Habitat International 46 (2015) 260e270

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Habitat International
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/habitatint

Urban visions from Lusaka, Zambia

Emma Wragg*, Regina Lim
Department of Planning, Oxford Brookes University, Headington Campus, Gipsy Lane, Oxford, OX3 0BP, UK

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

Article history: Economic growth in African cities has attracted the attention of international property developers and
Available online 7 November 2014 architecture rms seeking new opportunities as demand has waned in the shrinking economies of the
Global North. Their interest has produced new computer generated master plans for African cities
Keywords: depicting modern utopias which would not look out of place in Dubai or Shanghai. The incongruity of
African cities these plans for cities where 70% or more of urban residents live on the margins in unplanned settlements
Urban visions
raises important questions about the processes shaping the future of African cities.
Policy mobility
Urban theories, in particular neoliberal ideologies of urban entrepreneurialism, offer compelling ex-
Lusaka
Zambia
planations for how these visions have come to be. What is less well understood is the local dynamics at
play in the structuring of African cities and the role of local actors in the construction of these new
master plans. This paper documents the attitudes of residents of Lusaka to market driven development in
their city and new master plans for African cities. Making use of concepts of policy mobility e it explores
the aspirations of those that live in the city and the extent to which these correspond to the promises of
these grand new visions. The ndings highlight ways in which these new visions of African cities are at
odds with lives and concerns of residents in Lusaka from across the social spectrum.
2014 Published by Elsevier Ltd.

Introduction impacts on the residents of unplanned settlements are profoundly

Many of Africa's capital cities are in the throes of change. Rapid
urbanisation, globalisation and recent economic growth are having
a transformative effect on city spaces. New projects in the form of
gated housing complexes, mega malls, international hotels and
business parks are changing the urban landscape. These already
dramatic changes could take on an entirely new dimension if some
of the new visions for African cities put out by international
property developers and architecture rms are realised. As high-
lighted by Vanessa Watson's recent timely article, African urban
fantasies: dreams or nightmares?, these computer generated
master plans for cities such as Kigali, Maputo, Kinshasa, Dar es
Salaam, Nairobi and Lagos depict modern utopias which would not
look out of place in cities like Dubai or Shanghai (Watson, 2014).
The incongruity of these plans for cities where 70% or more of ur-
ban residents live on the margins in unplanned settlements raises
important questions about the processes shaping the future of Af-
rican cities. Although offering models for dealing with the South's
rapid growth using concepts of sustainability, their potential
* Corresponding author. Tel.: 44 (0)7795064742.
E-mail addresses: e.wragg@brookes.ac.uk (E. Wragg), r.lim@brookes.ac.uk
(R. Lim).
unsettling. The construction of these new eco cities and smart
cities could lead to a signicant rise in peri-urban evictions and the
further diversion of limited State resources away from meeting the
basic needs of the urban poor in cities (Watson, 2014).
A key question to ask is how these visions have come to be? In
particular what policies and ideas have informed their creation and
who has been involved in this process? On the face of it these vi-
sions appear to be the work of international rms of architects
drawing on travelling visions of the global city that have sprung up
in Mumbai, Chennai, Delhi, Hanoi, Beijing, Guangzhou, Sao Paulo,
Dubai and many other cities. Theories of policy mobility suggest a
messier process: ideas are literally assembled through the
layering of diverse inuences, mutating as they travel through
different cities, and fusing with the multiple agendas of stake-
holders at their nal destination. One hypothesis suggested by this
theoretical perspective is that we should look more to the local
context and agendas of local actors in understanding the devel-
opment of these visions. To examine this perspective, this study
explores the views and aspirations of residents in Lusaka to ques-
tion whether their own urban imaginaries may correspond to these
global visions.
To give a complete view, the paper rst traces the debate in the
literature on the limitations of current understanding of African
cities, and the growing use of concepts of policy mobility to explore

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.habitatint.2014.10.005
0197-3975/ 2014 Published by Elsevier Ltd.
 E. Wragg, R. Lim / Habitat International 46 (2015) 260e270
the relational and composite nature of urban policy making. An
account of the context of Lusaka and the methodology used follows,
and nally the paper describes insights that emerged from the
study.
Moving beyond neoliberalism
Economic globalisation e underpinned by the export of
neoliberal policies that accompanied the introduction of structural
adjustment programmes in the early 1980s e provides a compel-
ling explanation for Africa's changing urban landscape and the
emergence of these new visions. In this analysis, Africa's opened
markets become the latest home to Harvey's (2010) surplus capital
as property developers and international rms of architects ee the
2008 economic recession in European and American markets in
search of new opportunities. From the perspective of neoliberal
critics, one outcome is a convergence in urban development
(Armstrong & McGee, 1985; Sassen, 1991) that reects new forms of
pragmatic modernism from North Atlantic cities e one that re-
sponds to the interests of global corporations with iconic glass of-
ce blocks, (Sassen, 1991) and to consumers with fantasies of
American suburban living (Dear & Flusty, 1998). For newly
emerging African nations seeking to align themselves with estab-
lished capitalist nations and attract the trading benets of the
global economy, the iconic high rise images of cities such as Lon-
don, New York and Tokyo offer symbols of the global city with
which to market their own city. The literature suggests a number of
reasons for looking beyond this neoliberal critique:
First is the debate around the extent to which the analysis of
cities in the Global South is overly dominated by the critique of
neoliberalism and understandings of urbanism emanating from
European and North American cities, which may obscure our ability
to identify local processes at work in the structuring of cities in the
South (Parnell & Robinson, 2012). As this debate develops, an
increasing number of voices are calling for a rebalancing of urban
theory to bring in the emergent theories from the global South
(Robinson, 2011, 2006), with growing attention being given to the
work of urban theorists whose thinking is inspired by the grounded
realities of cities in the South (e.g. De Boeck & Plissart, 2004;
Pieterse & Simone, 2013; Roy, 2005; Simone, 2010).
The second comes from new perspectives in comparative ur-
banism (Massey, 1991; Robinson, 2011; Ward, 2010) and policy
mobility (McCann, 2011; McCann & Ward, 2012; Peck & Theodore,
2010), which examine how the identity of cities is constructed
relationally through their interaction with other places. This has
moved the debate from a focus on how policy ideas may be
transferred in their entirety from one territory to another to include
an analysis of ways in which globally circulating policy ideas are
translated, reinterpreted and transformed by city actors (McCann,
2011: 109; McCann & Ward, 2012: 3).
Inherent in both these strands of thinking is the more recent
trend in urban theory towards actor orientated approaches to un-
derstanding cities, balancing the explanatory weight given to
structure with greater understanding of the role of agency and the
micro context of urban life (e.g. Shatkin, 2008; Markusen, 2004;
McGee, 1991). This study adopts the approach taken by Shatkin,
2008; McGee, 1991 and others in focussing more attention on the
role of local actors and the local historical context in understanding
drivers of urban change. This perspective questions the view that
these visions of African cities may be seen as another example of
the way in which economic globalisation is resulting in the
convergence of urban form through the top down imposition of
western models of urbanism. Instead it explores the extent to
which local actors may have a role to play in the assemblage and
embedding of these visions in African cities. The role of the political
261
and economic elite is something which is highlighted in the liter-
ature; Watson (2014) draws particular attention to the role of local
politicians and governments, who may stand to benet both in
terms of political support and nancial gain from the imple-
mentation of these visions. In the context of metro Manila, Shatkin
(2008: 386) also demonstrates how the emergence of integrated
urban megaprojects is not the outcome of the blind adoption of
Western planning models, but rather the strategies of powerful
local developers working in partnership with government to
exploit the opportunities arising from the withdrawal of the State
in city building.
Less discussed is what role ordinary citizens may play in the
emergence of these visions. The reality of urban governance in
African cities means it is highly unlikely that they have been con-
sulted, or played any direct role. But in Africa's new democracies
the value of their vote to local politicians gives the urban electorate
some inuence over city-building processes. Whilst for devel-
opmentalists these visions are unconscionable, offering nothing to
the urban majority in need of basic services, there are a number of
reasons why they may nd favour with the urban electorate. To
begin with is evidence of Africa's growing middle classes, who
Watson (2014) notes may have aspirations for the services and
types of modern urban environment these visions portray. In
Kinshasa, De Boeck (2012: 325) also nds that poorer residents of
Kinshasa rejoiced as much in the dream of a new modern city as the
ruling elites, despite an awareness of the implications in terms of
their own displacement. This was not a utopian visionary dream
but rather for a new heterotopia e a new mythical space of possi-
bility. Further aeld in Manila, Shatkin (2008: 398) similarly nds
that the response of low income groups to urban megaprojects in
Manila has involved a certain level of acquiescence. In this case, it
reected both the power of the global city imagery as well as the
fact that the urban poor are also users of some of the new consumer
spaces being developed.
This notion, that these global visions may reect not only the
ideas of inuential policy makers but also the aspirations of those
that live in the city, forms the focus of this study. The key question
explored is whether the increasingly global free ow of images,
culture and goods means that in places like Lusaka, travelling global
city visions may encounter urban dwellers who are already, to a
certain degree, acclimatized and accepting of global city imagery.
Or alternatively, as the approach taken by McGee (1991) and
Shatkin (2008) suggests, whether their attitudes to the global im-
agery are better understood as projections of their own views about
their local context and how it needs to change.
Lusaka context
The turnaround in Zambia's economic fortunes over the last 10
years has been profound, bringing to an end a long period of eco-
nomic decline that began in the 1970s under the one party rule of
Kenneth Kaunda and UNIP (United National Independence Party)
who took power at independence from the British in 1964. The
liberalisation of markets beginning in the mid 1980s, combined
with a vigorous programme to attract foreign investment following
the end of one party rule in the 1990s and multi-party elections,
resulted in a signicant increase in foreign direct investment.
Together with high copper prices (Zambia's chief export), this has
contributed to a sharp uptick in GDP e averaging growth of 6% over
the last decade. Nowhere is Zambia's new found prosperity more
evident than in the development of the capital Lusaka e home to
32% of the urban population. Here, under the rule of the MMD
(Movement for Multiparty Democracy) who presided over liberal-
isation from 1991 to 2011, there has been a notable growth in
largely private sector driven development.
262 E. Wragg, R. Lim / Habitat International 46 (2015) 260e270
Despite this strong economic growth, poverty and the lack of
basic services is still the dominant reality for the majority of
Lusaka's residents. Originally designed as a garden city for 13,000
by British architects in 1935, phenomenal urban growth has seen a
rise in the population from 123,146 in 1963 to 1,742,979 in 2010
(CSO, 2011; Wood, Banda, & Mundende, 1986). Combined with a
legacy of underinvestment in housing, this has resulted in an
estimated 70% of Lusaka's population residing in unplanned set-
tlements located in the west of the city and urban peripheries
(World Bank, 2002) (see Fig. 1). Although the majority of Lusaka's
37 settlements e referred to as compounds and townships e
have been recognised as legal settlements, access to basic services
in these localities e water, sanitation, rubbish collection e remains
extremely limited.
The city's struggle to provide infrastructure and housing to the
majority of its inhabitants is variously blamed on a lack of political
will, a badly resourced city council and a centralised planning
process but is also rooted in structural inequalities established
during the colonial era. Fundamental changes are in the pipeline e
following the adoption of a new Decentralisation Policy in 2002, an
Urban and Regional Planning bill (in Parliament for passing since
2012) promises to fundamentally reshape planning in Zambia
through the introduction of integrated development planning i.e.
decentralising planning and mechanisms for greater community
participation, transparency and accountability in the planning
process. There is already an IDP (the Comprehensive Urban
Development Plan) in place for Lusaka, put together by Lusaka City
Council with assistance from JICA, approved in 2010. This in-
corporates the city's unplanned areas into a city vision for a world
class, economically strong, green, and friendly city by the year 2030
(MHLG, LCC & JICA, 2009: 96). However, these changes are yet to
translate into investment in basic services for the urban poor. In the
meantime, private sector development catering for Lusaka's more
Fig. 1. Map of Lusaka showing location of settlements and key areas referred to interviews.
Source: Wragg (2010)
afuent minority continues a pace, in ways that appear neither
transparent nor planned.
Methodology
The paper draws on interviews carried out in Lusaka and a re-
view of secondary documents. Sixteen interviews were carried out
in June 2013 by the authors with groups of residents and a number
of key informants. These included people working in real estate
development, ofcials in local government, and traders and man-
agers working in Manda Hill mall and Kamwala market (a whole-
sale market close to the Central Business District). The study
attempted to canvass opinions from a cross section of socio-
economic groups to capture, as far as possible, a diversity of
different circumstances and experiences of living in the city. At the
poorer end of the social spectrum interviewees included
(a) two groups of men and women (8 per group) involved in
community based organisations who reside in the legalised
areas of Old Kanyama and New Kanyama (a planned town-
ship) which make up Lusaka's largest settlement in the west
of the city (see Fig. 1) with a population of 366,170 (CSO,
2011)
(b) a street trader operating at the trafc lights outside Manda
Hill mall
(c) a women's church group (2 groups of 10) made up of resi-
dents of Bauleni and a number of other unplanned settle-
ments in the Leopards Hill area on the eastern boundary of
the city (see Fig. 1).
In the middle were groups of employees of a multinational
company (2 groups of 4). They are not representative of the actual
middle classes in terms of median incomes, but the middle of
 E. Wragg, R. Lim / Habitat International 46 (2015) 260e270 263

Fig. 2. Entrance to Manda Hill Mall e the largest mall in Sub-Saharan Africa outside of South Africa.
Source: Regina Lim (2013).

Lusaka's more afuent minority with access to typical middle in- groups in the city e in particular it does not capture the experi-
come occupations. Their incomes of between K4,000 and K5,000 a ences of different social groups within unplanned settlements.
month (between US$730 and US$9001) compare favourably with Neither does it consider different experiences of living in the city in
the mean per capita incomes in 2012 of those working in typical term of age, gender, ethnicity etc. Furthermore, the study is limited
middle class occupations in Lusaka of K2,065-K5,281 (ZIPRA to an exploration of the views of residents e stakeholders who
2013a). currently have very little inuence over planning processes in the
At the higher end of the social spectrum, interviewees included city. A complete understanding of the role of local actors and pro-
two senior executives at a multi-national where executive salaries cesses in the making of these visions would need to look at the
range from K35,000 to K40,000 a month (US$6300e US$7300 per views of key decision makers in the city e national politicians,
month) and two groups of expatriate residents living in Lusaka's bureaucrats and private developers.
high income neighbourhoods (approximately 6 per group). Each
interview took between 45 min and 2.30 h, and was carried out Findings
either at their home or place of work except for the women's
church group interviewed at the church. Interviews were con- The ndings are presented in two parts. The rst describes in-
ducted in English, although in Kanyama and at the church they terviewees' reactions to the global visions. The second seeks to
were conducted partly in Nyanja, the most widely spoken vernac- analyse their responses in the context of Lusaka exploring their
ular language in the capital. These interviews were facilitated by familiarity with global city imagery but also how their lived expe-
translation from respectively the Chairman of the community rience of a rapidly growing city shapes their attitudes to the global
organisation and the pastor of the church. All interviews were visions.
recorded.
The objective of interviews with residents was to explore their
Part 1 e reactions to the visions
familiarity and attitudes to global visions for African cities. This was
done in a two stage process. The rst stage looked at their attitudes
The global visions for African cities are consistently greeted with
towards Lusaka's recent wave of development using Lusaka's rst
polite approval. The images appeal to a desire for a modern city.
mall constructed in 1999 Manda Hill mall, as a focal point (see
Fig. 2). Whilst not in any way comparable to the master plans for It would be fantastic to have a city that is modern, cosmopolitan,
African cities in terms of scale, the mall is seen in Lusaka as a key to turn Lusaka into this (middle class resident)
landmark in the growth of private sector driven development in the
city. Using Manda Hill, the study examined residents' experience of
market driven development in Lusaka. Second, residents were
asked about their aspirations for Lusaka to explore the extent to
which they may reference or draw on global city imagery or
knowledge of other cities in communicating their visions. In the
second part of the interview residents were shown a set of draw-
ings of urban visions of African cities highlighted in Vanessa Wat-
son's recent paper (2014). Examples include the master plan for
Kigali shown in Fig. 3 and plans for the seaward extension of Kin-
shasa known as the Cite le Fleuve in Fig. 4. The visions were
shown to respondents after the discussion of the impact of Lusaka's
current wave of redevelopment to provide respondents with a real
life context with which to comment on these visions.
There are a number of limitations to this study. First the study
only captures the views of a limited number of socio-economic

1
The currency of Zambia is the Zambian Kwacha. The exchange rate used is the
USD/ZMW exchange rate as of 15th June 2013 of US$1: ZMW5.5 The Kwacha has Fig. 3. Master plan for Kigali.
since depreciated to US$1:6.14 as of 1st August 2014. Source: http://www.rdb.rw/uploads/media/KIGALI_CONCEPTUAL_Master_Plan.pdf.
264 E. Wragg, R. Lim / Habitat International 46 (2015) 260e270

Fig. 4. Kinshasa: Cite Le Fleuve.

Source: http://www.lacitedueuve.com/.

The visions are most frequently talked about in terms of how
they may benet the country or the city.
Its marvellous, it's a very nice plan. It will be very benecial to the
nation to have a city which looks like this one, even it may attract
some, like a tourist attraction, some tourists will be attracted to
visit the city (resident from Kanyama)
we could bring world cup to Zambia; if we had hospitals these nice
doctors would not leave the country; [the vision] would keep the
best brains in Zambia; we could host many international events;
infrastructure would attract more investments (resident from
Kanyama)
They also appealed to a sense of national pride and a desire to
put on display Lusaka's newfound status as an emerging middle
income country.
we would love to see skyscrapers, modern stores, glass buildings,
bridges, a proper highway, more malls .it would rubber stamp
Zambia as a force to reckon with (middle class resident)
In equal measures the visions are talked about as a means of
achieving economic growth and jobs. New buildings and infra-
structure are seen as a way of bringing in new investors and po-
tential employers to the city generating more formal sector jobs but
also combating Lusaka's brain drain.
Investors want infrastructure, they can't invest when there is
deplorable infrastructure like this. (resident from Kanyama)
The approval is not unconditional. Kanyama residents see it as a
recipe for aggravating further a city already congested and over
populated, by drawing in more migrants to the bright lights of the
new city. For middle income groups, identity also surfaced as an
issue with them lamenting an overwhelming western inuence
and expressing a desire for development with a Zambian touch.
Across the social spectrum, the affordability of new de-
velopments for Lusaka's residents is frequently questioned. Looking
at the global visions, residents are quick to question who might be
able to afford to live in such places. The most poignant criticisms
come from Kanyama residents, who warn of the profound impacts
for poorer urban dwellers. Whilst praising the benets of a new
vision for the city, they are all too aware of the likely outcomes for
residents on the urban periphery with further evictions likely to
make way for the new constructions. The comment of one inter-
viewee from Kanyama neatly summarises their perception: The
picture looks nice but a lot of people will suffer.
Part II e analysis
A desire for modernity ?
What can be made of peoples' approval of the visions ? The
analysis begins by looking at what evidence there is that the pos-
itive reactions to the visions reect a familiarity with global city
imagery or even a convergence of imaginations of city futures
around the ascetics of the global city. A good place to start is with
the reports of management consultants such as McKinsey (2012),
Hatch, Becker, and van Zyl (2011) and A.T. Kearney (2014). From
their perspective Africa is in the midst of a profound culture change
with a rapid and sustained rise in consumer spending of 4% per
annum since 2000 (Hatch et al., 2011). As A.T. Kearney (2014: 2)
note in their newly created index of African retail development: A
middle class is emerging and increasingly wealthy consumers are
embracing Western brands, products and lifestyles.
Within Lusaka the characteristics and aspirations of a growing
consumer society have become far more visible in the last 10 years.
An inux of retailers, fast food restaurants and cinema chains from
South Africa including Woolworths, Shoprite, Game, Mr Price, Hi Fi
and On the Run, has provided Lusakans with a wealth of consumer
choice and access to global brands. A surge northwards by South
African retailers, in search of greater prots outside of saturated
domestic markets following the end of trade restrictions relating to
apartheid in 1994, has created a high demand for retail space
(Miller, Saunders, & Oloyede, 2008). In response, the retail envi-
ronment has been transformed through the construction of a
number of highly visible mega malls including Manda Hill in 1999,
Arcades in 2003, Crossroads in 2006, Woodlands in 2009 and Levy
Junction and Makeni in 2011. A number of other large scale retail
developments are in the pipeline.
A parallel growth in consumer demand seems to have come as a
shock to even South Africa's most experienced retailers. The man-
gers of Shoprite and Manda Hill talk of a huge hunger for retail
with South African stores such as Woolworths, Mr Price and Hi Fi
experiencing opening turnovers higher than those in South Africa.
This is attributed by retailers to a tremendous growth in disposable
income and a growing middle classes with modern tastes. The
upward trend is expected to continue with total consumer
spending expected to rise from 10 billion in 2010 to 23 billion by
2020, making Zambia one of Hatch et al.'s (2011) top opportunities
in Africa for global retailers.
Higher levels of consumer demand are also attributed by re-
tailers to the growth of mass media in Zambia and the increasing
propensity of Zambians to travel, exposing urbanites to new land-
scapes of consumer aspirations. Today, following liberalisation of
the airwaves in the 1990s, consumers can now choose from over 30
radio and 7 television stations, including South Africa's Multichoice
 E. Wragg, R. Lim / Habitat International 46 (2015) 260e270 265

DSTV satellite network (Chirwa, Minnie, & Bussiek, 2010). In 2009 it

was estimated that 83% of urban households owned a television
and 87% a mobile phone (Chirwa et al., 2010). The potential impact
of global media on city visions is evident in the response of a middle
class resident who, looking at the Masterplan for Kigali (Fig. 3),
indicated rather wearily that they had seen this all before:
This is what we see on the tv and people sought of want this now,
all you get to see is Dubai.

However, Lusakans do not need to travel far to become familiar

with the symbols of the modern global city. Its fragmented com-
ponents highlighted by the convergence literature e from Sassen's
(1991) corporate headquarters to the suburban gated communities,
businesses parks and sites of consumption and spectacle found
in the Dear and Flusty (1998) Los Angeles model e are becoming
increasingly visible within Lusaka. In the city centre a billboard
outside Zambia's tallest building, Society House (see Fig. 5), shows
drawings of a redevelopment intended by its South African archi-
tects to provide the Lusaka skyline with an iconic structure that Fig. 6. Billboard for the completed Levy Junction business park.
reects its new prosperity (Harding, 2011). Close by is the Levy Source: http://www.skyscrapercity.com/showthread.php?t1309975

Junction business park (see Fig. 6), a 30,000 sqm mixed use
development completed in 2011, with 72 retail outlets mainly
occupied by South African retailers. New ofce blocks including
Kwacha House (4,700 sqm), Aquarius House (1,600 sqm) and
Trinity Park (3,100 sqm), provide homes to some of Zambia's key
foreign investors including First Quantum Minerals (Knight Frank,
2013).
But most of Lusaka's development is taking place out on the
urban periphery. To the South and East, nance from Japan and
China is funding the construction of multi-facility economic zones
(MFEZ) that purport to blend the best features of free trade zones
(FTZs), export processing zones (EPZs) and the industrial parks/zones
concept (Zambia Development Agency, 2014). Speculative invest-
ment from China and South Africa among others is also funding 8
new American style suburban gated estates targeted at Lusaka's
middle and upper classes including Silverest (Great East Road)
(Fig. 7), and Northgate Gardens (Off Great North Road). The latter
sits in close proximity to the recently completed Heroes National
Stadium, which seats 60,000 (Fig. 8). This is nanced by China,
hoping to help Zambia secure the right to host the next Africa's Cup.
But whilst the aesthetics of the modern global city have become
more prominent in Lusaka, they are not yet featuring in residents'
descriptions of their own aspirations for Lusaka. Instead, their de-
sires are rooted in their day to day experiences and struggles with a
city environment ridden with a complexity of power relations quite
different to the sanitised orderly environments of the global city
visions. What follows is an account of three key themes that
emerge from residents' reactions to the visions, together with ex-
planations that come from looking at the local context and their
lived experiences and aspirations for Lusaka. The rst looks at the
appeal of the built environment and economic life that the urban
visions portray. The second explores the attraction of the clean
environments depicted in the visions and the third theme high-
lights residents' perspectives of the exclusionary nature of the
visions.
A desire for the conditions of modernity e alternative visions
The visions could be related to Lusakans' own aspirations for
improvements in the economic life and infrastructure of the city.

Fig. 5. Artists impression of refurbished Society House as shown on billboard.

Source: http://abe.co.za/a-b-e-supplies-dow-corning-sealants-for-rebirth-of-lusaka-iconic-skyscraper/.
266 E. Wragg, R. Lim / Habitat International 46 (2015) 260e270
Fig. 7. Silverest Gardens Estate model marketed in Manda Hills.
Source: A. Lim (2013).
For lower income groups, this is about a lack of employment and
the continued absence of basic services in unplanned areas of the
city. For middle income groups the lack of affordable serviced
housing and high rents in middle income suburbs are key e this
theme is looked at in the nal section below. Finally, across the
social spectrum, a major concern shaping aspirations is the city's
limited public transport options and the increasing paralysis of the
city's road network.
When it comes to employment, the aspirations of many of
Lusaka's low income residents are framed by memories of much
higher levels of waged employment and the benets that came
with it. Their recollections reect Zambia's period of prosperity
post-independence, which helped Kenneth Kaunda's one party
state to implement a socialist agenda and grow the size of the state
apparatus and access to employment for Zambians by 1974 to 30%
(Kalinda & Flora, 1992). But the waves of redundancies that
accompanied structural adjustment programmes in the 1980s and
1990s, and the rolling back of the State saw this gure sharply
decline to 9.9% by 1988 (Kalinda & Flora, 1992). This saw many lose
Fig. 8. Artists impression of Lusaka's new football stadium.
Source: http://www.skyscrapercity.com/showthread.php?t1417516
not only a regular income source but a lifestyle in the conventional
serviced areas of the city supported by access to subsidized rental
housing (Schlyter, 2004). Despite outstanding economic growth
and election promises from Zambia's newly elected President
Michael Sata, access to formal employment remains limited with
only 15% of Zambian workers holding salaried employment (CSO,
2013).
Disappointment that a change in political leadership in 2011 has
so far not brought about much anticipated changes also featured in
discussions about the continued absence of basic services in
Kanyama. The 2011 elections, that replaced the MMD with Michael
Sata and the Patriotic Front (PF), gave rise to a renewed sense of
optimism in Lusaka's unplanned settlements that they would
benet from promised investments in basic infrastructure. The PF
has traditionally relied on electoral support in urban areas, a factor
which historically placed residents of Lusaka's unplanned areas in
direct conict with the incumbent MMD and was thought to play a
role in the holding back of service delivery (Resnick, 2010). The
limited services in Kanyama reect the status quo across peri-urban
areas. Despite improvements over the last 10 years largely through
individual donor funded initiatives (Tetra Tech, 2011) it is estimated
that at least 56% of the urban population do not have access to an
adequate water supply and over 90% do not have access to satis-
factory sanitation facilities (IMF, 2007: 183).
Limited State investment in basic services within the settle-
ments can be contrasted with the State's signicant investment in
the city's road infrastructure. This includes the 2013 Lusaka 400
project which aims to create employment through the rehabilita-
tion of 400 km of the city's roads and a major 34.5 million dollar
JICA funded project to relieve congestion in the city through the
construction of an inner ring road (LCC 2014). Despite this invest-
ment, the challenges and costs of moving around the city have
become a signicant issue for residents across the social spectrum
and dominated discussions with middle income and wealthier
groups about their aspirations for the city. According to a 1993
survey the majority of city (51%) travelled by foot, whilst 32% relied
on public transport provided chiey by minibuses and 10.7% relied
on private cars (V3 Consulting, 2000). Since then economic growth
and the liberalisation of public transport have contributed to a
dramatic increase in the number of vehicles on the city's roads e
between 2004 and 2010 this grew by 195% from 111,460 to 328,732
 E. Wragg, R. Lim / Habitat International 46 (2015) 260e270
e mainly attributable to an increase in the importation of used/
second hand motor vehicles (COMESCA, 2012).
Many of the newly imported used/second hand vehicles on the
road are privately owned mini buses. The liberalisation of public
transport has had the desired effect of increasing the supply of
passenger seats, but has created new challenges with high levels of
in route competition and over capacity contributing to congestion,
road accidents and long waiting times as drivers wait to ll their
buses (ZIPAR, 2013b). For both low and middle income groups, the
cost of travelling on the mini buses is a major issue. According to
ZIPAR (2013b), despite liberalisation, mini bus fares in Lusaka have
risen ve fold over the past 8 years, ranging from US$ 0.80e1.00 for
a single intra-urban trip with low income groups spending up to
40% of income on transport.
Of no less signicance for all groups is the impact of much
higher levels of congestion on the roads. Residents that depend on
travel by car or mini bus consider their lives are increasingly
controlled by trafc patterns. Daily commutes each way in excess of
2 h are not uncommon, and daily routines are being adapted to
work around periods of extreme congestion.
It was these everyday experiences of the city that shaped
alternative visions for Lusaka and drew out positive responses to
the global urban visions. The built environment on display in the
images and the economic life that the glass-towered buildings
portray are suggestive of some of the conditions of modernity e the
running water, the transport and the prosperity e that residents
seek. Not all imagined themselves living within these cities but saw
an opportunity in the economic life that they might generate. In
particular, new buildings and infrastructure offered the promise of
investors and potential employers to the city. And, of course,
someone was going to have to build these new cities.
Aspirations for clean streets e governance in Lusaka
Apart from infrastructure, part of the appeal of the visions for
residents lay in their portrayal of clean environments. Behind this
lay a universal annoyance with rubbish in the city and different
views on local governance in Lusaka. Waste collection is a topical
issue in Lusaka e the city is cynically referred to in the national
press as the garbage city rather than the garden city e and
residents complain bitterly about the piles of rubbish in the
streets, regarded as a stain on the reputation of Lusaka as a new
middle income city.
there are historical heaps of garbage, the town is pathetic, its very
dirty, our local council has failed to manage the waste (resident
from Kanyama).
Lusaka undoubtedly does have a problem with solid waste
collection. In 2006 the total amount of waste generated in the city
was estimated to be 242,803 million tons of which only 63,577
million tons (26%) was collected (LCC/ECZ, 2008: 58). Residents
place the blame for this rmly on the shoulders of Lusaka City
Council whose lack of credibility with residents has contributed to a
disengagement with local city governance (Mulenga, 2003). Part of
the problem is the limbo status of local councils in Zambia's long
running and stalled engagement with de-centralisation. Although
wide ranging responsibilities for providing infrastructure and ser-
vices have been devolved from central government to Lusaka City
Council, resistance to decentralisation by the State has blocked the
devolution of tax raising powers. Lack of nancial autonomy and
over reliance on unpredictable grants from central government
leaves the Council with limited capacity to provide any services to
the city.
However the different perspectives of residents of unplanned
areas and conventional areas of the city on this topic also highlight
267
some of the stark divisions and inequalities of power within the
city. For Kanyama residents, the problem of waste is expressed in
terms of their invisibility in the eyes of the Council. Although
residing in a legalised settlement and represented by a local
councillor that interacts with a locally elected community body
known as the Residents Development Committee, the Council is
unresponsive to their needs. Moreover, the process through which
decisions are made appears neither transparent or accessible to
residents. Their exclusion is illustrated in the two tier system of
waste collection that operates in the city. Following privatisation of
rubbish collection post 1991, collection is arranged by the council in
the conventional parts of the city through a franchise system for
which residents pay. However in unplanned areas it is a do it
yourself operation in which local communities are expected to
arrange primary rubbish collection, collect the fees, and pay a pri-
vate contractor for secondary removal. The complexity has meant
that it has been far from successful, leaving many with no effective
system of rubbish collection (Nchito & Myers, 2004). The appeal of
the clean streets in the visions may speak not only to an aspiration
for services, but also to the desire for citizenship and inclusion
within the institutional framework of the city.
We feel neglected, .. .Only those up there can go to these malls, if
they could do something to suit the community then we can just
say no ! e we are not neglected, we are part and parcel of
Lusaka (resident from Kanyama)
The 2002 Decentralisation Policy and new Urban and Regional
Planning bill offers real mechanisms to address these issues
through participatory planning (UN-Habitat, 2012a, 2012b). Posi-
tive pronouncements on decentralisation continue to be made by
government e in 2013 the government launched a revised De-
centralisation Policy e suggesting momentum for change may be
gathering force.
However, not all residents see the weaknesses of the Council in
terms of representation and accountability. In the conventional
areas of the city, more often than not the problem is expressed in
terms of the Council's failure to take a rm stance on the growth of
unplanned areas. In this analysis, the city's rubbish problem is
linked to growth in unplanned areas and lack of development
control. The language used of squatters, disorder and the need
for law and order suggests a more authoritarian form of gover-
nance from the following middle class resident:
It would be fantastic to have a city that is modern, cosmopolitan;
to turn Lusaka into this [vision for Kigali]eits possible; its takes
political will even if there are problems with squatters; its one that
can be addressed politically; Mugabe did it, China has done it e
they give you a warning and if you don't move, they demolish the
structure; there has to be some law and order
In this context, part of the appeal of the visions rests not only in
the built environment and economic life, but possibly, as Bhan
(2014: 23) argues, for a particular form of semi authoritarian
governance that ...nds expression in a controlled and orderly city.
These views are thought to be particularly prevalent among polit-
ical and economic elite who see the relocation of the urban poor
back to the rural areas as the solution to Africa's urban problems
(Watson & Agbola, 2013). The extent to which they may also be
held by Lusaka's emergent middle income groups does not bode
well for the development of a more egalitarian city.
A city for phantoms e processes of exclusion
Reactions to the visions are not all positive e residents have
mixed feelings about how such a transformation of Lusaka may play
268 E. Wragg, R. Lim / Habitat International 46 (2015) 260e270
out in practice. On the one hand, they feel it would be prestigious
for the city and are enthused about the opportunities the devel-
opment process might bring. But on the other hand their actual
experience of development already underway in Lusaka is that it
does not seem to be leading to more opportunities, and for some it
is leading to homes and livelihoods being uprooted as evictions
make way for development to take place. For others, it is also
changing the identity of the city in ways they nd unsettling.
A striking aspect of Zambia's recent economic success and
engagement with globalisation has been the rise in levels of
inequality. Nationally the Gini Index has risen from 49.8 in 1996 to
57.5 in 2010 (World Bank, 2014). Among lower income residents,
there is an acute awareness of growing wealth in Lusaka and their
apparent disconnect from this trajectory of growth that has
generated little in the way of jobs:
They are building modern buildings. We hear of shopping malls,
special economic zones, we hear of those new roads they are
constructing to reduce the town centre congestion. As Kanyama
community, they are very expensive for us, it's a negative for us.
(resident from Kanyama)
New developments are also giving rise to a greater concerns
about security of tenure in the settlements as incidents of market
driven evictions become increasingly common. Myer and Chen
(2013) note that Chinese built housing estates are gradually dis-
placing peri-urban settlements, in some cases with violence. In the
east of the city, evictions are also taking place on the periphery near
the Leopards Hill area, to make way for the MFEZ and inner ring
road development.
Incidents are not conned to the urban periphery. Commercial
development in the Central Business District has resulted in the
eviction of market traders. The future of the residents of Chiboyla e
one of Lusaka's oldest settlements located close to the Central
Business District e also hangs in the balance with plans for its
modernisation to improve the compound to a high class residential
area (Daily Nation, 2014). Residents from the settlements are not
nave as to the consequences of larger scale urban development in
the form of the urban visions e they believe that further processes
of eviction would be inevitable.
Doubts about the benets of the urban visions are not restricted
to residents from the settlements, middle income residents also
have concerns about affordability and the inuence of a growing
number of multinationals in the city. Access to decent affordable
housing is a major issue in Lusaka both for low income and middle
income groups. Irrespective of housing nance, the capacity of in-
dividuals to gain access to housing in serviced conventional areas of
the city is limited (Finscope, 2013). In a recent study UN Habitat
(2012a) estimated the national housing decit to be around 1.3
million units, and that to be affordable to the majority of Lusaka's
urban population new housing should sell at between US$10 e
40,000. This contrasts with prices of housing in Lusaka's high cost
and medium cost areas e in Kabulonga (high cost) prices for a 3/4
bedroom house are US$500,000, and in Avondale (medium cost) a
3 bedroom house on a small plot is priced at US$100,000 (Finscope,
2013). Similarly, prices on the newly constructed Silverest Estate
are in the neighbourhood of US$200,000 (Myer & Chen, 2013).
Zambia's middle classes are growing, but from a low base and
their size and purchasing power still appears far off what may be
required to participate in the types of housing suggested by the
urban visions. To begin with only 15% (CSO, 2013) of workers have
access to waged employment. According to ZIPAR (2013a), if the
middle classes are dened in terms of households earning 50%
above and below the median income, then Zambia's middle classes
e about 43.4% of salaried households e are a relatively poor group
whose monthly income of between K510 to K1,530 (US$92 to
US$278) falls around Zambia's 2012 legislated minimum wage
range. This is notably less than the household income needed to
cover the monthly payment of K6,300 (US$1145) that Finscope
estimate is required to purchase a property in medium cost
Avondale, based on the most competitive mortgage rates (Finscope,
2013). In contrast, households with access to typical middle income
occupations, earn considerably more (K5,766-K26,231 or US$1048-
US$4769) but account for a mere 6.3% of working salaried house-
holds (ZIPAR 2013a). Whilst this analysis does not reect the sig-
nicance of informal earnings, the very small pool of people with
access to formal employment is a key factor in the number of
people likely to have access to the conventional forms of nance
needed to purchase the types of property on display in the African
city visions.
Objections to the visions also come from middle income groups,
who feel that Zambian culture is being displaced by the spread of
western forms of consumption and lifestyles introduced by the
growing number of South African retailers in the city.
..it feels like we are adopting someone else's culture there is
no Zambia store, we are adopting a westernised culture,
.We should have more local, have more Zambians, its full of
what South Africa are doing, bringing the shopping and branding
This is underpinned by a backlash against multinationals and an
investment climate which is seen to favour foreign investors over
local entrepreneurs.
Foreigners dominate the market, its disappointing, locals [shop-
keepers] cannot afford to participate . the rents are too high [at
Manda Hill] and investors get tax exemptions e it does not apply to
Zambians, tax and rent is not friendly and does not support Zam-
bians exploitation is going on.
Together these perspectives highlight ways in which residents'
experiences of market driven development in Lusaka is of a process
that appears to cater to only a relatively small elite minority in the
city. This experience no doubt contributed to residents questioning
who exactly was going to live in these new visions of African cities.
Conclusions
The key question explored in this study is the extent to which
urban dwellers in Lusaka are exposed to global city imagery, and
whether their own urban imaginaries are inuenced by the models
and visions of super modern cities that have become increasingly
hegemonic in global policy circuits. In support of this conclusion;
the urban visions for African cities were generally met with positive
comments. They are powerful and compelling in suggesting both
opportunity and a world class identity for the city e one that
appealed to a sense of national pride and a desire to put on display
Lusaka's new found status as a growing middle income country.
Moreover, approval of the visions is given in a context where
escalating globalized ows of goods, images and real estate in-
vestment into Lusaka is exposing urban dwellers to new landscapes
of consumers aspirations and representations of the global city e
from the Chinese built gated suburban housing estates to the South
African mega malls and the iconic new national stadium.
But a convergence of aspirations around global city visions is not
what explained the positive responses to the African city visions
among the majority of Lusaka residents. Positive reactions were
better understood in terms of aspirations for change in Lusaka
 E. Wragg, R. Lim / Habitat International 46 (2015) 260e270
which are shaped by the local context and peoples' day to day
experience of living in Lusaka. These relate predominately to the
challenges of accessing livelihoods, basic services and transport in a
rapidly growing city. To add to this, it would seem highly probable
that tenure security is becoming a central concern for residents in
non-legalised settlements, as real estate development on the urban
periphery gathers pace. Whilst residents have positive things to say
about the visions, they are not naive about the problems and con-
sequences e particularly in relation to their affordability and the
risks of further evictions and displacement.
What is lacking in Lusaka is the means through which residents
can challenge market driven development and promote their own
visions for the city. Lusaka does have an alterative, more egalitarian,
vision for its city in its IDP, that recognises the needs of unplanned
settlements. But both the local capacity of the city council to
execute this vision and the democratic mechanisms, by which cit-
izens can hold local ofcials accountable and challenge real estate
developments that contravene the vision of the IDP, are currently
lacking. In the absence of these democratic mechanisms there is a
danger e as highlight by Bhan (2014) and Watson (2014) e that the
repeated circulation of the global city imagery in policy circuits will
reduce the chances of alternative, more egalitarian, urban imagi-
nations gaining a foothold in policy debates. They also provide a
rallying point and powerful tool to elite groups in cities who seek
the achievement of more orderly and clean cities through the
removal of unplanned settlements. However, Zambia's new Urban
and Regional Planning Bill offers a real opportunity for local com-
munities to inuence this process and have a much greater input
and control over the planning process. Speeding up the adoption of
this new Bill may protect Lusakans from their own digital
nightmare.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to acknowledge with thanks Alexis Lim
for valuable assistance with the collection of eld data; Mr Phiri,
and Dr Ngulube from Lusaka, Zambia for organising the interviews
and respondents and key informants from Lusaka who kindly gave
up their time to participate in the study.
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