James A. Arvites, Irene Woman Emperor of Constantinople, Her Life and Times

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t ARV I T t S J A Mf li ANTHUNY
IRENE: WQHAN E MP E R O R 3F C I4ST ANT I NC1PL E , HER
L I F E AMD I H F S .
T HE UNIVERSITY UF M ISSISSIPPI* PH .D ., 1979
C 3 * . 19 7 9 ARVITES, J AMES ANTH1NY

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JAMES ANTHONY ARVI TES
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IRENE: WOMAN E M P E R O R OF CONSTANTINOPLE,
H E R LIFE AND TIMES
BY
JAMES A. ARVITES
B.A., University of Oklahoma, 1971

M.A., University of Mississippi, 1973
A Dissertation
Submitted to the Faculty of
The University of Mississippi
in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
in the Department of History
The University of Mississippi
August, 1979
IRENE: W O M A N E M P E R O R OF CONSTANTINOPLE,
H E R LIFE AND TIMES
BY
JAMES A. ARVITES
^~-6Vvvvo^
A s s o c iate Professor-of Relsearch Professor of History,
History and Chairman of Emeritus
the Department of History (Director of the Dissertation)
i'lt ^-
sor of His Professor of History
Associate Professor of Associate Professor of History

history and Associate Dean of the
Graduate School
D e a ^ o ^ t l i e Graduate School
ACKNOWLE DGMENTS
I w i s h to express my appreciation to those persons
who have helped make this dissertation a reality. My
deepest gratitude is due to my dissertation director,
Dr. J. Allen Cabaniss, whose patience, understanding, and
skill in guiding my work during the last six years have
p rovided me w i t h an example of scholarly dedication which
I shall always try to emulate. I consider it a great
privilege and honor to have had the opportunity to have
w o r ked under Dr. Cabaniss on this study.
I also wish to thank the other members of m y
committee, Dr. Jackson Taylor and Dr. Michael Landon, for
generously devoting their time to my p r o b l e m s . Their s u g
gestions and constructive criticisms made this study a far
better work than it would have been.
Further, I must thank my parents, Mr. and Mrs.
George D. Arvites, for having patience and confidence in
me. Part of the research for this study was done in Greece
and Turkey. I must acknowledge my deep appreciati o n to
my parents whose partial financial support enabled me to
do research abroad.
Additionally, I w a n t to thank the staffs at the

m a i n library and Garrett Theological Library at N o r t h
w e s t e r n University, the University of Istanbul Library in
Istanbul, Turkey, and the Gennadeion Library in Athens,
Greece, for their help in locating materials.
I also m u s t express my deep appreciation and
thanks to m y good friend, John Fininis, and his family,
for allowing me to stay w i t h them while I was in Athens.
Their help, suggestions, and transportation provided
enabled me to make my stay in Athens and Greece much more
constructive than it might otherwise have been.
Finally, my special gratitude is due my good
friends, Dr. Frank Childrey and Judith Kuypers, wh o read
m y early manuscript and aided me in reading proof. The
responsibility for what e v e r errors this work may contain
is, of course, solely mine.

ABBREVIATIONS
Bohmer, J. F.; Miihlbacher, E . f and L e c h n e r , J. ,

e r s . Die Regesten Karolingern 7 5 1 - 9 1 8 . Innsbruck
Verlag der Wagner'shen Universitats - Buchandlung,
1908.
Pertz, George Heinrich, ed. Monumenta Germaniae

Histories: S c r i p t o r e s . New York: Kraus Reprint
Corporation, 196 3.
Migne, J. P., ed. Patrologiae cursus completus

. . . series Graeca. Paris: Apud Garnier Fratres,
1844-64.
Migne, J. P., ed. Patrologiae cursus completus

. . . series Latina. Paris: Apud Garnier Fratres,
1844-64.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter Page
I. THE EARLY Y E A R S : AN ATHENIAN MAIDEN BECOMES

EMPRESS ....................................... 1
II. IRENE CONSOLIDATES H E R POWER ................ 25
III. IRENE AND I C O N O C L A S M ......................... 42
IV. THE RESTORATION OF I C O N S .................... 60
V. MOTHER AND SON STRUGGLE FOR P O W E R ........... 78
VI. IRENE: "BASILEUS OF THE R O M A N S " ............. 105
VII. BYZANTINE ITALY AND THE FALL OF IRENE . . . . 125
C O N C L U S I O N ............................................. 150
GLOSSARY OF BYZANTINE TITLES AND TERMS ............... 154
BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................... 157
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF THE AUTHOR ........................ 167

CHAPTER I
THE EARLY YEARS: AN ATHENIAN
MAIDEN BECOMES EMPRESS
On the morning of September 1, 76 8, the son of
Emperor Constantine V (741-775), Leo the Khazar, sailed
across the Bosphorus on ships decorated with brilliant
silks to the Palace of Hieria on the Asiatic shore. There
he received his bride to be and then accompanied her to
Constantinople for a solemn entry into the imperial city.
Three months later, on the seventeenth of December, Leo
and his father, in the presence of Patriarch Nicetas (766-
780) and the assembled court in the triclinium of the
Augustaeum in the Sacred Palace, crowned the Athenian
maiden, Irene, empress. Immediately after the coronation
the royal couple proceeded first to St. Stephen's Church
where the new basilissa received sworn oaths of loyalty
from high officials of the empire, then to the Hall of the
Nineteen Couches where they were acclaimed by the populace,
and finally back to St. Stephen's Church where the patri
arch solemnized the imperial marriage.1
1Theophanes, "Chronographia," PG cviii, A.M. 6261.

Hereafter I shall refer to as Theophanes.
1
2
Very little is known of Irene's early life.
Edward Gibbon describes her as "an Athenian virgin, an
orphan seventeen years old, whose sole fortune must have

2
consisted in her personal accomplishments." Although
we do not know who discovered Irene or why Constantine V
selected her for his future daughter-in-law, in order to
have gained the attention of the emperor, Irene, probably
of noble birth, must have possessed high cultural quali-

3
ties, eloquence, and great beauty. Another reason for
Constantine's choice of a woman of pure Greek descent as
wife for his son and mother of their successor was that
the emperor may have wanted to "debarbarize" the imperial
family. Constantine's eldest son and heir apparent, Leo,
was half Khazar. The emperor's first wife, the mother of

4
Leo, was the daughter of the khan of the Khazars. This
was not the first time a Khazar princess had married into
2
Edward Gibbon, The Decline and Fall of the Roman
Empire, Vol. II (New York: The Heritage Press, 1946),
p. 1621.
3
Charles Diehl, Byzantine Empresses, trans. Harold
Bell and Theresa de Kerpely (New York: Alfred A. Knopf,
1963), p. 66; George Finlay, A History of Greece: From
Its Conquest by the Romans to the Present Time, B.C. 146
to A .D . 1864, Vol. II, The Byzantine Empire, Part I,
A.D. 716-1057 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1877), p. 69.
4
Theophanes, A.M. 6224.
3
the imperial family. In the seventh century Justinian II

5
married a sister of the khan.
Constantine may also have chosen the young Athenian
maiden in an attempt to restore unity to a religiously
divided empire which for the preceding forty years had
been plagued by the iconoclast controversy. No longer the
intellectual center of the world in the eighth century,
Athens was a quiet provincial town and stronghold of
iconodule sympathy. In the spring of 727 Greece had
broken out in open revolt in response to the iconoclast
edicts issued the year before by Leo III the Isaurian
(717-741) . The themes of Hellas (including Athens) and
Cyclades declared a certain Cosmos emperor, and sent a

g
fleet to attack Constantinople. But the rebel flotilla
under the command of Agallianus, turmarch of Hellas, was

7
easily defeated by the imperial armada on April 18, 727.
A product of her environment, Irene grew up not
only to be a very pious and devout Christian, but also
5D. M. Dunlop, The History of the Jewish Khazars

(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1954), pp. 3-40;
6Theophanes, A.M. 6218.

7
Nicephorus, "Chronicon Brevis," PG c, 963ab.
Hereafter I shall refer to as Nicephorus. J. B. Bury,
A History of the Later Roman E m p i r e : From Arcadius to
Irene, 395 A.D. to 800 A . D . , Vol. II (Amsterdam: Adolf M.
Hakkert Publishers, 1966), p. 438.
4
strongly sympathetic to the worship of images. She became
a member of the imperial family at a time when the icono
clast persecutions were at their height. Irene, therefore,
wisely remained silent concerning her true views about
religious icons. At the insistence of her father-in-law
she even swore a solemn oath before her marriage that she
g
was a devout believer in iconoclasm.
An intensification of iconoclast persecutions took
place during the reign of Constantine V. As 3 result of
his enthusiastic crusade against images, Constantine has

9
been both slandered and defamed by pro-iconocule writers.
He was nicknamed "Copronymus" by his enemies because he
supposedly defiled the font during his baptism.10
After the issuing of the decrees of the Council
of 754, Constantine began his own campaign against all
iconodule opposition. His persecutions, however, soon
went beyond what the decisions of the council had decreed.
He not only forbade religious icons and relics, but he
8
Bertha Diener, Imperial Byzantium, t r a n s . Eden
Cedar Paul (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1938), p. 141;
Diehl, Byzantine Empresses, p. 68.
9
J. M. Hussey, ed., The Cambridge Medieval His
tory, Vol. IV, The Byzantine Empire, Part I, Byzantium and
Its Neighbors (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1966), p. 72.
10Finlay, A History of Greece, p. 45.

5
also rejected the cult of the saints and the Mother of
God. Constantine is""supposed to have told Patriarch
Anastasius that "Mary gave birth to Christ just as my
mother gave birth to me."'*''*' The emperor objected to the
use of the word "Saint" or "Holy," even when applied to
names of churches. It became common practice during his
reign to refer to churches just as Apostles', Theodora's,

12
or George's. All religious icons and relics were
destroyed and were replaced by secular paintings depicting
scenes of chariot races, hunting, battles, and portraits

, _ 13
of the emperor.
Enjoying immense popularity and support of the
Asiatic themes, the army, and the mob in Constantinople,
the emperor went to any extreme to entertain his loyal
following. On one occasion he humiliated a large number
of monks by ordering them to parade around the hippodrome
hand in hand with a nun or harlot while the pro-iconoclast
crowd jeered and spat on them.*-^
The persecutions gradually became anti-monastic
in nature. Monasteries were the rallying point and center
"^George Cedrenus, "Chronographia," PG cxxi, 864a.
13Stephanus Diaconus, "Vita," PG c, 1120.

14
Nicephorus, PG c, 9 86a.
6
of iconodule opposition. Many communities were closed and
their properties were seized by the emperor, while others
were converted into public baths and army barracks.^-5 In
November 765 the iconodules claimed their first martyr
when Stephen, abbot of Mount Auxentius monastery in Asia
Minor, was arrested and turned over to the Constantinople

16
mob who tore him apart in the streets of the c a p i t a l .
Monks and abbots were no longer harassed only for their
iconodule views, but also because of the offices and posi-
tions they held.
Either during the late part of 76 9 or early in
770 Michael Lachanodrakon, strategus of the prosperous
Thracesian theme, gathered all monks and nuns of his dis
trict and threatened them with blinding and banishment if
they did not immediately marry. While most of them suc
cumbed to his demands, those who did not were sent to
neutral Cyprus. All monasteries in the Thracesian theme
were sacked and their books and relics were destroyed.
So successful were the activities of Lachanodrakon that
he received a congratulatory letter from the emperor him
self who wrote "I have found a man after my own heart."
15
George Ostrogorsky, History of the Byzantine
S t a t e , trans. Joan Hussey (New Brunswick: Rutgers Univer
sity Press, 1969), p. 174.
"^Theophanes, A.M. 6257.

7
When the persecutions finally ceased it is said that not
one monk was left in the Thracesian theme. After the
restoration of images his opponents wrote, although prob
ably exaggerating, that during his barbarous acts Lachano
drakon went so far as to pour mixtures of wax and oil on

17
captured monks' beards and set fire to them.
Much maligned by later pro-iconodule writers,
Constantine did achieve considerable success in foreign
policy with Arabs and Bulgars. In the east, the frontier
in Asia Minor (scene of continuous border confrontations)
was firmly maintained, while in the Balkans the ever
dangerous Bulgars were defeated.
In May 773 the Buigar khan, Telerig, reunified his
nation. Fearing a revival of Bulgar power, Constantine
accompanied a fleet of 200 0 ships to the Danube River
where he and his army disembarked. The emperor then moved
his army toward Varna while another Byzantine land force
attacked the Bulgars from the south. Caught between two
imperial armies, the Bulgars proposed a truce. Constantine
accepted the enemy suggestion. He then returned with his
forces to Constantinople where negotiations commenced.
But in October of that same year Byzantine spies in Bul
garia informed the emperor that Telerig was planning to
17Ibid., A.M. 6262, 6263.

8
send 12,000 men to Thessaly to conquer the Berzetian Slavs.
Constantine had to act in utmost secrecy, for the boyar,
Tsigat, and the Bulgar delegation were at the capital
negotiating peace. In order that there be no suspicion of
the impending expedition against the Bulgars, Constantine
transported some of his troops across the Bosphorus on the
pretext that he was organizing a campaign against the Arabs,
But immediately after the Bulgar ambassadors departed
Constantinople the emperor assembled an 80,000 man army
in Thrace. The imperial forces then proceeded to Litho-
soria. There in a surprise attack they achieved an over
whelming victory over the Bulgars. Constantine celebrated

18
a triumph on his return to the c a p i t a l .
During the winter of 773-774 Constantine planned
another land and sea campaign against the Bulgars. In
early spring the emperor led a large column of cavalry
against the enemy while the imperial fleet moved up the
western coast of the Black Sea toward the Danube River.
The expedition was forced to return without success after

19
a storm wrecked part of the fleet at Messembria.
Later in that same year (774), according to

20
Theophanes, the emperor was duped by the Bulgar khan.
18Ibid., A.M. 6266.
19I b i d .
20Ibid.
9
Telerig was aware that the major reason for recent Byzan
tine successes was a superior intelligence service which

21
notified Constantinople of enemy movements. He sent
Constantine a letter informing him of his intention to

22
flee Bulgaria and seek asylum in Byzantium. Telerig
asked the emperor for a list of his most trustworthy
friends in the area in order that they might assist him

23
in his escape. In his reply Constantine sent back a
24
list of his spies and operators in Bulgaria. The Byzan-
25
tine agents were arrested and executed. It is highly
doubtful that such as astute ruler as Constantine could be
so easily deceived.2^
In August 775 Constantine led another expedition
against the Bulgars. But the campaign was terminated
after the emperor suffered severe inflammation of the
legs. He returned first to Arcadiopolis and then to the

27
fortress at Strongylus where he died on September 14, 775.
21
Steven Runciman, A History of the First Bulgarian
Empire (London: G. Bell and Sons Ltd., 1930), p. 42.
22
23Ibid.
24Ibid.
25Ibid.
26
Runciman, The First Bulgarian E m p i r e , p. 42.
2^Theophanes, A.M. 6267.

10
Constantine V was succeeded by his son, Leo IV
the Khazar (775-780), and his Athenian wife, Irene. Leo
inherited from his father a full treasury and stable con-

28
ditions on all frontiers of the empire. Constantine
had not only been a strong and able ruler in domestic
affairs, but he had also led successful campaigns against
both Bulgars and Arabs. If his immediate successors had
been as capable and talented in directing the affairs of
state, Arab incursions into Asia Minor possibly could
have been discouraged, and the Bulgar menace in the

29
Balkans could have been ended.
In the Balkans the Bulgars, plagued by internal
dissension, ceased to be a serious threat to imperial
authority in that region. How divisive the state of af
fairs in Bulgaria had become is clearly shown in 777.88
In that year Khan Telerig was forced to flee to the safety
of the Byzantine court at Constantinople. Cordially re
ceived by Leo, Telerig accepted baptism into the Greek

31
church and was given a cousin of Irene as his bride.
28I b i d ., A.M. 6268.

2 9 Runciman, The First Bulgarian Empire, p. 43.
^Theophanes, A.M. 6269.

31
Hussey, The Cambridge Medieval History, p. 82;
Runciman, The First Bulgarian Empire, pT 43; Theophanes,
A.M. 6269.
11
If Leo had taken advantage of the situation, the Bulgars
could have been subdued and incorporated into the empire.
But that proved impossible for the emperor to do while
Byzantine military resources were preoccupied with the
Arabs in Asia Minor.
Leo wasted no time in assuming the initiative
against the Arabs. In 776 a Byzantine army marched past
the Cilician Gates and attacked the Muslim city of

32
Samosata. Although that city's defenders withstood the
assault, the Byzantines captured many prisoners from the

33
surrounding neighborhood. But an enemy force sent by
Caliph al-Mahdi under the command of a certain Saghir, a
mawlas,3^ intercepted the Byzantine column before it got
beyond the Tarsus Mountains and freed all the Muslim cap-
35
tives.
Later in the summer of that same year (776) the
caliph assembled the largest Arab army that had been seen
32
Ibn Wadhih, A.H. 159, translated m E. W. Brooks,
"The Byzantines and Arabs at the Time of the Early Abbasids,"
English Historical Review XV (1900):734. Hereafter I shall
refer to as Ibn Wadhih.
33Ibid.
3^The mawlas were a powerful class of foreign con

verts to Islam whom the Abbasid dynasty was dependent upon
for service to the state. See D. M. Dunlop, Arab Civiliza
tion to A . D . 1500 (New York: Praeger Publishers, Inc., 1971),
p . 20 .
3Îbn Wadhih, A.H. 159.

36
since 740. An uncle of al-Mahdi, a l - 1Abbas, was ap-
37
pointed commander. The Muslim troops marched unopposed
through the Cilician Gates and into the Cappodocian theme
where they captured the town of Kasin and its plentiful

38
subterranean granary supply. The Arab column moved
39
further west to Ancyra before returning home.
In 777 Thumama led an Arab raid into Asia Minor.
The expedition was probably minor in nature, as many of
these raids were, for neither Muslim nor Byzantine sources
give much notice to this incursion. 40
The next year (778) Thumama planned another summer
raid. While organizing his expedition at Dabek he was
informed by his spies that the Byzantines were assembling
a large force for an assault into Syria. Ignoring those
reports Thumama took no precautions to protect his position
An advanced unit of Byzantine cavalry moved unopposed to

41
Dabek and dislodged the Arab troops from that fortress.
OC
Hussey, The Cambridge Medieval History, p. 705.
3Â1 Tabari, A.H. 159, translated in E. W. Brooks,

"The Byzantines and Arabs at the Time of the Early Abbasids
English Historical Review XV (1900):745. Hereafter I
shall refer to as Tabari. Ibn Wadhih, A. H. 159.
38Tabari, A.H. 159.
39Ibid.
^^Tabari, A.H. 159; Theophanes, A.M. 6269.
^ T a b a r i , A.H. 161; Theophanes, A.M. 6270.

13
In 778 Leo IV organized a large expeditionary
force, said to have numbered 100,000 men, for invasion of
Syria. Although that is probably an exaggerated figure,
the force must have been great in number for it is reported
that all major Asiatic themes, except the Cibyraeot, par
ticipated in this campaign. The iconoclast, Michael
Lachanodrakon, commanded the Thracesians? Artavasdos the
Armenian led the Anatolies; Gregory the Opsikians; Karis-
terotzes the Armeniacs; and Tatzates led the Bucellarian

,-i 42
theme.
The Byzantine forces under the command of Michael
Lachanodrakon marched unopposed into Syria. They proceeded
eastward to the strategic fortress-town of Germanicia

43
(Mar'ash) and laid siege to it. But the investment was
soon lifted by Lachanodrakon after he received a bribe

44
from the Arab commander. The Byzantines then moved
further east into enemy territory. Plundering the sur
rounding countryside as they advanced, the imperial forces
made a successful assault on Hadath (Adata) and tore down

45
its defensive w a l l s .
4?
43Tabari, A.H. 161; Theophanes, A.M. 6270.

44
45Tabari, A.H. 162; Theophanes, A.M. 6 270.

14
Meanwhile Thumama, who again had not given heed to
reports of his agents that the Byzantines were planning
a major military operation, organized a counter-attack to
drive the invaders out of Syria. But success of the Byzan
tine expedition was insured when they intercepted and

46
defeated the Arab relief force at Germanicia.
The victorious Byzantine army returned to Con
stantinople with much spoil and many prisoners, including

47
a number of Syrian Jacobites, who were later resettled
in Thrace. On their arrival they received a triumphal

48
welcome through the streets of the imperial capital.
In 779, a 30,000-man army led by Hasan-ibn-Qahtaba

49
moved through the Tarsus Mountains and into Asia Minor.
Probably as a result of the successful Byzantine raid in
the previous year, Caliph al-Mahdi appointed Hasan to
replace Thumama as commander of Arab frontier forces. The
enemy troops marched unopposed westward to Dorylaeum and

50
besieged that city. It is reported that while the Arab
46
47The Jacobites were Christians living in Syria.
The Byzantines considered them Monophysite heretics. See
F. E. Peters, Allah's Commonwealth: A History of Islam in
the Near East 600-1100 A.D. (New York: Simon and Schuster,
1973), pp. 526-527.
48Ibid.
4^Tabari, A.H. 162.

50
Tabari, A.H. 162; Theophanes, A.M. 6271.
15
raiders looted and plundered the countryside, they did
n o t capture one Byzantine fortress nor did they e n c o unter

51
any mili t a r y opposition. Leo IV, having prior knowledge
o f the enemy expedition, instructed his armies in the

52
field not to give battle to the Mu s l i m i n v a d e r s . The
emperor also ordered all inhabitants of those regions
that lay in the path of the raid to be taken to safe,

53
fortified positions. Alth o u g h an Arab account states
that Hasan went to Dorylaeum only to enjoy and "refresh
himself" at the hot springs of that region, it is evident
by the extent of the raid that he had every intention of

54
c a p turing the city.
Once A r a b forces were at Dorylaeum deep inside
Byzantine territory, Leo ordered his troops to close the
c a r efully planned trap that had been set for the invaders.
a
The imperial army harassed the units besieging Dorylaeum,
cut their supply lines, and obstructed enemy foraging
parties. Lack o f provisions and fear of entrapmen t forced
Hasan to order a full retreat. While on the re t u r n march
the Arabs made an unsuccessful assault on Amorium. Having
3 ^"Theophanes, A.M. 6 271.
52Ibid.
5 3 Ibid.
3^Tabari, A.H. 162.

16
failed to capture both Dorylaeum and Amorium, the enemy

55
forces returned to S y r i a .
In 780 Harun al-Rashld, second son of al-Mahdi,
organized a two-prong attack on the empire. He personally
led one column across the border into the Armeniac theme
56
to the fortress of Semalouos. The fort was surrounded
and after a siege of thirty-eight days it fell to the

57
invaders. It is said that the inhabitants of Semalouos
only surrendered after Harun pledged that they would not

58
be harmed, enslaved, or removed from their homes. After
the capitulation of the fortress Harun quickly retreated
to safety.
The other Arab column, however, did not enjoy the
same success. Commanded by Hasan-ibn-Qahtaba, the enemy
army moved past Tarsus and into Byzantine territory. Al
though it is not known how far the invaders penetrated
into Asia Minor, they were intercepted and defeated by
55
5
Michael the Syrian, Chronique de Michael le
Syrien, V o l s . II, III, trans. J. B. Chabot (Paris: Ernest
Leroux, 1904-05), Vol. Ill, p. 1. Hereafter I shall refer
to as Michael the Syrian. Tabari, A.H. 163; Theophanes,
A.M. 6272.
57Tabari, A.H. 163.
58I b i d .
59Ibid.
i
17
Michael Lachanodrakon, the able and talented strategus of

fin
the Thracesian theme.
In domestic affairs if the strict iconoclast p o l i
cies of Constantine V had been enforced in the same m a n n e r
by his son, Leo, and daughter-in-law, Irene, there would
probably have been a complete transformation in the r e
ligious life and customs of the Byzantine church. Although
Leo IV continued the iconoclast programs of his father, his
reign does mark the beginning of a transition period w h i c h
w o u l d eventually culminate in the restoration of icons by
h i s wife. 6 1
During the first part of Leo's reign iconoclast

62
edicts were not strictly enforced. Persecutions against
m o n a stic orders ceased and in some instances the emperor

63
even favored them by electing monks to m e t r o p o l i t a n sees.
W h a t brought about this sudden change of policy is not
known. Although J. B. Bury maintains that Leo "pretended
to be a friend of the Mother of God w h o m iconoclasts g e n
erally treated w i t h scant r e s p e c t , " the young emperor might
60
Theophanes, A.M. 6 272.
61
Ostrogorsky, History of the Byzan t i n e S t a t e ,
p p . 175-176.
62
Bury, A History of the Later Roman E m p i r e , p. 477.
fk^
18
have eased the p e r s e cutions in an attempt to increase his

64
o w n popularity. It should also be noted the Leo's
decisions m a y have been influenced by his iconodule wife,
Irene, and by Patriarch Nicetas, a Slav and eunuch, who

65
was a mode r a t e on the iconoclast issue. W h a t influence,
if any, Irene had on her husband is unknown. It seems
that alth o u g h Irene continued to keep her beliefs to h e r
self, she m a y have had some influence over Leo at the

66
be g inning of his reign. The empress, however, was not
the only me m b e r of the imperial family w h o favored images.
Anthusa, daughter of Constantine V, was a devout image

67
worshipper. But Irene's position at court decli n e d after
68
two images were discovered in her possession. The
emperor was so furious w i t h his w i f e over this that he
even ba r r e d her from his b e d r o o m . 69
The persecutions were resumed in April 780. Num
bers of h i g h ran k i n g men of the imperial court were
64
Bury, A History of the Later Roman E m p i r e , p. 477
Romilly Jenkins, Byzantium: The Imperial C e n

turies A .D . 610-1071 (New Y o r k : Random House, 1966), p T 91;
6 fi
Diehl, Byzantine E m p r e s s e s , p. 68.
6 7 Ibid.
68Cedrenus, PG cxxi, 901a.
6 9 Ibid.
19
arrested for their iconodule beliefs and practices. The
accused were first beaten and tonsured, then paraded
through the streets of the capital, and finally incarcer
ated at the praetorian prison where one of them, Theophanes

70
the Chamberlain, died. The new persecutions were prob
ably instigated by the newly elected patriarch of Constan
tinople, the Cypriote Paul, for they began soon after the
71
death of Patriarch Nicetas on February 6, 780.
During the four and one-half year reign of Leo IV
the major issue facing him was the question of imperial
succession. The problem occupied the thoughts of the

72
court and the young emperor, who was in poor health.
Probably feeling that he would not live long, Leo took
measures to insure the peaceful succession of his son,
Constantine. 73 Irene may have played an instrumental
part in arranging that. For obvious reasons she wanted

74
to secure the throne for her son. Although Theophanes
states that the army and leading court officials requested
70
71
Theophanes, A.M. 6272; Bury, A History of the
Later Roman Em p i r e , p. 477.
72
Bury, A History of the Later Roman Empire, p. 4 78.
73I b i d .
Joseph McCabe, The Empresses of Constantinople

(London: Methuen and Co., Ltd., 1913), p. 87.
20
that Constantine be declared co-emperor, Leo himself prob-

75
ably initiated those moves. He no doubt believed that
with widespread public support young Constantine's succes
sion would not only be strengthened but firmly secured.
By haying the accession of his son appear to be the popu
lar will of his subjects, the chance of any counter claim
ants to the throne would be greatly diminished. The
coronation of the young prince as co-emperor not only had
the support of the army, senate, and populace, but also
that of the industrial and commercial interests of the

76
empire.
If the army had indeed requested that Constantine
be declared co-emperor, it would not have been the first
time that it had attempted to advise the basileus on the
matter of imperial succession. In 681 Constantine IV
had attempted to deprive his two brothers, Heraclius and
Tiberius, of their royal rights. Although Constantine
was eventually successful in his endeavor, he did encounter

77
strong opposition from both the army and the senate.
75
Later Roman Em p i r e , p. 478; Walter Kaegi, Jr., "The Byzan-
tine Armies and Iconoclasm," Byzantinoslavica XXVII (1966):
61; Ostrogorsky, History of the Byzantine State, p. 176.
76
John Zonaras, "Annalium," PG cxxxiv, 1343 abc;
77
Theophanes, A.M. 6173; E. W. Brooks, "The
Brothers of Constantine IV," English Historical Review XXX
21
Since there was no established law or tradition of
succession of the eldest son to power in Byzantium, Leo
no doubt feared that his five younger half-brothers could
be serious obstacles to young Constantine's accession. If
any of the five princes, three of whom, Nicephorus, Chris
topher, and Nicetas, held the rank of Caesar, and the other
two, Anthimus and Eudocimus, held the rank of nobilissimi,
had been able and talented men, the fears of the emperor
78
might have proven true. But they were all incompetent
persons. Best describing the five brothers of Leo IV,
J. B. Bury states that "the way in which the three Caesars,
Nicephorus, Christopher, and Nicetas, and the two nobilis
simi , Anthimus and Eudocimus, are always grouped together
like a company of puppets ever ready to be employed by any
designing conspirator, without any initiation on their

79
part, is really amusing."
In 776 on Good Friday all important officials of
the empire, including the governors of the themes, senators,
(January, 1915):42-51; Ostrogorsky, History of the Byzantine

State, p. 128.
78
In 769 Constantine V bestowed the title of Caesar
upon Nicephorus and Christopher, and the rank of nobil-
issimus on Nicetas and Anthimus. His youngest son, Eudo-
c i m u s , w a s granted the title of nobilissimus during the
reign of Leo IV. See TheophanesT A.Ml 6260, 6268.
79
22
army and navy officers, and representatives of all social
classes took an oath of allegiance to young Constantine.
The ne xt day Leo raised his half-brother, Eudocimus, who
was probably the same age as his own son, to the rank of
nobilissimus. Acco mpanied by his own son and his five
brothers, Leo proceeded to Hagia Sophia. There Patriarch
Nicetas joined the royal procession outside the building
before they entered the church where they were greeted by
an assembled audience, who then in orderly fashion came
forward and deposited on the altar their written oaths of
loyalty to the imperial pair. Leo then faced his follow
ing and said:
Behold, brethren, I fulfill your request and give

y ou my son for emperor. Behold, receive h i m from
the church and hand of Christ.
In response the assembled congregation replied:
O Son of God, be our surety, that w e receive from

your hand the lord Constantine as emperor, even
to protect him and die for him.
At dawn the following day (Easter Sunday, April 24, 776)
at the hippodrome in the presence of the patriarch, the
five princes and court officials, Leo crowned his son

80
emperor.
Later in that same year (776) a conspiracy i n v o l v
ing two brothers of the emperor, the Caesars, Nicephorus
80
23
81
and Christopher, was discovered and quickly suppressed.
In order to maintain popular support for his son, Leo
summoned a chosen group of citizens to the Magnaura Palace
and requested them to pronounce judgement upon the con-

82
spirators. Although public opinion was in favor of
punishing the two princes, Nicephorus and Christopher were

83
pardoned. But their co-conspirators did not receive the
84
same lenient treatment, for they were exiled to Cherson.
Bury believes that the two Caesars were probably pardoned
because the delegated assembly recognized that the emperor's
brothers were w e a k men who were being used by their c o m
rades .8^
The untimely death of Leo IV on September 8, 780,
left many complex problems facing the Byzantine empire.
Leo's wife, Irene, and their ten-year-old son ascended the
throne. They encountered internal opposition to their
rule, an increasing Arab menace in the east, the rise of
a powerful Frankish kingdom in the west, and a renewal of
8 1Ibid.
82Ibid.
83Ibid.
84Ibid.
85
Bury, A History of the Later Roman E m p i r e ,
p. 478.
24
the iconoclast controversy. To m e e t those pressing chal
lenges, Constantinople w a s led by a ten-year-old boy and
his pro-iconodule mother, Irene, who served as regent.

C H A P T E R II
IRENE CONSOLIDATES HER POWER
On September 8, 78 0, at the age of thirty, Leo IV
died. He was succeeded b y his wife, Irene, and their ten-
year-old son, Constantine VI (780-79 7).^ Since Constantine
was not of age, his m o t h e r served as regent. Clever,
strong-minded, and ambitious,

Irene could have been an
2
effective ruler if she h a d properly used her t a l e n t s .
But she devoted herself completely to the restoration of
images w h i l e the empire and imperial court were plagued
b y palace intrigues, rivalries among eunuch advisers,
religious controversies, m i l i t a r y disasters, and power
struggles w i t h her son. Six weeks after Leo's death an

3
at t empted c o u p took place against Constantine and Irene.
It appeared to be an attempt by the iconoclasts to place

4
the five half-brothers of Leo on the throne. The three
Caesars, Nicephorus, Christopher and Nicetas, the two

2
Hussey, The Cambridge Medieval H i s t o r y , p. 82.

4
Hussey, The Cambridge Medieval H x s t o r y , p. 82.
25
26
n o b i l i s s i m i , Anthimus and Eudocimus, and m a n y of the i c o n o
clast nobles and courtiers, who probably feared and dis-

5
liked the iconodule empress, took part in the revolt.
The plot, however, w a s discovered before it could be

g
c a r ried out. Many of the guilty parties, including
Bardas, former governor of the Armeniac theme, Gregory,
logothete of the course, Constantine, domesticus (com
mander) of the imperial guards, and Theophylact Rangabe,
drungarius (admiral) of Dodecanese, were tonsured, flogged,

7
and banished. The five princes w e r e ordained to the
p riesthood and forced to administer holy sacraments d u r i n g

O
Christmas Day (780) services in Hagia Sophia. That was
done in order to let the populace k n o w that they had become
clerics of the church and were no longer legitimate claim-

9
ants to the throne.
In the following year (781) a rebellion broke o u t
in S i c i l y . T h e uprising was led by the governor,
E l p i d i u s .^ Irene h a d no suspicion of his disloya l t y for

8I b i d .
Îbid.
8 Ibid.
8Ibid.
1 0 I b i d ., A.M. 6274.
27
she had recently, in February 781, appointed him to that
position. But in April the empress was informed that he

12
had revolted in the name of the five brothers of Leo IV.
It is not known whether the events in Sicily were connected
w i t h the conspiracy the year before involving the five
princes. Theophilus, a s p a t h a r , was sent to arrest

13 ...
Elpidius. But the Sicilians refused to allow him to
14
c arry out his assignment. The support Elpidius received
from the citizens of Sicily, as Bury believes, clearly in-

15
dicates that he was not an iconoclast. He may have even
used the names of the five brothers of the late emperor as

16
a cover for his own personal designs. The insurrection
was not immediately dealt with owing to the urgent need
of all available troops for the current campaign in Asia

17
Minor against the Arabs. Temporarily unable to take
direct action against her rebellious governor, the empress
had the wife and children of Elpidius flogged and im-

18
prisoned. In 782 a Byzantine force under the command
1 2 Ibid.
13Ibid.
1 4 Ibid.
^Bury, A History of the Later Roman E m p i r e ,
pp. 481-82.
16
Ibid.
^ ^ T h e o p h a n e s , A.M. 6 274.
1 8 ibid.
19
of the patrician and eunuch, Theodore, landed in Sicily.
After many pitched battles the revolt was finally sup-

20
pressed. Elpidius, accompanied by the duke, Nicephorus,
21
probably governor of Calabria, fled to Africa. There
Elpidius was well received by the Arabs who declared him

22
"emperor of the Romans."
In 781 Irene attempted to reestablish friendly
relations with the Franks. A marriage pact was agreed
upon for the betrothal of eleven-year-old Constantine to
Charles's eldest daughter, Rotrud, w h o m the Greeks called

23
Erythro. It is interesting to note that that compact
between the Byzantine empire and the Frankish kingdom was
made just before Theodore's expedition to Sicily. The
shrewd Irene may have made the diplomatic move in order
to prevent any type of Frankish intervention in behalf of

24
Elpidius and the Sicilian rebels.
1 9 Ibid.
20Ibid.
21
22Theoph a n e s , A.M. 6274.

2?
Carolingian Chronicles: Royal Frankish Annals
and Nithard's H i s t o r i e s , t r a n s . and ed. by Bernard Walter
Scholz and Barbara Rogers (Ann Arbor: The University of
Michigan Press, 1970), 787r; hereafter I shall refer to
as Royal Frankish A n n a l s . Theophanes, A.M. 6274.
24
29
The military situation in the east deteriorated
soon after Irene and Constantine assumed power. Although
there were initial Byzantine victories, the'Arabs under
the able leadership of Harun al-Rashld soon turned the tide
of war against Constantinople.

25
In 781 Abd-Elkebir led a raid into Asia Minor.
Anticipating an Arab invasion that year, Irene, in June,
ordered a large contingent of troops to the eastern fron-

26
tier. How numerous the Byzantine forces actually were
is not known. Although Theophanes states that the imperial
troops numbered 100,000, and Tabari gives a figure of
90,000, both of those statistics seem to be highly in-

27
flated.
Arab and Byzantine sources also differ on events
and descriptions of the campaign. According to Theophanes,
the imperial forces were commanded by the sacellarius and

28
eunuch, John. He forced the Arab raiders to make a hasty
retreat after inflicting an overwhelming defeat on them at

29
the battle of Melon. Tabari, however, states that a
25Tabari, A.H. 164.
2^Tabari, A.H. 163; Theophanes, A.M. 6273.

28
30
90,000-man Byzantine army under the command of Michael
Lachanodrakon and the Armenian, Tatzates, strategus of the
Bucellarian theme, were sent to the frontier to intercept

30
the Muslim invaders. Abd-Elkebir, probably out of fear
and respect for Lachanodrakon, ordered his troops to r e
turn home without engaging in a single battle with their

31
Byzantine foes. It is said that al-Mahdi was so furious
with his commander for this action that he threatened to
have his head cut off, but instead ordered Abd-Elkebir

32
imprisoned. And that was done only after friends of
33
Abd-Elkebir mediated in his behalf.
One can conclude from those accounts that the
Byzantines, employing a large contingent of troops, were
not only able to stop the Arabs, but possibly had d e
feated them during that year. Although it is not clear
who actually commanded the Byzantine army, it is not d i f
ficult to understand Arab fear of Michael Lachanodrakon
because of his previous military exploits. Whether
Lachanodrakon took part in that campaign is not known with
3^Tabari, A.H. 164; Michael the Syrian, Vol. Ill,

p. 2.
3^Tabari, A.H. 164.
32Ibid.
33Ibid.
31
certainty, but any large scale Byzantine military opera
tion probably would have included his presence.
The campaigns of 782, however, were a complete
disaster for the empire. Taking advantage of Byzantine
internal problems caused by the revolt of Elpidius in
Sicily, the treas<an of Tatzates, strategus of the
Bucellarian theme, and poor leadership in Constantinople,
the Arabs enjoyed immense success on most battlefro n t s .
Harun al-Rashid, on instructions from his father,
al-Mahdi, organized a large expeditionary force said to

34
have numbered 100,000 men. He divided his army into
three parts; one raiding column under the command of Rabia-
ibn-Junus marched west into the Opsikian theme and laid

35
siege to the town of Nacolia; another force led by Jahja
invaded the Thracesian theme where they were met and de-
36
feated at Darenon by Michael Lachanodrakon; the third
contingent and probably the main force of the expedition
under the personal command of Harun, encountering no
serious opposition, marched all the way to Chrysopolis,

37
situated on the Bosphorus Straits opposite Constantinople.
34Tabari, A.H. 164; Theophanes, A.M. 6 274.

35
36 , . ,
Ibid.
37
Tabari, A.H. 165; Theophanes, A.M. 6274.
32
Harun's apparently unopposed march to the Bosphorus
was no doubt greatly aided by the desertion of Tatzates,
strategus of the Bucellarian theme. Tatzates, supposedly
jealous of the influence and power which the eunuch
Stauracius held over Irene, and possessing a personal d i s
like for him, defected w i t h most of his troops to the Arab
side where they were richly rewarded for their actions.
The treasonable conduct of Tatzates and most contingents
of the Bucellarian theme made it possible for Harun and

38
his forces to move unresisted to Chrysopolis.
Irene wisely recognized that with such Byzantine
manpower as was available in Asia Minor, greatly reduced
because of the Sicilian expedition of Theodore against
Elpidius, it would be very difficult to dislodge the Arabs

39
from Anatolia. The empress, therefore, initiated peace
40
proposals with the Arabs. Although Theophanes, contrary
to Arabic sources, states that it was Haran who first made
peace overtures, one cannot help but question that because
of the precarious situation the Byzantine empire was in at

41
that particular time. Irene sent three emissaries,
33T h e o p h a n e s , A.M. 6 274.
39Ibid.
^Tabari, A.H. 165.
^Tabari, A.H. 165; Theophanes, A.M. 6274.

33
Stauracius, the d o m e s t i c u s , A n t o n i u s , and the m a g i s t e r ,

_ _ 42
Peter, to Harun with proposals of peace. Foolishly the
Byzantine delegates had not taken any precautions, such
as exchange of hostages, so upon their arrival at the Arab

43
camp they were seized and imprisoned.
A peace, however, between Irene and HarOn was
eventually concluded. By the terms of the agreement all
prisoners, including the three Byzantine emissaries, were
released, and a three-year truce was declared. In return
Constantinople was obligated to pay an annual tribute of
7 0,000 dinars. In addition the Byzantines also agreed to
provide the Arabs with guides, provisions, and access to

44
markets during their withdrawal from Asia Minor.
The truce, however, lasted only thirty-two months.
In 785 the Byzantines broke the pact when they raided
Arab held regions in the Tarsus Mountains. The following
year a Byzantine column invaded S y r i a . Pillaging the
countryside as they advanced, the raiders captured and
destroyed Hadath, whose inhabitants and garrison had
abandoned the city just before its assault. 45
42
43Ibid.
44Tabari, A.H. 165.
43Tabari, A.H. 166; Michael the Syrian, Vol. Ill,

p. 2.
34
In 783 Irene ordered a major offensive against
the Slavs in Greece. That was the first major Byzantine
m i l i t a r y opera t i o n in this area since the expedition of
Justinian II in 6 88. The empress, probably owing to her
A t h e n i a n ancestry, took m o r e interest in her homeland than
her father-in-law had. The l o g o t h e t e , Stauracius, at the
head of a large army, first mar c h e d to Thessalonica# w h e r e
he defeated the Macedonian Slavs, then advanced into
T h e ssaly and central Greece, and finally penetrat e d into
the Peloponnesus. The Slavonic tribes of the Peloponnesus
were compelled to recognize imperial sovereignty and pay
B y z a n t i u m an annual tribute. Stauracius returned to C o n
stantinople w i t h many prisoners and spoils. In January

46
784 he celebr a t e d a public triumph in the hippodrome.
H o w extensive were the Slavonic settlements in

47
Greece and the Peloponnesus is not known. According
to the Chronicle of Monemvasia, the Slavs ruled the

48
P e l oponnesus for 218 years. B y z a n t i u m lost effective
46
47
Francis Dvornik has w r i t t e n an excellent and
informative history of the early Slavs. See Francis
Dvornik, The Slavs: Their Early History and Civilization
{Boston: Amer i c a n Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1956) .
48
Peter C h a r a m s , "The Chronicle of Monemvasia and
the Question o f Slavonic Settlements in Greece," Dumbarton
Oaks Papers V (1950):148-49.
35
control in 587 during the reign of Maurice (582-602), and

49
did not regain possession until 805. Contemporary
historian John of Ephesus writes of the invasions:
That same year, being the third after the death of

King Justin, was famous also for the invasion of an
accursed people, called Slavonians, who overran the
whole of Greece, and the country of the Thessalon-
ians, and all Thrace, captured the cities, and took
numerous forts, and devastated and burnt, and reduced
the people to slavery, and made themselves masters
of the whole country, and dwelt in it as though it
had been their own without fear.5^
The Byzantine empire was compelled to abandon many of its
positions in the Balkans during the Slavonic invasions of

51
the sixth and seventh c e n t u r i e s .
In 688 Justinian II led a large scale expedition

52
against the Slavs in Macedonia. The imperial forces
encountered hostile Bulgar and Slavonic opposition while

53
advancing toward T h e s s a l o n i c a . These events clearly
show, as Ostrogorsky correctly states, that not only was
there extensive Slavonic occupation of Thrace and Macedonia,
49
Ibid.
50
John of E p h e s u s , The Third Part of the Ec clesi
astical History of John, Bishop of E p h e s u s , t r a n s .
r "I Payne Smith (Oxford: Clarendon Press, T860) , p. 432.
51
Ostrogorsky, History of the Byzantine S t a t e ,
p. 192; Dvornik, The Slavs, Their Early History and
Civilization, pp. 40-44.
52Theoph a n e s , A. M. 6187.
53
Ibid.
36
54
but that imperial control of the vital Via Egnatia was
55
virtually non-existent. Shortly after the campaign in
695 the theme of Hellas was established.^6 imperial
jurisdiction of that province probably entailed only cen-

57
tral Greece. At the end of the seventh century the
Byzantine empire had only two themes in the Bal k a n s

58
Hellas and Thrace.
What became of the native Greek population has
puzzled many historians over the years. Although the
scanty evidence that has survived states that the Slavs
settled in Greece and the Peloponnesus, there is no record

59
of intensive conflicts in Greece. Many of the first
Slavonic invaders between 570 and 640 were probably assimi
lated into the Hellenic population and converted to Chris
t ianity.6^ But there is some evidence that part of the
54
The Via Egnatia was the m a m road between
Constantinople and Dyrrachium.
55
Ostrogorsky, History of the Byzantine State,
p. 194.
66Theophanes, A. M. 6187.
57
A. Bon, "Le probl^me Slave dans le Pdloponfese
a la lumiere de 1 'archeologie," Byzantion: Revue Inter
nationale des Etudes Byzantines XX (1950):14.
58
p. 194.
59
Bury, History of the Later Roman E m p i r e , p. 456.
60Ibid.
37
Greek population fled the Slavonic invasions and migrated

61
to southern Italy and Sicily. In the early part of the
eighth century St. Willibald, bishop of Eichstatt, an
Anglo-Saxon pilgrim enroute to Jerusalem, stopped at

62
Monemvasia in southeastern Peloponnesus. He describes
63
the city as located in the land of the Slavs.
In 74 7 a plague ravaged the Byzantine empire

64
killing many of its inhabitants. In order to repopulate
the capital, Constantine V transported entire Greek fami-

6^
lies from the mainland and islands to Constantinople.
The vacated lands of the Hellas and the Peloponnesus, al
ready depopulated by plague, were resettled by S l a v s . ^
61
Peter Charanis, "On the Question of the Hellen-
ization of Sicily and Southern Italy during the Middle
Ages," The American Historical Review LII (October, 1946):
83-85.
^ " V i t a S. Willibaldi, " MGH SS XV, part I, p. 93.
^Theophanes, A.M. 6238; Bury, History of the

Later Roman Empire, p. 456; Peter Charanis, "Hellas in the
Greek- Sources of the Sixth, Seventh, and Eighth Centuries,"
in Late Classical and Medieval Studies in Honor of Albert
Mathias Friend, Jr.~ ed. Kurt Weitzmann (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1955), p. 175.
66
Constantine P o r p h yrogenitus, "De Thematibus
Occidentis," PG cxiii, 125a; Bury, A History of the Later
Roman Empire, p. 455.
38
Charanis states, however, that the Greek element did not

g7
entirely disappear. The eastern part of the Peloponnesus,
from Corinth to Malea, remained under imperial jurisdic-

68
tion. The theme of Peloponnesus was probably in exis-
69
tence m 783. According to Lemerle, extensive Slavonic
occupation of the Peloponnesus did not take place until

70
after the great plague of 747. Greek towns and their
71
inhabitants, however, escaped destruction. And by the
end of the eighth century the native Greek population was
powerful enough to subdue the Slavs and force them to

72
adopt the Hellenic language, customs, and religion. But
Constantine Prophyrogenitus, writing in the tenth century,
describes the Peloponnesus of the mid-eighth century as a
67
Charanis, "Hellas in the Greek Sources of the
Sixth, Seventh, and Eighth Centuries," p. 175.
68Ibid.
G9
Constantine P o r p h yrogenitus, De Administrando
I m p e r i o , t r a n s . R. J. H. Jenkins and ed. Gy Moravcsik
(Washington: Dumbarton Oaks Center for Byzantine Studies,
1967), p. 228; Charanis, "Hellas in the Greek Sources of
the Sixth, Seventh, and Eighth Centuries," p. 175.
70 Paul Lemerle, "Une province Byzantine le
P e l o p onnese," Byzantion: Revue Internationale des Etudes
Byzantines XXI (1951):344.
71
A. A. Vasiliev, History of the Byzantine E m p i r e ,
3 2 4 -1453, Vol. I (Madison: The University of Wisconsin
Press, 1964), p. 178.
72 ^
Lemerle, "Une province Byzantine le Peloponnese,"
p. 344.
39
73
barbaric land inhabited primarily by Slavs.
It can be concluded from the surviving evidence
that Greece and the Peloponnesus were invaded and settled
by Slavs. The native Greek population was not exterminated,
but remained dominant in the major cities and fortresses
in the eastern Peloponnesus, central Greece, and the im
mediate region around Thessalonica. The occupation of a
large portion of the Balkans and Muslim control of the
Mediterranean sea lanes made communication between the
east and west extremely difficult. If Rome and Con s tanti
nople had remained in close contact with each other, the
Roman and Greek churches might not have drifted a p a r t . ^
During the reign of Irene major parts of Greece
were in the process of being re-Hellenized through a s s i m i
lation and the arrival of new Greek-speaking settlers

75
from other parts of the empire. Three new themes were
created during the later part of the eighth century. The
theme of Peloponnesus, first referred to by Constantine
Porphyrogenitus during the Slavonic attack on Patras in
805, was probably established either just before or soon
73
Constantine Porphyrogenitus, "De Thematibus
O c c i d e n t i s ," PG cxviii, 125.
74
D v o r n i k , The Slavs: Their Early History and
C i v i l i z a t i o n , p. 44.
75
Charanis, "Hellas in the Greek Sources of the
Sixth, Seventh, and Eighth Centuries," p. 164.
40
76
after the 783 campaign of Stauracius. Sometime between
77
789 and 802 the theme of Macedonia was formed. This
province, however, included western Thrace and only part

78
of eastern Macedonia. The theme of Cephalonia, first
m entioned in the Royal Frankish A n n a l s , was established

79
during Irene's reign. The primary purpose of St a u r a
cius 1s campaign in 783 was to suppress the rebellious Slavs
w h o threatened the homeland of the empress and to accel
erate the process of Hellenization in Greece. Although
most of the Slavs were finally Hellenized, important
Slavonic settlements of the Milingus and Ezerites tribes
remained and could still be found in the Taygetus M o u n
tains in the Peloponnesus as late as the fifteenth cen-

80
tury.
76
Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De Administrando
I m p e r i o , p. 228; Charanis, "Hellas in the Greek Sources of
the Sixth, Seventh, and Eighth Centuries, p. 175; O s t r o
gorsky, History of the Byzantine S t a t e , p. 194.
77
Paul Lemerle, "Invasions et migrations dans les
Balkans depuis le fin de 1'epoque romaine jusqu'au VIII
si^cle," Revue Historique CCXXI (1954);308; Ostrogorsky,
History of the Byzantine S t a t e , p. 194.
78
Ostrogorsky, History of the Byzantine S t a t e , p. 194
79
Royal Frankish A n n a l s , 810; Ostrogorsky, Hxstory
of the Byzantxne S t a t e , p. 194.
80
Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De Administrando
I m p e r i o , p. 228; Dvornik, The Slavs: Their Early History
and Cxvilization, p. 117.
41
During the first few years after assuming power
Irene and Constantine were successful in overcoming chal
lenges to their rule. If the five brothers of Leo I V had
been able men, they could possibly have overthrown the
young emperor and his mother. The revolt of Elpidius in
Sicily does not seem to have been connected with the u n
successful coup d etat of the five princes in Constanti
nople. It was probably an attempt by an over-ambitious
governor to establish his own independent kingdom.
In the field of foreign affairs Irene experienced
both triumph and defeat. The campaign of Stauracius in
Greece, which was one of the greatest achievements of
her reign, initiated eventual Byzantine reconquest of that
region. But in the east the empire faced formidable Arab
opposition led by Hardn al-Rashld. If Irene had devoted
her full time and energy to these pressing problems, the
Byzantine empire could have expanded its influence and
control in the Balkans and might even have been able to
halt Muslim aggression in Asia Minor. The empress's
attention, however, was not directed to foreign affairs,
but instead to religious matters concerning the iconoclast
controversy.
CHAPTER III
IRENE AND ICONOCLASM
The iconoclast controversy plagued the Byzantine
empire for most of the eighth century. The veneration of
icons had not only caused divisions within the empire, but
also with the papacy. When, in 780, Irene, an ardent
iconodule, became regent for her son, Constantine, her
major objective was to restore image worship and end icono-
clasm. In 787 Irene summoned the Seventh Ecumenical Coun
cil which met at Nicaea. At this synod iconoclasm was con
demned and the veneration of images reestablished. The
resolutions and recommendations of the council were only
temporary because opposition to icons was deeply-rooted
throughout the empire. In 815 icons were again forbidden
and persecutions were resumed. It was not until 843 that
image worship was finally restored and iconoclasm, which
the Greek Orthodox Church considers the last of the great
heresies, was finally overcome.
The conflict over the veneration of icons began
during the reign of Leo III the Isaurian (717-741). The
opposition of the emperor to image worship initiated a
severe crisis within the empire that lasted for more than
42
43
one hundred years. During the two centuries before the
reign of Leo III the veneration of sacred images had become
widespread in the Greek church.^- But there were many

2
within the church who opposed image worship. Most of the
opposition was centered in the southeastern provinces of

3
Asia Minor. In those regions the Paulicans, who opposed
any ecclesiastical cults and remnants of the monophysite

4
movement# persisted as strong opponents of icons. This
area was in close contact with the Muslim world where the
5
first official attacks on images took place.
In July 723 the Arabs started an iconoclast cam-

g
paign. According to Theophanes# Caliph Yazid II (720-724)#
under strong Jewish influence, ordered the destruction of
all Christian icons. It should be noted that not only
Êrnst Kitzinger# "The Cult of Images in the Age

before Iconoclasm," Dumbarton Oaks Papers VIII (1954):
83-150.
2
p. 4 37; Ostroqorsky, History of the Byzantine State,
p. 161.
3
Bury, A History of the Later Roman E m p i r e , p. 4 37.
4
p. 161.
5Ibid.
7Ibid.
44
Christian icons but all images portraying living beings in

g
religious settings were also ordered destroyed. What
actually influenced Yazid in issuing this iconoclast edict
is not known. British historian Romilly Jenkins believes
that Arab actions against their Christian subjects could
have been in retaliation for the disastrous expedition
against Constantinople in 717-718, or because of the e x i s
tence of a large Christian population living within their

9
domains.
Many of the accounts or legends that have survived
state that Jewish influence was responsible for the icono
clast decrees of 723 by Yazid II and in 726 by Leo III.
According to one account Yazid II fell seriously ill after
his accession to the throne in 720. A Jewish magician
from Tiberias approached the ailing caliph and promised
him thirty years to forty years of good life and rule if
he would order all images within his dominions d e s t r o y e d . ^
At this same time a powerful anti-icon movement
emerged in Asia M i n o r . ^ The Byzantine iconoclast party
Q
p. 162.
Q
Jenkins, Byzantium: The Imperial C e n t u r i e s , p. 81.
10
^''Ostrogorsky, History of the Byzantine S t a t e ,

p . 162.
45
was led by many ecclesiastical dignitaries of Anatolia,
including the metropolitan, Thomas of C l a u d i o p o l i s , and
Constantine of Nacolea, the latter w h o m the iconodules

12
called "arch-heretic." But the most powerful and influ
ential backer of the iconoclast movement was the emperor
himself, Leo III. Before 720, however, Leo appears to

13
have been a supporter of i m a g e s . During the Arab siege
of Constantinople in 717-718 Leo is reported to have
prayed to the miraculous icon of the Virgin Hodegeteria to

14
repel the Muslim invaders.
Two factors probably influenced the change in
Leo's position regarding image worship. First of all,
Leo, who had been born in Germanicia in northern Syria,
had been stationed w i t h the army for many years in Asia

15
Minor, where he came m contact with Muslims. Even
though Arab armies had been defeated and driven out of
Anatolia, Muslim influence continued to filter into the
12
Theophanes, A.M. 6215; Ostrogorsky, History of
the Byzantine S t a t e , p. 162.
13
Jenkins, Byzantium; The Imperial C e n t u r i e s , p. 82.
14Ibid.
15
Theophanes, A.M. 6209; Stephen Gero, "Notes on
Byzantine Iconoclasm in the Eighth Century," B y z a n t i o n :
Revue Internationale des Etudes Byzantines XLIV, N o . 1
(1974) :36 .
46
16
eastern provinces of the empire. Secondly, it is said
that Leo changed his position regarding images owing to

17
Jewish Mosaic influence. Opposition of the emperor to
icons was based on a Mosaic interdict against religious

18
images. iconodule writers state that Jewish influence
was a major reason for the change in Leo's policy regarding
icons. According to them, Leo was also approached by a
Jew who promised the emperor long life if he would perse-

19
cute image worshippers. But it is probably doubtful
that Leo was under the influence of any Jewish advisers
because during his reign he ordered the forced baptism of

20
the Jewish population in the e m p i r e .
In 727 Leo III issued his first edict against

21
image worship. It is reported that shortly before his
22
proclamation a severe earthquake struck Constantinople.
The iconoclasts interpreted that as a divine sign directed
*1 /T

p. 166.
17
Jenkins, Byzantium: The Imperial C e n t u r i e s , p. 82
1 8I b i d .
19
George Cedrenus, "Chronographia," PG cxxi, 901a.
28T h e o p h a n e s , A. M. 6 214; George Cedrenus,

"Chronographia," PG cxxi, 869c.
22Ibid.
47
23
against i m a g e s . Believing that God had entrusted h i m
with the task of eliminating the veneration of icons, Leo
initiated a program to indoctrinate his subjects on the

24
evils of image worship. In a letter defending his icono
clast policies Leo informed Pope Gregory II (715-7 31) that
he considered himself not only Roman emperor but also high
priest of the e m p i r e . ^
There was serious opposition to Leo's iconoclast
policies in many parts of the empire. In Constantinople
violence erupted when Leo ordered the removal of an icon
of Christ that stood over the entrance of the Bronze Gate

26
at the imperial palace. An angry crowd of women killed
27
an army officer as he attempted to remove this image.
A bloody riot ensued but it was suppressed by imperial

28
troops. The following year (727) Greece broke out in
revolt, and a fleet from the themes of Hellas and Cyclades
23
p. 162.
24 Ibid.
25
Giovanni Domenico Mansi, ed., Sacrorum con-
ciliorum nova et amplissima collecto (Paris: H. Welter,
1900-27), X I I , 975. Hereafter I shall refer to as Mansi.
^ T h e o p h a n e s , A.M. 6218.
27Ibid.
28Ibid.
48
29
m a d e an unsuccessful naval attack on the capital. Both
Pope Gregory II and Patriarch Germanus I (715 730) of
Constantinople opposed the emperor's iconoclast decrees.^
In 730 Leo issued an edict that forbade all image w o r s h i p

31
in the e m p i r e . The uncooperative patriarch was replaced
32
by a pro-iconoclast, Anastasius (730-754). But Byzantine
possessions in Italy rebelled w h e n this latest iconoclast

33
edict was announced. The exarch Paul and the duke of
Naples were murdered, and Ravenna was temporarily o c c u p i e d

34
by the L o m b a r d s .
Pope Gregory II refused to recognize the imperial
edict and he called for the "apostasy" of Rome and Italy
from the Byzantine empire. The iconoclasts, including the
29
J. B. Bury believes this insurrection may have
been caused by higher taxes that were levied in Greece in
September, 726, and not because of the iconoclast policies
of Leo III. Hel&ne Ahrweiler, however, maintains that the
r evolt was by the Greek mari t i m e population who was opposed
to Byzantium's severance of commercial relations w i t h the
A r a b world. See Helene Ahrweiler, "The Geography of the
Iconoclast World," in I c o n o c l a s m , ed. Anthony Bryer and
Judith Herrin (Birmingham: Centre of Byzantine Studies,
University of Birmingham, 1977), p. 23; Bury, A History of
the Later Roman E m p i r e , p. 4 37.

31_, . -j
Ibid.
32
Ibid.
33
pp. 44 2-44 3.
34
Ibid.
49
emperor, were excommunicated b y a papal council attended
by ninety-three bishops in Rome. Leo responded by order
ing the fleet to Rome to arrest the pope for treason. But
the Byzantine flotilla never reached Italy for it was

35
scattered in a storm m the Adriatic Sea.
Leo was determined, however, to punish the papacy
for opposing his iconoclast edicts. The imperial measures
taken against the western church were of great importance
and would have long lasting effects. In 731 the "patri
monies of St. Peter," a papal tax levied in Calabria and

36
Sicily, were confiscated by the emperor. This tax
annually brought the papacy three and one-half hundred

37
weights of gold. The next year Leo transferred Calabria,
Sicily, and the regions composing the old prefecture of

38
Illyricum from the Roman to the Constantinopolitan see.
Illyricum included most of the Balkan Peninsula from Dal
matia and the Danube River as far south as the island of
Crete.
The two immediate successors of Leo the Isaurian,
Constantine V and Leo IV, continued his iconoclast policies.
"^Theophanes, A.M. 6222, 6224.
36Ibid., A.M. 6224.

37
Jenkins, Byzantium: The Imperial Centuries, p. 67.

50
In 754 Constantine summoned a church council to sanction

39
iconoclasm. The decrees of his father, Leo III, had
only forbidden the veneration of icons. But the recommen
dations of this synod called for the total destruction of
religious images throughout the empire and the excommuni
cation of important iconodule leaders.40
Constantine proceeded to destroy all religious
icons and relics, closed monasteries, and persecuted icon-

41
odules. Although the enforcement of these harsh poli
cies was eased by his son, Leo IV, they still remained in
42
effect.
Upon the death of Leo IV in 780, his ten-year-old
son, Constantine VI, and his mother, Irene, who was desig-
43
nated to serve as regent, ascended the Byzantine throne.
But for the next eleven years Irene held the real power in
the empire. The emergence of Irene, who was a devout image
worshipper, was greeted with great enthusiasm by the
iconodule party. She was hailed as "the lion-hearted
39Ibid., A.M. 6245.

40
Theophanes, A.M. 6 245; Ostrogorsky, History of
the Byzantine St a t e , p. 173.
41Theophanes, A.M. 6257, 6262, 6263; Ostrogorsky,

History of the Byzantine S t a t e , p. 174.
42
43Theophanes, A.M. 6 273.

51
god-fearing woman, if woman is the right name for one who
surpassed men in the piety of her character." 44
The first few years of Irene's regency witnessed
no radical departure by the imperial government from icon-
clast programs. Although image worship was probably
tolerated soon after Irene assumed power, the official
policy was one of caution. 45 But the empress did return
a religious crown taken by her late husband, Leo IV, from

46
the church of Hagia Sophia in Constantinople. It is
reported by iconodule writers that Leo IV was so infatu
ated with jewels that he removed a crown which Emperor

47
Maurice (582-602) h a d placed above the altar. When he
placed the diadem on his head, he broke out in boils and

,* j 48
died.
It was impossible for the empress immediately to
reverse the acts of her three iconoclast predecessors b e
cause of serious foreign policy problems confronting the
empire and internal challenges to her rule. In the east
a revival of Arab power under al-Mahdi and his son,
44Nicephorus, "Vita," PG c, 52c.

45
4 fi
Theophanes, "Historia Ecclesiastica," PG
cviii, 1398.
47McCabe, The Empresses of Constantinople, p. 68.

52
Harun al-Rashid, threatened Byzantine Asia Minor, while
in the Balkans the always troublesome Slavs in Greece and

49
Macedonia refused to recognize imperial authority. On
the domestic scene the five brothers of Leo IV and Elpidius,
governor of Sicily, were involved in unsuccessful revolts,
and in the army strong iconoclast sentiment still pre-

50
vailed. The empress knew that it would be dangerous if
not catastrophic not only for her own position but also
for the empire if she tried to force an iconodule solution
of the image issue at a time when Byzantium was confronted
with such pressing matters. 51
The extent of iconoclast sentiment in the army is

52
not known. Although some modern historians, trying to
simplify this religious issue, have stated that the Asiatic
themes and units of the army were iconoclast while the
European provinces and troops were iconodule, there is no

53
surviving evidence to support t h i s . What were the
49
50
Kaegi, "The Byzantine Armies and Iconoclasm,"
p. 61.
51
52 W. E. Kaegi, Jr. has written an excellent and
informative article on iconoclast influence in the B y z a n
tine army. See W. E. Kaegi, Jr., "The Byzantine Armies
and Iconoclasm," Byzantinoslavica XXVII (1966):48-70.
53
George Every, The Byzantine Patriarchate 451-
1204 (London: SPCK, 1962), p. 94; Enno Franzius, History
53
attitudes of the tagmata (imperial garrison troops at
Constantinople) and the themata (provincial armies) con-

54
c e r m n g image worship remains unanswered. The revolt
of the Hellas and Cyclades themes in 727 cannot be viewed
strictly as a religious conflict between the European and
Asiatic provinces because, as W. E. Kaegi correctly states,
the uprising was suppressed by the Constantinople imperial
guard.
Iconoclasm was not unanimously supported by all
Asiatic themes. In the civil war of 741-742 between Con
stantine V and his brother-in-law, Artavasdos, the provinces

C f.
of Anatolia were divided in their loyalty. Artavasdos,
57
who favored image worship, was supported by the Armeniac
and Opsikian themes and by the European province of
of the Byzantine Empire (New York: Funk and Wagnalls, 1967),

pp. 145-152; Steven Runciman, Byzantine Style and Civiliza
tion (Baltimore: Penguin Books Inc., 1975), pp. 82-86;
Speros Vryonis, Byzantium and Europe (London: Thames and
Hudson, 1967), pp. 72-77; Vasiliev, History of the Byzan
tine Emp i r e , pp. 251-264.
54
p. 48 .
55
Nicephorus, PG c, 963ab; Theophanes, A.M. 6 218,
6219; Kaegi, "The Byzantine Armies and Iconoclasm," pp. 52-
53.
56
p. 54.
R7
Nicephorus states that "Artavasdos entered Con
stantinople with his army and immediately restored sacred
images." See Nicephorus, "Vita," PG c, 60.
54
58
Thrace. Constantine had the allegiance of the Thrace-
59
sian and Anatolic themes. But there is no evidence that
the division of the Asiatic themes was caused by the
religious image controversy.^^ According to Theophanes
the emperor only won the support of those two provinces

61
after he promised them great rewards. Although Con
stantine successfully suppressed this uprising, it can be
concluded that the Asiatic themes were either divided over

62
or indifferent to the iconoclast issue.
When Irene assumed power in 780 most church, state,
and army officials, who had been appointed by Constantine
V, were still greatly devoted to that late emperor's memory

63
and were firm supporters of the iconoclast cause. Over
a half century of iconoclasm had entrenched many of its

64
backers in important government posts. Irene gradually
58
59Ibid.
^Kaegi, "The Byzantine Armies and Iconoclasm,"

p. 54 .
^ r.heophanes, A.M. 6233.

62
p. 56 .
63
p. 177.
64Ibid.
55
replaced these individuals with men, including monks and

65
eunuchs, who were loyal to her and her programs. Many
of the empress's Athenian relatives were given high posi-

GG
tions at the imperial court. Generals and officers of
the army who had iconoclast sympathies, including the
notorious Michael Lachanodrakon, were relieved of their

67
commands. The new government personnel slowly modified
68
official iconoclast policy. A contemporary historian
describing this period states:
Pious men began to speak freely once m o r e . The

word of God could spread without hindrance. Those
who sought eternal salvation could retire unmolested
from the world and God's glory was once more cele
brated. The monasteries flourished again, and
prosperity was universal.^
Until the death of Patriarch Paul IV in 784, Irene
continued to follow a policy of caution regarding ecclesi-

70
astical matters. Theophanes reports that before his
death Paul announced that he must abdicate the patriarchate
65
Diehl, Byzantine Empresses, pp. 74-75; Every,
The Byzantine Patriarchate, p. 95.
GG
G7
Bury, A History of the Later Roman Empire,
p. 485; Diehl, Byzantine Empresses, p. 74.
68

70 , ^
p. 494.
56
because the Byzantine church was in schism with the rest

71
of Christendom. The patriarch further stated that the
only way this situation could be rectified was by an ecu-

72
menical council. It is said that when he was asked why
he now held such opinions, Paul replied that he had been
forced to take the iconoclast oath upon his election to
the patriarchate and now he was troubled by a guilty con-

73
science. On August 31, 784, shortly after his abdica-
74
tion, Paul died.
One must question Theophanes's account, for before
this incident, Paul had held strong iconoclast beliefs.
But no other source contrary to this report exists. It is
possible, as Ostrogorsky believes, that Irene either
pressured Paul to resign or he may have just died a natural
death, thus leaving the patriarchate of Constantinople

4. 75
vacant.
Irene was wise enough to know that she had to a p
point an able successor to Paul if her plans for restoration
7^"Theophanes, A.M. 6276.
72Ibid.
73I b i d .
74Nicephorus, PG c, 840a; Theophanes, A.M. 6276

75
Ostrogorsky, History of the Byzantine Stat e ,
p. 177.
57
76
of images in the church was to succeed. The empress
knew that if she selected a fanatical monk to the patri
archate, any type of religious compromise would have been
doomed, and chaos and civil war probably would have re-
77
suited. Irene wisely chose Tarasius, head of the lm-
78
perial chancellery, as new patriarch of Constantinople.
Tarasius would be the first of a line of able patriarchs
which included his successor Nicephorus and his grand-

79
nephew Photius. Tarasius was of noble birth. His early
training was not in the church but in civil administration

80
and diplomacy. The monastic wing of the church fiercely
81
opposed and resented his appointment. The monks believed
that Tarasius cared more about state affairs than those of

82
the church. But Irene knew that conditions of the day
76
pp. 4 94-4 95; Jenkins, Byzantium: The Imperial Centur i e s ,
pp. 94-95.
77
Jenkins, Byzantium: The Imperial Centuries, p. 94

79
Q f)
Q1
Jenkins, Byzantium: The Imperial Centuries,
pp. 93-94.
82 Ibid.
58
demanded a man of diplomacy, and Tarasius had those
exceptional diplomatic qualities and abilities that made

83
him the right man to be patriarch.
Irene realized that in order to achieve her
ecclesiastical objectives, the election of Tarasius to
the patriarchate had to have the appearance of wide popu-

84
lar approval. An assembly of the "entire people" was
held in the Magnaura Palace where Tarasius, by a large

85
majority, was elected patriarch of Constantinople. Im
mediately after his election Tarasius tried to decline
the honor on the grounds that he was unworthy to hold

86
such an important position. He told the assembly that
he was apprehensive about being patriarch at a time when
a great schism separated the Byzantine church from the

87
rest of Christendom. But Irene rose and informed the
88
gathering that Tarasius was qualified to be patriarch.
83
p. 4 95; Jenkins, Byzantium: The Imperial Centuries, pp. 93-
94; Ostrogorsky, History of the Byzantine S t a t e , p. 177.
84
p. 495.
8 5 Theophanes does not mention that there were any
dissenters. See Theophanes, A.M. 6277; Mansi, XII, 990.
87I b i d .
88Ibid.
59
Tarasius's speech and the comments of the empress were

89
received with great acclamation by this assembled body.
90
On Christmas Day, 784, Tarasius was consecrated patriarch.
According to J. B. Bury the proceedings of the assembly at
Magnaura Palace were part of a pre-arranged plan between
Irene and Tarasius. 91
During the first five years of Irene's regency
the empress laid the groundwork for the eventual restora
tion of icons in the Byzantine church. Irene turned back
attempts to overthrow her, achieved peace with the Arabs
in Asia Minor and the Slavs in Greece, and replaced the
pro-iconoclast patriarch, Paul, with the able iconodule,
Tarasius. The time was now appropriate to summon a general
church council to settle the controversy of the veneration
of religious images.
89 Theophanes narrates the full text of Tarasius's

speech. See Theophanes, "Historia Ecclesiastica," PG
c v i i i , 1397-1398.

91
495.
CHAPTER IV
THE RESTORATION OF ICONS
Irene was now ready to proceed w i t h her plans for
a complete restoration of religious icons and a resumption
of communication with the rest of Christendom. The empress
probably thought that if she could reestablish cordial
relations between the Greek church and the papacy, the
empire could also possibly regain the allegiance of im
perial Italy.'*' It was also essential that in order for
Byzantium to reassert its authority in Italy, friendly
relations with the Franks had to be established. To
achieve this objective a betrothal was arranged between
young Constantine VI and Charles's daughter, Rotrud.
Immediately following his elevation to the p a t r i
archate, Tarasius and Irene initiated plans to restore
ecclesiastical unity w i t h the papacy. About a year after
the consecration of Tarasius, Pope Hadrian I (772-795)
received two communiques from Constantinople. One was
"^Charles Joseph Hefele, A History of the Councils

of the Church: From the Original D o c u m e n t s , Vol. V,
A.D. 626 to the Close of the Second Council of Nicaea,
A . D . 787 (New York: AMS Press Inc., 1972), p. 343.
60
61
from Tarasius announcing his appointment as patriarch and
the other from Irene and Constantine requesting the pope
to set a date for an ecumenical council to be held in
Constantinople to decide the question of the veneration of

2
images once and for a l l .
Tarasius also sent announcements of his election
to the three eastern patriarchs of Antioch, Alexandria
and Jerusalem. In undated letters addressed "to the arch
presbyters and presbyters of Antioch, Alexandria and the
holy city" (Jerusalem), Tarasius announced his intention

3
to hold a council to decide the image question. He in
vited the patriarchs to attend the synod or if that were

4
not possible to send two representatives m their place.
Access to the eastern patriarchs was virtually impossible
because of Muslim occupation of those areas.3 T a r a s i u s 1s
letters to the eastern patriarchs probably never reached
their destination. The messengers went as far as Egypt
where they were advised by local monks that any attempt to
see the oriental patriarchs regarding a synod would endanger
2
Edward James Martin, A History of the Iconoclasbic
Controversy (London: The Macmillan Co., 1930), pp. 89-90.
3M a n s i , XII, 1122.
Îbid.
^Martin, A History of the Iconoclastic Contro

v e r s y , p. 91.
62
the safety of all Christians living in Arab occupied
lands.^ It was suggested and later agreed to that two
monks, John of Antioch and Thomas of Alexandria, would

7
represent the three oriental patriarchs at Constantinople.
The letters to Rome from the empress and her son
and the patriarch were delivered by Tarasius's own priest
and apocrisiar, Leo. In the superscription of her letter
Irene placed Constantine's name before her own. Although
she would later alter it, during this period it was the
policy to label all documents in this manner. In her
letter to Hadrian she stated:
Your Holiness knows what has been undertaken here

in Constantinople by previous governors against
the venerable images. May it not be reckoned to
them by God! They have led astray all the people
here in Constantinople and also the East (as far
as it was Byzantium), until God called us to the
government, us who seek in truth the honor of God,
and desire to hold that fast which has been handed
down by the apostles and the holy doctors. We
therefore, after consultation with our subjects
and the most learned priests, resolved upon the
summoning of an ecumenical synod, and we pray, yea,
God Himself, who wills to lead all men to the truth,
prays that your fatherly Holiness will appear at
this synod, and come hither to Constantinople, for
the confirmation of the ancient tradition in regard
to the venerable images. We will receive your
Holiness with all honors, provide you with all that
is necessary, and provide for your worthy return
after the work is accomplished. In case, however,
your Holiness should be unable personally to attend,
6Ibid.
7Ibid.
63
be pleased to send venerable and learned repre

sentatives, that by a synod, the tradition of the
holy Fathers may be confirmed and the tares rooted
out, and that henceforth there may be no more divi
sion in the church. Moreover, we have called here
to us Bishop Constantine of Leontium, who is also
known to your fatherly Holiness, have conversed
with him by word of mouth, and have sent him to
you with this edict. When he has come to you, be
pleased to give him your answer soon, that he may
return to us and inform us on what day you will
depart from Rome. He will also bring hither with
him the bishop of Nap l e s . We have commanded our
representative in Sicily to take care to provide
for your peace and dignity.8
When Tarasius's envoy, Leo, arrived in Sicily, he
was joined by Bishop Theodore of Catanea and the deacon,

g
Epiphanus. They proceeded then to Rome to deliver the
imperial letters to the pope. Contrary to Irene's letter,
Bishop Constantine of Leontium does not appear to have
made the j o u r n e y 8 It is not known whether Constantine
fell ill between Constantinople and Sicily and could not
continue the trip to Rome, or if he was replaced by the
empress just before final departure from the imperial
c a p i 4tal.
. 1 1 1
In his reply to the empress, Hadrian expressed his
joy over the return of the imperial government to the
8Mansi, XII, 984.
9Ibid., 1076.
10Ibid.
^Hefele, A History of the Councils of the Ch u r c h ,

349.
64
practices of orthodoxy, and stated that he expected Con
stantine VI would be another Constantine the Great and
Irene a new Helena. The pope further stated that in
order for this to become a reality, the Byzantine empire
must recognize the primacy and spiritual sovereignty of
the see of Rome. Hadrian also expressed his surprise that
Irene applied the title "Universal" to the patriarch of
Constantinople. "If he is named Universal above the holy
Roman church, which has a prior rank as head of all the
churches of God," replied Hadrian, then "it is plain that
he shows himself a rebel against the holy councils and a
heretic." Furthermore the pope expressed his disapproval
of a layman being appointed to the patriarchate, but said
that he would condone this if Tarasius restored images.
Hadrian also demanded Byzantium to restore the patrimonia
Petri which Leo III had confiscated and that the word
"ecumenical" be dropped from the official title of the
patriarch of Constantinople. In conclusion Hadrian
promised that if the Byzantine empire would recognize the
supremacy of the see of Rome and treat the pope with ven
eration like the Frankish king, the empire would then be
victorious over all of its barbarian opponents just as
Charles, king of the Franks and the Lombards, had been
in the w e s t . ^
12Mansi, XII, 1055, 1056.

65
In August, 786 the delegates to the Seventh Ecu-

13
menical Council began arriving at Constantinople. The
first meeting was not immediately scheduled because the

14
imperial court was on vacation in Thrace. During this
brief delay iconoclast bishops and their supporters plotted

15
to prevent the synod from being held. Suspecting pos
sible trouble Patriarch Tarasius announced that any public
meetings held without his consent were contrary to canon

16
law.
After Constantine and Irene returned from Thrace,
the first session of the council was scheduled to be held
on August 17 at the Church of the Holy Apostles in Con
stantinople. The day before the synod was to open a hos
tile demonstration by the imperial guards and iconoclast
units of the army against the proposed meeting took place
outside the church. The next day, after the initial meet
ing had begun, the soldiers of the imperial guard (scholarii
and excubitores) burst into the church and threatened to
kill all those present if the council did not immediately
disband. Violence was prevented only when the iconoclast
13
14Ibid.
15Ibid.
16Ma n s i , XII, 990b.

66
bishops, shouting "we have conquered," intervened and de
fused a highly explosive situation. Because of these cir
cumstances the empress had no choice but to dissolve the
council. Many of the bishops, including the two papal

17
legates, left Constantinople.
Irene probably realized that iconoclast military
opposition had to be neutralized before a council could
be successfully convened. On the pretext of an impending
military campaign against the Arabs, the empress in Sep
tember, 786, ordered the mutinous imperial garrison of
Constantinople to be ferried across the Bosphorus Straits

18
to Asia Minor. There at an army base at Malagina the
19
troops were ordered to lay down their weapons and disband.
The imperial guard,, deprived of their officers, obeyed

20
this command. The empress then ordered regiments from
Thrace and Bithynia to Constantinople and entrusted them

21
with defense of the city. The Bithynian forces were
^Theophanes, A.M. 6278; Mansi, XII, 990-991.

1 ft
19Ibid.
20
Jenkins, Byzantium; The Imperial Centurie s , p. 94;
21
Theophanes, A. M. 6 279; Ostrogorsky, History of
the Byzantine S t a t e , p. 178; Jenkins, Byzantium: The
Imperial Centuries~ p. 94.
67
mostly Slavs and probably did not hold strong views on the
22
iconoclast issue. The imperial troops who had disrupted
the ecumenical council were an elite unit recruited by

23
Constantine V to garrison the capital. The disbanding
of such a force no doubt weakened the defenses of the

24
empire. These events clearly show that there was no
manpower shortage in the Byzantine empire, for replace
ments were found for the imperial garrison. Modern his
torian Romilly Jenkins in characterizing Irene's armies
has stated that "they were bad armies, not that there were
25
no armies at all." The purging of the imperial guard
and their officers must have had a negative effect on
Byzantium's army as a whole. But since recent events had
shown that loyalty of the palace guard was essential in
order for Irene to carry out her religious designs, the
empress thought it necessary to form a new imperial garri
son for Constantinople.

26
In May, 787, a new council was convoked. The
22
p. 93.
23 Ostrogorsky, History of the Byzantine State,
p. 178; Jenkins, Byzantium: The Imperial Centuries, p. 93.
^Jenkins, Byzantium: The Imperial Centuries,

p. 93.
25Ibid.
2^Theophanes, A.M. 6279.

68
papal legates, who had attended the meeting in Constanti-

27
nople the year before, were summoned back. Recognizing
that strong iconoclast sentiment still prevailed in the
imperial capital, Irene moved the synod to Nicaea, site

28
of the First Ecumenical Council of the Church. The
first seven sessions of the council, at which Irene and
Constantine were not in attendance, were held at the

29
church of Hagia Sophia in Nicaea. The eighth and final
30
meeting was held at the imperial palace at Constantinople.
This was the seventh and the last ecumenical council

31
recognized by the Greek Orthodox Church.
On September 24, 787, the first session of the

32
Seventh Ecumenical Council convened. Although Irene and
Constantine did not attend the meetings in Nicaea, they
were represented by the patrician Petronas and John, im-

33
perial ostiarius and logothete. In attendance were
27Ibid.
28
Hefele, A History of the Councils of the Church,
360
30I b i d .
31
Ernst Benz, The Eastern Orthodox Church: Its
Thought and L i f e , trans. Richard and Clara Wincton (Garden
City: Doubleday and Co., Inc., 1963), p. 71.
32Theophanes, A.M. 62 79.
33Ibid.
69
about 300 bishops and their representatives, and a large

34
number of monks. An interesting note about this synod
was the order of the attending delegates which always
remained the same throughout all the meetings. The first
place on the roll of those attending was that of "Peter,
archpriest of the Holy Church of the Apostle Peter in Rome,
and Peter, priest and abbot of St. Sabas, representing the
Apostolic see of the pious and most holy archbishop of

35
old Rome, Hadrian." Second in order was Tarasius, "the
pious and most holy archbishop of the famous new Rome,
Constantinople," followed by John and Thomas, "most revered
priests and monks, deputies of the Apostolic sees of the
eastern dioceses."3^
The bishops attending the council were almost
entirely from the Asiatic provinces of the empire. The
European bishops in attendance at Nicaea included eight
from Sicily, one representative, Thomas, archbishop of
Sardinia, six from Calabria, and twenty-one from the dio-

37
ceses of Thrace and Illyria. A large number of abbots
34Mansi, XII, 996b.
35Ibid.
36I b i d ., XII, 996b; XIII, 364a, 398.

37
Martin, A History of the Iconoclastic Contro
versy, p. 93.
70
and monks were also in attendance. They played a very

38
important role as advisers and consultants to the bishops.
Among the more important and famous figures at the council
was the historian Theophanes. It is said that he arrived
at the synod on a mule like "a father journeying like a
father, in a coat of hair with his shepherd's staff in his

39
hand." Theophanes attended the council not by choice but
by compulsion for "he hated meetings and always sought

40
quiet." The future patriarch, Nicephorus, was also in
41
attendance serving as imperial secretary.
In reviewing the list of bishops, abbots, and monks
attending the Seventh Ecumenical Council at Nicaea, it is
noted that two monks, John of Antioch and Thomas of Alexan
dria, served as representatives of the patriarchs of

42
Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem. As previously
stated the three eastern patriarchs were probably never
informed of the council. The three patriarchates were
located in areas under Muslim political domination which

43
made access to them virtually impossible. The question
38Ibid.
3Theophanes, "Vita," PG cviii, 32.
40Ibid.
41 Nicephorus, PG c, "Vita," 53a.
42
M a n s i , XII, 1122.
I
4 3,Martin, A History of the Iconoclastic Controversy,
p. 91.
71
then arises: who (and by w h a t authority) appointed John
and Thomas to act as representatives of the three oriental
patriarchs? A t the Nicaea synod John and Thomas subscribed
that they acted for the apostolic sees of the east and not
44
as vicars of the patriarchs. All those present at the
council, w i t h the exception of the two Roman legates and
the monks, John and Thomas, were subjects of the B y z a ntine

45
empire.
On September 24, 787, the first session of the
Seventh Ecumenical Council commenced. On a motion by the
Si c ilian bishops Patriarch Tarasius op e n e d the mee t i n g
w i t h a short introductory speech. He told the delegates:
At the beginnin g of August in the previous year,

it had been wished to hold a synod under his
presidency, in the Church of the Holy Apostles
in Constantinople, but through the fault of some
bishops, who could easily be numbered, but w h o m he
would n o t name, as every one knew them, they had
been hindered by f o r c e . The gracious rulers
(Irene and Constantine) had therefore summoned
a new synod to Nicaea, and Christ would reward
them for this. This helper the bishops should
also invoke, and in all uprightness, w i t h o u t d i s
cursiveness, deliver a righteous judgement. 46
After Tarasius's speech an imperial sacra was read
to the council. It assured all attending delegates that
^Hefele, A History of the Councils of the C h u r c h ,

p. 361.
46
Mansi, XII, 1000.
72
they w o u l d be allowed freedom of speech and action a c
cording to their individual convictions without any fear
of hindrance or later retaliation against them. The synod
was then informed of the circumstances regarding the
r e s i g nation of Patriarch Paul in 784 and the elec t i o n of
Tarasius. The delegates were told that both Paul and
Tarasius had desired an ecumenical council to reunite

47
Chr i s t e n d o m .
The first and most important issue the council
en c ountered was how to deal with the iconoclast bishops
who had disrupted the synod the year before. It was d e
cided to let the bishops, who renounced their iconoclast
beliefs and repented for their past errors, to be allowed
back into the church. Three iconoclast bishops, Basil of
Ancyra, Theodore of Myra, and Theodosius of Amorium, who
had been hostile to images, begged forgiveness and renounced
their previous position. The synod accepted their r e c a n t a
tion and allowed them to be seated as delegates. But a
serious split developed w h e n seven ot h e r bishops, who had
taken an active part in disrupting the synod during the
previous year in Constantinople, appeared before the c o u n
cil and asked for forgiveness. The bishops, Hypatius of
Nicaea, Leo of Rhodes, Gregory of Pessinus, Leo of Iconium,
4 7 I b i d ., 1001.
73
George of Pisidia, Nicholas of Hierapolis, and Leo of
Carpathus said that they had erred from ignorance of church
doctrine and were ready faithfully to follow the decisions
of the council. Many delegates doubted the sincerity of
the seven bishops. Although the bishops were forgiven,
this caused a serious division within the council between
religious zealots from the monastic orders who opposed any
kind of compromise and moderates who, for expediency and
political interests, sought some sort of compromise as
long as the secular government remained iconodule. It was
the view of the moderate party, however, that prevailed
and thus dominated the council of Nicaea. But the icono
dule majority was completely unanimous on questions re
garding faith.48
The fourth session of the council held on October 1
attempted to prove legitimacy of the veneration of religious
images by reciting a series of stories about miracles asso
ciated with icons. According to one such story a woman
who was devoted to saints Cosmos and Damian hung their
portraits on the walls of her house. Once while suffering
from a serious illness she scraped the paint off the icons
and mixed it in a glass of water. She drank the mixture
and immediately became well "by the presence of the saints
48I b i d ., 1002-1050.
74
in her." In another story a large number of Jews in
Beirut were converted to Christianity after an icon of
Christ, which they had pierced with a lance, gushed out
blood and water. When the Jews touched the substance that
flowed from the image, all the sick were cured of their
ills. After the presentation of these superstitious n o
tions about icons, Patriarch Tarasius informed the synod
that it was no longer necessary for God to perform miracles
w i t h icons because the only reason He used images in such

49
a manner was to convert pagans to Christianity.
The fifth session held on October 4 refuted the

50
iconoclast decrees of the Synod of 754. Iconoclasts,
Jews, Muslims, Samaritans, and Manichaeans were condemned

51
for their opposition to and destruction of icons. "Seest
thou into what an abyss of impiety the iconoclasts have
been precipitated by believing that Christ should not be

52
depicted on panels? Surely theirs is a Jewish faith."
At the seventh session held on October 13 a d o c
trine was agreed upon which condemned opposition to icons,
ordered the eradication of iconoclast writings, and
4 9 Ibid., XIII, 1-127.
50I b i d ., 157-220.
5 1 , .,
Ibid.
^ T h e o d o r e of Studion, PG xcix, 1188-1189.

75
reestablished veneration of images. The council further
stated that holy images, especially portrayals of Christ,
the Virgin Mary, angels, saints, and holy crosses could be
represented on any material or at places such as ships,
w a l l s of houses, garments, and public roads. The r e p r e
sentations of holy figures according to the synod w o u l d
enable the public to think of the originals. The council
w e n t on to decree that veneration should be directed not
to the icon but to the figure portrayed on it. The icon
m u s t not be worshipped in the same w a y that is due to God.
The council also anathematized three former patriarchs of

53
Constantinople, Anastasius, Constantine, and Nicetas.
W h e n Irene and Constantine were informed that the
p roceedings of the council w e r e completed, they ordered
Tarasius and the rest of the bishops to come to C o n s t a n t i
nople. On October 23 the empress and her son cordially
received them at the Magnaura Palace where the eighth and
final session of the council took place. The two rulers
addressed the synod and ordered the decrees of the p r e
v ious session to be read. After this was done Irene p r o
claimed "that a holy and ecumenical synod should declare
w h e t her this Horos had been accepted w i t h universal
assent." All the delegates then exclaimed:
53
Theophanes, A.M. 6279; Mansi, XIII, 364-408.
76
Thus we believe, thus think we all, w e have agreed

and subscribed. This is the faith of the apostles,
the faith of the Fathers, the faith of the orthodox.
Irene and Constantine then signed the decrees of the c o u n
cil. After receiving friendly acclamations from the d e l e
gates, the emperor presented them with rich gifts. The
synod was then declared adjourned and the bishops were

54
allowed to return home.
The Ecumenical Council of 78 7 reintroduced and
officially confirmed the veneration of religious images.
Irene and Constantine were acclaimed "a new Constantine

55
and a new Helena" by the bishops of the synod. Religious
relics and images were restored in all churches of the
empire. For the iconodules it was a joyous occasion.
Veneration of icons had not only been restored but the
eastern and western churches were now reunited. The c o u n
cil in its deliberation had collected all theological a r g u
ments in favor of image worship which were later used by

56
iconodules in defense of their position on this issue.
But the victory of the supporters of icons was short-lived.
Although it was true that iconoclasm had been suppressed,
54
Mansi, XIII, 399-414.
55I b i d ., 739-740.
56Vasiliev, History of the Byzantine E m p i r e ,

p. 264.
77
it was no means dead. In 815, following two disastrous
defeats inflicted on Byzantine armies by the Bulgars,
Emperor Leo V the Armenian (813-820) reintroduced icono-
clasm. It is said that w h e n the Bulgar army was outside
the very walls of Constantinople, Leo V told a group of
friends:
W h y is it that the Christians are suffering defeat

at the hands of the Gentiles? For my opi n i o n it
is because the icons are w o r s hipped and for no
other reason; and therefore, I intend to destroy
them. For you can see that all the emperors who
have recognized them and w o r s h i p p e d them have died
either in banishment or in battle, while those
emperors w h o have not w o r s h i p p e d them, and they
alone, died a natural death on the throne, and
each one of them was splendidly buried in the im
perial sepulchers at the Church of the Holy Apostles.
I wish, therefore, to imitate the latter and destroy
icons, so that both I and my son should live a long
life, and so that m y line should remain on the
throne until the fourth and fifth g e n e r a t i o n .5 7
But iconoclasm remained the official policy of the B y z a n
tine empire only until 843 w h e n it was abandoned by emperor
Theophilus and his w i f e Theodora.
57
Theophanes, 1024c.
CHAPTER V
MOTHER AND SON STRUGGLE FOR POWER
In the ten-year period following the Seventh Ecu
menical Council of 787 the Byzantine empire was plagued
by palace intrigues involving Irene and Constantine,
schemes of rival eunuchs, and military set-backs in the
struggle against the Arabs and B u l g a r s . Although the
empress had achieved a personal triumph with restoration
of religious icons, her position was still not secure.
The most serious challenge to her power yet was posed not
by army or iconoclasts, but by her son, Constantine.
In 787 Constantine was a maturing boy of seven
teen. Although his name was still placed ahead of his
mother's on all official government documents, the empress
did not allow the young prince to exercise imperial pre
rogatives. Irene probably feared that if her son assumed
control of the empire the recently achieved religious
reforms would be u n d o n e .^ In order to preserve the icon-
odule degrees of the council of Nicaea the empress went
to any extreme to maintain her power.
1Diehl, Byzantine Empresses, p. 79.
78
79
Irene continued to be a dominating influence on

2
her son. But m 788 young Constantine became enraged at
his mother who, ignoring his objections, cancelled a mar-

3
riage agreement with the Franks. In 782, when Constantine
was about twelve years old, such a pact had been arranged
between the young emperor and Rotrud, w h o m the Greeks
called Erythro, daughter of Charles the Great.^ The
eunuch Elissarus, an imperial notary, was sent to the
Frankish court at Aix-la-Chapelle to instruct Rotrud in

5
the Greek language and customs of the Byzantine empire.
Although Constantine had never seen Rotrud, he was enthusi-
astic about the impending marriage. It was said that
when the prospective imperial match was cancelled, Con-

7
stantine was inconsolable. Irene's reasons for abandon
ing that marriage project are not entirely known. Although
Frankish sources state that Charles broke off the engage
ment because of his opposition to the decrees of the coun
cil of Nicaea, a Byzantine narrative says that Irene, who
2I b i d .
^Theophanes, A.M. 6 281.
Îbid., A.M. 6274.
5Ibid.
^Bury, A History of the Later Roman E m p i r e , p. 483.

80
was becoming increasingly jealous of her son, ended the
impending betrothal because she feared that Charles might

Q
increase the power and prestige of his future son-in-law.
Irene knew that she had to find a wife who would
not pose a serious threat for her disappointed, lovesick
son. Imperial envoys were sent into all provinces of the
empire to find a bride whose beauty and intelligence would
be worthy of the young b a s i l e u s .^ According to one roman
tic story the empress's agents found three pretty but poor
sisters in a remote village in Cappodocia who met the
specified qualifications of height, weight, and appearance;
any one of the three was a potential mate for the emperor."^
Their father, Philaretus, was a very pious man who had

12
impoverished his family by his general almsgiving. in a
"Cinderella" manner all candidates were brought to Con-

13
stantinople to be judged. A beautiful eighteen-year-old
8
John Zonaras, "Epitomae Historiarum Libri," PG
cxxxv, 10; Royal Frankish A n n a l s , 788r.
9
Diehl, Byzantine Empresses, p. 80; Diener, Im
perial B y z a n t i u m , p. 144; Jenkins, Byzantium; The Imperial
Centuries, p. 98; McCabe, The Empresses of Constantinople,
p. 92.
11
Philaretus eleemosynarius, "Vita," ed. and t r a n s .
by M. H. Fourmy and M. Leroy, Byzantion: Revue Interna
tionale des Etudes Byzantines IX (1934):85-167.
12Ibid.
13
McCabe, The Empresses of Constantinople, p. 93.
81
Armenian maiden from the Paphlagonian theme, Maria of

14
Amnia, was selected. Theophanes states that I r e n e s
15
officers m distant Armenia discovered her. Maria has
been described as being Armenian, Paphlagonian, and

16
Cappodocian. Her family background is not known exactly,
for Diehl says that she came from modest origins while
Jenkins maintains that Maria was from a wealthy provincial

17
family of Paphlagonia. Supposedly Constantine chose his
bride in an imperial ceremony of the most beautiful women

18
in the world. But the election was probably decided
19
beforehand by Irene and her ministers. Between 788 and
900 this procedure of selecting a bride for the emperor

20
was used many times by the Byzantine court.
An open struggle for sovereignty of the Byzantine
14
Theophanes, A.M. 6281; Jenkins, Byzantium: The
Imperial Centuries, p. 98.
^5Theophanes, A.M. 6281.
16Theophanes, A.M. 6281; Bury, A History of the

Later Roman Empire, p. 483; Diehl, Byzantine Empresses,
p. 80; Jenkins, Byzantium: The Imperial Centuries, p. 98;
17
Diehl, Byzantine Empresses, p. 80; Jenkins,
Byzantium: The Imperial Centuries, p. 98.
18 Jenkins, Byzantium: The Imperial Centuries, p. 98
19Ibid.
20
This custom was probably Khazar in origin. See
Jenkins, Byzantium: The Imperial Centuries, p. 98.
82
empire developed in 790 between Irene and her son. Young
Constantine, who was then twenty years old, was very bitter
21
over his forced marriage to Maria of Amnia. Gradually
he began to realize that as long as his mother lived she
and her eunuch advisers, especially the logothete
Stauracius, would exclude him from all affairs of govern-

22
ment. Stauracius was the most powerful minister in the
empire. He had led successful campaigns against the Slavs
in northern Greece and the Peloponnesus in 783, had negoti
ated peace with the Arabs, and in 786 successfully dis
banded the iconoclast army units that had disrupted the
opening session of the Seventh Ecumenical Council at the
Church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople. He was not
only very talented but unscrupulous, and he would not hesi-

23
tate to use any means to maintain his position at court.
The situation was humiliating for the basileus
because all petitions, grievances, and requests to the
government were not presented to him, but instead to

24
Stauracius. The empress's advisers no doubt knew that
if Constantine ever assumed sole control they would lose
21
Bury, A History of the Later Roman Emp i r e , p. 483.
22
Diehl, Byzantine Empresses/ pp. 80-81.
21
24Ibid., p. 483.
83
25
their power and position at court. So it was only logi
cal that they exploit the distrust and jealousy that
existed between mother and son and widen the breach b e
tween them.30
Irene carefully isolated Constantine in his own
court, denying him influence and allowing him a few per-

27
sonal friends. All the important affairs of government
28
were controlled by Stauracius. In either January or
February 790 Constantine and his party, including his only
intimate friends, Theodore Camulianus, the magister
o f f i c i o r u m , Peter, and D a m a n u s , plotted to overthrow
Irene, banish her to Sicily, and remove Stauracius from

29
power. But the ever-observant Stauracius discovered the
scheme and informed the empress before it could be exe
c u t ed.30 Irene was furious that her son could have been
31
part of such a conspiracy. Setting aside maternal
25
Diehl, Byzantine E m p r e s s e s , pp. 80-81.
26I b i d .
27
28Diehl, Byzantine E m p r e s s e s , p. 80; Hussey, The

Cambridge Medieval His tor y~, pt 88.
29
30
Later Roman E m p i r e , p. 484.
O]
84
affection for Constantine, she retaliated harshly against

32
all participants m the plot. The emperor's co-conspira
tors were tortured and some of them, including his close
friends, were exiled to Sicily and the Peloponnesus, while

33
others were placed under house arrest in Constantinople.
Irene publicly slapped her son in the face and had h i m

34
beaten with rods. Constantine was then confined to his
35
quarters for several days. The empress's eunuch advisers
encouraged her to take such drastic action by proclaiming

36
to her that "even God did not wish her son to reign."
Influenced by her close confidants and "creatures" at
court, and by soothsayers who promised that it was p r e
destined that she should be sole ruler of the empire, Irene

37
now attempted to take complete control of the government.
In that same year (790) Irene decreed that her
name would be placed before Constantine's on all official
^ T h e o p h a n e s , A.M. 6282.
33
Bury states that confining a person to his own
house was a common form of punishment at Constantinople
during this time. See Bury, A History of the Later Roman
E m p i r e , p. 484.
35Ibid.
36I b i d .
37 .
85
government documents. Furthermore she ordered all im
perial troops to take an oath of loyalty to her stating
"so long as you shall live we will never recognize your
son as emperor." The garrison at Constantinople and all
the troops of the European and Asian themes, except the
Armeniacs, took the oath. The spathar and drungarius of
the watch, Alexius Mousele, was sent to the Armeniac theme
to obtain their support also. But Alexius joined the
opposition. Nicephorus, strategus of the Armeniacs, was
arrested and replaced by Alexius. The rebellious soldiers
and their new leader then proclaimed Constantine sole
emperor. The other themes, who had just recently taken an
oath of loyalty to Irene, now reversed themselves, chose
new generals, and declared their allegiance to Constan-
t i n e .38
In October 79 0 troops from all the themes of Asia
Minor, except the Armeniacs, met at Atrda and demanded
the emperor's presence. The Armeniac theme, which was the
prime instigator of this rebellion, was too far away to
send delegates to that meeting. Irene was powerless to
oppose the combined armies of the Anatolian themes. She
allowed Constantine to go to Atrda where he received the
allegiance of the army. The mutinous troops demanded the

86
39
removal of Irene as co-ruler of the e m p i r e .
Constantine returned triumphantly to the imperial
capital in December and removed his mother from power.
The empress was ordered into c o n f i nement at the palace
of Eleutherius, w h i c h she herself had built just outside
the city. All her advisers, including Stauracius and
A e t i u s , were dismissed. Stauracius was flogged, tonsured,

40
and exiled to the Armeniac t h e m e .
Constantine sent two officers, Michael Lachano-
drakon and the protospather and bajulus John, to the
Armeniac theme to obtain a formal oath of loyalty from

41
them. This incident, according to J. B. Bury, indicated
that Irene, soon after her accession to power in 780, re
p laced all the governors of the themes who had b e e n ap-

42
pointed by Leo IV and Constantine V. Contempora r y
sources state that Michael Lach a n o d r a k o n was strategus of
the Thracesian theme prior to Leo's death. But Theophanes
narrates that in 790 all the themes dep o s e d their gover-

43
nors after Irene was removed from power. So it is
39Ibid.
4 0 Ibid.
4 1 Ibid.
4 ^Bury, A History of the Later Roman E m p i r e , p. 485
4 "^Theophanes, A.M. 628 3.

87
possible, as B u r y maintained, that Michael Lachanodrakon

44
was no longer strategus of the Thracesians. He had a l
ways been a staunch supporter of young Constantine. There

45
w o u l d therefore be no probable reason for his dismissal.
Theophanes states that Lachanodrakon was sent by the
e m peror to the Armeniac theme to ob t a i n their oaths of

46
loyalty. If Lachanodrakon still held the prestigious
position of strategus of the Thracesian theme, one can only
question the reason of entrusting him w i t h a minor m i s s i o n

47
that was suitable for a s p a t h a r . It can be conc luded
that Michael Lachanodrakon was no longer governor of the
Thracesians. He probably held, however, an important

48
position at Constantine's court. Theophanes refers to
49
h i m in 792 as magister (officiorum).
Constantine ruled the Byzantine empire for seven
years (790-797). If he had had the character and strength
of his grandfather, his reign w o u l d probably have b e e n

50
successful. B u t Irene had neglected her son's education.
44
4 5 Ibid.
4 8 Theophanes, A.M. 6283.

47
Bury, A History of the Later Roman E m p i r e , p. 4 85
4 8 Ibid.
Finlay, A History of G r e e c e , p. 79.
88
Although Constantine displayed courage on the battlefield,
he was unable to achieve any major military v i c t o r i e s .
His mind has been described as "fickle" and he was in
capable of effectively directing the affairs of the em-

52
pire. The emperor's inconsistency in ruling lost him
53
the support of his friends and the army. That and his
attempts at reconciliation with his vengeful mother would

54
eventually bring about his own downfall. At the b e g i n
ning of his reign Constantine had popular support of the
army. But unsuccessful campaigns against Bulgars and
Arabs lost h i m much of that support and even led to an
attempted military c o u p .
Byzantium no longer feared disturbances on the
Bulgar border during the early part of Irene's reign. In
78 4 Irene rebuilt the town of Berrhoea in Thrace and she
personally renamed it Irenopolis in a ceremony attended
by the entire imperial court. So safe did the empress
believe the Bulgar frontier that she did not hesitate to
deplete it of most of its troops during the iconoclast
struggle of 7 8 6 . ^
51
52 .
53 .
Diehl, Byzantine E m p r e s s e s , pp. 82-8 3.
54Ibid.
55
Theophanes, A.M. 6276, 6279.
89
Byzantine intelligence, however, was not aware of
a revival of Bulgar power under the able leadership of
Tsar Cardam, successor to Telerig. In 788 Philetus,
strategus of Thrace, and most of his army, while on a
reconnaissance expedition along the Strymon River, were
killed in a surprise attack by the B u l g a r s . ^
In April 791 Constantine personally led a campaign
into Bulgaria to avenge the disaster suffered three years
before. But the expedition, which was a fiasco on all
sides, achieved no significant results. The emperor and
his army advanced to the fortress of Probatum (Provadia)
on the St. George River. Both armies established camp
after a day of minor skirmishes. But during the night the
opposing forces were seized with terror and fled to their
respective borders.
In July of the following year (792) Constantine
led a second expedition against the Bulgars. The emperor,
faithfully listening to the prophesies of the astronomer
Pancrat, expected an easy and glorious victory. The im
perial forces advanced to the frontier town of Marcellae
(Karnobat). On July 20 Constantine, without adequate
preparation, fought the enemy in a pitched battle. The
56Ibid., A.M. 8281.
57I b i d ., A.M. 6283.

90
results of that engagement were disastrous. Although
Constantine was able to escape to safety, many of his most
able officers were killed, including Michael Lachanodrakon;
the p a t r i c i a n , Bardas; the strategoi, Nicetas and

58
Theognostos; and the p r o t o s p a t h a r , Stephanus.
On the eastern frontier in Asia Minor the Arabs
achieved a series of victories against the Byzantine e m
pire while her inept rulers, Constantine and Irene, plotted
against each other.
In September 786 Harun al-Rashid ascended the
throne of the Abbasid caliphate. Although his reign, which
lasted until 809, was one of military successes against
Byzantine arms, Harun did not pursue an entirely offensive
policy. He reorganized and reinforced the caliphate's
northwest border with the Byzantine empire. The frontier
region where many of the Arab raids originated was called
A wasim or "defensive" cities, which in literal Arabic
means "to impede, protect, defend." The major city on
that defensive line was Antioch. The Awasim composed an
area from Antioch to the cities of Balis on the Euphrates,
Manbij, and Samosata. Along its immediate border with
Byzantium a line of fortresses called the thighur ("the
front teeth") was built. The most important town along
58I b i d ., A.M. 6284.

91
that line of defense was Tarsus, which was situated near
the Cilician Gates, the main pass through the Tarsus
Mountains. On the other side of the border the Byzantines
constructed a series of forts which served as a line of

59
defense against Arab raids.
Harun began a massive program to fortify the
frontier. Between 7 86 and 78 7 the cities of Hadath and
Tarsus were r e f o r t i f i e d . In the case of Tarsus, not
only was that city rebuilt, but a large colony of Muslims

61
was resettled there. About the same time the fortresses
62
of Kafarbayya and Massisa were constructed. Anazarba
was later fortified in 796 and in 799 the fortress of
HSrunlya, located a few miles southwest of Germanica, was
rebuilt.
Although it was not until 796 that Harun again
took personal command of military operations on the B y z a n
tine frontier, the Arabs continued during his absence
59
E. A. Belyaev, Arabs, Islam and the Caliphate
in the Early Middle A g e s , t r a n s . by Adolph Gourevitch
(New York: Frederick A. Praeger, Inc., Publishers, 1969),
pp. 225-26.
60Tabari, A . H . 170.
61I b i d .
62
92
their annual border r a i d s . Imperial forces were routed
in 7 89 at the battle of Podandus in the Isaurian Mountains

64
in which both Byzantine commanders were killed.
In 790 a large Arab fleet from Syria attacked
Cyprus.^ The raid must have been destructive because
a Byzantine armada, composed of naval units from the
Cibyraeot and Aegean themes, coordinated their operations

6 fi
in an attempt to intercept and destroy the Arab flotilla.
The two opposing fleets finally met in battle at the Bay
of Attalia in which Theophilus, strategus of the Cibyraeot

67
theme, was taken prisoner. It is said that Harun
promised to grant Theophilus his life if he would renounce

68
his faith and convert to Islam. But the brave and
69
devoted Theophilus refused and in turn was executed.
Arab losses were probably great in number for sixteen
years would pass before the Byzantine fleet would be again
challenged.79
64
65Ibid.r A.M. 6282.
66Ibid.
67I b i d .
68Ibid.
69Ibid.
7n
Archibald R. Lewis, Naval Power and Trade in the
93
An Arab account, however, states that the naval
expedition was directed at Crete and not Cyprus. Tabari
probably got Crete (Ikritish) confused with Ikita, the
headquarters of the strategus of the Chaldian theme, in
northeast Asia Minor. He says that the summer raid was
hampered by extreme cold weather in which many men lost
hands and feet from frostbite. The description of frigid
summer temperatures eliminates Crete but not the Chaldian
theme. Tabari probably confused Crete with a winter raid
into Chaldia in which 4 000 Arabs suffered from frost
bitten feet. It can be concluded from these accounts that
the Arabs made a winter raid into the Chaldian theme in
either 791 or 792 in which great numbers of casualties
were sustained from nature and the environment rather than

71
from the Byzantine army.
In October 791 Constantine led an expedition
against the A r a b s . The imperial army advanced past the
Cilician Gates to Tarsus. But here they were probably
stopped, for there is no evidence that the city fell into
Byzantine possession. Theophanes reports that Constantine

72
returned to the capital without achieving his objective.
Mediterranean A.D. 500-1100 (Princeton University Press,

1951; reprint ed. New York: Johnson Reprint Corp., 1970),
p. 102.
71
Tabari, A.H. 175, 178.
72
94
If Constantine had proved to be an able leader,
he would probably have neutralized the power and influence
of his mother. But the campaigns of 791 against the Bul-
gars and Arabs showed that he did not possess the talent
to command. He was also a weak ruler who fell under the

73
domination of unscrupulous a d v i s e r s .
In January 792 Constantine granted his mother's
petition and allowed her to return to the imperial court.
He restored the title of empress to Irene and again a l
lowed her to participate actively in the government. The
naive young emperor also recalled his mother's former chief
minister, Stauracius. It is not known for what reason

74
Constantine made these unwise decisions.
The unscrupulous and ambitious Irene returned to
power seeking vengeance against all those who had opposed
her in 790. The weak and easily duped emperor turned to
his mother for advice and conciliation. But Irene and
her ministers took gradual steps to discredit Constantine

75
with the populace, army, and church.
The Armeniac theme objected to Irene's return to
court. Alexius Musele, strategus of that theme, was
73
Jenkins, Byzantium; The Imperial Centuries, p. 98.
^ T h e o p h a n e s , A.M. 6284.
75 Diehl, Byzantine Empresses, p. 82.
95
76
summoned to C o n s t a n t i n o p l e . But the Armeniac troops
77
demanded the restoration of their commander. At the
instigation of his mother, Constantine suspected that

78
Alexius was involved in a plot against him. The governor
was flogged, tonsured, and placed in the praetorian
prison. 79
In 792, soon after the disastrous Bulgar campaign,
Constantine's uncles were involved in another conspiracy
against him. Certain elements of the army sought to r e
move Constantine and replace him with his uncle, Nice-

80
phorus. Although his uncles held clerical status, the
emperor still considered them a serious threat to the

81
throne. On the advice of his mother, Constantine sen
tenced Nicephorus to be blinded and ordered the tongues

82
of his other uncles to be slit. This action, whi c h was
a lenient punishment for the crime, lost the emperor
^ T h e o p h a n e s , A.M. 6284.
77I b i d .
7 8 Diehl, Byzantine E m p r e s s e s , p. 83.
^Theophanes, A.M. 6284 .
80I b i d .
QI
Theophanes refers to Nicephorus as ex-Caesar.
See Theophanes, A.M. 6284.
Q2
Theophanes, A.M. 6284; Diehl, Byzantine E m p r e s s e s ,
p. 83.
96
support of many iconoclasts, who still cherished the memory

83
of the victims' father, Constantine V.
Constantine now believed that he was surrounded

84 ^
by enemies. He sentenced Alexius Musele to be deprived
85
of his eyesight. The troops of the Armeniac theme
retaliated by blinding Alexius's successor, Theodore

86
Camulianus. The emperor responded to this by sending an
army under the command of Chrysocheres, strategus of the
Bucellarian theme, and the protospathar, Constantine

87
Artaseras, to subdue the rebellious Armeniac troops.
But the insurgents defeated the imperial forces in Novem-

88
ber 792 and blinded their two generals. Fearing that
rebellion might spread to other Anatolian provinces,
Constantine took the field himself at the head of the

89
imperial army. On May 27, 793, the emperor easily de-
90
feated the rebels. The victory was insured when the
83
84
OC
Theophanes, A. M. 6 285; Bury, A History of the
88Theophanes, A. M. 6285.
87Ibid.
88Ibid.
89
90
Theophanes, A. M. 6285.
97
Armenian auxiliaries, after being promised large rewards

91
by Constantine, deserted their Armeniac allies. But the
92
emperor never fulfilled his promises to them. The
Armenian auxiliaries responded by abandoning the fortress

93
of Comacha to the A r a b s .
Constantine suppressed the rebellion with great
cruelty. The leaders of the uprising, Gregory, bishop of
Sinope, and the two turmarchs, Andronicus and Theophilus,

94
were put to death. One thousand of the rebels, with the
inscription "Armeniac conspirator" branded across each of

' 95
their faces, were marched to Constantinople in chains.
After being paraded through the streets of the capital,

96
they were exiled to Sicily.
What influence Irene had on the manner in which
her son put down this rebellion is not known. It is pos
sible that the empress encouraged her son to take drastic

97
action. Constantine's handling of the situation had
91,... .
Ibid.
92
93
Theophanes, A.M. 6285; Hussey, The Cambridge
Medieval History, p p . 706-707.
94
95Ibid.
96Bury, A History of the Later Roman E m p i r e , p. 486.
97
Diehl, Byzantine E m p r esses, p. 83; McCabe, The
Empresses of Constantinople, p. 95.
98
98
made him unpopular with the army and his subj e c t s .
On January 3, 795, Constantine divorced his wife,

99
Maria, and induced her to retire to a nunnery. Although
the emperor had opposed this unhappy union from the b egin
ning, Maria bore him two daughters, Euphrosyne and Irene.
Constantine, who had taken a series of mistresses during
his marriage, fell in love with Theodote, one of Irene's
maids of honor at court. Theodote was from one of Con
stantinople's leading fami l i e s . She was related to two
of the most influential iconodules of that day, Plato,
abbot of the monastery of Saccudion in Bithynia, and his

102
nephew, Theodore of Studion. it is said that Irene
encouraged her son to divorce his wife and marry Theodote,
go
^ ^ T h i r t y years later Euphrosyne married Emperor

Michael II (820-829). See E. W. Brooks, "The Marriage of
the Emperor Theophilus," Byzantinsche Zeitschrift X (1901):
540-45; J. B. Bury, A History of the Eastern Roman Empire:
From the Fall of Irene to the Accession of Basil I, A.D.
802-867 (New York: Russell and Russell, Inc., 1965),
pp. 80-81; Jenkins, Byzantium: The Imperial Centuries,
p. 141.
*"^Diehl, Byzantine Empresses, p. 83.
102
Theodote was probably a second cousin of Theo
dore. See Theodore of Studion, "Vita," PG xcix, 253;
Patrick Henry, "The Moechian Controversy and the Con-
stantinopolitan Synod of January A.D. 809," The Journal
of Theological Studies, New Series, XX (1969) :495-522.
99
knowing that this would arouse orthodox church opposition

103
to the emperor.
In September 795 Constantine and Theodote were
married at the palace of St. Mamas just outside the impe-

104
rial capital. The major reason for this union, how
ever, was probably not that of love. Constantine knew
that the principle of hereditary succession rested in the

105
eldest son. Maria had not produced any sons. In order
that the Isaurian line might continue, a male heir was
essential. Although Constantine probably was deeply
in love with Theodote, he married her for dynastic reasons

107
hoping that she would bear him a son.
Irene's expectations of widespread ecclesiastical
opposition to her son's divorce and remarriage came true.
Patriarch Tarasius, who at first refused to pronounce a
sentence of divorce, finally yielded to Irene's pressure

108
and granted it. But the patriarch would not perform the
103
Theophanes, A.M. 6287; Diehl, Byzantine Em
presses , p. 83; Henry, "The Moechian Controversy and the
Constantinopolitan Synod of January A.D. 809," p. 4 96.
104
105
106Ibid.
107Ibid.
108
Finlay, A History of Greece, p. 80.
100
109
marriage ceremony of Constantine and Theodote. Joseph,
a steward of Hagia Sophia and abbot of the Kathara monas
tery, united the imperial couple in a nuptial crowning.
According to Theodore of Studion, Tarasius withdrew his
opposition to the marriage only after the emperor threatened
to renew iconoclast persecutions.'*''*''*' Theophanes reports

112
that Tarasius ordered Joseph to officiate at the wedding.
That is probably not true, for Constantine would have had
no trouble in finding clergy at the imperial court who
would be willing to perform the marriage without permis
sion of the patriarch.'*''*'^
The strongest opposition to the marriage was cen
tered at the monastery at Saccudion which openly showed
its indignation of wjât it considered an act p f adultery .*"*^
Plato, the abbot, even refused communication with Patriarch
109
Theophanes, A.M. 6288; Theodore of Studion,
"Vita," PG xcix, 251.
H ^ T h e placing and interchanging of crowns on the

heads of the bride and groom is an important part of the
marriage ceremony in the Greek Church. See Theophanes,
A.M. 6288; Theodore of Studion, "Vita," PG xcix, 251.
^"Theodore of Studion, PG xcix, 1049-1053.

112
113
Henry, "The Moechian Controversy and the Con-
stantinopolitan Synod of January A.D. 8 09," p. 501.
114
Bury, A History of the Later Roman Empire, p. 48 7.
101
115
Tarasius. Plato and his nephew Theodore disapproved
of Tarasius's passive sanction of the marriage of their
cousin Theodote to the e m p e r o r . T h e y considered the
union to be contrary to the Gospel (Mark 10, 11) ban

117
against adultery. According to Theophanes, Irene
secretly encouraged ecclesiastical opposition "because

118
they were resisting her son and bringing shame upon h i m . "
The emperor tried very hard to settle this dispute peace-

119
fully. On the pretext of visiting the hot water baths
at Prusa, Constantine made a special trip to the monastery

120
at Saccudion. But Plato and Theodore refused to meet
4.u i.-
with him. 1 2 1
Constantine finally lost patience and resorted to
force. In February 797 Bardanes, domesticus of the
scholarii, and John, count of the Opsikian theme, were
sent to Saccudion with orders to arrest Plato, his nephew
115
Later Roman Empire, p. 487.
116
Gardner, Theodore of Studium, pp. 56-57.
117
p. 100.

119
Gardner, Theodore of Studium, p. 57.
120
12 1
p. 100.
102
12 2
Theodore, and other obstinate monks of that monastery.
123
The monks were seized and beaten with rods. That in
cident served only to solidify ecclesiastical opposition
to the emperor. Clerics now referred to him as a tyrant
and "the new H e r o d . P l a t o was placed under the ward
ship of the abbot, Joseph, and brought back to Constanti-

125
nople. There he was confined to the chapel of St. Michael
in the imperial palace. Theodore, his brother Joseph, and

126
eleven monks were exiled to Thessalonica.
Theodore, in a letter to his uncle Plato, gives
a vivid account of his land and sea journey to Thessa-

127
lonica. Although occasionally they were treated harshly,
Theodore states that in most towns they were welcomed as

128
heroes. According to Theophanes, Irene showed great
129
concern for her supporters. It is possible that agents
122
inq
Theodore of Studion, PG xcix, 1051; Diehl,
Byzantine Empresses, p. 84.
124
Theodore of Studion, PG xcix, 1051.
l 25
126ibia.
19 7
Theodore of Studion, PG xcix, 913-920.
128Ibid.
*"2^Theophanes, A.M. 6288.

103
sent by the empress aided the prisoners during their

130
journey. The captives were transported by land to
131
Lampsacus, where they embarked to the island of Lemnos.
The voyage from Lemnos to Thessalonica was not without

132
danger. Theodore states that there was constant fear
of piratical attacks by Slavs who inhabited the coastal

133
regions of Thrace. When Theodore and his companions
reached their destination on March 25, they were cordially
received by the praetorian prefect of Illyricum, whose
former sphere of authority had now been reduced to Thessa-

134
lonica and its immediate surrounding area.
Constantine's power and influence had definitely
been weakened by military reverses, internal disorders,
and ecclesiastical opposition. Irene and her aides,
Stauracius and Aetius, cautiously waited for the proper
time to overthrow the emperor. They had all learned from
the unsuccessful revolt in 790 that they could not achieve
130
Henry, "The Moechian Controversy and the Con-
stantinopolitan Synod of January A.D. 809," p. 503.
131Theodore of Studion, PG xcix, 913-920.
132ibia.
T O O
It can be concluded by this observation that
the Via Egnatia, the major road between Constantinople
and Thessalonica, was probably not open to safe travel.
l 3A
Theodore of Studion, PG xcix, 913-920; Bury,
A History of the Later Roman Empire, p. 487.
104
their objective if they acted too hastily. The empress
encouraged her gullible son to blind his uncle, harshly
suppress the Armeniac troops, and divorce his wife to
marry Theodote. Irene knew that these actions would arouse
the opposition of certain contingents of the army, the

135
monks, and the general populace.
135
Diehl, Byzantine Empresses, p. 83; Jenkins,
Byzantium; The Imperial Centuries, p. 100.
CHAPTER VI
IRENE: "BASILEUS OF THE ROMANS"
The constant rivalry between Irene and Constantine
finally emerged into the open in 796-797. Irene now
realized that the time was appropriate to remove her son
from power. The recent actions of the emperor had ren
dered him extremely unpopular throughout the empire.'*' But
it was essential that Constantine's authority and influ
ence be neutralized and every effort be made to prevent
him from regaining the support of his subjects.
In September 796 Constantine and Irene, accompanied
by many of the distinguished members of the imperial court,
visited the hot water baths at Prusa. While there the
emperor received news that his wife, Theodote, had given
birth to a son, named Leo, on October 7 in Constantinople.
Constantine and his aides immediately returned to the
c a p i tal.^
In the emperor's absence Irene attempted to win
*"Bury, A History of the Later Roman Em p i r e , p. 488;

Finlay, A History of Greece, p. 84.
105
106
3
the support of the high ranking military officers. She
lured them to her cause with promises of gifts and other
bribes. By flatteries and her personal charm Irene also
persuaded the principal court officials to participate in

4
a coup d'etat making her sole ruler of the e m p i r e .
The Arabs, while Constantine and his mother
struggled for control of the empire, took advantage of
Byzantine internal disorders and continued to make their
annual raids into Anatolia. In 793 they captured two
fortress towns in separate campaigns. Aided by the rebel
lion in the Armeniac theme, one of the Arab columns cap
tured the unprotected fort of Camacha while the other
Muslim force under the command of Abd-al-Rahman marched
through the Tarsus Mountain passes and into Cappodocia,

5
where they captured Thebasa. It is reported that 400 of
Thebasa's defenders died of thirst before it surrendered.6
In 794 the rebel Elpidius, former governor of Sicily,
accompanied an Arab expedition that reached the Black Sea
Îbid.
4
Theophanes, A.M. 6 289; Bury, A History of the
Later Roman Emp i r e , pp. 4 8 7-488; Diehl, Byzantine Empresses
p. 85; Jenkins, Byzantium: The Imperial Centuries, pp. 100-
101.
5Theophanes, A.M. 6285, 6286; Tabari, A.H. 176.
6Michael the Syrian, Vol. Ill, pp. 8-9.

107
7
coastal town of Amiscus. The following summer a Muslim
raiding party appeared before the Cappodocian town of

O
Haghius Procopius (Urgup). And in 796 an Arab expedi
tionary force penetrated into Asia Minor as far as Amor-

9
ium. But this raid was probably not successful for there
is no indication that any town or prisoners were captured.
The Byzantines also conducted offensive operations
during this period. In 795 Constantine personally led an
expedition against the Arabs. Although this campaign did
not achieve any concrete results, the emperor did defeat
his Muslim foes at Anusan.10
Irene and her advisers knew that if Constantine
won any brilliant military victories, he would probably
regain his prestige among his subjects.'*''*' It was there
fore essential for that not to happen.
In 797 Constantine launched his third expedition

12
against the Arabs. it is not known whether the major
objective of this campaign was to take the offensive
^Theophanes, A.M. 6286; Tabari, A.H. 178.

8
g
10Ibid., A.M. 6287.
11Bury, A History of the Later Roman Empire,
pp. 487-88; Diehl, Byzantine Empresses, p. 85.
12
108
against enemy positions beyond the Tarsus Mountain s o r

13
to intercept returning M u s l i m raiding parties. B u t the
emperor's expedition was doomed from the b e g i n n i n g owing
to the treachery of his mother and her aides. Irene and
Stauracius successfully conspired to prevent Constantine

14
from starting that mili t a r y operation. The emperor was
finally forced to abandon the project because of a c o n
spiracy organ i z e d against him by his mother in Constanti-
n o p l e .1 5
Constantine returned to the capital in June. A
m o n t h before (May 1, 797), his son, Leo, had died. Irene
decided that the time was now right to o v e r t h r o w her son.
On July 17, w h i l e Constantine was proceeding from the
hippodrome to the church of St. Mamas in the Blachernae
district of the city, troops loyal to his mother a t t e mpted
to arrest him. But the emperor eluded his would-be
abductors and fled across the Bosphorus to the town of
Triton o n the Asiatic side. Constantine planned to escape
to the Anatolic theme where the Isaurian emperors were
13
In 796 and 797 the Arabs made a series of s u c
cessful raids into Byzantine Asia Minor. Harun al-Rashid
captured the border fortress of Safsaf while one of his
lieutenants, A b d - a l - M a l i k , and his force penetrate d into
the Bucellarian theme to Ancyra. See Tabari, A.H. 181.
'''^Theophanes, A.M. 6289.
15Ibid.
109
always welcome. But unfortunately he was accompan i e d by
friends and advisers, many of w h o m were secretly loyal to
his mother. W h e n Irene was informed of C o n s t a n t i n e s
e scape she immediately took possession of the imperial
palace. But the empress and her advisers became t e m p o
rarily panic stricken. They were afraid that if C o n s t a n
tine succeeded in r allying support to his side, the coup
w o u l d be suppressed. Irene for a while even contemplated
sending some bishops to her son to mediate in her behalf.
But the empress regained her confidence. Many civil and
m i l i t a r y officials had pledged their support and loyalty
to her. Irene now threatened to expose them, including
m a n y army officers, with wri t t e n documents, to the
basileus as traitors if they did not support h e r . ^
Constantine was betrayed by his companions and

17
b r o ught back to Constantinople. There he was held
18
prisoner at the imperial palace. On August 15 at three
o ' clock in the afternoon, on orders of his mother, in the
Purple Chamber where he had been born twenty seven years

19
before, Constantine was blinded. Although there is some
1 6 Ibid.
17l b i d .
18 ..
Ibid.
19
Ibid.
110
di sagreement whethe r Constantine survived this brutal
punishment, it seems that he did live until the reign of

20
Emperor Michael the Stammerer (820-829). He and his
wife, Theodote, who bore h i m a second son, resided in a
secluded palace on the hill of Zeugma near the Golden

21
Horn. After the death of the unfortunate emperor
Theodote transformed the palace into a monas t e r y for women

22
(called Medanoia) in w h i c h she herself retired.
The unfortunate basileus was mourned by very few
people. The fanatical ecclesiastical party at court said
that Constantine's fate had been ordai n e d by God because

23
of his adulterous marr i a g e to Theodote. Theodore of
Studion said of the punishment that "even emperors will
learn not to violate God's laws, nor to unchain impious

24
persecutions." B u t Theophanes, who was deeply devoted
to Irene, was horrified by the empress's actions against
20
Leo Grammaticus, "Chro n o g r a p h i a ," PG cviii,
1043; Theophanes Continuatus, PG cix, 66; Diehl, Byzantine
E m p r e s s e s , p. 86; Jenkins, Byzantium; The Imperial C e n
t u r i e s , p. 101.
21I b i d .
22
Demetrios J. C o n s t a n t e l o s , Byzantine Philanthropy
and Social Welfare (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press,
1968), p. 196.
23
24 .,
Ibid.
Ill
her son. In his narrative of Constantine's blinding
Theophanes states that:
For seventeen days the sun veiled itself and gave

forth no light, so that vessels went astray upon
the sea; and all men said that it was by reason
of the emperor's blinding that the sun did not
shine; and thus ascended the throne Irene, mother
of the emperor.25
Irene was now sole ruler of the empire. She was
the first woman to rule Byzantium in her own right. Never
before had a woman held such rank. According to Roman

26
tradition the emperor was supreme commander of the army.
There were probably some questions at the time whether she

27
could legally exercise this power. It was therefore
essential that she assume the title of emperor. At the
head of Novels (laws) and official government documents
she styled herself as "Irene, great Basileus and Autocrat
of the Romans."28
Irene probably knew that she had to have wide
popular support to maintain herself in power. In order to
achieve that objective Irene instigated many charitable
programs and gave tax relief to the inhabitants of the

2 fi
p. 181.
27,.,
Ibid.
OQ
Theophanes, A.M. 6290.-
112
imperial capital. Several institutions and hospitals
were built for the poor and the elderly. A cemetery was
established for "foreigners, strangers, and the poor."
And the imperial government maintained xenones (public
guest chambers) where needy strangers and foreigners could

29
receive food and shelter.
The loyalty of the populace of the imperial capital
was assured when Irene repealed the heavy municipal tax
levied on its inhabitants."^ Import and export duties

31
were also substantially lowered. Those taxes, collected
at the ports of Abydus and H i e r u s , which served as customs
houses just outside of Constantinople, were a major source

32
of government revenue. To increase her popularity Irene
presented herself often to her people. On Monday of
Paschal week in 799 in a lavish procession Irene returned
to the great palace from the Church of the Holy Apostles

33
in a golden chariot drawn by four white horses. The
29
Constantelos, Byzantine Philanthropy and Social
W e l f a r e , pp. 7, 134, 196.
30
p. 181.

32
Later Roman E m p i r e , p. 489; Hussey, The Cambridge Medieval
H i s t o r y , p. 89; Jenkins, Byzantium; The Imperial C e n t u r i e s ,
p. 103; Ostrogorsky, History of the Byzantine S t a t e , p. 181.
33
113
reins of each horse were held by a high ranking official
of the empire. Those dignitaries included Bardanes,
strategus of the Thracesian theme, Nicetas, domesticus of
the schol a r i i , Constantine Boilas, and Sisinnius, general

34
of Thrace. Irene, dressed in glittering purple and gold
35
imperial robes, threw money to her loyal subjects. Al
though her financial measures were enthusiastically re
ceived by the populace and won praise from Theodore of

Og
Studion, they crippled the economy of the empire.
Immediately after assuming power Irene reestablished
friendly relations with the church. Irene gained the c o n
fidence of the orthodox clergy after she ordered Patriarch
Tarasius to excommunicate the abbot, Joseph, who had p e r
formed the adulterous marriage ceremony between Constantine

*3 O
and T h e o d o t e .
Many of the abbots in Constantinople and its
34Ibid.
35I b i d .
3g
Theodore of Studion, "Epistolarum," PG xcix, 934;
Ostrogorsky, History of the Byzantine S t a t e , p. 182.
37
Theodore of Studion, "Epistolarum," PG xcix, 1000
oo
Joseph was reinstated in the church in 806 d u r
ing the reign of Nicephorus. It is said that the emperor,
on Satan's suggestion, allowed Joseph back into the church.
See Theodore of Studion, "Vita," PG xcix, 265.
114
vicinity were very powerful and influential men. Most of
them were well educated, pious, and wealthy. They were
regarded by the people w i t h great respect. So it was not
surprising that they actively participated in governmental
affairs. The empress knew it was essential that she main-

39
tain their support.
Imprisoned and exiled ecclesiastical opponents of
Constantine were freed and their former honors and offices

40
we r e restored to them. Plato and Theodore were recalled,
first to Constantinople, and then to Saccudion where

41
Theodore became abbot of that monastery. in 7 99, fol
lowing a destructive Arab raid into Bithynia, Theodore,
accompanied by Plato and m o s t of the monks of Saccudion,
migrated to Constantinople.42 There Theodore was appointed
abbot of the great monastery of Studion, located safely

43
within the walls of the imperial capital.
Many new monasteries were built during Irene's
reign. It was not uncommon at this time for wealthy
39
40Diehl, Byzantine E m p r e s s e s , p. 88; Gardner,

Theodore of S t u d i u m , p. 66.
4 ^Theodore of Studion, "Laudatio Funebris in Matrem

S u a m , " PG xcix, 897.
42Theophanes, A.M. 6291, 6298; Gardner, Theodore

of Studium, p. 66.
115
nobles to construct monasteries into which they would
later retire. The empress, herself, founded the monastery
of St. Euphrosyne, where her son, Constantine, his first
wife, Maria, and their two daughters are buried. She also
established a monastery on Prince's Island, the vacation
retreat of Byzantine emperors, situated in the Sea of

44
Marmara not far from the capital.
Irene won praise from the church when she restored
the relics and body of St. Euphemia to its resting place

45
in Constantinople. St. Euphemia of Chalcedon was martyred
in 307 A.D. in the last great persecution of the Christians
during the reign of Galerius (305-311) .48 The relics and
body of St. Euphemia were deposited at a shrine dedicated

47
to her memory in Chalcedon. But either during the Per
sian invasion of 615 or 6 26 they were transferred by the
Emperor Heraclius (610-641) to Constantinople where they
were placed in the sanctuary of the church of St. Euphe-
mia. 48 During the iconoclast persecutions it is said that
44
Finlay, A History of G r e e c e , pp. 80-81.
45
Thomas Hodgkin, Italy and Her I n v a d e r s , Vol. VIII,
The Frankish Empire, 774-814 (New York: Russell and Russell,
1967), p. 10.
4 6Ibid., pp. 10-11.

47
Thomas F. Mathews, The Early Churches of Con
stantinople: Architecture and Liturgy (University Park:
The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1977), p. 62.
4 8Ibid.
116
Constantine V be c a m e enraged at stories of alleged miracu-

49
lous powers of the body of the v i r g i n - m a r t y r . H e ordered
the relics and body of St. Euphemia thrown into the sea
and converted the shrine dedicated to her into an armory

50
and storehouse for manure. But the relics and b o d y of
the saint w e r e mir a c u l o u s l y recovered and Irene restored
them to their sanctuary in the church of St. Euphemia in

51
797.
In November 797 Irene was confronted with another
challenge to her power by her five brothers-in-law. Dur
ing the past five years the so-called "five puppets of
fortune" had been held in peaceful confinement at Con-

52
stantinople. But soon after Irene had become sole
ruler of the empire a plot was organized, possibly b y the
iconoclasts, to depose and replace her w i t h one of the

53
imperial b r o t h e r s . The five princes escaped from prison
and sought refuge at Hagia S o p h i a . I r e n e dispatched her
49
50
Theophanes, A.M. 6258; Hussey, The Cambridge
Medieval H i s t o r y , p. 80
C1
Mathews, The Early Churches of C o n s t a n t i n o p l e ,
pp. 61-67.
52 Bury, A History of the Later Roman E m p i r e , p. 482
^Theophanes, A.M. 6 290.

tZA
117
eunuch adviser, Aetius, to the church to arrest them.
After assurances that no harm would come to them, they
gave themselves up and were immediately taken into cus-

55
tody. They were then exiled to Athens, the empress's
56
native city. Irene probably thought that not only could
she rely on the loyalty of her Athenian subjects, but the
movements of the five princes would be carefully w a t ched

57
by her relations t h e r e .
In March 799 the five princes were involved in

58
yet another plot to seize the throne. The Isaurian
party in Greece appealed to Akamer, chieftain of the Slavs
of Belzetia, to free the sons of Constantine V from their

59
confinement in Athens. This plan envisaged that the
rebels, with large scale assistance from the Slavonic
population in Greece, would march on Constantinople and

60
replace Irene with one of the princes. But the plot
was discovered and suppressed by the e m p r e s s 's agents in
55I b i d .
56Ibid.
57
Bury, A History of the Later Roman E m p i r e , p. 48 2;
58
Later Roman E m p i r e , pp. 482-83.

6 f)
118
61
Athens. Four of the unfortunate princes were blinded
and they, accompanied by their eldest brother, Nicephorus,
who had been deprived of his sight in 791, were brought
back to Constantinople and imprisoned at Panormus, one of

62
the Prince's Islands in the Sea of Marmara. During the
reign of Michael I Rangabe (812-813) they were involved

63
in another plot. The conspiracy was discovered and the
five blind sons of Constantine V were confined to the
small island of Aphiusa in the Propontis where, isolated
from the imperial capital, they could be more carefully
watched and g u a r d e d . ^
The question arises from the revolt in Greece of
the five brothers how a plot, probably instigated by icono
clast elements, could be successfully formed in the Hellas
theme. The iconoclast movement was very unpopular among
the Greek population. Irene, herself, was of pure Greek
descent and had played an active part in the restoration
of image worship in the empire. It is possible that
Greece in the late eighth century, with the exception of
Theophanes, A.M. 6304; Finlay, A History of

G r e e c e , p. 87.
^ T h e o p h a n e s , A.M. 6304; Finlay, A History of

Greece, p. 109.
119
the major cities, was inhabited by a large Slavonic popu
lation. While many of the Slavs in Greece were tax-paying
Hellenized landowners loyal to the empire, multitudes of
others were probably only tributary subjects who were con-

CC
stantly hostile to Byzantine overlordship.
The imperial court was the scene of constant in
trigues between Irene's two rival eunuch advisers,
Stauracius and Aetius.66 The basilissa had no legitimate

67
male grandchildren. Her son, Constantine, had two
daughters from his first marriage and two sons from his
68
adulterous second marriage. The eldest son, Leo, died
in May 797 and the other son, born after Constantine's

69
downfall, was considered a bastard. Stauracius and
Aetius were aware that the empire would never tolerate a

70
eunuch on the throne. But this did not stop them from
71
playing emperor-maker. They were actively involved in
^Bury, A History of the Later Roman E m p i r e ,

pp. 482-83.
6^Theophanes, A.M. 6290; Hussey, The Cambridge

Medieval His t o r y , pp. 89-90;
67
68ibid.
69Ibid.
70
71_,.,
Ibid.
120
schemes to secure imperial succession for relatives and

72
friends.
73
In May 799 Irene fell seriously ill. The rival
eunuchs, believing that the death of the empress was near,

74
plotted and schemed more than ever before. The feeble
and sick basilissa switched her support back and forth

75
between her two advisers. Stauracius, who was Irene's
principal adviser up to this point, lost favor after
Aetius convinced the empress that Stauracius was the major

76
reason for disorders at court. Irene summoned S taura
cius to her presence and wa r n e d him that if his intrigues

77
did not cease immediately he would be banished. But
the cunning Stauracius soon regained the empress's con-

78
fidence and turned her against A e t i u s .
In February 800 Stauracius organized a plot to
seize the throne for himself. It is difficult to believe
72
Later Roman E m p i r e , p. 489; Diehl, Byzantine E m p r e s s e s ,
p. 88.
73Ibid.
74Ibid.
75
Bury, A History of the Later Roman E m p i r e , p. 489;
7^ T h e ophanes, A.M. 6291.
77I b i d .
78
121
that Stauracius actually thought not only the Byzantine
empire but Christendom would accept the "unheard of m o n
strosity of a eunuch wielding the sceptre of Augustus and

79
Constantine." Stauracius knew that to take control of
the government he had to have the aid of the scholarii

80
and excubitores (imperial guard units at C o n s t a n t i n o p l e ) .
81
He attempted to gain their support through b r i b e s . But
Irene was informed of his activities and ordered all mili-

82
tary personnel to have no conversation with him.
Stauracius fell fatally ill soon after his unsuc-

83
cessful attempt to seize power. Although he was afflicted
w i t h spitting up blood and was under the constant care of
physicians at his house in Constantinople, he was still

84
involved in court intrigues. It is reported that even
while Stauracius was suffering from the fatal disease,
every day until his death in June 800 he was visited by
79
Ibid.
80
81Ibid.
82Ibid.
8 3Ibid.
OA
p . 89.
122
supporters, doctors, wizards, and monks (whom Theophanes
calls "unmonkish") who assured him that he was destined

85
to recover from his illness and rule the empire. From
his deathbed Stauracius organized a conspiracy in Cappo-
docia to oust Aetius, who was then Irene's chief minister

86
and favorite, from power. Two days after his death that
revolt finally erupted, but it was quickly suppressed and

87
its participants punished.
Immediately after assuming power Irene tried to
salvage the deteriorating situation in Asia Minor with
proposals of peace. But HSrHn al-Rashld, no doubt c o n
fident of success in future campaigns because of Byzantine

OQ
internal disorder, rejected all such overtures.
In 798 two separate Arab expeditions penetrated
deep into Asia Minor. One force, led by Abd-al-Rahman,
ravaged and depopulated many sections of Cappodocia and

O Q
Galatia. The raiders then moved further west where they
QC
86
p. 89; Hussey, The Cambridge Medieval History^ p^ 90.

Q O
8Q
123
inflicted a severe defeat on Byzantine forces in the
O p s ikian theme and appeared before the walls of Ephesus

90
on the Aegean Sea. The other M u s l i m invading c olumn
advanced westw a r d against the imperial stud-farm at
Malagina w h e r e they captured the horses of the l o g o t h e t e ,

91
Stauracius. Both invasion forces returned home safely
92
w i t h much booty and spoils.
Fortunately for Byzantium the Arabs were not able
to follow up their success the next year. A Khazar inva
sion from the north forced HSrOn to end hostilities and
a ccept a peace proposal made by Irene. The terms of the
disengagement provided for a truce of four years during
w h i ch time Constantinople was to pay an annual tribute to

93
the A r a b s .
Irene had now achieved her goal of becoming sole
emperor of Byzantium. Although it is difficult, if not
impossible, to condone her method o f seizing power, church
zealots praised her reign. They viewed Constantine's
b l i nding as divine punishment for his past sacrilegious
^ ^ T h e o p h a n e s , A.M. 6290, 6291; Tabari, A.H. 182.
^ T h e o p h a n e s , A.M. 6291.
92Ibid.
93
Later Roman E m p i r e , p. 492; Hussey, The Cambridge Medieval
History, p. 707.
94
practices. The unfortunate young basileus was very
gullible. He always showed love and respect for his
mother. During his reign he erected a statue of Irene

95
which adorned the hippodrome for many years. He prob
ably never thought that his mother was capable of such
monstrous actions.
94
AW
95
George Codinus, "De Signis Constantinopo l i s ,"
PG clvii, 511
CHAPTER VII
BYZANTINE ITALY AND THE FALL OF IRENE
From the time that Irene and Constantine assumed
power in 780 the Byzantine empire was weakened by court
intrigues, revolts, religious controversies, and military
defeats. After Irene overthrew her son and became sole
ruler, the imperial palace was the scene of fruitless
quarrels between rival eunuch advisers. Irene was the
first woman to rule the empire in her own right. The
legality of a female emperor was no doubt questioned in
many quarters at the time. Although Constantinople was
able to hold its possessions during her reign, the prestige
and influence of "New Rome" suffered greatly, especially
in the west.
In a ceremony at St. Peter's basilica in Rome on
Christmas Day 8 00, Pope Leo III (795-816) proclaimed
King Charles imperator R o m a n o r u m . The coronation of
Charles was the climax of a long series of Frankish inter
ventions in Italy. In 753 Pope Stephen II (752-757), in
urgent need of protection from the Lombards and desiring
temporal sovereignty, asked the Franks to intervene in
125
126
Italy.'1' During the next twenty years, despite two expedi
tions by Pepin the Short in aid of the papacy, nothing
decisive had been achieved. But in 773 Charles, at the
request of the papacy, invaded Italy and conquered the
Lombard kingdom. He then declared himself king of the
Lombards and established the pope as temporal ruler over
most of the newly acquired lands. Charles's goal was not
to restore the western Roman empire, as events might in
dicate, but to remain independent of both empire and papacy.
In a letter in 799 Alcuin assured Charles that to be king
of the Franks was far superior to being either pope or

4
emperor.
According to Einhard, Charles was completely sur
prised by the events that transpired that Christmas Day

5
in 800. Many modern historians differ on whether this
is true or not. Louis Halphen and F r a n c i s Louis Ganshof
believe that Charles and his advisers arranged the corona-

fk
tion themselves. Allen Cabaniss states that Charles did
^Royal Frankish A n n a l s , 75 3.
2I b i d ., 774.
^"Vita Hadriani," PL xcvi, 1183-1185.
4PL c, 301-302.
5
Einhard and Notker the Stammerer, Two Lives of
Charlemagne, trans. Lewis Thorpe (Baltimore: Penguin Books
I n c ., 1969), p. 81.
6
Francois Louis Ganshof, The Imperial Coronation
127
have prior knowledge of the pope's intention to crown him

7
emperor. Karl Heldmann, however, states that the coro
nation, probably with Charles's approval, was planned by

g
the papacy. It was done because respected legal authority
(emperor) was needed to suppress the pope's enemies in

9
Rome. But Walter Ullmann believes that the coronation
was part of papal strategy to make itself independent of
the Byzantine e m p i r e . ^ That position is partly maintained
by Werner Ohnsorge who states that although the papacy
used the coronation to free itself from Constantinople,
it was not completely successful for Charles, even after
he accepted his new title, never wanted to replace the
of Charlemagne: Theories and Facts (Glasgow: Jackson, Son

and Co., 1946), pp. 1924; Louis Halphen, "The Coronation
as the Expression of the Ideals of the Frankish Court,"
in The Coronation of Charlemagne: What Did It Signify?
ed. Richard E. Sullivan (Lexington: D.C. Heath and Co.,
1959), pp. 28-31.
7
Allen Cabaniss, Charlemagne (New York: Twayne
Publishers, Inc., 1972), p. 96.
Q
Walter Heldmann, "The Coronation and Local
Politics in Rome," in The Coronation of Charlemagne: What
Did It Signify?, pp. 59-69.
9Ibid.
10Walter Ullmann, The Growth of Papal Government

in the Middle Ages: A Study in the Ideological Relation
of Clerical to Lay Power (London: Methuen and C o ., Ltd.,
1970), pp. 100-102.
128
Byzantine e m p e r o r . ^ James Bryce presents the argument
that neither Leo nor Charles ever thought seriously of
restoring the western Roman empire but only sought to
transfer, as Constantine had done in the fourth century
but in reverse, the civil and ecclesiastical seat of empire

12
from the Bosphorus to the Tiber. According to Bryce,
as the act "was unprecedented, so was it extra-legal; it
was a revolt of the ancient western capital against a

13
daughter who had become a mistress." Ferdinand Lot,
however, states that Charles, even if he arranged his own
coronation, could gain little from it because he was in
capable of forcing Constantinople to receive him as em-

14
peror. According to Lot the Frankish king believed that
the pope had not only used him for his own designs, but
15
had hurt Franco-Byzantine relations. A. A. Vasiliev
believes that although Charles probably thought he ascended
Walter Ohnsorge, "The Coronation and Byzantium,"

in The Coronation of Charlemagne: What Did It Signi f y ? ,
pp. 80-91.
12
James Bryce, The Holy Roman Empire (New York:
Macmillan Co., 1923), pp. 50-72.
^ 3Ibid., pp. 57-58.
^ F e r d i n a n d Lot, "Le concept d'empire a 1'empire

a 1 1epoque carolinqienne," Mercure de France, CCC (1947):
415-416.
15Ibid.
129
the throne as sole ruler of a single Roman empire he knew

16
that he could not force his will on the eastern part.
The coronation, which was instigated by the papacy, ac
cording to George Ostrogorsky, was a severe blow to Byzan-

17
tine prestige and influence in the west. Charles prob
ably had misgivings about his new position in regard to
Constantinople because legitimacy of the Byzantine em-

18
perors had never been questioned in Europe. Even
Charles himself had acknowledged that the rulers of Byzan-

19
tium were legitimate successors of Constantine.
Constantinople viewed the coronation of Charles,

20
without its consent, as usurpation. The medieval mind
in the ninth century could not conceive the existence of

21
two separate empires. Pope Leo III and Charles tried
16
Vasiliev, History of the Byzantine E m p i r e ,
pp. 266-268.
17
pp. 185-186.
18
Bury, A History of the Eastern Roman E m p i r e ,
p. 319.
l9
Ibid.
20
F. L. Ganshof, The Carolingian and the Frankish
Monarchy; Studies in Carolinqian Hist o r y , trans. Janet
Sondheimer (Ithaca; Cornell University Press, 1971),
p. 178; Bury, A History of the Eastern Roman E m p i r e , p. 319.
21
Bury, A History of the Eastern Roman E m p i r e ,
p. 319.
130
to justify their position on the theory that the imperial

22
throne was vacant since the deposition of Constantine VI.
In 797 Irene had overthrown her son and seized power as
autocratic ruler of the east. That unprecedented move
was in sharp contrast to the traditions of the Roman em
pire, for no woman had ever before reigned with full
imperial authority. Believing that the imperial throne
was vacant, Charles ascended the throne of an undivided
Roman empire as legal successor, not of Romulus Augustulus,
but of Leo III, Heraclius, Justinian, Maurice, and Con
stantine V I . 23
During the eighth and ninth centuries the Byzantine
empire was unable to provide adequate forces in the west
to protect its interests because of the urgent need of
all available manpower to deal with serious situations in

24
Asia Minor and the Balkans. Although Constantine V
enjoyed successes against both Bulgars and Arabs, he
showed little concern for maintaining imperial authority

25
in Italy. When he assumed power in 741 Constantinople's
"Annales Laureshamenses," M G H , I, 38.

21
Vasiliev, History of the Byzantine E m p i r e , p. 267.
2^Hussey, The Cambridge Medieval His t o r y , p. 77.

25
p. 169.
131
Italian possessions included Venetia, the exarchate of
Ravenna, Istria, Calabria, Apulia, Sicily, Otranto, and

26
the duchies of Naples and Rome. No Byzantine emperor,
according to Ostrogorsky, had ever displayed such lack of

27
interest in Italy as Constantine V. That completely
undermined Byzantium's position. The Lombards, almost

28
unopposed, overran most of the Italian peninsula. In
751 Ravenna, seat of the exarchate, fell to them. Al
though the papacy opposed the iconoclast edicts of the
Isaurian emperors they still remained loyal to the empire

29
and looked to it for aid against the Lombards. Pope
Stephen II, unable to secure aid from Constantine V,
turned to Pepin, king of the Franks, for help against them.
Whether Stephen had the consent of Constantinople in pro-

30
curing such support is not known. Stephen met Pepin m
p /r
Robert Folz, The Coronation of Charlemagne
25 December 800, trans. J. E. Anderson (London: Routledge
and Kegan Paul Ltd., 1974), p. 30.
27
p . 169 .
28
pp. 499-500.
29
Bury, A History of the Later Roman Empire, p. 500;
Folz, The Coronation of Charlemagne, pp. 86-87; Hussey,
The Cambridge Medieval History, pp. 75-76; Jenkins,
Byzantium; The Imperial Centuries, p. 70; Ostrogorsky,
History of the Byzantine State, pp. 169-170.
30
Folz presents an interesting theory that Stephen
132
January 754 and arranged an alliance between the papacy

31
and the Frankish kingdom. At the pope's request Pepin
32
conducted two expeditions into Italy against the Lombards.
Ravenna and most of the old Byzantine exarchate were re-

33
captured. The former imperial possessions were not re-
34
turned to Byzantium but were instead given to the papacy.
Franks now replaced Byzantines as the dominant power in
It a ly.
Byzantium's position in Italy rapidly deteriorated
during the course of the eighth century. Gregory III
(731-741) was the last pope to announce his election to
the imperial court at Constantinople and ask the emperor
to ratify it. In 781 the papal chancery's acts were no
longer dated by year of the Byzantine e m p e r o r 's reign.
Meanwhile, at the request of Pope Hadrian I (772-
795), Charles, king of the Franks, invaded Italy and in

35
774 conquered the Lombard kingdom. Adelgis, son of the
did have Constantinople's consent in seeking Frankish

military aid against the Lombards. See Folz, The Corona
tion of Charlemagne, p. 87.
31
Royal Frankish Annals, 753.
32Ibid., 755, 756.
33I b i d ., 756.
34Ibid.
35I b i d ., 773, 774.

133
L o mbard king, Desiderius, escaped by sea to Constant!-

36
nople. Byzantine indifference or inaction to those
events m a d e it easy for the Franks to ridicule the inept

37
position of the empire in Italy. Charles did recognize,
however, that the Byzantines possessed a m o r e adva n c e d

38
civilization than his own. The Byzantines showed a
superior attitude in their diplomatic dealings w i t h the

39
"barbarians" of the west. The activities of C o n s t a n t i
nople in Lombard affairs convinced Charles that he could

40
not underestimate the power of the B y z a n t i n e empire.
Relations between Charles and the Byzantine empire
had begun long before his coronation in 800. In 780 Irene
tried to reestab lish friendly relations w i t h both papacy
and Franks. In the following year a marriage pact was
agreed upon for the betrothal of twelve-year-old C o n s t a n
tine to Charles's old e s t daughter, Rotrud, w h o m the Byzan-

41
tines called Erythro. Contemporary w e s t e r n h i s t o r i a n
36Ibid., 774.
37
Heinrich Fichtenau, The Carolinqian Empire: The
A ge of C h a r l e m a g n e , trans. Peter Munz (New York: Harper
and Row Publishers, 1964), p. 66.
38Ibid.
39Ibid.
4 0 Ibid.
4 ^Theophanes, A.M. 6274; Royal Frankish A n n a l s ,

781r.
134
Paul the Deacon in a letter to Charles at this time
wrote: "I rejoice that your beautiful daughter may go
across the seas and receive the scepter in order that
the strength of the kingdom, through her, be directed to

42
Asia." ^
Irene's reasons for making that diplomatic move
are not known. It may be, as Robert Folz believes, that
Irene needed a settlement in the west before she could
restore images in the empire.42 But Ohnsorge holds the
view that the empress probably accepted as fait accompli
the loss of the exarchate and the dominant Frankish
presence in Italy. 44 She proposed the marriage pact m
an effort to prevent future Frankish expansion into

45
southern Italy and Sicily. It is said that although
Charles was delighted with the impending betrothal, b e
lieving that it would enhance his prestige, he may also
have agreed to the marriage alliance to prevent a Byzan
tine supported Lombard resurgence and to aliow him a free
hand in Beneventan affairs.46 But Irene herself probably
42M G H , Poeta, I, 50.
4 ^Folz, The Coronation of Charlemagne, p. 89.
440hnsorge, "The Coronation and Byzantium," p. 82.
45Ibid.
46David Stevens Sefton, "The Pontificate of

Hadrian I (772-795): Papal Theory and Political Reality
135
arranged the alliance in order to prevent Frankish inter-

47
v e n tion in Sicily in behalf of the rebel, Elpidius.
In 787 Byzantine- F r a n k i s h relations began to
deteriorate. In that year Charles led an expedition
against Arichis, duke of Beneventum, advancing as far

48
south as Capua. Arichis, fearing a Frankish assault,
49
r etreated to the fortified seaport of Salerno. The
B e n eve n t a n leader sent Charles gifts, hostages, including
his youngest son, Grimoald, and promised fidelity to the
F r a nkish king.'* After receiving Beneiventan oaths of

51
loyalty, Charles, w i t h his hostages, retired to the north.
W hile at Capua, according to Frankish sources, Charles r e
c e i ved Byzantine envoys who had come to take his twelve-
year-old daughter, Rotrud, to Constantinople as had been

52
a greed m the m a r r i a g e pact. But for reasons unknown
in the Reign of Charlemagne" (Ph.D. dissertation, Michigan

State University, 1975), p. 154; Folz, The Coronat i o n of
C h a r l e m a g n e , p. 89.
^Hussey, The Cambridge Medieval H i s t o r y , p. 83.

48
Royal Frankish A n n a l s , 787; Einhard and Notker
the Stammerer, Two Lives of C h a r l e m a g n e , p. 65.
49
Royal Frankish A n n a l s , 787.
50
Royal Frankish A n n a l s , 787; Einhard and Notker
the Stammerer, Two Lives of C h a r l e m a g n e , p. 65; Cabaniss,
C h a r l e m a g n e , p. 48.
51, .,
Ibid.
^^"Annales Einhardi," MGH, I, 788, p. 175.

136
Charles refused to allow her to go and thus broke off

53
the betrothal. A Byzantine narrative, however, states
that Irene cancelled the marriage alliance because she
feared that Charles might increase the power and influence

54
of her son, Constantine.
Soon after Charles left Capua Arichis opened

55
negotiations with Constantinople. Irene, probably
angered by recent Frankish intervention in southern Italy

CC
was receptive to the Beneventan duke's overtures.
Arichis apparently offered to help reestablish Byzantine

57
control in Italy. He also agreed to be a loyal subject
of the empress and to wear his clothes and hair in Greek

58
style. In return Constantinople was to bestow the title
of patrician on Arichis and cede the city of Naples to

59
him. Furthermore, Irene consented to sending Adalgis,
son of former Lombard king, Desiderius, and brother-in-law
53
Cabaniss, Charlemagne, p. 48; Hodgkin, Italy
and Her Invaders, p. 71.
~^PL xcviii, 406.

C
Folz, The Coronation of Charlemagne, p. 89.
^ P L xcviii, 406-407.
58I b i d ., 406.
59Ibid., 406-407.
137
of Arichis, to Beneventum w i t h a Byzantine-supported

60
m i l i t a r y force.
Irene sent two officers of the imperial guard and
the governor of Sicily, Theodore, to B e n e v e n t u m to con-

6X
elude the alliance. But w h e n they arrived they learned
that Arichis and his oldest son, Romoald, had died the
62
previous summer. The Byzantine envoys, who had first
landed at Acropolis in Lucania, proceeded by land to

63
Salerno. There, on January 20, 788, they m e t with
A r i c h i s 's widow, Adelperga, and several Be n e v e n t a n nobles

64
to formalize the alliance. After the meeting the im-
perial emissaries went to Naples. But the Byzantine
plan was severely hampered because the only surviving son
of Arichis, Grimoald, was held hostage b y Charles. Bene
ventum, therefore, asked for release of G r i m o a l d . ^
Pope Hadrian I learned of the Byzantine-Be n e v e n t a n

67
conspiracy from the C a p u a n s . He wrote to Charles in 788
61Ibid., 406.
62,,Chronicon S a l e r n i t a n u m , " M G H , III, 481.
xcviii, 4 03.
64Ibid., 403, 406, 409.
65I b i d ., 405.
6 fi
PL xcviii, 409; Cabaniss, C h a r l e m a g n e , p. 55.
67I b i d . , 405.
138
urging him not to release Grimoald and to move Frankish
troops south before May 1 in order to prevent any Byzantine-

68
Beneventan military operations.
Charles, who had spent much of the preceding year
in Italy, was probably not anxious to undertake another

69
expedition. After receiving a pledge of loyalty from
Grimoald, who promised to have all government documents
and coinage inscribed and stamped with the name of the
Frankish king, and to shave his beard in Frankish fashion,

70
he was allowed to return to his duchy.
The anticipated Byzantine invasion finally took
place in autumn 788. The imperial fleet landed troops,
including the exiled prince, Adalgis, the patrician and
eunuch, Theodore, governor of Sicily, and the sacellarius

71 . . .
and logothete, John, in Calabria. The Byzantine invasion
of Italy, according to Frankish sources, was ordered by
Emperor Constantine who was enraged because Charles can-

72
celled the marriage alliance. At that time Calabria
(IQ
"Chronicon Salernitanum," M G H , III, 483;
PL xcviii, 403.
69
Hodgkin, Italy and Her Invaders, p. 75.
"Chronicon Salernitanum , 11 M G H , III, 484-486.

71
Royal Frankish Annals, 788r; Theophanes, A.M.
6281.
72"Annales Einhardi," M G H , I, 788, p. 175;

Royal Frankish Annals, 788r.
139
constituted the area around the Adriatic port of Brindisi

73
in the "heel and not the "toe" of Italy. The Byzantines
74
advanced westward toward Beneventum. But an army com
posed of Lombards and Franks, led by Grimoald, duke of
Beneventum, Hildebrand, duke of Spoleto, and Winigis, royal
Frankish envoy, met and defeated the Byzantine force in

75
Calabria in November 788. It is said that many of the
invaders were killed, many others were taken prisoner, and

7 fi
a large amount of booty was seized. But Adalgis escaped
and returned to Constantinople where he spent the remainder

77
of his life at the imperial court.
Byzantine-Frankish relations were further strained
by Charles's refusal to endorse the decisions of the
Seventh Ecumenical Council of 787. The Latin translation
of the Nicene council, which was sent to Charles by the

78
pope, was distorted from the original. But after the
73
Hodgkin, Italy and Her Invaders, p. 81.
^ " A n n a l e s Einhardi," M G H , I, 780, p. 175.

75
Theophanes, A.M. 6281; Royal Frankish A n n a l s ,
788r; "Annales Einhardi," MGH I, 788, p. 175; Cabaniss,
Charlemagne, p. 56.
7 fi
Royal Frankish A n n a l s , 788r; Cabaniss, Charle
magne , p. 56.
^Theophanes, A.M. 6281; "Annales Einhardi,"

M G H , I, 774, p. 153.
78
140
c a n cellation of the marriage alliance and the ill-con
c e ived Byzantine invasion of Italy in 788, it is q u e s
tionable whether Charles w o u l d have ever supported the

79
decrees of the council of Nicaea. The Librx C a r o l x m ,
p r e s u m a b l y writ t e n around 791 by Alcuin, made a vehement
a t tack on the Byzantine empire and its religious doctrines
and practices. It denounced both iconoclasts and icono-
dules, and supported the view of Pope Gregory I (590-604)

80
t h a t images should be neither venerated nor destroyed.
The m a i n objective of the Libri Carolini was to emphasize
F r a nkish religious and political independence from C o n
stantinople .81
Pope Hadrian I h a d approved the results of the

82
N i c ene council at w h i c h two papal legates w e r e present.
But the pope was powerless to force Charles to endorse the
decrees of 787 just as he was unable to persuade C o n s t a n t i
nople to restore to the jurisdiction of the Roman See the

8 3
districts of Sicily, Calabria, Illyricum, and Crete.
79
Ibid.
8 PL xcviii, 1002-1003.
81
Ostrogorsky, History of the B y z a ntine S t a t e ,
p. 184
82
PL xcviii, 124 7-1292; Cabaniss, Charlemagne,
pp. 68-69
8 3
H adrian sent a letter to Irene and Constantine,
w h i c h was read at the second session of the Seventh
141
In 794 at the synod of Frankfurt the Franks formally con-

84
demned the decisions of the Seventh Ecumenical Council.
It was not until 798 that a truce was concluded
between Byzantium and the Frankish kingdom. In that year
at Aix-la-Chapelle Charles received Byzantine envoys,
Michael, former governor of Phrygia, and the priest,

85
Theophilus, with peace proposals from Irene. Charles,
satisfied with the terms, released Sisinnus, brother of
Patriarch Tarasius, who was taken prisoner in the war in
Calabria in 788, and allowed him to accompany the imperial

qg
envoys to Constantinople. By the terms of the treaty
Byzantium recognized Frankish lordship of Istria and
Beneventum, while the Franks probably acknowledged the

87
empire's holdings in Croatia.
Ecumenical Council, requesting the districts of Sicily,

Calabria, Illyricum, and Crete be returned to the Roman
See. The Greek version of the proceedings of the council
omit this part of the letter. See Francis Dvornik,
Byzantium and the Roman Primacy (New York: Fordham Uni
versity Press, 1966), p. 96; Mansi, XII, 1056ff.
8 4
The opposition of Charles to the veneration of
religious images may have been influenced by Spanish
clerics at his court. See Cabaniss, Charlemagne, p. 71.
8 5
Royal Frankish Annals, 798; Cabaniss, Charle
magne , p. 85.
87
Bury, A History of the Eastern Roman Empire,
p. 317; Royal Frankish Annals^ 798; B M L , p. 74.
142
The blinding of Constantine VI and the seizure of
power by his mother Irene opened the way for events that
transpired in Rome on Christmas Day 800. The Byzantine
court received news of the coronation and Frankish imperial

88
claims with silent contempt. Constantinople viewed it
as just another revolt by a minor person against central

89
authority. Theophanes, the only contemporary Byzantine
historian to report the coronation, ridiculed the cere
mony. Pope Leo III, according to Theophanes, was com
pletely ignorant of proper ceremonial procedures because

90
he anointed Charles "from head to toe."
During the troubled period the Byzantine empire
feared a Frankish attack on Sicily more than the corona
tion in Rome. Although Charles presumably abandoned that
plan soon after his coronation, Constantinople did have
knowledge of the planned naval expedition against the

91
island. in 798 Daniel, envoy of Michael, governor of
88
Fichtenau, The Carolingian Empire, p. 171.
O Q
Constantinople believed that Charles had already
acknowledged the sovereignty of the only "true Roman
emperor" by his acceptance of the Byzantine title of
patrician; although it should be noted that this title
was given to Charles by Pope Stephen II in 754. See
Ohnsorge, "The Coronation and Byzantium," p. 84; Fich
tenau, The Carolingian Empire, p. 171; Royal Frankish
Annals, 754.
9 0 Theophanes, A.M. 628 9.
91Ibid., A.M. 6293.

143
Sicily, was received and dismissed with great honors by

92
Charles. Three years later a Sicilian named Leo, who
held the rank of spathar, fled Sicily and took refuge at
Charles's court where he remained until 811 when a formal

93
peace was concluded with Constantinople. The question
arises whether Charles was part of a rebellious plot in
Sicily or had received these envoys during normal diplo
matic exchanges.
Charles realized hat in order to legalize his new
position in the west, he had to have the recognition of
Byzantium. In an attempt to attain that goal, a foreign
policy was enacted that would not antagonize the Byzan-

94
tine empire. Against the wishes of the papacy, Charles
refused to call himself imperator Romanorum because that

95
title was used only by the Byzantine emperor. On May 29,
92
Royal Frankish An n a l s , 799.
93
Frankish sources state that Leo was an ambassador
sent to Charles by Irene to confirm a peace treaty between
the two empires. Leo might have had knowledge of the
planned palace revolt against Irene, and fearing for his
own safety, took refuge at the Frankish court. See Bury,
A History of the Eastern Roman Empire, p. 318; Hodgkin,
Italy and Her Invaders, pp. 211-212; Royal Frankish
A nnals, 801, 811; Cabaniss, Charlemagne, p. 131.
94 .
Bury, A History of the Eastern Roman Empire ,
p. 320.
95
Ullmann, The Growth of Papal Government in the
Middle A g e s , p. 114.
144
801, the title that appeared on a docu m e n t issued b y
Charles, and the one which he wmild use for the remainder
of his reign was: Carolus serenissimus augustus a Deo
coronatus magnus pacificus imperator Romanum gubernans
imperium, qui et per m i s e r i c o r d i a m Dei rex Francor u m et

9G
Langobardorum. This title clearly eludes design a t i o n of
Charles as imperator R o m a n o r u m . Instead he was recognized

97
as imperator Romanum gubernans i m p e r i u m . He believed
that the Roman empire he ruled was Latin C h r i s tend o m only
and he alone ruled his empire in the same manner as the

98
emperors of the east.
Recognizing that after Irene was gone the Byzantine
empire w o u l d elect a male emperor whose claim to the i m
perial title would be undisputed in the east, Charles
initiated negotiations w i t h Constantinople. Accounts of
the Frankish diplomatic move were recorded by Theophanes
who wrote:
In this year (800), on the 25th of December,

Charles, king of the Franks, was crowned by Pope
Leo; and having planned to cross over to Sicily
w i t h a fleet, he changed his mind and chose to
be married to Irene, sending ambassadors for this
purpose, who arrived in the following y e a r . 99
96BML, p. 116.
9 Îbid., p. 117.
9 8 Ullmann, The Growth of Papal Government in the

Middle A g e s , p. 114.

145
Charles probably believed that by marr y i n g Irene unity of
the w e s t e r n and eastern empires could be a c h i e v e d . I t
seems that this proposal had the blessings of the papacy.
Theophanes reports that Irene reacted favorably to the

102
offer. She hoped the union would help restore the
103
ancient boundaries of the Roman empire. After r e c e i v
ing a favorable reply to his proposal, Charles sent Jesse
of Amiens and Count Helmgaud to Constantinople to conclude

104
final negotiations w i t h Irene.
Many high ranking officials of the Byzantine
court, including Irene's most trusted adviser, the eunuch
Aetius, who himself was conspiring to seek the throne for
his brother, Leo, were n o t in favor of the imperial
marriage. Aetius hoped to gain the support of the army
in order to place his brother in power. He held the
combined military commands of the Opsikian and Anatolic
themes in Asia Minor, and Leo was made strategus of b o t h
Macedonia and Thrace. Although Aetius was a capable
minister, because he was a eunuch and held such great
100 Ibid., A.M. 6293, 6294.
101 Ibid., h.M. 6294.
102 Ibid.
103 Ibid.
Royal Frankish A n n a l s , 802

146
power, many govern m e n t officials resented and despised

.. 105
him.
The Byzan tine nobility and prominent government
m i n isters probably feared the imperial marriage wo u l d
threaten the independence of the empire. The severity of
the situation convinced them that in order to maint a i n
the rights and prestige of Constantinople against the
claims of a "western barbarian," a strong government,
free of a woman ruler and her favorite, Aetius, was
d e s perately needed.
On October 31, 8 02, Irene was overthrown by lead-

107
ing ministers of her own court. Charles's ambassadors,
who were in Constantinople making final arrangements for

108
a m arriage alliance, witnessed the palace revolt.
109
L eader of the conspirators was the l o g o t h e t e , N i c e p h o r u s .
His chief supporters, whose c o o p e ration was essential for
success, were Nicetas, domesticus of the scholarii (whom
A etius supposed was his f r i e n d ) ; the s a c e l l a r i u s , Leo;
] 05
106 I b i d ., A.M. 6294, 6295.
107 I b i d ., A.M. 6295.

108
Royal Frankish A n n a l s , 803; Cabaniss, Charle
magne , p. 105.
^ T h e o p h a n e s , A.M. 6295.
147
the q u a e s t o r , Theoktistus; and m a n y other important offi-
cers of4r the

4-v,
empi r e .H O
On the night of October 31, while Irene was at the
palace of Eleutherius, the conspirators gained entrance
at the B r a z e n Gate (Chalke) of the imperial palace on the
p r e text that Irene had summoned them to p r o c l a i m Nice-
phorus co-emperor because she feared there was grave d a n
ger of revolt by Aetius, who had been trying for some
time to force h e r to raise his brother to the purple.
Daring not to ques t i o n the authority of such important
men, the guards obeyed the presumed order, and gave their
full support to Nicephorus. Once in possession of the
palace the conspirators sent slaves and others into all
sections of the city to announce the governmental change;
the imperial guard surrounded the Eleutherius Palace w h e r e
the empress was staying. Irene was then placed under
house arrest. The successful coup d' e t a t was com p l e t e l y
carried out before midnight.'*''*'^'
The next mor n i n g Nicephorus was crowned emperor
by Patriarch Tarasius in a ceremony at Hagia Sophia. The
populace, according to Theophanes who was a great admirer
of the empress, disapproved of the revolt against "most
110 Ibid., A.M. 6291, 6295.
li:LI b i d . , A.M. 6295.

pious Irene, the lover of G o d , " and execr a t e d the new
basileus and the patriarch. Theophanes states that m a n y
of the nobles who had b e n e fited under Irene turned traitors

112
and supported "a swine-herder like Nicephorus."
The day after his coronation Nicephorus vi s ited
Irene in the palace chamber where she was imprisoned. It
is reported that w h e n Nicephorus entered the empress's
room he pointed to his sandals, w h i c h were black like
those of the co m m o n people and not purple like those of
the b a s i l e u s , and told Irene that he had been forced to
assume supreme power. Nicephorus assured the empress that
no harm w o u l d come to her if she would tell h i m wh e r e the
great treasure accumulated during the reigns of Leo III
and Constantine V was hidden. Irene told the n e w emperor
she recognized that God had placed her on the throne and
now, for her past sins, deposed her. She then swore "on
the honorable and life-giving wood" of the cross she would
be loyal and show h i m wh e r e the treasure was if he w o u l d
a l l ow her to retire to the palace of Eleutherius. Nice
phorus honored her request for a while but banishe d her
within a few months.
Alth o u g h Theophanes states that Nicephorus broke
1 1 2 ,._
Ibid.
H3 ,
Ibid.
his promise and exiled the deposed empress, Michael the
Syrian narrates that the emperor kept his pledge and
Irene was ostracized only after she became involved in a

114
counter-revolution against him. In view of Irene's
actions in the past the latter and not the former was
probably true. Irene was banished, first to Prince's
Island in the Sea of Marmara, and then to the island of

115
Lesbos where she was placed under close guard. On
116
August 9, 803, Irene died. Her body was brought back
first to Prince's Island to the monastery which she had
founded, and later during the ninth century it was trans
ferred to Constantinople where it was buried at the

117
Church of the Holy Apostles.
14
Michael the Syrian, III, 12-13; Theophanes,
A.M. 6295.
115
116_. . ,
Ibid.
117
George the Monk, "Chronicon," PG cx, 973,
1028-1029; Theophanes, A.M. 6295.
CONCLUSION
In 8 02 Irene was overthrown, ending an on-and-off
reign of twenty-two years marked by foreign policy s e t
backs, military disasters, domestic turmoil, and palace
intrigues. It was unfortunate for Byzantium that at a
time when the Franks produced their greatest ruler,
Charles, and the Abbasid monarchy was led by the greatest
caliph, H5run al-Rashld, women and eunuchs determined the
policies of the imperial court. Irene was an evil woman
who blinded her own son. She was religiously supersti
tious, stubborn, vengeful, and incapable of effectively
directing the affairs of the empire.
The reign of Irene marks a transition period in
western medieval history. But the causes of that change
began long before Irene assumed power. Throughout the
seventh and eighth centuries Byzantine influence and p r e s
tige declined in the west. The empire, first surviving
a very dangerous Persian menace, was then almost completely
overwhelmed by the Muslim onslaught of the seventh c e n
tury. Imperial provinces of Syria, Palestine, Egypt, and
North Africa were lost, and Constantinople was twice
besieged by a powerful Arab army and navy. Meanwhile the
150
151
Slavs and Bulgars over r a n most imperial possessions in the
Balkans. Fighting for its very survival, Constantinople
was unable to provide adequate aid to its remaining w e s t e r n
provinces.
In the w e s t the Lombards, encountering little
Byzantine mili t a r y resistance, captured m u c h of the Italian
peninsula. In addition, Byzantine relations w i t h the
papacy were strained by the iconoclast controversy. But
despite the image issue the papacy continued to turn to
Constantinople for military aid against the Lombards.
Eventually the papacy, frustrated because it was unable
to get support from the east, asked the Frankish k i n g d o m
for help. The Franks not only rescued the papacy from
the Lombards, b u t also replaced Byzantium, w h i c h had
already forfeited its position, as the dominant power in
Italy. Frankish involvement in Italian affairs culmin a t e d
w i t h the coronation of Charles in 800.
The question naturally arises w h e t h e r hist o r y would
have been different if either Irene had never ruled the
Byzantine empire or if the proposed imperial marriages had
taken place. It can be concluded by events that transpired
that the imperial court at Constantinople never w o u l d have
allowed Irene to marry C h a r l e s . But the union of C o n
stantine and Rotrud probably could have become a reality.
Would Charles have accepted the title of "emperor of the

152
Romans" in 800 if he was related by marriage to the B y z a n
tine basileus or if Constantinople was not ruled by a
woman? A marriage alliance, however, would never have
united the Byzantines and Franks into one state. By the
ninth century the civilizations of the Byzantine east and
the Romano-Germanic west were so heterogeneous and the
interests of the rulers so different, it was impossible to
think of any type of cooperation between the two empires.
In addition to the political and cultural distrust, there
also existed contrasting views and opposition in regard to
religious dogma. The political separation of east and
west was now an accomplished fact. The Byzantine and
Frankish worlds were poles apart in language, culture, and
religion.
Irene was both pious and ambitious. Unfortunately
her piety proved the stronger characteristic. She was
not able to provide competent and aggressive leadership
at a time when Byzantium so desperately needed it. During
her reign the empire was plagued by internal dissension
and foreign policy failures. The Bulgars and Slavs r e
mained a serious threat in the Balkans, Arab aggression
continued unchecked, the final emancipation of the papacy
from Constantinople took place, a rival emperor was
crowned in the west, and Byzantine dominance in Italy came
to an e n d .
153
Irene was an enterprising and devout sovereign
wh o would go to any extreme to achieve her objective. Her
constant court intrigues reopened an era of palace r e volu
tions that would plague Byzantine monarchs for eighty years.
But the church forgave her for her c r i m e s . Ninth century
chronicler George the Monk even tried to cover up her in
volvement in the blinding of her son stating that this
horrible act was committed without Irene's knowledge.'*'
And her contemporary, Theophanes, refers to her as blessed
Irene, the new Helena, "who fought for the true faith like
a martyr.
^"George the Monk, "Chronicon, " PG cx, 969-973.

2
GLOSSARY OF BYZANTINE TITLES AND TERMS
The following are Byzan t i n e titles and terms d uring
the reign of Irene (797-802). It is difficult to e s t a b l i s h
the precise meanings for these titles because some of them
w e r e honorary w i t h no specific functions wh i l e others w e r e
undergoing transformation. For further information see
J. B. Bury, The Imperial Admin i s t r a t i v e Sy s t e m in the
Ni n th Century (New York: Burt Franklin, 19 59) .
Basileus
Emperor or King of K i n g s .
Caesar
A title bestowed on younger sons of an emperor who

might under certain conditions succeed to the t h r o n e .
Domesticus
Commander of individual guard regiments stationed

at Constantinople.
Drungarius
Commander of the imperial fleet. Drungarius o c c u p i e d

a rank lower than all the strategoi of the themes.
The position of drungarius also refers to the five
officers directly under a turmarch.
E p arch
The prefect of the city of Constantinople. The e p a r c h

directed administrative and judicial functions, c o m
manded the police force, and maintained law and order
in the imperial capital. Next to the emperor his
authority was supreme in Constantinople.
154
155
Excubitores
E lite unit of imperial palace guards.
L o g othete
High ranking financial officer.

i
Logothete of the Course
H i g h e s t ranking minister at court. He usually directed

imperial policy.
Magister
Honorary title bestowed on a person for life. Some

times the magi s t e r served as ma s t e r of ceremonies at
the imperial court.
Magister Offici o r u m
Highest in rank at an imperial audience. This o f f i c e r

also served as master of ceremonies at court functions.
No b ilissimus
Title one rank lower than that of Caesar, but bestowed

o nly on members of the emperor's family. It was
u sually conferred on natural or adoptive sons of an
emperor.
Numeri
Infantry units permanently stationed at Constantinople.
Ostiarius
Important official who served directly in imperial

house h o l d or at court. This position was reserved
for e u n u c h s .
Patrician
Highest court position held by eunuchs during the

eighth and ninth c e n t u r i e s .
Protospathar
Chief minister of taxes of the imperial treasury.

156
Sacellarius
Chief financial officer of the empire. He supervised

all offices ha v i n g financial duties.
Scholarii
Cavalry units stationed at Constantinople. Many

times they took part in major military expeditions.
Spathar
Highest c o u r t official engaged in personal and d o m e s
tic service to the emperor. This position was held
b y a eunuch.
Strategus
M ilitary and civil governor of a theme. The strategus

was directly responsible to the emperor. The strategoi
of the Anato l i a n themes held higher rank than strategoi
of the European p r o v i n c e s .
Tagmata
Imperial troops stationed in or around Constantinople.

This included cavalry units (s c h o l a r i i ) , palace guards
(e x c u b i t o r e s ), infantry units (n u m e r i ) , and the i m
perial fleet. E a c h individual unit was commanded by
a domesticus.
Themata
Peasant militia of the provinces. They were under the

command of the strategus of their theme.
Theme
B yzantine province commanded by a strategus who held

both mili t a r y and civil authority.
T urmarch
Military officer directly under the s t r a t e g u s . Themes

w e r e divided into two turmai, each part commanded by
a turmarch who was directly responsible to the
strategus.
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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF THE AUTHOR
James A. Arvites was born on February 20, 1947,
in Chicago, Illinois, son of George D. and Eugenia G.
Arvites. He was educated in the Wilmette, Illinois, public
school system and graduated from New Trier Township High
School in 1965. In the autumn of 1965 he entered the
University of Oklahoma, from which he was graduated with
a Bachelor of Arts degree in History in August, 1971.
In the following autumn he entered graduate school at the
University of Mississippi where he served as a graduate
assistant in history for six years. In August, 1973, he
received a Master of Arts degree in History. Between 19 76
and 1979 he served as a history instructor at Northwest
Mississippi Junior College. He is currently a candidate
for a Ph.D. in History at the University of Mississippi.
167

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T HE UNIVERSITY UF M ISSISSIPPI* PH .D ., 1979

C 3 * . 19 7 9 ARVITES, J AMES ANTH1NY

JAMES ANTHONY ARVI TES

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H E R LIFE AND TIMES

B.A., University of Oklahoma, 1971

The University of Mississippi

H E R LIFE AND TIMES

Associate Professor of Associate Professor of History

I w i s h to express my appreciation to those persons

who have helped make this dissertation a reality. My

deepest gratitude is due to my dissertation director,

Dr. J. Allen Cabaniss, whose patience, understanding, and

skill in guiding my work during the last six years have

p rovided me w i t h an example of scholarly dedication which

I shall always try to emulate. I consider it a great

privilege and honor to have had the opportunity to have

w o r ked under Dr. Cabaniss on this study.

I also wish to thank the other members of m y

committee, Dr. Jackson Taylor and Dr. Michael Landon, for

generously devoting their time to my p r o b l e m s . Their s u g

gestions and constructive criticisms made this study a far

better work than it would have been.

Further, I must thank my parents, Mr. and Mrs.

George D. Arvites, for having patience and confidence in

and Turkey. I must acknowledge my deep appreciati o n to

my parents whose partial financial support enabled me to

Additionally, I w a n t to thank the staffs at the

w e s t e r n University, the University of Istanbul Library in

Istanbul, Turkey, and the Gennadeion Library in Athens,

Greece, for their help in locating materials.

I also m u s t express my deep appreciation and

thanks to m y good friend, John Fininis, and his family,

for allowing me to stay w i t h them while I was in Athens.

Their help, suggestions, and transportation provided

enabled me to make my stay in Athens and Greece much more

constructive than it might otherwise have been.

Finally, my special gratitude is due my good

friends, Dr. Frank Childrey and Judith Kuypers, wh o read

m y early manuscript and aided me in reading proof. The

responsibility for what e v e r errors this work may contain

is, of course, solely mine.

Bohmer, J. F.; Miihlbacher, E . f and L e c h n e r , J. ,

Pertz, George Heinrich, ed. Monumenta Germaniae

Migne, J. P., ed. Patrologiae cursus completus

Migne, J. P., ed. Patrologiae cursus completus

I. THE EARLY Y E A R S : AN ATHENIAN MAIDEN BECOMES

II. IRENE CONSOLIDATES H E R POWER ................ 25

III. IRENE AND I C O N O C L A S M ......................... 42

IV. THE RESTORATION OF I C O N S .................... 60

V. MOTHER AND SON STRUGGLE FOR P O W E R ........... 78

VI. IRENE: "BASILEUS OF THE R O M A N S " ............. 105

VII. BYZANTINE ITALY AND THE FALL OF IRENE . . . . 125

GLOSSARY OF BYZANTINE TITLES AND TERMS ............... 154

BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................... 157

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF THE AUTHOR ........................ 167

THE EARLY YEARS: AN ATHENIAN

MAIDEN BECOMES EMPRESS

On the morning of September 1, 76 8, the son of

mother gave birth to me."'''' The emperor objected to the