and investigate the points of convergence with and divergence from the value-
chain nodes of the tuna fishing industry. Guided by the rudiments of ethnography, this study shall privilege the local
and contextual meanings that women attach to the physical and social spaces in the Fish Port Complex, and their
perspectives on the relation of such spaces to the value-chain nodes of the tuna fishing industry. The standpoint of
Henri Lefebvre (1991) on social spaces shall also serve as the theoretical lens of this research. With this perspective,
the fish port through the narratives of women, shall be interpreted as a perceived and lived space. As lived space,
the values and symbolisms that women attach to the market shall be the key interests; and as perceived space, the
relations and processes including the tensions and contradictions, that women find themselves in shall be explored.
The results of this study show that women do occupy spaces in the fish port complex. In these spaces, women
demonstrate their agency and capacities as income earners, as friends to fellow workers, and as allies in the fish
marketing processes. Although their spaces are marginal compared to the kind and extent of spaces that men have in
the area, and that their spaces do not largely interface with the value chain nodes in the tuna industry, these women
do not consider themselves marginalized in the Fish Port Tambler Complex but remain hopeful that they will be
given better livelihood opportunities.

Keywords: women space, value-chain nodes, fish port complex, social space, Lefebvre

Introduction

Women and Fishing Port studies is an under investigated relation in the fisheries sector in the country. To
date, no recent study on the country eight regional fish ports has been done in the last 16 years with the exemption
of Israel and Roques (2000) unpublished study on the development of fishing ports in the Philippines, and only
Obsiomas (2014) unpublished work explored the roles of women in the fish port complex in General Santos City.
Obsiomas work, however, needed a spatial perspective and analysis to put into context the meanings that women
attach to their roles and activities in the spaces where they subsist. Moreover, the interface between women spaces in
the Fish Port Tambler Complex and the value-chain nodes in the tuna industry in General Santos City is a project
that is yet to be conducted.

With the Fish Port Tambler Complexs construction as a regional port in 1998 (National Statistical
Coordination Board, 1998), and the Asian fish port studies (Lee et al. 2007), which focuses on the difference
between Western and Asian Port Perspectives, this study also seeks to open a space of inquiry in maritime
Anthropology which has been found to tilt towards the lives of fishers in shipboards, fishing industry (Acheson,
1981) and recently on the kind of life in fishing communities (Ibid.). Hence, the absence of interest on the fish port
complex as physical, and socio-economic gendered space serves as basis for this papers interest.

The cursory study on the relation between fish ports, gender, and the value-chain nodes dispose this paper
with the following assumptions: (1) That women spaces in the fish port are yet to be adequately recognized; (2) That
the assigned spaces to women are economically marginal; (3) That the spaces that women fill-in in the port largely
do not interface with the value-chain nodes of the tuna fishing industry in General Santos City; and (4) That women,
despite the marginal spaces that they occupy, may cultivate locales of productivity as they subsist in the disciplinal
structures and forces in the fish port as a livelihood space.

With the foregoing assumptions, the study shall be guided by these research questions: (1) What spaces do
women workers in the Fish Port Complex of General Santos City occupy?; (2) How do women workers figure in the
value chain nodes of the tuna industry in General Santos City?, (3) What initiatives do women workers in the tuna
industry articulate as expressions of their gainful productivity, and why do women continue to subsist in their spaces
in the fish port complex? And (4) What meanings do women attach to their lived and perceived spaces in the fish
port complex?

Guided by the research questions, this paper aims to describe and study the gender space dimensions of the
Fish Port Tambler Complex of General Santos City and its relation to the value-chain nodes of the tuna fishing
industry. Since gender, as a construct, technically pertains to both men and women, and that women are generally at
the disadvantaged position in various economic-livelihood spaces in the country, the study shall be delimited to the
spaces of women and their economic condition as workers in the Fish Port Complex. To help address the main
objective of this research, four sub-objectives are crafted: (1) Provide an inventory of the physical-social spaces in
the Fish Port Tambler Complex, (2) Ethnographically identify and describe womens participation in the various
spaces in the port, (3) Describe possible points of interface in relation to roles, functions and activities of women in
the port and the value-chain nodes of the tuna industry, and (4) Identify stories and experiences of women that may
help provide insight on the meanings that women attach to their spaces in the fish port complex, and (5) Recognize
opportunities that shall allow women to interface with other value-chain nodes in the tuna fishing industry of
General Santos City.

Methodologies

The study shall employ the basics of ethnography, namely, field work, field site mapping, key informant
interviews, and semi-formal focus group discussions. The combination of these tools shall help provide a qualitative
description (Blasco & Wardle, 2007) of the situation and experiences of women as they subsist in the Fish Port
Complex and interface with the value chain nodes in the tuna industry in General Santos City. To be more specific,
field site mapping means that the spaces in the port shall be drawn on site and shall be subjected to the comments
and ideas of the informants, the key informants shall at least have a one year work experience in the field site to help
ensure the substance-depth-complexity of the way women spaces are described, and the focus group discussion shall
be semi-formal in the sense that the number of individuals shall not be structurally controlled or delimited given that
discussions in the site is fluid and may dispose other women workers and actors in the fish port to partake in the
discussion.

In addition to the results of this ethnographic study, secondary data shall be derived from related articles
and researches and shall be used to describe and put into perspective the situation of women workers in the fishing
industry from previous studies. The results of the ethnographic section of the study shall also be importantly guided
by the Theory of Lefebvre on social space as lived, and perceived space as the enabling theoretical frame of the
study. The gender lens of this work shall also be hinged on Feminist Standpoint Epistemology (Collins, 1998),
which underscores the agency at the level of the individual women.

Related Literature Review

On Women Workers in Production Areas. Inequitable economic arrangement is a womens issue that
subsists in many production areas in the country. This is an intersecting concern in the fields of agriculture, urban
and rural factories, small-scale and large-scale mining operations, plantations, and fishing industries. A common
problem that women workers deal with is the lack of representation, and an almost trivial attribution of their
contribution to the household, local, and national economies (Pasimio, 2013). In small-scale mining, for instance,
women miners are generally invisible from the local governments vantage point. While large-scale mining
operations thrive, women generally find themselves habitually scouring for traces of gold and other ores through
small-scale mining but continuously contributing to the local economy (Ban Toxics!, unpubl.data).

An anthropological research in Luisiana, Laguna on women hat weavers, for example, shows how women
construe their work and economic contributions within the fold of household work. As a private space, the women
weavers do not regard their hat weaving as a form of work despite the economic contributions to family income and
sense of economic security that the weaving provides to the community (Dungo, 2005).In other agricultural sectors,
it is, however, important to note that some women are starting to blur the categorical distinction between home and
productive work. But the small feat remain unrecognizable, since women remain at the disadvantaged stance usually
pulled by the cultural expectation of prioritizing household chores over possibilities of pursuing paid work (Ibid.) In
this respect, socio-cultural expectations and economic arrangements still tilt in favour of the interests of male
workers while industries remain sceptical of the worth or value of womens productive work.

The fishing industry is also not reprieved of arrangements that silence womens economic productive
capacities and contributions given the scant efforts in acknowledging their share in improving the life of the fisheries
sector (Obsioma, unpubl. data, 2014). The Forum Fisheries Agency and Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat specifies
that the mis-representation of womens contribution in the local and national economy still largely imply that
women workers are yet to be accorded the necessary support to improve their working and employment conditions
(Demmke, 2006, Kleiber et al. 2014).Despite the positive contributions of women workers through various
economic activities, this question is in order: Why are womens productive efforts and capacities remain in-
adequately recognized?

The foregoing picture of the location of women in the production area helps summarize the peripheral
spaces that women find themselves in within the landscape of work, livelihood, and economies. Aside from the lack
of proper recognition of womens work in the economic life of an enterprise or industry, womens work are often
reduced to the private-household or domestic space. In a globalized setting where the areas and boundaries of
production continuously expand, and where productive work is no longer confined to traditionally considered public
realms (Banez-Sumagaysay, 2003), private spaces which have been habitually referred to the household are no
longer categorically delineated from the public spaces. In a globalized setting, the link of the reproductive space of
the household to national and international economic forces needs to be acknowledged as spaces where women
produce and re-produce, and where women work and get paid. Is this observation applicable in the case of women
spaces in the fish port complex in General Santos City? This is a curiosity that shall be addressed in ensuing
sections.

The blurring of boundaries between private and public spaces, when critically appraised, may also be
reckoned as womens way of asserting their creativity and longing for change in the way spaces have been
traditionally treated (Ibid.). In the fishing industry, the blurring of boundaries and spaces in the Asia-Pacific also
emerged through womens creative entrepreneurial efforts. Forum Fisheries Agencies and Forums in the Pacific
specifically acknowledge that women have introduced valued added products and/or made new tuna products in the
tuna-based industry (Demmke, 2006) When critically considered, the accomplishment initially blurs, hence
weakens, the economic image of women as workers with lesser skills befitting of less complex or challenging
positions. In the presence of innovations, women workers in the fisheries sector create and assert a leverage over
their concepts and capacities. Social institutions are consequently and importantly disposed to re-think the way
women are construed in the economic landscape.

Despite such feats, the challenge, however, persists as the number of studies on womens participation in
various production areas, for instance, in the tuna industry, reveal disproportional programs or actions created or
advanced to change inequitable structures and biases against women (Kleiber et al. 2014). This means that the
opportunity to re-think situations, which are consequent to womens efforts remain wanting of positive
reinforcements to dissuade companies, institutions, and structures from taking womens economic presence lightly,
or at times unconscientiously (Banez-Sumagaysay, 2006). Inspired by womens capacity to blur gender dichotomies
and biases, the challenge remains if spaces, structures and power relations will give credit and accord support where
it is due: to womens creative and productive gifts and capacities in economic-livelihood spaces.

On Women Workers in the Tuna Industry. The inequitable economic arrangements that favor men and
limit womens enabling choices is a feature recurring in the tuna industry. In a recent study conducted by Obsioma
(unpubl. data, 2014), it identifies the spaces and economic positions that women fill-in in the value-chain nodes of
the tuna industry in General Santos City: (a) hand-line fishers, (b) purse-seine fishers, (c) tuna cannery workers, and
(d) local processing companies. These spaces are less rewarding given the issues that women workers have to deal
with: (a) occupational hazards, (b) in case of contracted work, below minimum salaries with no overtime differential
payment schemes, (c) uncertainties with regard to security of work due to contractualization, (d) absence of security
against sexual harassment and discrimination, and (e) lack of enabling jobs, since work assigned to women are
mostly confined to low skill and low status work-posts. An initial look at the work issues revolving around the
economic spaces of women in the tuna industry reveal the way the tuna industry attribute the presence of women in
its economic landscape. The imposition on where women should stay and the pigeon holes that they are expected to
fill-in are rather glaring expressions of gender inequality.
 A possible reason for the marginalization is the industrys exclusion of women in its economic agenda. As
Obsioma (unpubl. data, 2014) points out, policies on tuna fisheries are focused on improving the tuna industry and
ensuring conservation management and sustainability. What reasons and conditions will force or inspire the
industry to include women in its economic agenda? Will the identification of constraints that restrict women from
participating fully or equally in the industry be a pre-cursor to the anticipated change? In a study on women in the
fisheries sector of the Pacific Islands, Demmke (2006) identified the following restrictions that dis-able or limit
womens economic choices: (a) socio-cultural beliefs, (b) family obligations, (c) lack of skills and experiences, (d)
lack of direct access to credit and finances, (e) transport restrictions, and (f) poor market facilities. Some of these
constraints are also re-affirmed in Obsiomas study (2014): (a) socio-cultural norms, (b) hostile working
environment in the Fish Port Complex, (c) lack of gender awareness programs and policies in the fish port, (d)
hazardous working environment in canneries, and (e) lack of skills and experience. Between Demmke and Obsioma,
the commonalities with regard to restricting conditions suggest that womens development is yet to be mainstreamed
in the economic agenda of tuna industries. Should this require a paradigm shift to substantively include women in
private and government initiated developments? Should inequitable situations tarry and be allowed continuously
cause degrees of distortion in the lives of women workers, and that of their families?

Value Chain Nodes. The values chain nodes reflect the complex processes where value is created and
added in a series of activities. In the tuna industry of General Santos City, its key value chain nodes pertain to the
following sections or units: (a) inputs, (b) production, (c) marketing, which includes the roles of jambolero, broker,
and/or laborer, traders/wholesalers, exporters, canneries, processors, retailers, and (d) consumers-canned/fresh. Here
is a description of each of these nodes:

Inputs. Input supplier is a significant and major actor in the value chain. Input suppliers include ice plants
and the financiers for the fishing operation. (i) Ice is a primary supply needed during fishing trips and in transporting
tuna/fish to provinces and cities. There are about three ice plants within the General Santos Fish Port that supply ice
to fishing vessels and to trucks that bring fish to other areas in Mindanao. (ii) Financiers are equally important actors
in the chain, since most boat operators require large amount of capital during fishing trips. Depending on the size of
the fishing vessel, the amount needed by boat operators range between Php 2,500 Php 6,000 for small scale fisher
folks, Php 400,000 Php 800,000 for medium handline fishing operations, and around Php 6,000,000 for purse-seine
fishing operation. Financiers for fishing operations are either male or female.

Production. There are three types of fishing methods used for harvesting tuna in the country, namely,
purse-seine, ringnet, and handline (Barut, 2003). Purse-seine and ringnet vessels belong to the commercial sector;
while handline vessels are both part of commercial and small-scale sectors. Purse-seine and ringnet, on the one
hand, catch fish use large nets that particularly trap skipjack tuna for canning and for fresh domestic market.
Handline vessels on the other hand, catch large type of fish such as yellow fin, big eye, albacore, blue marlin, etc.
which are intended for domestic and export markets. People involved in fishing operations include the boat captain
or skipper, the mechanic, and the fishers. Personnel involved in fishing are all men. Based on a survey conducted
in General Santos Fish Portly UP Mindanao Tuna project, no females were allowed to join on board for a fishing
operation, since activities are rigorous. This is also to avoid sexual harassment given that fishing operations takes
about seven to twenty five days off shore. Moreover, fish are unloaded at the General Santos Fish Port (GSFP), the
major tuna unloading port in the Philippines (BFAR,2012),particularly in Markets 2 and 3 for purse-seine vessels
and Market 1 and 2 for handline vessels. As a key fishing port, the GSFP also provides post-harvest infrastructures
for both commercial and small-scale fisher folks. The actors involved in post-harvest are laborers. Laborers unload
and haul fishes from fishing vessels for weighing, sorting or classifying. The laborers for such kinds of work are all
men who carry big tuna with weight ranging from 15 50 kilograms and banyeras (tubs) full of fish weighing
around 27 kgs.

Marketing. The actors involved in marketing include sorters, classifiers, checkers, jamboleros,
traders/wholesalers, exporters, processors, and retailers. (i) Sorters are mostly women who sort smaller fish
according to size. This task does not require strength. Classifiers grade large tuna for export by using metal tube that
is inserted in the tuna for meat sample. (ii) Classifiers are men dominated since most of them were previous workers
in processing plants and were trained for 3-6 months (Ebarle, et. Al,2016). Such background provide men with more
experience in handling raw tuna, which men use in assessing the quality of tuna. (iii) Checkers record the number,
weight and quality of large tuna, and monitor the number of banyeras that were unloaded from the fishing vessel.
They are also the ones in charge in monitoring the prices and sales. For this task, women are mostly hired by
 iLvedSpac
companies, since women are more patient in recording and have more legible handwriting. Women are also less
likely to fight with other workers (Ebarle et al., 2016). (iv) Jamboleros function as the middlemen between the
traders and buyers. They negotiate with the traders, and sell the fish to domestic buyers. A jambolero is either male
or female but in most cases, men fill-in such task. Also, there are instances wherein both husband and wife are
jamboleros who work at the fish port alternately. (v) Traders-Wholesalers are individuals or company
representatives lease a space in the landing areas in the fish port complex. It is to their areas or spaces where fish
are unloaded, sorted, classified, and checked. Jamboleros also buy fish from them. (vi) Exporters are usually
situated in Market 1 who buy larger fish such as yellow fin tuna, albacore, blue marlin, etc. for export. They buy
class A and B quality fish and ship the whole fish minus the head, tail and gut for export. For export, however, only
class A fish are for transported, since Class B fish are sold domestically. (vii)Canneries are large companies that
process and pack for export. Canneries use small type of tuna such as skipjack for canning. Majority of the workers
in canneries are women as front liners in the assembly line of canned tuna production. Other processors in General
Santos city produce frozen cuts. There are more men hired for frozen cuts processing than women because men can
also do work that requires strength such as cutting of large parts of tuna. Some processors also manufacture value-
added tuna products such as chorizo, embutido, nuggets, etc. These processors are usually micro, small and medium
enterprises (MSMEs) and hire more women than men. Tasks of these women include loining, slicing, skinning, and
packing. (viii) Retailers are usually found in the wet market section and sell fish by kilogram. They buy fish from
truckers and traders. Some retailers perform other functions such as cleaning and slicing. Both men and women do
the same tasks in retailing. In terms of number, more women are seen retailing since their husbands/partners are the
ones responsible for buying the fish from the fish port.

In the Fish Port Complex, the value chain nodes that are physically or tangibly worked out within the
premises of the port include: (a) inputs, (b) production, (c) marketing, (d) traders/wholesalers, and (f)
canneries/processors. The (e) exporters, (g) retailers, and (h) consumers are usually located outside the port, since
these actors and processes only build-on the activities and sets of information that unfold within the spaces of the
Fish Port Complex. The retailers, for instance, do not have direct access to the quality of tuna in the port as it is
tested by the jambolero but simply rely upon the information of his/her contact. The exporter also primarily depends
upon the jamboleros valuation whether the kind of tuna caught and displayed this day in Market I is of export
quality or not.

Conceptual Framework

Theoretical Framework
Description:

Lived Space: from the vantage point of personal

meanings and symbols

Perceived Space: from the perspective of actors as they

interact with rules, processes, and ideas that habituate a
space

Core Interface: Women Space in the Fish Port

Tambler Complex

In Production of Space (1991), Lefebvre identifies and distinguishes three kinds of social space: (1) Spatial
practice, (2) Representations of space, and (3) Representational space. For spatial space, Lefebvre holds that [T]he
spatial practice of a society secretes that societys space; it propounds and presupposes it, in a dialectical interaction;
it produces it slowly and surely as it masters and appropriates it. From the analytic standpoint, the spatial practice of
a society is revealed through the deciphering of its space. (Ibid.) He adds that the space of social relations, given its
gradual accretion and appropriation has a cohesive nature although it does not necessarily follow that such relations
subsist on coherent forms, for instance, inequitable modes of productions (Ibid.). The concepts accretion and
appropriation, however, may have misleading tones when not gleaned against Lefebvres notion of dialectics, which
underscores the bringing together of the conflictual and contradictory, and the linking to theory and
practice(Lefebvre, 1996). This means that unlike Hegels dialectic as thesis-anti-thesis-synthesis and Marxs
affirmation-negation-negation, Lefebvre values the open-ended movement of the dialectics which can be
fragmented, on-going, and in transit (Ibid.).

Representations of space, meanwhile is characterized by Lefebvre (1991) as a conceptualized space, the

space of scientists, planners, urbanists, technocrat subdividers and social engineers, as of a certain type of artist with
a scientific bent all of whom identify what is lived and what is perceived with what is conceived. The philosopher
adds that space as conceived tend to be verbally articulated signs with have been primordially intellectually thought
of or worked out. As a conceived space, this pertains to way privileged posts and vantage points influence the way
spaces are determined. An architect, for example, has the capacity to influence the kind of buildings which shall be
built around the city and in turn, contribute to the ethos of the city. If architects underscore the restoration of old
buildings, ensuing built structures in the city will eventually create a nostalgic, contextual, and historic feel to its
milieu.

For representational space, Lefebvre (1991) reckons that this social space leans towards coherent systems
of non-verbal symbols and signs. He further specifies that representation space is space as directly lived through
its associated images and symbols and hence the space of inhabitants and users, but also of some artists and
perhaps of those, such as a few writers and philosophers, who describe and aspire to do no more than describe.
Coming from a symbolic stance, this kind of space highlights the lived meanings of a society which acquires a value
and commands a set of meanings through time. For instance, Bisaya farmers and Lumad farmers will have unique
symbolic appropriations of the land that they till. The Lumad farmer often connects his farming to his ancestors who
paved the way for the activity to subsist until the present times. This non-verbal appreciation of the network of
meanings that subsist and regulate the way farms and lands are lived and experienced point to the overflow of
meanings that hover and condition traditional farming systems. For the Bisaya settler who went into farming, the
non-articulated meanings of the land and farming as a communal activity maybe approached simply as arbitrary
constructs and as constraints to the Bisayas understanding and appreciation of the symbolic value of land, farming
and the community in an indigenous farming community. In Writing on Cities, Lefebvre (1996), however,
underscores the theory of difference which plays host to the complexity of a city, and world, and the linkage for
dualistic frames such as here-and-now, near-far, actual-utopian, and possible-impossible. In relation to the given
example, the difference in perspective between the Bisaya and Lumad on land valuation is, therefore, part of the
complex-contradictory nature of a society where the Bisaya settlers and Lumad live.

In the study, however, only two notions of space shall be used: lived space or representational space and
space as practiced. Space as conceived shall be treated in another project to investigate how womens socio-
economic spaces and experiences in the fish port complex are conditioned by the rules or policies of the
administration, and the way women workers adapt or circumvent such rules. Since this study privileges the spaces
and experiences of women, it is also theoretically hinged on Feminist Standpoint Epistemology. More to the point, it
is anchored upon Collins (2000) philosophical stance that a womans position or status in a community, or society is
highly and complexly colored by her race, gender nationality, and sexual orientation. Reminiscent of Foucaults
(1967) understanding of power, Collins specifies that the contexts of women are not just sites of domination but as
opportunities to articulate agency and resistance. This is a line of thought which shall theoretically enable this
papers description of locales of women agency and power as they subsist in womens spaces in the fish port
complex.

Map of the Fish Port Complex

In this section, the maps of the physical spaces of the fish port complex, specifically the three markets
Market I, II, and III, shall be presented. These maps were drawn on-site with the assistance of the informants in the
port. The informants agreed that it is better to draw the spaces in the markets via the landscape perspective. When
asked why the landscape approach was more fitting, the informant said kay libog kung dili palapad ang mapa, kay
palapad man pud gud sya (it is confusing if the map is not drawn through the landscape perspective, and it should be
the case, since the market is wide and broad). In the process of drawing the spaces, the informants also provided the
local place names and provided the corresponding descriptions of the identified spaces. Here are the drawn maps of
the three markets in the fish port complex:
Market I in the Fish Port Complex

Terms and Descriptions:

1. Balik-Balik: a type of fishing vessel, which has small outriggers and has limited fishing capacity. More
specifically, its small engine and size only allows it to stay out in the sea for four days, and it needs to
immediately go back to the port to unload the catch. Hence, the term Balik-Balik which is a repetition of
the English termto return and is, therefore, indicative of short fishing and unloading cycles.
2. Pak-an: a type of fishing vessel which is capable of staying out in deep waters for at least a month; this boat
is also run by a poso engine, a locally recognized premium brand for big fishing vessels. In contrast to
Balik-Balik, Pak-an has huge outriggers and can carry around 4 to 5 small boats which are used in hand-
line tuna fishing.
3. Bote-Bote: a type of fishing vessel which does not have outriggers and is used to fish tuna in the deep
waters. This vessel is bigger than Balik-Balik but is smaller than Pak-an.
4. Diskargahan ug Isda: a section in the port where loads of caught fish are dropped-off.
5. Timbangan/Kilohan: a term used to refer to weighing/scaling.
6. Tarima: is an aluminum made and elongated table like object used to display large tuna.
7. Sandayungan: a term which refers to a covered stall, which also protects the ice-chests/containers from the
rays of the sun.
8. Hugasan: or washing area where actors can wash their hands, dishes, and where large hoses are also
plugged-in and used in cleaning the market area.
9. Icabakan: or icebox which primarlity contains ice and where tuna is chilled, and stored.
10. Elf/Loader: these terms pertain to trucks that carry and ferry the tuna from the port to its destined recipients
outside the Fish Port Complex.
11. Kural: or fence, which creates a sense of boundery between Market I and the other spaces in the port.
12. Checker: one of the actors in the port whose job, according to an informant, entails at least these three
points, (a) record the weight and number of the tuna displayed and discharged, enlist the names of those
who reserved, bought and acquired the tuna, and (c) cross-check the number, weight of discharged and
acquired tuna.
 13. Barilisan: a term used to describe Market I, since this market hosts large kinds of tuna which specificaly
entails these key processes:receiving, weighing, putting the tuna on display and transferring to storage bins
or trucks for delivery. According to an informant, tuna can be of three kinds, (a) Barilis (large tuna, at least
around 30 kilos), (b) Karaw (middle-sized tuna, around 3 to 4 kilos), and (c) barilison (small sized tuna).

Some Photos:

Photo 1.1 Yellow Fin Tuna on

Display on a Tarima in Market I
(Photo taken by Carol Balgos)

Photo 1.2 A Jambolero Scraping Tuna Meat

using a Tester in Market I
(Photo taken by Carol Balgos)
Market II in the Fish Port Complex

Terms and Descriptions:

1. Serbis/Service: a type of fishing vessel which uses palabo/pukot or nets or the purse-seine method in
fishing. This boat is twice as big as the Pak-an and can stay in the sea for at least a month. Middle-sized
tuna and other kinds of smaller fishes are caught using the purse-seine technique, which are then delivered
in either Markets II or III.
2. Unay: is a term used to describe Service or other fishing vessels which are privately owned. In Market II,
for instance, the Makalipay Fishers is a privately owned and it has its own fishing vessel which unloads its
catch in the Makalipay Fishers Bay/Area. The laborers in this Bay refer to their fishing vessel as unay.
3. Pumbot/Pumpboat: is a type of fishing vessel which can stay in the sea for four days and can also carry
smaller boats. This fishing unit uses both hand-line and purse-seine methods. The combination of these
methods explains why an informant shared that at some point, she delivers her fish in Market I or Market II
depending upon the kind of fish caught after a fishing cycle.
4. Diskargahan sa Isda: a section in the port where loads of caught fish are dropped-off.
5. Ayagan: is the term used to describe an object where buckets of fish are unloaded and sorted according to
kind, size, and quality. In Markets II and III, every Bay/Area has a an ayagan.
6. Checker: one of the actors in the port whose job, according to an informant, entails at least these three
points, (a) record the weight and number of tuna displayed and discharged in a Bay/Area, list the names of
those who reserved, bought and acquired the tuna, and (c) cross-check with the jambolero the number, and
weight of the discharged tuna.
7. Tub: pertains to a small plastic square shaped container where fish is stored and the container is weighed.
After scaling, tubs are piled/arranged according to agreements/reservations made between the owner of the
Bay/Area and a jambolero/a inside Market II or III. These tubs are also labelled according to the owners
name.
8. Timbangan/Kilohan: a term used to refer to weighing or scaling. It is also four feet in height, and has a
huge metal hook upon which tubs are hinged, and then weighed.
 9. Icebakan: : or icebox which primarily contains ice and where tuna is chilled, and stored. Some informants
also use the term chestbox to refer to an icebox.
10. Elf/Loader: these terms pertain to trucks that carry and ferry the tuna from the port to its destined recipients
outside the Fish Port Complex. The size of these trucks also vary.
11. Kural: or fence, which creates a sense of boundery between Market II and the other spaces in the port such
as the main canteen in the Fish Port Complex.
12. Pinuhan: is a term used to describe and pertain to Market II, since according to an informant, this market is
where different kinds and sizes of fish are unloaded, weighed, priced and distributed to retailers. The term
in the English language maybe roughly translated as bits and pieces, or an assortment/variety of
goods/objects.

Some Photos:

Photo 2.1 Sorting/Ayagan Section

in one of the Bays in Market II
(Photo taken by Zyra Colasa)

Photo 2.2
Diskargahan/Unloading Area of
Fish in Market II
(Photo taken by Hazelle Abara)
Map of Market III in the Fish Port Complex

Terms and Descriptions:

1. Serbis/Service: a type of fishing vessel which uses palabo/pukot or nets or the purse-seine method in
fishing. This boat is twice as big as the Pak-an and can stay in the sea for at least a month. Middle-sized
tuna and other kinds of smaller fishes are caught using the purse-seine technique, which are then delivered
in either Markets II or III.
2. Unay: is a term that can be used to describe Service or other fishing vessels which are privately owned. In
Market II, for instance, the Makalipay Fishers is a privately owned and it has its own fishing vessel which
unloads its catch in the Makalipay Fishers Bay/Area.
3. Pumpboat: is a type of fishing vessel which can stay in the sea for four days and can also carry smaller
boats. This fishing unit uses both hand-line and purse-seine methods. This combination of these methods
explains why an informant shared that at some point, she will deliver her fish in Market I or Market II, III
depending upon the kind of fish caught after a fishing cycle.
4. Diskargahan sa Isda: a section in the port where loads of caught fish are dropped-off.
5. Ayagan: is the term used to describe an object where buckets of fish are unloaded and sorted according to
kind, size, and quality. In Markets II and III, every Bay/Area has a an ayagan.
6. Checker: one of the actors in the port whose job, according to an informant, entails at least these three
points, (a) record the weight and number of the tuna displayed and discharged, enlist the names of those
who reserved, bought and acquired the tuna, and (c) cross-check the number, weight of discharged and
acquired tuna.
7. Tub: pertains to a small plastic square shaped container where fish is stored and the container is weighed.
After scaling, tubs are piled/arranged according to agreements/reservations made between the owner of the
Bay/Area and a jambolero/a inside Market II or III. These tubs are also labelled according to the owners
name.
8. Timbangan/Kilohan: a term used to refer to weighing or scaling. It is also four feet in height, and has a
huge metal hook upon which tubs are hinged, and then weighed.
9. Icebakan: : or icebox which primarily contains ice and where tuna is chilled, and stored. Some informants
also use the term chestbox to refer to an icebox.
10. Elf/Loader: these terms pertain to trucks that carry and ferry the tuna from the port to its destined recipients
outside the Fish Port Complex. The size of these trucks also vary.
 11. Kural: or fence, which creates a sense of boundery between Bays/Areas within Market III and the other
spaces in the port.
12. Tricycle: a motorcycle run vehicle, which is also used to ferry fish to local markets in General Santos City.
It is only in Market III where one can find tricycles as transport for the retailing of fish.
13. WDN: this acronym stands for Well-Delight Network Factory which is a privately owned processing and
canning factory situated in the port and is located adjacent to Market III.
14. Pinuhan: is a term also used to describe and pertain to Market III, since according to an informant, this
market is where different kinds and sizes of fish are unloaded, weighed, priced and distributed to retailers.
The term in the English language maybe roughly translated as bits and pieces, or an assortment/variety of
goods/objects.

Some Photos:

Photo 3.1 Sorting/Ayagan Area in Market III

(Photo taken by Mary Lepardo)

Photo 3.2 Tubs Piled at the Rear of a

Sorting Area in Market III
(Photo taken by Zyra Colosa)

Spatial Description of the Markets I, II, and III

Market I. This market is host to large fish such as matured yellow fin tuna, big-eye tuna, blue marlins
(marang) and even large squids (talupapa). These are caught using the hand-line method, locally known as
palangri/pasol and according to a local informant each fish generally weighs around 30 kilos, and its size is at least
three feet long and one foot wide. Since Market I is the delivery dock of large fish, its space uniquely features
display areas locally termed as tarima comparable to rectangular shaped aluminum tables, where caught tuna fish
are arranged in a single file, put on view and where prospective buyers can hover around, and assess the quality of
the fish. In the field work conducted last October 16, 2015, 10 single files of tuna were arranged with each file
consisting of at least ten tuna fish, plus 8 blue marlins and 15 giant squids. In relation to other markets in the Fish
Port Complex, the tarima is a feature unique to Market I. The display area also gives an impression of transparency
on the side of the fisher folks with regard to the quality of the tuna catch, and a privileged access to entrepreneurs
who eye specific kinds of tuna meat for their clients here and abroad. While a seeming competition amongst
prospective buyers subsists, the display area collates expectations of a good catch and diffuses the worry that the fish
on display may disappoint tuna buyers and retailers.

The extent of the space in the three markets can also be imagined through the number of bays or scaling
areas that it houses. In Market I, there are 27 bays which are rented out by companies, and where fisher folks deliver
and put on display their caught goods. The count of these bays easily outnumber the 20 bays in Market II and 11
bays in Market III. To characterize, each bay has a scaler, a high bench/chair for the checkers, sets of tarima, and
each Bay is accorded with a companys name. Here are some of the names of companies stationed in Market I: DTFI
Kimball, RJK Fish Scaler, Ten Point Manufacturing Corporation, Aropoc Fish Scalar, Aqua Traders, and Rell &
Ren. Interestingly, there are two Bays in Market I that are accorded with female names, specifically: (a) Mercy Ong
Fishing, and (b) Melvie Fishing. According to an informant, Mercy Ong is a business woman and renter of a Bay,
while Melvie is the daughter of renters of another Bay in Market I. The informant however specifies that it is only
Mercy Ong who is actively engaged and involved in the transactions in the port, while Melvie only fulfils a nominal
role, since it is the parents who take charge in the business dealings in Market I.

Adjacent to the bay and display areas, one can find canopies where large storage bins or ice-bakan are kept
and arranged. A total of 52 make-shift canopies are installed which houses large off-white container bins. These bins
and canopies are also part of rented spaces, which are maintained by jamboleros and other local entrepreneurs. Since
the quality of fish may easily deteriorate when not properly chilled, blocks of ice are also kept inside the
icebakan/container bins and truck loads of ice regularly visit this market. This implies that aside from the human
actors in Market I, the objects/things that importantly figure in this space are as follows: the tarima or display area,
icebakan or storage bins, and ice. In the absence of at least one of these things/objects, the process of exchange in
Market I will be significantly disrupted, whereby the flow of goods and other transactions may be negatively
affected. Interestingly, the canopy area is also unique to Market I, which brings us to this question: Is Market I the
privileged space in the Fish Port Complex?

Given that the kinds of fish accommodated in Market I are highly prized goods, the functions of spaces in
the place are seemingly properly observed and well-regulated. For instance, the laborers after disembarking and
filing the tuna on a tarima, locate and confine themselves near the docking area. The checkers are also basically
attached to their posts while taking note of the weight and number of tuna in an operating Bay/Area. Once tuna fish
are filed/arranged, the jamboleros then take the lead in going around the display areas assessing the quality of tuna
meat by inserting a tester and scraping-off a portion of the tunas meat. The scraped meat is then judged according to
color, firmness, and taste. According to an informant, Class A tuna has firm and reddish meat, while a Class B is
pinkish and less firm. While jamboleros determine the class of the tuna, individuals who do not have a tester usually
gather at a distant place watching the jamboleros proceed with their interests. The laborers only figure again in the
space where a tarima is stationed when the jamboleros, and the checkers come to a concurrence with regard to price
and other tacit agreements. In this case, the laborers start minding their task of transferring the tuna to a delivery
truck or storage bins in the canopy area, or begin wrapping the tuna with a brown sealing tape, and have the tuna
stored in an elf or truck.

Market II. In contrast to Market I, this market is busier and appears to have a more fluid space-use and
arrangement. Also, it has its peculiar features, such as ayagan or space for sorting, a small-bread vending unit, five
small-scale fish vendors, and truckloads of small fish. Caught through the purse-seine or large fishing nets/ palabo
method, this market is host to locally known fish such as birit, burot, ulay, barawan, bulinao and tamban.

After loads of fish inside a fishing vessel are discharged and sorted in the ayagan, they are segregated
according to kind and quality and are placed in a tub or plastic container bin. When completely filled, each tub
generally weighs around 33 kilos. After which, the tub is pushed towards the rear section of the Bay and piled as if
waiting for the expected number of tubs to be filled in. As this part of the process ensues, the scaler also shouts the
weight of the tub and the tubs number as the checker keeps a record of such information. This cycle continues until
the last fishing vessel has unloaded its yield.
In this market, there are 20 bays where the foregoing process proceeds as fishing vessels dock and unload
their catch. Similar to the arrangement in Market I, each Bay/Area is rented out by a company. Beside each Bay,
around 30 to 50 tubs are also disposed, made available for the sorters as each tub is filled to the brim with one kind
and quality of fish. Just after the ayagan, a high-chair is stationed where the checker and the cashier are seated. The
elevated stance somehow signals and speaks of its regulative functions. After the sorting, and segregating the tubs,
the jambolero in turn instructs his/her laborer to transport the fish to an elf/truck or van. These vehicles, once the
fish from the tubs are transferred into iceboxes, travel to local markets or wet-markets outside General Santos City.
As an observation of such processes in Market II, the transactions quickly take place as the actors are already
habituated to their functions and to the spaces in Market II.

Unlike Market I where spaces and boundaries are usually observed and upheld, Market II somehow enjoys
a sense of fluidity where actors and objects move from one place or another. This is perhaps one reason why we
found it easier to move around the spaces of Market II, since the players in the area are used to the juxtaposition of
spaces and functions. But behind the fluid use of space in Market II, it is important to take note of the presence of a
port staff at the rear part of the market. From an observers viewpoint, the location of the staff symbolically
separates the activities and the spaces in Market II from the interests of the local traders and truckers. When asked
what the port officers role is, an informant said that she simply observes and waits for possible complaints that may
unfold in the transactions in the market.

Upon surveying the different parts of the market, an interesting feature in Market II was documented: the
presence of a small bread vending section inside a Bay. When asked as to why there is such a small enterprise, the
checker replied that it is from the bakery of the owner/renter of the Bay. The checker added that it was the owners
way of helping the labourers, since the nearest canteen is 20 meters away. Inspired by such intent, we quickly asked
if it was actually free of charge. The checker retorted that it is not for free and one needs to pay immediately.
Another peculiar feature in Market II is the presence of five fish vendors. Mindful of the rule in the port prohibiting
fish vending, we quickly gained interest in knowing the reason why such activity takes place in Market II. The
reasons why this space is used for fish vending will, however, be presented in the ensuing section on women space
in Market II.

At around 3pm, the people, objects and activities in Market II begin to dissipate. The laborers, sorters, the
port staff and truckers eventually leave the area, while the checkers and cashiers count and make further entries in
their record books. At this time of the day in Market II, some male laborers finally used a large hose to clear all the
sediments that accumulated after a days work and transactions. The tubs were also piled and mounted on one side
of the Bay ready for the next days work. In small groups, men and women also gather and unwind, some gather in
the canteen, while some simply wait especially women, for all their friends to finish last minute details of their
jobs before finally leaving the port.

Market III. The spaces and features in Market III do not significantly differ from Market II. This market
also hosts small-sized fish caught through palabo/purse-seine method, which are then sorted and transferred to tubs.
These tubs are also piled at the rear side of a Bay, which are transferred to small trucks and tricycles. But in terms of
the level and intensity of economic activity, this market is the most laidback given that during the field visit in
October 16, 2015, only one Bay was operating and the number of individuals inside this market can be easily
accounted for. In the recent January 6 and 7 fieldwork, three Bays were operating which somehow leased more
economic life in this Market. We asked an informant why this space seems to languish in non-activity when
compared to Markets I and II, she opined that the port in general has been affected by the banning of fishing
activities. The informant added that in productive days, Market III can be as busy as Market II with at least 8 Bays
in operation. With the narrative, another field visit may be required to hopefully see the transformation of Market III
into a key economic exchange in the Fish Port Complex.

Maps of Women Space in the Fish Port Complex

Using the spatial maps of Markets I, II, and III, the spaces where women perform tasks and functions are
identified and marked with an X. These locations were discerned and distinguished by the informants in the course
of the interviews and group discussions.
Women Space in Market I

Women Space in Market II

Women Space in Market III

Inventory of Women Spaces

The physical and social spaces where women figure in Market I are as follows: (a) the area for checkers,
(b) the area of tarima, and the canopy area. In these spaces, women work as checkers, jambolero in the space of
tarima, and the canopy area as the jambolero inspects the number of tuna kept inside the container bins. In Market I,
it is visible that women do not figure in these locales: (a) fishing vessels, (b) the area where fish are unloaded, and
(c) the scaling/weighing spots. A familiar reason why these areas exclude women is the required physical labor that
most of the functions in such spaces require, and the regulating narrative that women are not allowed to be part of
the fishing team as their presence may cause bad luck to the fishing venture. This narrative, however, needs further
ethnographic study and analysis, which can be explored in another study.

In Market II, women locate themselves in these spots: (a) the area of the ayagan, (b) the space of the
checker, (c) the place where tubs are grouped or arranged, (d) the area of icebakan, and (e) the space for the small
trucks/ elf or loader. Similar to Market I, the spaces of (a) fishing vessels, (b) the part of the port where labourers
unload the fishes, and (c) the scaling/weighing are zones that exclude women. Also, the narrative that women bring
bad luck to fishing, and the physical demands of unloading kilos of fish explain why women do not physically
interface with the functions in such areas. Finally, in Market III, the places where women figure and the reasons why
women are counted out from the identified spots are similar to the reasons in Markets I and II. The only addition to
the spaces where women figure in the functions in the spaces in Market III is the canning area.

Description of the Dynamics in Women Space in Markets I, II, and III

 Market I. Where do women figure in Market I? At first glance, the location suggests that it is a male-
dominated space. Starting with the shipping vessels, one can see male fishers resting or going about their house
keeping tasks, and male laborers transporting the tuna catch to the display area in Market I. Also, a few male
jamboleros stand near the tarima/display area with their testers(aluminum rods-sticks), which they use to check the
quality of tuna meat. Amongst the jamboleros, we only saw one female jambolero distinguished by the tester that
she was carrying. Unlike her male counterpart, she, however, did not use her stick to scrape-off tuna meat but simply
waited for the assessment of the tuna meat by a male jambolero.

In our interview, the informant shared that she is a jambolero and started taking part in such job since 2006.
She further specified that she actually works in the port as jambolero alongside her husband. As jambolero, she
explained that her primary task is to check the quality of the tuna which she will deliver to her clients in various
parts of Mindanao. She added that her products reach as far as Davao City. With regard to her relation with her
clients, we asked if the goods, once delivered, are paid in cash. Dili pwede utang (Credit is not possible). This was
how she answered the query. She noted that her clients are good payers, however; and she acknowledges the need to
take extra care of them buy assuring the quality of tuna that she delivers. In Market I, they also rented out a canopy
with three big icabakan/containers. But she specified that the tuna they have bought from Market I do not really last
long in the containers as there is a big demand for tuna in many parts in Mindanao.

Just in front of Market I, three women also gathered, squatting while waiting for something or somebody
from the shipping vessel. We approached them with a sense of hesitation, since we were unsure if they were the
wives of the fishermen. So, initially we inquired on why they were stationed in the docking area of Market I. One
woman replied that they were there waiting for an instruction from the boats captain, or operator if they will be
allowed to enter the shipping vessel. She continued that after the unloading of large size tuna, it is possible to find
some skipjacks inside the vessel. These fish are about two to four kilos, which they can buy from the operator and
sell in market II. With such remark, we further asked them if they are jamboleros. Her companion uttered this line:
Small-time lang man ni amua kung naay nadakpan nga gagmay lang nga isda (Our venture here is small-scale,
which only concerns small fish). Although they were not keen in identifying themselves as jambolero, their
descriptions of their space and intent in Market I somehow interface with how jamboleros work in this market
reserve fish, add price, and transport the fish to another location for selling. Unfortunately, we did not see this
process reach fruition. This is because the three women decided to leave the port of Market I, since the operator
announced that there were no skip jacks in the Pak-an. Hence, the three women, after looking at their cell phones,
expressed that they need to go home and attend to some domestic chores in the household. One of them, however,
added that they have been doing such job for the past ten years, and frequent the port of Market I almost five times a
week.

Given the interviews with women, their narratives reveal two types of women jambolero: large scale, and
small-scale. While the former confines herself to tuna which is at least thirty kilos, the latter defines her interest to
smaller sized tuna which is around two to three kilos. The disproportion in size is also consistent with the trajectory
of the transportation of the tuna. While the first type of jambolero ferries the tuna to cities within or outside General
Santos City, the small-scale jambolero sells the fish to Market II, which is a few meters away from Market I. The
money involved between the two kinds of jambolero may also be imagined from the kind of negotiations involved
between the first type of female jambolero and the three women. But in both instances, the term jambolero is
explained by the informants as mag-jamble o magpatung-patung (to jamble or add price and gamble). Another
mentioned the term panipis (to make thin), kay laway ang puhunan (one only needs to make use of ones saliva
when negotiating prices). With such descriptions, jambolero as a term appears to pertain to acts and the art of
negotiating between the interest of the operator of fishing vessels, and the jamboleros role of delivering quality tuna
to clients or retailers as in the case of the large scale jambolero, and prospective costumers/buyers within Market II
as in the case of the small scale jambolero.

Aside from the jamboleros, women checkers also figure in Market I. Their tasks revolve around these
concerns: record the number of tuna on display in a Bay/Area, also record the weight per tuna, and cross-check with
the jamboleros the number of tuna that have been transferred to their container bins, or truck. As checkers, it is
important to specify that they work as the ports administrative staff. This is to distinguish them from the checkers
which jamboleros may sometimes hire as checkers to assist them in tracking their reservations. When a male laborer
was asked, Why do women work as checkers in Market I?, he retorted that the task is light, and it does not require
physical labour, which he considers apt for women. The female checker, upon hearing such remark, did not make
any fuss with the given statement. She agreed and even added that the physical demand of transporting large size
tuna will be dangerous to womens health.

In an adjacent corner, we spotted a woman gathering entrails from a bagan (blue marlin), which she said is
sold at ten pesos per piece. The woman added that the internal organ is processed into a dayuk a fermented version
of the organ, which can be sold at 35 pesos per bottle in the market. We then asked if other women also gather
entrails or organs which are then converted into other products. She expressed that it all depends on the quantity of
the caught blue marlin. At some point, some of her friends also tarry with her to check if other edible entrails or
organs are available, which they can also sell in Market II. Given that we only saw women demonstrating their
interest for entrails, this question was soon asked: Do men engage in this kind of transaction? The informant
explained that it is usually women who look for organs which are bought and processed. Her answer, while not
directly answering the question, somehow gave the impression that mens roles in Market I are usually well-defined,
which also means that unexplored roles and spaces in the fish port can serve as lee-ways for other women to figure
potentially income generating activities and transactions in the spaces of Market I.

Market II. Unlike Market I, this market is busier and the modes of transaction and labor are more varied. In
addition to the male laborers, Market II features female sorters. As the male laborers transfer and unload baskets of
fish to an ayagan, a group of women begin the cycle of segregating fish according to kind and quality. As sorters,
they would need to be swift in their judgment in deciding which fish goes to what tub. A quick look at the baskets
beneath the ayagan will show how fast such tubs are filled. From an entrepreneurs perspective, the segregation
process appears crucial as an informant explains since it determines the price of the fish. The price, which the
scaler announces, is an information which jamboleros await and relay to their retailers.

We also interviewed a female checker in the area and asked if sorting is exclusive to women. She said this
line: ga-an na sya nga trabaho, ang sa lalaki kay bug-at(such work is light unlike men who need to lift heavy
stuffs). Mas metikuloso pud ang babae kaysa lalake (also, women are more attentive to details than men). This is
another reason why women are assigned to such task according to the checker. Upon chancing a checker who is
taking a short break from her work, we inquired on the prices that are usually pegged per tub. She said that for good
quality fish, the cost is Php 3,900.00, if the set of fish is slightly bruised, a tub is sold at Php 2,500.00. Pero kung
lata na ang isda (If the fish is already deformed), ang presyo kay Php 1-1,200.00 kada tub.(The price is between
Php 1-1,200.00). When further asked why some fish become highly deformed, the informant explained: kana nga
isda ang nasa ubos sa pukot, ug sa sulod sa lantsa sa pila na ka-adlaw (Such fish are those that are at the bottom
of the fishing net, and have been stored inside the fishing boat for days).

With regard to sorting, we also observed that women use their bare hands, and that they would need to
stand for continuous hours until the last catch has been sorted out. Is it better if women use gloves as protection from
sharp and spiky fish parts while sorting? The checker clarified that it entirely depends on the person. In some cases,
sorters use gloves while others prefer to sort with bare hands. A sorter also shared that she once tried using gloves,
but she eventually decided to dispose of it, since she felt that it became difficult to get a good grip, hence made the
sorting process more laborious. She added that since speed is a factor in sorting, some just proceed in their tasks not
minding the discomfort and at times pain that they feel with their hands.

Upon noticing a woman taking charge of the display of bread, we also inquired if she is a sorter and is
maintaining a small business stall in the port for additional income. The enlister clarified that the bread on display is
from Makalipay bakery, the owner-renter of the Bay-space that we were observing in the port. The enlister was
quick to add that they are not allowed to sell other goods in the place. The selling of bread is part of the owners way
of assisting the laborers so they need not go to the cafeteria of the port, which is about 20 meters from their working
station. While the unloading and sorting of fish continued, some laborers also availed of the bread and paid five
pesos for each piece.

Photo 4.1 Bread Vending

Station in Market
 II(Photo taken by Mary
Lepardo)

We also asked on the educational background of the laborers and sorters. The checker of Makalipay Fishing
Bay narrated that except for one laborer, everyone in the group is either a high school graduate or a college level
student. The only laborer who finished a degree in education, however, failed in the licensure exam for teachers
(LET) on three instances. Given their educational background, we prompted the enlister with this question, How
much do these workers earn each month? She described this payment scheme: From the net income of the monthly
transactions in the fish port, the laborers will divide among themselves the 3% profit while the 97% will go to the
owner who will then partition an amount for the next fishing expedition. For this company, the enlister said that
there are 70 of them working as laborers, sorters, and checkers. From the 3%, a male laborer usually gets around
Php 7,500.00 while the female sorters receive an estimate of Php 5,000.00. The question that immediately followed
such narrative centered on the difference in payment. The enlister reiterated the point that the work of male laborers
are more physically demanding than sorting, which female workers in the area who listened to the remark agreed
with.

After the interview with the enlister, we also discovered a group of old women selling fish just beside the
delivery and sorting area of the port. These women had their small table where small fish which were on display, a
chair, and two to three small ice boxes. Intrigued by their presence, we inquired if they are actually allowed by the
ports administration to sell fish within the ports premises. The informant shared that she has been selling in the
same space for the past ten years. Gitagaan mi ug pwesto. (These spaces were given to us by the administration).
Naa pud koy I.D.(I also have an I.D.). She added that she pays Php 1,000.00 for the annual renewal of her I.D.
The informant also specified that she begins selling fish in her space at 8:30 a.m. until 11:30 a.m. After these hours,
she will pack her things and ensure that her area is clean. She then stores her tables, chairs, and ice boxes in a nearby
section. When asked where did her fish display come from, the informant said that it is from the delivered fish
landings in the port. Usually, her contacts will inform her of some excess catch, which can still be sold.

Photo 4.2 Fish Vending Area in

Market II(Photo taken by Zyra
Colosa)

Market III. Unfortunately, this market at the time of the field work only had a single operating Bay. This
means that only one fishing vessel was unloading, hence the consequent activities such as sorting, and trading were
limited to a few actors. This was also the main reason why after staying in Market III for one hour, the operation
ended and the labourers, with the jamboleros started packing up their things. Also, some sorters already started
eating their lunch as only a handful of sorters were needed to segregate the kinds and quality of fish. Given the
limited activities, we asked one sorter if there were instances when Market III is fully packed with fishing vessels
and fish related activities? The sorter was quick to reply and said: karun ra ni hinay diri kay gibawalan man gud
mangisda sa lawud, siguro paghuman sa pag-ban, kay mubalik napud nig kadaghan diri. (It is only now that the
economic activities in Market III are sluggish; but perhaps when the fishing ban is lifted, more fishes will be caught
and a resurgence in the economic activities will be visible.) In productive months, however, up to 8 Bays may
operate and the unloading of fish may last until 3pm.

Market Place: Its Meaning for Women

How do women construe Markets I, II, and III in the Fish Port Complex? Through semi-formal small-group
focus discussion, two small groups of women shared how women figure in the three markets, and what the markets
in the port mean to them. Women, according to the participants in a semi-focus group discussion, work in the port
as: (1) tub holder/checker, (2) sorter, (3) checker, (4) cashier, (5) vendors, (6) jambolero, (7) canners, and operators.

As a tub checker, this job requires the individual to trace the whereabouts of tubs and conduct daily
inventory of the number of tubs available. The informants mentioned that each tub costs around Php 450.00. This
price explains why a tub checker has to be part of the tasks in the port specifically when a big number of fishing
vessels unload their fish in Markets II and III.

As sorter, the task is to segregate the kinds and quality of fishes. Usually, three categories are used as
bases: high quality, medium quality and low quality. The prices are also proportional to the kind and degree of
quality. This type of sorting is peculiar to Markets II and III, since the kind of sorting that is operative in Market I
takes on a different form. In Market I, classifying the kind of tuna meat is done either through (a) one way tusok, or
(b) two way laras. For tusok, it means that the broker and/or classifier inserts an inserter which extracts flesh
sample, thereby allowing the broker-classifier to test the quality of the meat. For this classification type, tuna meat is
sold at Php 360.00/kilo. For laras, this implies that the tuna meats quality will not be tested. With this approach, the
price of the tuna can be pegged at Php 250.00/kilo. Between the two types of sorting, women perform the first
meaning of sorting in Markets I and II, while a few women engage in sorting as laras in Market I.

As checker, the responsibility is to oversee the number of tuna on display per aisle or Bay in Market I, or
the number of trays while taking note of the price per tray per Bay in Markets II and III. Also known as enumerators,
they are contractual employees of the port as in the case of Market I but are organic members of a Bay in the case of
Markets II and III. This is why in Markets II and III, the checker also sees to it that the actors in each Bay are
performing according to their expected functions.

As cashier, the task is to inform the jambolero of the price of the fish per tub as in the case of Markets II
and III. In Market I, however, there is no visible cashier in its space, since payments are made either through checks
and the bank. In Markets II and III, the cashier also keeps a record of the number of tubs, and the payments made.

As vendors, this economic opportunity is present in Market I as cell phone loading center, which is
signalled by this posting: available load here, all networks, contact Mae. In Market II, two types of vending subsist:
as the in-charge of bread vending in Makalipay Fishing Bay, and as fish vendors.

As jambolero, this position means that the person sells tuna fish per kilo to local wholesalers or local
market retailers while adding a higher price. The informants specified that usually the jambolero follows the price
set by the classifier, as in the case of Market I, and the cashier, as in the case of Markets II and III. When asked if the
jambolero can change the price range set by the classifier, the group pointed out that the price range needs to be
upheld or observed. A jambolero also frequent the Bays/Areas to find cheaper rates. Bahis-bahis, this pertains to the
jamboleros need to frequently walk around in search of more favourable price arrangements in the port. Women
also work in the canning of tuna in a nearby facility.

When asked if they also hope to work inside the canning facility, the participants retorted that it is better to
work inside the market for these reasons: (a) mashayahay sa gawas (it is more relaxing to work in the market than
inside a plant/facility, (b) walay mu badlong (no one will reprimand), (c) makagawas-gawas (from time to time,
one can take a breather by going out of the market space),(d) merienda anytime (one can eat food/snacks
anytime), and (e) mas okay sa gawas kay sige naay mu bantay sa sulod (inspectors frequent the canning facility
and its activities, hence it is better to work outside).
 Interestingly, the semi-focus group discussion did not include women operators in the list of work and
functions that women do in the port. The interview with an operator, however, provide some details to an operators
work as owner of the boat and/or as financier of a fishing venture, the task is to ensure that the boats engines are
in good condition, and to bring the fish to a Bay/Area where the price is fair and good. In the case of the informant,
she cited the Bay of Eiambao or Diego Scaler. This is actually the first Bay in Market II or the Bay nearest to the
cooperative canteen of the port employees. The informant specified that Diego Scaler, at the time of interview,
values a kilo of skipjacks at Php 60.00, wherein Php 58.00 goes to the operator, while Php 2.00 is for the income of
the scaler.

Following the tasks and functions performed by women in Markets I, II, and III, the next part of the small
group discussion focused on the meaning of the market for women. The conversation revolved around these key
points: (1) market as a source of income, (2) productive, (3) kun asa libre ang isda (a place where fish can be freely
acquired), (4) as family of friends, and (5) alalay sa bana (as a form of assistance to their husbands).

As source of income, the informants specified that the markets in the port can provide money to support
their daily expenses, pamasahe (fare), and pang-eskwela (tuition for their kids education). This is why one
informant said, makabuhi ang trabaho diri labi na nga single parent ko(work in the market can support our
expenses especially as a single parent). This is why the market is also construed as productive. The participants
clarified that: naa steady income diri, ug dili mahutdan o mawad-an kay adlaw-adlaw naay habwa ug isda gikan sa
bangka (There is steady income in the market given that everyday, fishing vessels unload their catch). This is
perhaps the reason why the market is reckoned as a productive space given a certain assurance that fish abounds and
fishing vessels will always have something to unload in the market areas. When asked if they are worried that the
count of fish will eventually dwindle, the group said that such possibility is something which they should not yet
agonize about. In relation to construing the market as a productive space, the discussion also reached the idea that
the market is a space where one can get free fish, hence free food: Naa gyud miy gamay nga isda nga mauli sa amo
pamilya.

But aside from the economic gains and a sense of food security, the market is also considered as space to
gain new friends and a sense of family. The participants used these words to describe such point: pahalabilo
(socialization), friendship, dili na maulaw (no longer shy to socialize), and unity. With these descriptions, the
informants magnified the importance of eventually being able to find a group of persons with whom one can share
certain experiences.

Lastly, the market, with the economic and social opportunities that it carries, is construed as a way of
assisting the husband in providing food and money to the family. As a participant specified: kung ang bana lang
kay kulang, dapat duha gyud (If the husband is the sole source of income, money will never be sufficient, hence
both husband and wife should work). In this case, the group also took pride in their capacity to be of help to their
families despite the stress that they experience while working in the markets: naa may income maskin stress. With
the following constructions of the markets, the discussion ended with the claim that the market has always been of
help and assistance to their families. And given such narrative, the participants in the semi-formal focus group
discussion reiterate the point that the family remains as the primary reason why women work in the market, look
forward to a days work, and brave through the difficulties that may unfold in the spaces of markets I, II, and III.

This Value-Chain Map is made by Carol Balgos, Office of Research of UP Mindanao

Women Space and Value-Chain Nodes Intersect

Given the complex layers of the value-chain nodes in the tuna fishing industry, the spaces that women
occupy and the functions that they perform in the fish port intersect on a few nodes. These intersecting nodes, and
the spaces/function of women in the port that do not interface with the value-chain nodes can be gleaned in this
table:

MARKET I MARKET II MARKET III

Womens
spaces/functions Operator of a Company Individual Operator Individual
 intersecting with the Operator
Value-Chain Nodes Jambolero Jambolero Jambolero

Womens 1. Checker 1 (as ports 1. Tub 1. Tub

spaces/functions that administrative staff) Holder/Checker Holder/Checker
do not intersect with 2. Checker 2 (as enlister 2. Checker 2 (as 2. Checker 2(as
the Value-Chain of the Jambolero) enlister of the enlister of the
Nodes 3. Collector of Fish Jambolero) Jambolero)
Entrails (magdadayuk) 3. Cashier 3. Cashier
4. Sun/Globe/Smart Cell 4. Fish Vendor 4. Sorter
phone loader 5. Sorter 5. Port Staff
6. In-charge of
bread vending
7. Port Staff
Potential Collector of Fish Entrails
Unrecognized Value- which is transformed
Chain Node into Dayuk

The areas where women space interface with the value chain nodes can also be gleaned in the following
maps of Markets I, II, and III of the Fish Port Complex. More to the point, the sections with an XY label pertain to
the loci of the overlap:

Market I Barilisan
Market II Pinuhan

Market III Pinuhan

 The maps of Markets I, II, and III reveal that women interface with the activities and functions of fishing
vessels such as Unay, Pak-an and Pumpbot either as operator of a company or as individual operator. Does this
description contradict the previously held observation that women do not interface with fishing vessels given that
the fish port is regulated by the myth that women bring bad luck to fishing ventures, and that women may also not
be physically apt to survive in fishing expeditions? Given this query, it is important to note that the absence of
women in the fishing vessel domain in the previous maps was conditioned by the regulative capacity of the myth,
and the perceived physical limitations of women workers in the fish port complex. These reasons, however, are still
sustained since the overlap between fishing vessels and women in the maps that factor-in the value-chain nodes do
not provide counterfactual phenomenon to such reasons. This is because the interface happens on a different level,
which is beyond the purview of the myth and the allusion on the physical strength of women. More specifically, the
interface is hinged on womens capacity to financially support an expedition as in the case of the operator, or the
capacity to fund initial costs of buying fish in the port, and networking with prospective buyers and/or consumers as
in the case of the female jambolero. Because the interface falls outside the myth and physical strength domains, the
value-chain node interface suggests that women require a type of financial capacity and ability to handle such
resource to overlap with the functionality of the fishing vessel through the value-chain nodes, and figure a unique
brand of women space in the fish port complex. This further means that in the absence of financial autonomy,
women space in the fish port complex may be more delimited and confined to less strategic or financially rewarding
economic roles and positions.

Since the study reveals that women space only interface with the value-chain nodes in the tuna industry of
General Santos City as operator of a fishing vessel and as jambolero, the other spaces that women occupy in the fish
port complex may be reprieved of value-adding opportunities to enhance the tuna industry but may function as
opportunities to gain additional income for the self and the family. In this respect, the value-chain nodes maybe
nuanced as it can be differentiated by the type of ends that it wants to serve and the means that it adopts to reach
such ends. In the case of the activities in women spaces in the fish port complex that do not interface with the value-
chain nodes in the tuna industry such as: (a) Checker 1 (as ports administrative staff), (b) Checker 2 (as enlister of
the Jambolero), (c) Collector of Fish Entrails, (d) Sun/Globe/Smart Cell phone loader, (e) Tub Holder/Checker, (f)
Cashier, (g) Fish Vendor, (h) Sorter, (i) In-charge of bread vending, and (j) Port Staff, a question, therefore, that can
be raised is: To what ends to these functions serve? Are these spaces and roles directly or indirectly supporting,
hence contributing to the life of the value-chain nodes of the tuna industry? Or, do such roles and spaces do not in
any way, affect the processes that are operative in the flow of the value-chain nodes in the tuna industry? These are
some of the questions that may help situate in detail the intricacies of the possible contribution of womens spaces in
the fish port complex, and the tuna industry.

Spaces, Women Spaces, and Regulating Reasons: A Summary

Spaces Market Objects-Entities Women Regulating

(X=Space is Present Spaces Reasons
Absent)
Fishing vessels I II II I Balik-Balik, X=Male and female
docking area I Pak-an, Bote- X& informants narrate that
Bote (X= space women bring bad luck to
is absent, fishing expeditions, and are
= space is not physically able to
present) withstand the demands in
the ship while in a fishing
venture; hence, women are
not allowed to stay and
work in fishing vessels.
When further clarified,
women if allowed to form
part of the fishing team,
may only be a burden to the
operation.
II Serbis/Service =Women interface with the
 & , Unay, fishing vessels not
III Pumpbot manually/physically but as
operators . This type of
interface presupposes stable
financial capacity.

Diskargahan ug I II II I Yellow Fin The transport of fish from

Isda I Tuna, Blue X fishing vessels requires
Marlin, Giant physical strength and speed;
Squid A yellow-fin tuna, for
II Tubs, birit, instance, weighs at least 30
& burot, ulay, kilos which may be beyond
III barawan, the carrying capacity of a
bulinao and female worker. A tub filled
tamban with small fish can also
weigh around 30 kilos.
Timbangan o I II II Timbangan or Scaler X Placing the tuna or tubs on a
Kilohan I scaler requires apt physical
strength, hence, the task is
accorded to male labourers.
Tarimahan I X X Tarima X& X Male jamboleros
dominate this space,
and they usually take
charge in using the
inserter to test the
flesh/meat of the
yellow fin tuna.

Female jamboleros
are present in this
area, and assess the
appearance/quality of
the fish; however, no
female jambolero
was seen using the
inserter in scraping-
off samples of tuna
flesh.

Sandayungan I X X Ice, Container Bins, As checkers, women hover

Chairs around this space to check
and counter-check the
number/weight of tuna
transferred to container
bins. Also, female
jamboleros sit in this place
for a short respite from the
crowd and heat in Market I.

Hugasan I X X Water Hose X Male labourers take charge

in using the water hose in
cleaning the market after a
days operations and
transactions.
Icebakan I II II Ice blocks X Male workers carry and
 I transfer ice blocks to
loaders or container bins
Loading Area for I II II I Elf, Loader, X& X Male labourers carry
Transport of I Truck with and transfer ice
Fish-Goods Freezer blocks to loaders or
container bins.
II Elf, Loader Female checkers
III Elf, Loader, encode and re-check
Tricycle the number of tubs,
or tuna transferred to
loaders, elf trucks, or
tricycles.
Checkers Area I II II As checkers, they sit on a
I Pedestal-like chair pedestal-like chair to count
and record the number and
weight of tuna, or tubs of
fish in the assigned Bay or
Port.
Cashiers Area X II II Pedestal-like chair As cashiers, they receive
I money from the buyers per
Bay or Port, and total the
cash flow for the day
including the payments
made for the labourers.
Ayagan X II II I X Majority of the sorters are
I II Ayagan, tubs, women and they are
gloves responsible for the
III Ayagan, tubs, segregation of fish
Gloves according to size, quality,
and kind. Some women opt
to work using gloves as
protection, while others
prefer to use their bare
hands. Women take charge
of this station, since the
work is lighter when
compared to carrying tubs
of fishes, and they are said
to have better eyes for
detail.
Tub Area X II II I X As tub collector, these
I II Tubs Square women count the number of
or Round tubs per Bay or Port, and
shaped trace the tubs if the total
III Tubs Square count is incomplete.
or Round
shaped

Conclusion

(1) Women occupy spaces in the Fish Port Complex. As women work, stay, and form relations in such
spaces, formal rules, opportunities for work, cultural expectations, and personal values influence the way women
subsist and maintain relations with the other spaces and actors in the port. Since women bring along with them the
importance of affording economic assistance to their families, the women workers acknowledge the ports capacity
to provide financial opportunities. This is the key reason why women workers in the fish port complex do not
consider their location marginal when put in contrast to the number of male workers and male spaces in the Fish
Port Complex. For instance, the women informants underscore that one can always bring along a kilo of fish to the
family. This guarantee connotes a sense of security from certain inadequacies with regard to providing food for the
family, and a kind of relief from additional costs when buying fish from the local markets. As one informant
expressed, basta naa ka diri, kay naa gyud kay isda na mauli pagkahapon (as long as one works and stays in the
port, one is assured of bringing fish after a days work). Hence, such type of generosity may also condition the
possibility for women to regard the port as an enabling space. Despite the limitations in income for most women
when compared to the income and opportunities for work for men, the practice of fish-giving mitigates some
economic worries. In fact, the informant during the interview was bringing along two small sized fish piritol,
which she will bring to her family later in the afternoon.

(2) Some women spaces in the fish port complex interface with the value chain nodes of the tuna industry.
When the interface is gleaned from the narrative of Jan Cadiz Bibo, a jambolero since 2007, the fish port is where
one can have a good and enabling livelihood. She specified that in the port, if one will only work hard and be fair in
transactions, money will eventually just flow. The informant particularly stressed the importance of honesty as a
core value if ever one wants to improve in ones economic situation. With honesty, one gains the trust of the
retailers, and is necessary if ever one wants to expand in the enterprise. With the positive contributions of the fish
port to the life of the informant, she added that she actually already lives in the port. This means that she already
considers the port as an extension of her home. As an operator, another informant, Ritche Corto also finds her work
and stay in the port also rewarding. Evidenced by her transactions in the port, since 1998, she holds that work in the
port is not that demanding and difficult tama-tama lang, di kaayo kapoy.As owner of a pumpboat that has two
engines, she sees herself staying in the port until she grows old. Pag-abot sa balay kay wala nay trabaho (once I
am home, I need not work anymore), this is how she explains why working in the port is rewarding.

(3) With the stories and perspectives of a female jambolero and a pumboat owner, the interface between
women space and two value chain nodes may stand for empowering and fulfilling locations. While such points of
overlap require financial capacities, the jambolero informant can be an example for women to go up in the ladder of
economic opportunities in the fish port complex. Previously working as a checker, she learned the ropes of the
transactions and found a way to elevate her entrepreneurial self and is already a jambolero for 9 years. Should
women workers have better access to financial capital through loans to become jamboleros in the future? This is a
direction which may be seriously thought of to facilitate more opportunities for women working in the port. Also,
the spaces of women that do not interface with the value-chain nodes did not directly speak of postures of
marginalization. The generosity that hovers around the fish port complex with regard to the fish catch, is a feature
that may have its roots to the cultural expectation of becoming parts and members of an organic community. As
relations of trust are cultivated and friendships are formed, acts and gestures of generosity among workers and
operators are demonstrated and shaped by the receptivity of the workers to each others needs specifically women,
who work hard to earn decent money for the family.

(4) Since the literature on women in the production area, particularly the fishing industry, speaks of the
marginalization of women in fish port areas, the study of women spaces in the port in General Santos City reflect a
different picture of womens experiences. The interviews and narratives of the informants suggest that women do
not couple marginalization with their spaces. Despite the fewer spaces that women inhabit in the port when
compared to mens spaces, the informants consider their livelihood spaces as rewarding and important. In hindsight,
such observation may be attributed to the fact that the informants are working, earning money and do not have
harassment issues in the fish port complex. The health related issues that women experience were also confined to
these problems: (a) sakit sa hawak (muscle pain around the waist), (b) matunok ang kamot sa isda (pricked by
fish spikes specifically for sorters), and (c) na-slide kay wala nagbotas (tripped or lost ones sense of balance,
since the checker did not put on her boots). Since these issues do not affect the over-all sense of well-being of the
informants, the port remains a viable livelihood option for women. The important question, however, that needs to
be considered are as follows: (a) What should be done by the ports authorities and the local government to increase
the number of working women in the port, and (b) What mechanisms should be made available to women such as
access to financial assistance that may open economic opportunities such as becoming jamboleros in the near
future?

(5) Using Lefebvres notion of space, women space may be regarded as in intersect of his notions of space
as lived, and perceived. Built according to the conceived plan of the ports engineers and architects, the port is
transformed into a perceived space as gendered spaces emerge. More specially, certain sections of the port have
become women spaces and men spaces where men and women figure certain tasks or functionalities which are
regulated by cultural perceptions of differences between women and men. These gendered-perceived spaces are then
quipped with symbolic meanings as women consider the port as an extension of their homes. In this case, women
magnify and strengthen the ties or strings that connect their households to the port. More importantly, these women
also hinge their future and even their imagination to the kind of life that are anticipating using the port as one of the
starting points.

(6) The notion of the value-chain nodes may also be regarded as part of the conceived space. This means
that the value-chain process is a category which is not organic to the cognitive map of the women informants. As a
category, it may belong to the planners of the port who imagined and constructed the port to facilitate the processes
in the value-chain spectrum. The jambolero, for instance, knows that her work overlaps with the retailers and
operators but this knowledge is reckoned as part of the immediate locale of her function. More important than the
economic gain, the informant underscored the core role of values such as honesty and trust. These are notions that
are, at the very least, liminal to the value-chain process. This is because it is through such values that the jambolero
explains how she found her way from being a checker to a jambolero today. In fact, her concept of sustainability
with regard to her work is anchored upon such values coupled by the reflective stance that once trust and honesty are
abandoned, that should also signal the end of ones relation to retailers, scalers and operators and possibly diminish
ones social capital with friends and other workers in the fish port complex.

(7) The dayuk as a product, which uses fish entrails may have a place in the future in the value-chain nodes
of the tuna industry. A study on the social life of a dayuk, how it moves from the port and is transformed into a
value-added product needs to ethnographic documentation. Coupled with a study on its marketability, a dayuk
industry may be imagined and looked into as an ally industry. This is a possibility which may also provide livelihood
opportunities for women in Barangay Tambler of General Santos City.

Acknowledgement

This study was made possible by the CHEDs Region XI-Mindanao fund support.

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