Pagei

SaintThomasAquinas:
Volume1

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SaintThomasAquinas:
Volume1
ThePersonandHisWork

translatedby
RobertRoyal

JEANPIERRETORRELL,O.P.

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OriginallypublishedasL'InitiationSaintThomasd'Aquin:SapersonneetsonoeuvrebyEditionsUniversitairesFribourgSuisseandEditionsCerf,Paris.
Copyright1993EditionsCerfParis.

Copyright1996
TheCatholicUniversityofAmericaPress
Allrightsreserved
PrintedintheUnitedStatesofAmerica

ThepaperusedinthispublicationmeetstheminimumrequirementsofAmericanNationalStandardsforInformationSciencePermanenceofPaperforPrinted
Librarymaterials,ANSIZ39.481984.

LibraryofCongressCataloginginPublicationData

Torrell,JeanPierre.
[InitiationSaintThomasd'Aquin.English]
SaintThomasAquinas,Volume1:thepersonandhiswork/JeanPierre
TorrelltranslatedbyRobertRoyal.
p.cm.
includesbibliographicalreferencesandindexes.
1.Thomas,Aquinas,Saint,1225?1274.2.ChristiansaintsItaly
Biography.3.Theology,DoctrinalHistoryMiddleAges.6001500.
4.CatholicChurchDoctrinesHistory.I.Title.
BX4700.T 6T 57131996
230'.2'092dc20
9542079

ISBN 0813208521(cloth:alk.paper)

ISBN 081320853 X(pbk.:alk.paper)

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Contents

Foreword ix

Translator'sPreface xiii

Preface xv

AbbreviationsofFrequentlyCitedWorks xxiii

I.AnEventfulYouth 1

TheD'AquinoFamily 1

OblateatCassinoStudiesinNaples 4

TakingtheHabitandItsConsequences 8

FirstSketchforaPortrait 12

II.DiscipleofAlbertusMagnus(12451252) 18

Paris(12451248) 19

Cologne(12481252) 24

TheBibleandSpirituality:TheSuperIsaiam 27

III.FirstTeachingYearsinParis(12521256) 36

TheBacheloroftheSentences 39

AliaLecturaFratrisThome 45

TwoOpuscula 47

TheInauguralLecture 50

IV.MagisterinSacraPagina(12561259) 54

Legere:ToCommentontheBible 55

Disputare:TheDeueritate 59

Praedicare:TheologyandPastoralPractice 69

V.DefenderofMendicantReligiousLife 75

HistoryofaQuarrel 76

TheContraimpugnantes 79

TheDeperfectioneandtheContraretrahentes 84

ThePolemicist 90

VI.ReturntoItaly:TheSummacontraGentiles 96

ToPromoteStudy 96

TheUncertaintiesof12591261 98

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TheDateoftheSummacontraGentiles 101

ThePurposeoftheContraGentiles 104

TheSummacontraGentiles:MethodandPlan 107

TheContentsoftheSummacontraGentiles 111

VII.TheStayinOrvieto(12611265) 117

ConventualLectorinOrvieto 118

CommentaryontheBookofJob 120

ATheologianMuchinDemand 122

Dedivinisnominibus 127

TheOfficeofCorpusChristi 129

TheCatenaaurea 136

VIII.TheRomanYears(12651268):TheBeginningoftheSumma 142

TheStudiumatRome 142

TheSummatheologiae 145

TheContentsoftheSumma 148

ThePlanoftheSummatheologiae 150

ThePlaceoftheMysteryoftheIncarnation 153

Theology,Life,andPrayer 156

IX.TheOtherWritingsfromtheRomanPeriod 160

TheDepotentia"cumannexis" 161

TheCompendiumtheologiae 164

ExpertOpinionsonSomeContemporaryQuestions 167

TheDeregnoadregemCypri 169

TheSententiaLibriDeanima 171

WilliamofMoerbeke 174

X.TheNewSojourninParis:DoctrinalConfrontations 179

DateandPlaceofThomas'sDepartureforParis 179

TheMotivesforThomas'sReturntoParis 182

TheDeaeternitatemundi 184

TheUnicityofSubstantialForm 187

TheDeunitateintellectus 191

XI.TheSecondPeriodofTeachingatParis(12681272) 197

I.ScripturalCommentariesandDisputedQuestions 197

TheLecturasuperIoannem 198

DisputedQuestions:DemaloandOthers 201

TheQuodlibetalDisputes 207

II.ConsultationsandDiverseWorks 212

DeMixtioneelementorumDemotucordis 213

Deoperationibusoccultisnaturae 214

Deiudiciisastrorum 215

Desortibus 215

Desecreto 217

TheLettertotheCountessofFlanders 218

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TheDesubstantiisseparatis 220

TheSuperLibrumDecausis 222

XII.TheCommentatoronAristotle 224

TheExpositioLibriPeryermenias 224

TheExpositioLibriPosteriorum 226

TheSententiaLibriEthicorum 227

TheTabulaLibriEthicorum 229

CommentariesonthePhysicsandtheMetaphysics 231

UncompletedWorks 233

ThomasandAristotle 236

ThomasandHisSecretaries 239

XIII.LastPeriodofTeaching:Naples(12721273) 247

TheCourseonthePaulineLetters 250

TheCourseonthePsalms 257

The"LifeofJesus" 261

XIV.TheLastMonthsandDeath 267

ThePeopleWhoKnewThomas 267

ReginaldofPiperno 272

ThomasandHisFamily 275

APreliminaryPortrait 278

AManofGreatContemplation 283

TheFinalIllnessandDeath 289

XV.DifficultSequels:Cult,Process,Disputes 296

TheBeginningsoftheCult 296

March1277inParis 298

DominicansandFranciscans 303

DefenseofThomasbytheDominicanOrder 308

DisciplesandConfreres 310

XVI.Epilogue:TheCanonizationinAvignon 317

AWellConductedDevelopment 317

TheCanonizationandItsConsequences 321

DoctorEcclesiae 324

BriefChronology 327

BriefCatalogueoftheWorksofSaintThomasAquinas 330

Abbreviations 362

Bibliography 364

IndexoftheWorksofSaintThomasAquinas 397

IndexofNames 399

IndexofSubjects 405

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Foreword
InpreparingastudyofThomasAquinasfortheDictionnairedeSpiritualit,JeanPierreTorrellfounditnecessarytoreviewandsummarizethemostrecentdata
aboutAquinas'slifeandworks,becausecontinuingresearch,includinghisownandthatbymembersoftheLeonineCommission,hasmodifiedmanypointssincethe
majorworkofJamesWeisheipl.1Thepresentvolumegreatlyexpandsthefirstsectionofthearticle,leavingforanothervolume,nowbeingprepared,asimilar
expansionofthesecondpartofthearticle,whichpresentsAquinas'sspiritualdoctrine.

NotthatThomas'sspiritualityisabsentfromthisfirstvolume.Onthecontrary:asthesubtitleandintroductionmakeclear,Torrell'saimistodomorethandiscuss
datingofAquinas'slifeandworksorsummarizehisworksanddoctrine.WhilepresentingthepersonofThomasAquinasinhiscompletefamily,social,andintellectual
context,TorrellgoesconsiderablybeyondWeisheipl'sstudybyablybringingoutthespiritualdimensionofAquinas'slifeasaDominicanreligiousdedicatedtohanding
ontootherswhathehadexperiencedinhisfaithrootedcontemplation,mysticalaswellasintellectual.Thatis,hegivesusapictureofThomas'sownlivedspirituality
togetherwithinsightsintohisspiritualdoctrine,whichwillbepresentedmorefullyinthesecondvolume.ThushefollowsThomas'snumerousjourneysaboutFrance
andItalyonhisDominicanapostolate
1.
SeeJ.P.Torrell,"Thomasd'Aquin,"DictionnairedeSpiritualit15(1991)cols.71873.CompareJ.A.Weisheipl,FriarThomasd'Aquino:HisLife,Thought,andWorks,2ded.
(Washington,D.C.:TheCatholicUniversityofAmericaPress,1983).Thesecondeditiondidnotalterthemaintextoftheoriginal1974volumebutprovidedsomenewmaterialina
briefappendix.Albert&Thomas:SelectedWritings,TheClassicsofWesternSpirituality(NewYorkMahwah:PaulistPress,1988),trans.,ed.,introd.SimonTugwell,isamore
recentdiscussionofquestionsconcerningthedatingofThomas'slifeandwritings.Torrelltakesaccountoftheseaswellasofearlierworksinhisownstudy.Aswillbeindicated,
hisworkhasamuchwiderscopethaneitherofthese.

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ofintellectualministry,portrayinghimasadedicatedreligiousandscholarnearlyoverwhelmedbyhiszealousdevotiontothiscalling,yetvigorousandlivelyindefense
ofthefaithandofthelegitimateroleofreason.ThroughTorrell'seyesweseeThomasasamanofprayer,awarmfriendtomanyconfreresandothers,aloyaland
sometimesdeeplyinvolvedmemberofhisfamily.

JeanPierreTorrell'sownintellectualandspiritualapostolatehaspreparedhimwellforthis.ADominicanoftheToulouseprovince,hissearchforatheologyflowing
fromandreflectingadeeplyexperiencedlifeoffaithledhimtoprepareathesisforthelectorateinphilosophyandtheologyonthenatureandmethodoftheology,a
studythatincorporatedhisvisionofhowtheologiansshouldproceed.2HethenwenttoLeSaulchoir,thestudiumoftheDominicanprovinceofParis,wherehe
receivedthedoctorateaftercompletinghisdissertationonthetheologyoftheepiscopateattheFirstVaticanCouncil.3Returningtohisprovincetoteachfundamental
theologyforthenexttwentyyears,healsoregularlyexaminedintheRevueThomistebooksandarticlesontheologyanditsmethodology,addinghisowncritiques
andenrichinghisreviewswithhisowninsights.Anumberofhispersonalwritingsrevealhisdeepconcernthatthetheologicalendeavorshouldnotberestrictedto
purelyintellectualinquirybutshouldbeginwithandterminateinalifeoflivingfaithandholiness.4

WishingtopursuethehistoricalbackgroundofThomasAquinas'stheology,TorrellundertookaseconddoctorateattheUniversitdeMontral.Hisdissertationdealt
withearlierthirteenthcenturydiscussionsofthetheologyofprophecy,atopicthatledhimtoexaminethephilosophyofknowledgeatthattimeandeventuallyhelped
himtodevelopimportantnewviewsaboutChrist'shumanknowledge.5Italsoledtohisfruitfulcol
2.
LanotionintgraledeSacraDoctrinachezS.Thomasd'Aquin(Toulouse:StudiumDominicaindelaProvincedeToulouse,1959).
3.
IthasbeenpublishedasLathologiedel'piscopataupremierconcileduVatican("UnamSanctam,"37Paris:Cerf,1961).
4.
Toonumeroustobelistedhere,thesewritingsmaybefoundinthebibliographyofhispublicationsgiveninOrdoSapientiaeetAmoris:ImageetmessagedesaintThomasd'Aquin
traverslesrcentestudeshistoriques,hermneutiquesetdoctrinales:HommageauProfesseurJeanPierreTorrellOPl'occasiondeson65eanniversaire,ed.CarlosJosaphat
PintodeOliveira,O.P.,StudiaFriburgensia:NouvelleSrie,78(Fribourg,Suisse:EditionsUniversitaires,1993).
5.
ThisdissertationwaspublishedasThoriedelaprophtieetphilosophiedelaconnaissaneeauxenvironsde1230,SpicilegiumSacrumLovaniense40(Louvain,1977).The
importantarticleonChrist'shumanknowledge,whichappearedafterpublicationoftheFrencheditionofthepresentvolume,is"S.Thomasd'AquinetlascienceduChrist:Une
relecturedesquestions912dela<<TertiaPars>>delaSommedeThologie,"inSaintThomasauXXesicle:Actesdu

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

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6
laborationwithDr.DeniseBouthillier,fromwhichissuedseveralstudiesofPetertheVenerableandothermatters. BecausehisMontralthesisinvolvedagreatdeal
oftextediting,hewasaskedtobecomeamemberoftheLeonineCommissionandcollaboratewithitsresearchonandeditingofAquinas'sworksthishedidwhile
alsoteachingagraduatecourseintheologyforeightyearsattheGregorianUniversityinRome.HisexperienceontheLeonineCommissionuntilhewascalledtobe
professoroftheologyattheUniversitdeFribourginSwitzerlandandhiscontinuingcloseassociationwithmembersofthecommissionhavegivenhimaunique
opportunitytogiveusthemostthoroughandcriticalstudyofAquinas'sperson,lifeandworksthatwehaveatpresent.

Torrell'smanynewconclusionsconcerningthelifeandworksofAquinaswillgreatlyhelptheendeavorofthoseconcernedtoviewtheworksintheirhistoricalcontext
andtofollowtheAngelicDoctor'spersonalandintellectualdevelopment.7Torrell'smethodofsituatinganddescribingeachworkshouldhelptooffsetthetendencyof
somescholarswhostilltreattheentirecorpusofThomas'swritingsasanundifferentiatedwhole,withnoconcernfornuancesorforoutrightchangesinhis
continuouslydevelopingteaching.

ReaderswillappreciateTorrell'scarefulanalysisofthesources,historicalandlegendary,aboutAquinas,andhisjudgmentabouttheirreliability.Amongthemanyfine,
frequentlynewinsightshegivestothepersonofSt.Thomasthefollowingmaybementioned:his"firstsketchofaportrait,"derivedfromThomas'schildhood,early
studies,andDominicanvocationAquinas'spersonalspiritualityasseenfromhisearlycommentaryonIsaiahhislifelongdevotiontohisduties,asamasterof
theology,ofcommentingonScriptureandofpreaching,aswellasholdingdisputationshispassionatedefenseofmendicantreligiouslifehisownpersonalviewsofthe
vocationofthetheologianthelinkofhistheologywithhisprayer,includinghisEucharisticpietyhisdevotiontotheFathershispatienthumilitycombinedwith
energeticdefenseofhissometimesuniquetenetsindebatesduringhissecondParisianregency.

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)
colloqueduCentenairedela"Revuethomiste,"2528mars1993Toulouse,ed.SergeThomasBonino(Paris:SaintPaul,1994)394409.
6.
Someofthefruitsofthesestudiesandresearchareindicatedinthisvolume'sbibliographyunderTorrell'sname.Otherscanbefoundinthebibliographyindicatedintheprevious
note.
7.
HisnewconclusionsabouttheplaceanddatingofThomas'sworks,withattentiontohismovementsaboutItaly,France,andGermany,havebeensummarized,togetherwithafew
criticalremarks,inmyarticle,"AnImportantNewStudyofThomasAquinas:JeanPierreTorrell'sInitiationsaintThomasd'Aquin,"TheThomist58/3(July1994)48999.

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OfgreatinterestareTorrell'sdescriptionofAquinas'sworkhabits,includingthewayheusedsecretaries,andhispointingoutThomas'sgreateremphasis,inhis
teachinginhislateryears,ontheroleofaffectivity.Thomas'slastmonthsoflifeandhisdeathreceiveafreshreviewbasedoncarefulexaminationofmanywitnesses
abouttheevents,abouthisrelationswithhisfamily,andabouthispersonalholiness.Thomas'sdaringoriginalityisbroughtoutclearlyinthefinaltwochaptersasthey
followthecontroversiesabouthisteachings,thecondemnationsofafewofhispositions,andthecanonizationprocesssomeyearslater.

BecauseTorrellishimselfatheologianandbecausehelooksatthewholepersonandlifeofAquinas,heisabletopresentanaccuratepictureoftheAngelicDoctoras
thetheologianhewasandintendedtobeascholarwho,whilemorephilosophicallyinnovativethanisimmediatelyevident(hisabundantuseofAristotelian
vocabularymasksbothhisprofoundlynewdoctrineofesseandhisappropriationofelementsofNeoplatonism),neverthelessadvancedthesephilosophicalinsightsfor
thesakeoftheology.ThiswastrueevenofhiscommentariesonAristotle,whichhedevelopedinordertooffsettheinroadsagainsttheChristianfaiththathefelt
boundtoopposeasaChristiantheologian.SomeprofessedfollowersofAquinastendtoconfinetheirinteresttoa''thomistic"philosophyamputatedfromits
theologicalsettingandintent,anoperationthatoftendepriveshisthoughtofitsvitalityandinterest.ItistobehopedthatTorrell'smorecomprehensiveviewwillhelp
themtoestablishabetterequilibriumintheirapproachtohiswork,willhelpthemappreciatethelivingfaithanddeepmysticalandtheologicalexperiencewithinwhich
Aquinasdevelopedhismostimportantinsights.

ForthosewishingaquickviewofTorrell'sconclusionsonindividualworksofAquinas,thecatalogueattheendwillbeuseful.Butitwouldbeagreatlosstorestrict
oneselftothat,forthenonewouldfailtoexperiencethelucidityofTorrell'spresentationofthecontextofThomasAquinas'sworksaswellashisrichlycolored
portraitofthepersonoftheAngelicDoctor.

WALTERPRINCIPE,C.S.B.
FELLOWEMERITUS,PONTIFICALINSTITUTEOFMEDIAEVALSTUDIES

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Translator'sPreface
"Whilesafeguardingthemeaningofthetruthsthathetranslates,[thegoodtranslator]oughttoadapthisstyletothegeniusofthelanguageinwhichheisexpressingit."
Contraerroresgraecorum,Prologue

SaintThomas'sadvice,quotedabove,statesthecardinalprincipleofalltranslation:translationisconcernedwiththeexpressionoftruth.Buthavingacknowledgedthat
lucidideal,thetranslatorfindsthatotherfactorsimmediatelyintervene.Therelationshipbetweentruthandthelanguageinwhichitisexpressedisneitherneatnor
constant.Attimes,twolanguagesmaypermitanalmostalgebraicequivalenceofthought.Atothers,literalequivalencewillbemisleading.Atstillothers,italmost
appearsthatrealityitselfisslightlydifferentdependingonthelanguageweareusingtodescribeit.Agoodtranslationcanonlyattempttobeasfaithful,ineverysense
oftheword,totheoriginalasishumanlypossible.Ihavetried,therefore,inthistexttopresentwhatIthinkFatherTorrellwouldhavesaidwereheanativeEnglish
speaker.

Norabene:Inalmosteveryinstance,IhavetranslatedFatherTorrell'squotationsofworksbySaintThomasandothersfromtheFrenchasitappearedinhistext
ratherthangivethestandardEnglishtranslation.Thisseemedadvisableforseveralreasons.Aquinas'sLatinisnotoriouslyspare,andmosttranslationsintothemodern
languagesamplifyitsomewhattoconveyitsmeaningbetter.Clearly,theseamplificationsmaydifferquiteabitfromonelanguagetothenext.Torrelloftendevelops
argumentsonthebasisofexpressionsthatappearintheFrench,butnot,ornotsoclearly,inthestandardEnglishtranslation.Ifthiscreatessomeconfusiononthepart
ofthosewhoturnfromTorrell'spenetratinganalysestothevariousEnglishversionsofSaintThomas,theymightdowelltoconsultThomas's

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LatinortoappraiseTorrell'scommentsinthelargercontextoftheworkshediscusses.Assomeonewhohashadtoexaminethesequestionscarefullyforthesakeof
accuracy,Iamconvincedoftheremarkableprecisionanddepthhebringstobearateverypoint.

Afinalpoint:Workingcloselywithanotherperson'swordsenablesonetoappreciatesomethingabouttheirspirit.FatherTorrellspeculatesattimesaboutThomas's
motivesandaffectionsinwritingcertainworks.Inmostauthors,suchspeculationsoftenhaveanairofunreality.InTorrell,thereflectionsonThomastheman
illuminatethecomplexandmuchneglectedquestionsinaconvincingway.ThishassomethingtodowithTorrell'ssimilaritytoThomasinhissearchfortheentiretruth
onthebasisofalltheevidencewehaveavailabletous.LikeThomas,Torrellwearshisscholarshiplightlyanddrawsnewmeaningfromthemassivematerialhe
examines.HeistheperfectauthorforthecompanionvolumethatheindicatesinthePrefaceheispreparingandthatwillexploreThomas'steachingonthespirituallife.

IwishtothankRussellHittinger,whofirstsuggestedthisprojecttome.BartholomewdelaTorre,O.P.,carefullywentoverthetranslationand,ashehasdonein
variouswaysovermanyyearsoffriendship,savedmefrommanyerrors.RomanusCessario,O.P.,providedseveralusefulsuggestions.DavidMcGonagleofThe
CatholicUniversityofAmericaPressmadetheinevitablepracticaldifficultiesinproducingthismanuscriptfarlessproblematicthantheymighthavebeen.Susan
Needham,alsooftheCUAPress,hascontributedaneditor'ssenseofgoodEnglishalongwithanappreciationfornuancesintheFrench.

ROBERTROYAL
WASHINGTON,D.C.

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Preface
ThemainsourcesforSaintThomas'slifehavebeenconvenientlyassembledintheFontesvitaeS.ThomaeAquinatis,thankstothelaborsoftwoDominicans:
DominiquePrmmerandMarieHyacintheLaurent.Totheformer,whobeganthisundertakingatthestartofthetwentiethcentury,weowetheeditionofthethree
oldestbiographies:WilliamofTocco,BernardGui,andPeterCalo.Tothelatter,whofinishedthejobbeforeWorldWarII,weowethepublicationofthe
depositionsbythewitnessesatthecanonizationproceedingsinNaplesandFossanova,inadditiontoabunchofdocumentsthatgathertogetherextractsfromancient
chroniclesorchartershavingtodowithThomasortheAquinasfamily.

Thoughnotallthesetextsmeettherequirementsofacriticaleditionasweunderstandthattermtoday,thecollectionisoneofthemostuseful,particularlyifyoudonot
haveathandtheoriginaldocuments,whichareinmanycaseshardtofind.Morerecently,AngeloFerruahasreprintedsomeofthesetexts(Tocco,Gui,andNaples
primarily),andtherealsoexistsaFrenchtranslationofTocco'sbiographyandofthedepositionsfromtheproceedingsatNaples.1

Inadditiontothemajordocuments,wehaveacertainnumberof"episodicanecdotes,"thankstoThomasofCantimpr,GrarddeFrachet,andTolomeodegli
Fiadoni,betterknownbythenameTolomeoofLucca.CantimprandFrachetwereThomas'scontemporaries,butthefirstishardlytrustworthyandthesecondis
moreinterestedinThomas'svisionsthaninhislife.Astothethird,TolomeowasThomas'sstudentinNaplesl27274ahistorianbyprofession,hefinishedhis
HistoriaecclesiasticabeforeThomas'scanonizationand,thoughwemustalwaysverifyhisassertions,hestillrepresentsanoriginalsource.2
1.
Allbibliographicalreferencescanbefoundinthelistofabbreviations.
2.
Forafullerpresentationoftheseauthorsandtheearlierones,wecanstillconsultwith

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

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Withtheirusualcriticalsureness,theBollandistshadalreadyascribedtoWilliamofToccofirstplaceamongthesaint'sbiographers.Inspiteofanattemptatthe
beginningofthiscenturytogiveprioritytoBernardGuiorPeterCalo,3Toccomustbepreferred.OurapproachtothisquestionhasbeennewlystimulatedbyClaire
LeBrunGouanvicwhohaspublished,underthedirectionofHuguesVincentShooner,anewcriticaleditionofWilliam'sYstoriasanctiThorne.4Oneoftheauthor's
mostinterestingresultsisestablishingtheevidence,onthebasisoflatebuttrustworthymanuscripts,forfoursuccessiveversionsofthistext,whichWilliamreworked
uptothelastmoment,i.e.,untilThomas'scanonization,18July1323,since"helivedatleastuntilthemonthofAugust1323."Thethirdversionwastheonepublished
bytheBollandistsandPrmmer,but"thefourthversioncarriesnumerousadditionsthathaveremainedunpublisheduntilthepresent."Thisneweditionoffersanotably
enlargedtextandprovides"preciousinformationontheunfoldingofthecanonizationprocess."ItalsoallowsustoseethattheoriginalfeaturesinBernardGui,which
hadearlierearnedhimspecialconsiderationfromthehistorians,inrealitycomefromthefourthversionofTocco.Guiwasthefirsttousethatversion.Hisownfirst
versiongoesbackto1324,hissecondto132526.AstoCalo,heisstilllaterbyafewyears.5

ThisdoesnotmeanthatTocco'sworkiswithoutblemishes.Itdoesnotsufficetosaythathedidnotintendtowriteabiographyinthemodernsenseofthetermhe
quiteconsciouslydecidedtowritethelifeofasaintahagiography,ifyouwill,aslongasthattermdoesnotentirelydisqualifythetextwherethebirth,life,and
deathofhisheroareaccompaniedbysupernaturalsignsthatattesttohisgreatness.Itfollowsthatfactualand

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)
profitE.Janssens,"LespremiershistoriensdelaviedeSaintThomasd'Aquin,"Revuenoscol.dePhil.deLouvain26(1924)201143255245276.
3.
J.A.Endres,"StudienzurBiographiedeshi.Thomasv.Aquin,"HistorischesJahrbuch29(1908)53758,77489seealsothecontroversybetweenP.Mandonnet,"PierreCaloetla
lgendedeS.Thomas,"andD.Prmmer,"QuelquesobservationsproposdelalgendedeS.Thomas,parPierreCalo,"inRT20(1912)50816,51723.Endres'stheseshavebeen
methodicallyrefutedbyF.Pelster,"DielterenBiographendeshi.ThomasvonAquino.EinekritischeStudie,"ZKT44(1920)2427436697.SeeE.Janssens'sarticle,abovenote2,
forasimilarargument.
4.
C.LeBrunGouanvic,Editioncritiquedel'"YstoriasanctiThornedeAquino"deGuillaumedeTocco(dissertation,UniversityofMontreal,1987),2vols.wewillcitethistextin
whatfollows,butforthereader'sconvenienceweshallalsorefertotheeditionofToccointheFontes.
5.
HisVitaofSaintThomasisinsertedintoabookoflegendsthatwasnotfinisheduntilsometimeafter1330.Cf.A.Poncelet,"LelgendierdePierreCalo,"Anal.Boll.29(1910)5
116.

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chronologicaldataareoftenneglectedor,atbest,dilutedintovagueanecdotesmainlyintendedtoedify.Toccoaddstothesethreeclassicalelementsofancientand
medievalbiographyafourth,moreoriginalelementashetriestoshowthatthissaintwasalsoateacher.Butheallowsthethinnessofhisevidencetoshowthrough
here.HewashardlywellinformedaboutthestaysinParisandColognehewasalsonotintellectuallypreparedtodealwiththesubject.Heretoo,itislesswhat
properlybelongstoThomas'steachingthatmakeshimgreatforToccothanitisacomparisonwiththegreatestbiblicalfigures:Jacob,Joseph,andMosesintheOld
Testament,ChristHimselfortheapostleThomasintheNewTestament.Evenwithoutdwellinguponthevariousstoriesthatcanalsobefoundinnumerousother
saints'lives,modernscholarshavehadaneasytimedemonstratingalltheseinadequacies.6

AndyetToccoremainsapreferredwitness.HeknewThomasattheprioryinNaples,wherethelatterlivedfrom1272to1274.Toccowasthenthirtyandalreadya
priest,buthemusthavetakenthecoursesontheBiblethatThomasgaveforallthefriarsofthepriory.TocconaturallyalsoknewseveralDominicanfriarswho,like
himself,haddealingswithThomas,andhecollectedtheirtestimony.AmongthemwefindReginaldofPiperno,thesociuscontinuuswhoaccompaniedThomas
perhapsfromhisbeginningsinParisuntilhisdeath.ItisfromReginald,sometimesdirectly,sometimesthroughthirdparties,thatToccogetscertainintimatedetails.
HealsogotdatafrommembersoftheAquinasfamily:itwasthusthatheobtainedtestimonyfromThomas'snephew,ThomasofSanSeverinosonofTheodora,
Thomas'ssecondsisterandfromThomas'sniece,CatherinedeMorradaughterofMary,thesaint'sthirdsister.ItistoCatherine,alreadyquiteoldatthetimeof
thecanonizationprocess,thatToccowasespeciallyindebtedforthestoriesaboutthesaint'schildhood,whichCatherineherselfclaimedtohaveheardfromher
grandmother,DameTheodora.

Ifweaddtoallthisthat,asapromoterofthecause,Toccowasabletomeet,bothbeforeandaftertheirdepositions,allthewitnessesatthecanonizationprocess
(includingthemonksatFossanovawhowerepresentduringThomas'slastmoments)wehavetoadmitthat,inspiteofhisfailings,Toccowasthemostqualified
persontowritethisbiography.Butwe
6.
Cf.forexample,W.P.Eckert,"StilisierungundUmdeutungderPersnlichkeitdeshi.ThomasvonAquinodutchdiefrhenBiographen,"FZPT18(1971)728E.Coiledge,"The
LegendofSt.ThomasAquinas,"inCommemorativeStudies,1,1328.

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alsounderstandthathewasnottheonlyoneresponsibleforthehagiographichaloaroundthisVita.Toallappearances,hisinformersgavehimnotrawmaterialbut
alreadyinterpretedinformation.Itremainsfortoday'shistorians,therefore,tocarryoutthehermeneuticaltask.TheyatleastalreadyknowbothhowThomas's
contemporariessawhimandtheideatheyheldofhissanctity.

ExceptfortheworkbyWalz/Novarina,FrenchreadersuntilnowwereratherdeprivedinregardtobiographiesofSaintThomas.Inspiteofitsundeniablescholarly
value,Walz/Novarina,whichappearedin1962,itselfanadaptedtranslationpublishedfroma1953Germantext,hasbecomeseriouslydated.7Wenotewith
appreciationthemorerecentworkbyJamesA.Weisheipl,FriarThomasd'Aquino,8thoughthefirsteditionisnowmorethantwentyyearsoldandthesecond
edition,despitenumerouscorrections,stillcontainsmanyinaccuracies.Inamoresuccinctway,SimonTugwell'sintroductiontoselectedpassagesfromThomasand
Albertisremarkableforitsinformationandpenetrationandisverysatisfyingamongtheessaysofitskind.9WecannotsayasmuchforOttoHermannPesch's
ThomasvonAquin,whosehistoricaldocumentationneedstobeupdatedandwhich,despiteitssubtitle,isnotanintroductionproperlyspeaking,forhispointofview
onKontroverstheologiesomewhatobscurestheimageoftheauthorwhomPeschwishestomakebetterknown.10
7.
A.Walz,O.P.,SaintThomasd'Aquin,AdaptationfranaiseparP.Novarina,Philosophesmdivaux5(LouvainParis,1962).TheGermantextwastranslatedwithrevisionsfrom
theoriginalItalianedition(SanTommasod'Aquino,StudibiograficisulDottoreAngelico,Rome,1945).[NotetoEnglishedition:WehavecitedWalzNovarinaratherthanthe
EnglishtranslationmadebySebastianBullough,O.P.(SaintThomasAquinas:ABiographicalStudy[Westminster,Md.,195l])becauseFatherTorrell'sargumentsarebasedon
WalzNovarina,whichoftendiffersmateriallyfromtheEnglishtranslation.]
Wepurposelylimitthishistoricalaccounttothemostrecentworks:goingbackfurtherintothepast,weshouldmentionthehighlyvaluableworkbyFatherAntoineTouron,La
viedeS.Thomasd'Aquin,del'OrdredesFrresprcheurs,docteurdel'Eglise,avecunexposdesadoctrineetdesesoeuvres(Paris,1740),andespeciallythefundamental
studybyJ.QuetifandJ.Echard,Scriptoresordinispraedicatorum,vol.I(Paris,1719),fols.271347,whichremainsapointofreference.
8.
J.A.Weisheipl,FriarThomasd'Aquino:HisLife,ThoughtandWorks,withCorrigendaandAddenda(Washington,1974,1983)theFrenchtranslationofthisworkintegratedthe
correctionsfromthesecondedition,butthebibliographywasnotbroughtuptodate:FrreThomasd'Aquin,Savie,sapense,sesoeuvres*(Paris,1993).Fromthatpointofview,
theItalianeditionispreferable:Tommasod'Aquino.Vita,Pensiero,Opera,ed.I.BiffiandC.Marabelli(Milan,1988).Sofarasweknow,theGermantranslationfollowsthefirstedition
andhasnotincludedtheimprovements.
9.
Albert&Thomas:SelectedWritings,translated,edited,andintroducedbyS.Tugwell,O.P.(NewYork,1988).
10.
O.H.Pesch,ThomasvonAquin.GrenzeundGrssemittelalterlicherTheologie.Eine

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

 Pagexix

Thesetwolasttitles,writtenrespectivelyinEnglishandGerman,arenotaccessibletoeveryone.Thesameistruefortheinvaluabledataassembledintheprefacesto
thevariousvolumesoftheLeonineedition.MyowncontributiontotheDictionnairedeSpiritualitisusuallyavailableonlyinspeciallibraries,anditsuffersfrom
havingbeenhighlycondensedforeditorialreasons.11Itistime,therefore,tomakeavailabletotheFrenchreadingpublicthelatestresearchinthisfield.

Ourambitionisnot,however,solelytowriteanotherbiographylimitedtoastrictpresentationofdatesandplaces.ForapersonlikeThomasmorethanformany
othersthelifecannotbeunderstoodwithoutthework.WecannotconceiveofSaintThomaswithouttheSummatheologiae!Thisistrue,butitremainsabanalityif
wedonotseethewayheinvestedhimselfinthework,orifwedonotknowthathiswritingscannotbereducedtohisgreatestanduniversallyknownwork.Farfrom
it!

WewouldnotknowhowtointroduceThomas'sworkwithoutmentioningFatherMarieDominiqueChenu'sTowardUnderstandingSaintThomas.Truly"without
equal,"thisbook,translatedintoseverallanguages,hasinfluencedgenerationsofmedievalistsandrenewedtheirapproachtoSaintThomas,whethertheybe
historians,philosophers,ortheologians.12WemaysometimeswonderifChenuhasalwaysbeenreadcarefullyenough,buthiswasanunprecedentedeffort,sofaras
weknow,toreinserttheMasterintotheconcretemilieuinwhichhelivednotonlythehistoricalandtheological,butthe"evangelicalandtheologal"milieu.He
showedthe"spirituality"inwhichThomaswasrootedandthecontemplationhepursued,whileferventlytryingtosharethemwithothers.13

ItwouldbewrongtothinkthatChenuwastheonlyforceforrenewal.WecouldnotproperlyignoretheworkofMandonnet,Grabmann,Glorieux,Lottin,andmany
otherswhosenameswillbementionedinthefollowingpages.ButChenu'sworkwilllongremaintheprimarywitness

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)

Einfhrung(Mayence,1988).Seeourreview:FZPT36(1989)49398.Itispropertoaddthatthethirdedition(1995)hastakenaccountofmostofourremarksseetheappendix,
pp.65356.
11.
J.P.Torrell,"Thomasd'Aquin(saint),"DS15(1991)71873.
12.
WerefertotheheartfeltpraiseaddressedtoChenubyAlaindeLibera,PenserauMoyenAge(Paris,1991),4245.Seealso,HommageauPreM.D.Chenu,specialissue,RSPT75
(July1991)351504.
13.
Tobetterunderstandthisproject,weshouldalsoaddtheothermasterworkbyChenu:LathologiecommescienceauXIIesicle,Bibliothquethomiste33(3ded.,Paris,1957),
andforamoregeneralpublic:St.Thomasd'Aquinetlathologie,Matresspirituels17(Paris1959),whoseimportanceshouldnotbejudgedbyitsbrevity.

 Pagexx

totherediscoveryoftheMiddleAgesthatourtimehasenjoyed.WhatwepresenttothereaderherewouldnotevenhavebeenthinkablewithoutChenu,andweare
happytoacknowledgethedebt.Buthisbookappearedfiftyyearsago,andwealsohavetosaythatwhileTowardUnderstanding"remainsthebestguidefor
beginningaseriousreadingofSaintThomas...itis,however,thebookthatseemstometohaveagedmostamongChenu'svolumes."14Itisonlyfairtoaddthatthe
agingisinlargepartthankstoChenu'sdisciplesandtotheworksthatheinspiredandthathewouldhavebeenthefirsttowelcome.Butwhetheritisthe
incomparablecontributionofthetwentyorsovolumesoftheLeonineeditionandofthevolumesoftheAristoteleslatinus,ofmanyothervolumesofpreviously
unpublishedtextsorofhistoricalstudiesonthirteenthcenturyfiguresandtheirideas,amultitudeofachievementsinmanyfieldshasdeeplyenrichedandchangedour
knowledgeoftheperiodand,morespecifically,ofthemanThomaswhoparadoxicallywasthegreatabsenceinTowardUnderstanding.

Wemustthereforetrytomakeanewbeginning,benefittingfromthemostrecentscholarlyresearch,ifwewishasChenudesiredtoreadThomas'sworksintheir
truecontextandtodiscoversomethingofhisface.Hehastoooftenbeenpresentedasatimelessthinkerbutinfacthewassituatedinaspecifictimeandplace,
markedbyprecisehistoricalcontingencies.TravellingtheroadsofEuropeunderreligiousobediencefromNaplestoColognebywayofParis,thenCologneto
RomeafteranotherstayinParisandoneinOrvieto,backtoParisforathirdtime,finallyNaplesforseveralmonthshediedontheroadwhiletravellingtothe
CouncilofLyon.Hehadtotravelinhaste,plaguedbyathousanddifferenttasks,leavingmanyofthemunfinished.HissearchforeternalTruth,amongalmostallthe
philosophersandtheologiansknowninhistime(whoseworkshetirelesslyscrutinizedandcommentedon)wasthuscarriedoutunderconditionsofurgencyand
precariousness.

ThisnewapproachtoThomas'sbiographywillnotonlyleadustodiscoversomethingabouthistumultuousexistenceitwillalsoallowustorestorethecontexttohis
worksforseveralofthoseworks,contextisindispensabletoanexactunderstanding.Thiswillbecomeclearerasweintroducethoseworks.Inthepresentvolume,
wewouldliketogiveatleastabriefsummaryofthecontentsofeachthem,andarelativelydetailed
14.
L.J.Bataillon,"LePreChenuetlathologieduMoyenAge,"RSPT75(1991)44956(cf.p.454).

 Pagexxi

summaryforthemainworks.Also,tothedegreepossible,weshallprovidepreciseindicationsabouttheirdates.Currenthistoricalresearchallowsustocorrectmany
approximationsthathavecontinuedintoeventhemostrecentstudies.Thecatalogueattheendofthisvolumewillconciselygatherallthistogether.

Alongtheway,wewillalsocometoknowanotherpartofThomas'sphysiognomy,somethingalittlesurprisingtofindsoresolutelyignoredbyfaithfulThomists,who
seemtoreserveitforedifyingliteratureorforpanegyrics.LikeToccoperhaps,butatadistancefromhissubjectthathecouldnotprovide,wewouldliketoshownot
onlythatthesaintisinseparablefromthephilosopherorthetheologian,butthatthesethreefiguresarealsoaccompaniedbya"spiritualmaster."Growingreflectionon
thefaithwasapathtosanctityforThomasanditshowsinhisworks.Thereisinthisanentiredimensionofhisteachingthatiscertainlyfamiliartothosewhoclosely
studyitovertime,butthatgenerallyescapesthosewhohaveonlyasketchyacquaintancewithThomas.Thisleadstoaconsiderablelossanditsufficestopointitout
toexperiencethebenefitofadifferentreadingofThomas.Forthatreason,weshallquoteatgreaterlengthhereandtheretogiveanideaofhowthetheology
overflowsintothespirituallifeor,ifonewishes,intomysticism.Wewillreturnamplytothissubjectinoursecondvolume.

WealsohopetoshedsomenewlightonthemanThomaswasithaslongbeenthoughtitwasdifficult,ifnotimpossible,todiscoverhispersonality,whichwassaidto
behiddenbehindhiswritings.Thisislesstruethanisusuallythought,andthoughtheundertakingisarduous,itisworththeattempt.

ItisapleasantobligationtothankheremyfriendsontheLeonineCommission,FatherLouisJacquesBataillonand,inparticular,FatherRenAntoineGauthier,who
agreedtoreviewmytext,chapterbychapter.Theysuggestednumerouscorrectionsandimprovements,bestowingtheirimmenselearningonmyreaders.Ialso
heartilythankmyassistant,FatherGillesEmery,whohelpedmeinmanywaysinthecourseofcompositionandassembledthebibliography,thecatalogue,andthe
indexofSt.Thomas'sworks.

 Pagexxiii

AbbreviationsofFrequentlyCitedWorks

Calo VitaS.ThomaeAquinatisauctorePetroCaloinFontes,fasc.1(p.1755).

Cantimpr ThomaeCantipratani,...Miraculorumetexemplorummemorabiliumsuitemporis
Libriduo(=Bonumuniversaledeapibus),Douai,1597.

Chartul. ChartulariumUniversitatisParisiensis,ed.,H.DenifleandE.Chatelain,vol.1,Paris,
1889(whenthenumberofthevolumeisnotgiven,itreferstovolume1theraresreferences
tovolume2willbeindicated).

Chenu,Toward M.D.Chenu,Introductionl'tudedesaintThomasd'Aquin,Publicationsdel'Institut
d'tudesmdivales11,MontrealParis,21954.

Commemorative St.ThomasAquinas12741974CommemorativeStudies,ed.A.Maurer,2vols.,
Studies Toronto,1974.

Documenta FontesvitaeS.ThomaeAquinatis.Documenta,ed.,M.H.Laurent,inFontes,fasc.6
(p.531[!]677).

Ferrua S.ThomaeAquinatisvitaefontespraecipuae(read:praecipui),ed.A.Ferrua,Alba
1968(reproducesTocco'sVita,Gui's,andtheNaplesprocess,aswellassomefragments
ofTolomeo,Frachet,andCantimpr).

Fontes FontesVitaeS.ThomaeAquinatisnotishistoricisetcriticisillustrati,ed.D.Prmmer
andM.H.Laurent,Toulouse,n.d.(6fase.,originallypublishedintheRevuethomistefrom
1911to1937wecitethesesourcesaccordingtotheabbreviationsindicated,followedby
theirinternalnumberingandthepagination,whichiscontinuousforthesixfascicles.

Fossanova ProcessuscanonizationisS.Thomae,FossaeNovae,ed.M.H.Laurent,inFontes,fasc.
5(pp.409532).

Frachet FratrisGerardideFrachetoO.P.,VitaeFratrumOrdinisPraedicatorum...,ed.,B.
M.Reichert(MOPH,vol.1),Louvain,1896.

 Pagexxiv

Grabmann,Werke M.Grabmann,DieWerkedeshl.ThomasvonAquin.Eineliterarhistorische
UntersuchungundEinfhrung''BGPTMA22,12,"MnsterWestf.,31949.

Gui VitaS.ThomaeAquinatisauctoreBernardoGuidonis,inFontes,fasc.3(pp.161
263).

Kppeli ThomasKppeli,ScriptoresOrdinisPraedicatorumMediiAevi,3vols.appeared
(throughletterS),Rome,197080.

Leonine SanctiThomaedeAquinoOperaomniaiussuLeonisXIIIP.M.edita,Rome,1882.

Mittelalterliches M.Grabmann,MittelalterlichesGeistesleben.AbhandlungenzurGeschichteder
Geistesleben ScholastikundMystik,3vols.,Munich,1926,1936,1956.

MOPH MonumentaOrdinisFratrumPraedicatorumHistorica,vols.34:ActaCapitulorum
GeneraliumOrdinisPraedicatorum,vol.1(12201303)vol.2(13041378),ed.B.M.
Reichert,Rome,1898and1899vol.20:CapitulorumProvincialiumProvinciae
Romanae(12431344),ed.T.KppeliandA.Dondaine,Rome,1941.

Naples ProcessuscanonizationisS.Thomae,Neapoli,ed.M.H.Laurent,inFontes,fasc.4(pp.
265407).

Scandone F.Scandone,"Lavita,lafamigliaelapatriadiS.TommasodeAquino,"inSanTommaso
d'Aquino,Miscellaneastoricoartistica,Rome,1924,pp.1110.

Tocco VitaS.ThomaeAquinatisauctoreGuillelmodeTocco,inFontes,fasc.2(pp.59
160).

Tolomeo PtolomaeiLucensisHistoriaecclesiasticanova,Lib.XXII17XXIII16,inL.A.
Muratori,Rerumitalicarumscriptores,vol.11,Milan,1724(partialcriticaleditionbyA.
Dondaine,"LesOpusculafratrisThomaechezPtolmedeLucques,"AFP31(1961)
142203.

Tugwell Albert&ThomasSelectedWritings,translated,edited,andintroducedbySimonTugwell,
O.P.prefacebyLeonardE.Boyle,O.P.,NewYork,Mahwah,1988.

WN A.Walz,SaintThomasd'Aquin,FrenchadaptationbyP.Novarina,Philosophes
mdivaux5,LouvainParis,1962.

Weisheipl J.A.Weisheipl,O.P.,FriarThomasd'Aquino:HisLife,Thought,andWorks,
Washington,D.C.:TheCatholicUniversityofAmericaPress,21983.

Xeniathomistica Xeniathomisticaaplurimis...praeparata...,ed.,S.Szabo,3vols.Rome,1925.

Ystoria C.LeBrunGouanvic,Editioncritiquedel'YstoiasanctiThomedeAquinode
GuillaumedeTocco,Diss.dactyl.,UniversitdeMontral,2vols.,1987.

 Page1

ChapterI
AnEventfulYouth
ThedateofThomas'sbirthhasbeencalculatedapproximatelyonthebasisofthedateofhisdeath.Hisfirstbiographerinformsusthathediedthemorningof7March
1274,inhisfortyninthyear.1ThismaymeanthatThomashadalreadylivedmorethanfortyeightyears,buthadnotreachedhisfortyninthbirthday.Butthesame
authoralsoadds:"Havingfinishedtheforthninthyearofhislife,hebeganinhisfiftieththejubileeofeternalglory."Hisbirth,therefore,shouldbeplacedin1225.
BernardGui,whowroteseveralyearslater,givesparallelconfirmationthatThomasdiedwhenhehadcompletedfortynineyearsandbegunhisfiftiethyear.2Ina
slightlyearliertext,TolomeoofLuccaechoesanuncertainty:"Hediedattheageoffifty,butsomesayfortyeight."3Thereseemstobeagreementtodayon1224/25,
butothersecondarysourcesdonotallowthecompleteexclusionof1226oreven1227.4

TheD'AquinoFamily

IdentifyingThomas'sbirthplaceonceraisedsomedifficultiesseverallocationscontendedforthathonor.Today,however,historiansagreethat
1.
Ystoria65,p.395(Tocco65,p.138).
2.
Gui39,p.205.ItmayneverthelessbeaskedifGuidoesnottaketooseriouslythemysticalspeculationsofTocco,forwhom,aftersevensabbaticalyears(7x7=49),Thomaswould
finallyhaveenteredintoeternalrestforhisfiftiethyear.
3.
TolomeoXXIII10:"ObiitautemLvitaesuaealiiverodicuntXLVIII."
4.
ThusTugwell(p.201)chooses1226(C.Vansteenkiste,RLT24[1991]11,pointsouttheproblemswiththisposition)Scandone(pp.89)presentsthedifferentsourcedatacf.WN,
p.16,andP.Mandonnet'sresearch,whichisstillsoundinitsconclusionsifnotalwaysinitsdetails,"DatedenaissancedeS.Thomasd'Aquin,"RT22(1914)65264.

 Page2
5
thesitewasthefamilycastleatRoccaseccainsouthernItaly. LocatedinwhatwasthenthecountyofAquinoandintheKingdomoftheTwoSicilies,Roccaseccais
foundontheborderofLatiumandtheCampagnaalmostmidwaybetweenRomeandNaples,anequaldistancefromFrosinoneinthenorthandCassinointhesouth,
slightlyeastoftheinteriorroute(theancientViaLatina)thatleadsfromRometoNaples.Thisgeographicallocationisfarfrominsignificant,andwaseventhecauseof
aseriouspoliticaldifficulty:thefamilialdomainoftheAquinofamilylayatthelimitofthestatesofboththepopeandtheemperor,who,withothers,contendedfor
poweroverthenearbymonasteryofMonteCassino.ThelocalsituationthusforcedThomas'sfamilytooscillatebetweenpopeandemperor,andthefamilyfeltthe
effectssharply.

OriginallyfromLombardy,thefamilymadeitsfirsthistoricalappearancein887.SincetheendofthetenthcenturytheyhadownedthecastleofRoccasecca.6An
earlierbranchofthefamilyheldthecountyofAquinountil1137itwasfromthatbranchthatThomasgothissurname,notfromthetownofAquino,whichwasnothis
birthplace.AnotherbranchlaterinheritedthecountyofAcerra,whosetitleholderin1221wasthefirstThomasAquinashepossessedaviceroy'spowersoverthe
southernpartoftheItalianpeninsula.Landolfo,thelaterThomas'sfather,didnotbelongtothemostpowerfulbranchofthefamilyandsimplyheldthetitlemiles.7A
followerofEmperorFrederickIIsince1210,hewasnamedbythelatter"judge"ofthe"TillageLand"(TerradiLavoro),hisregion,in1220,8andinthatrolehewas
underthejurisdictionofthecountofAcerra.

Inspiteofthelaborsofscholars,wearefarfromperfectclarityaboutThomas'sfatherandhisfamily.Forsome,Landolfowouldhavebeenbornabout1160/70and
marriedtwiceforothers,thenamereferstotwodifferentpeople.Thesourcematerialsarenotunequivocalandlendthem
5.
Weneednotspendtimeonthequestionhere.Scandone(pp.88103)presentsadetailedaccountoftheargumentsforNaplesandAquino,andfinally(pp.10310)the
demonstrationofthebirthatRoccasecca.SomeadditionalinformationisinWN,p.9,andmorerecentlyandcompletelyinW.Pocino,RoccaseccapatriadiSanTommaso
d'Aquino,Documentazionestoricobibliografica(Rome,1974).
6.
Cf.Scandone,pp.4246WN,pp.1012.
7.
Documenta9,p.541(cf.T.Leccisotti,SanTommasoeMontecassino(Montecassino,1965):TableVIIIcf.alsoDocumenta4,p.535:virnobilis.
8.
Documenta1,p.532.ThesetieswithFrederickIIneedtobeclarified.AccordingtoKantorowicz(Ergnzungsband,p.45),theAquinasfamilywasamongtheprincipalsupportersof
theemperor,butitcannotbeconcludedthatThomaswasrelatedtohimbyblood.Atmost,wecanestablishfamilyrelationsthroughalliances,thoughratherdistantones(ibid.,p.282,
no.35cf.Weisheipl,p.17).

 Page3

selvestodiverseinterpretations,particularlywithregardtodeterminingthenumberofthesaint'sbrothers.Weisheipl,acceptingahypothesisofMandonnet's,presents
itascertainthatLandolfomarriedtwiceandthathehadbyhisfirstwife,ofwhomweknownothingotherwise,threechildren:James,Phillip,andAdenolpho.9Walz
NovarinaattributesthesameopiniontoScandone,butthelatterdoesnotbreatheawordaboutitandregardsthesethreenamesasreferringtobrothersbyThomas's
ownmother.10PelstersuggestsratherthatthethreenamesbelongtothesonsofThomasI,countofAcerra,andthereforetheywouldbemoreorlessdistantcousins
ofThomas.11Thoughitcannotbeestablisheddefinitively,thislastviewseemscorrect.

Inanycase,itiscertainthatLandolfomarried,atanunknowndate,DameTheodora,whobelongedtotheRossibranchoftheNeapolitanCaracciolofamily.12He
hadatleastninechildrenwithher,fourboysandfivegirls.Aimo,theeldestson,doubtlessnamedinhonorofhisgrandfather,tookpartinanexpeditiontotheHoly
LandonbehalfofFrederickII.Hewastakenprisoner,however,byavassalofHugh,kingofCyprus.RansomedbytheinterventionofPopeGregoryIXin1233,he
remainedfaithfultothepapalpartyfortherestofhislife.13Rinaldo,thesecondson,wasatfirstapartisanofFrederickII,butjoinedthepopewhenInnocentIV
deposedtheemperorin1245.Theemperor,however,puthimtodeathin1246forconspiringagainsthim.14Thefamilyconsideredhimamartyrforthecauseofthe
Church.Thomas,too,seemstohavebelievedthesame,sinceinadreamvisionhissisterMarotta,recentlydeceased,informedhimoftheeternaldestinyofhistwo
brothers:Rinaldowasinheaven,whileLandolfowasinpurgatory,theonlythingweknowaboutthelatter.15
9.
Weisheipl,p.17.
10.
Scandone,pp.4651and76ff.
11.
F.Pelster,"Iparenti,"p.305.Kantorowiczmaintainsasimilarposition:Ergnzungsband,p.276,no.14,andp.282,no.35.
12.
Ystoria37,p.317:"nomineTheodora,deprosapiaCaraculorumdictorumRubeorumNeapolis."Cf.,ibid.,p.160.Thisdatum,unknowntohistoriansuntilthecriticaleditionofthe
Ystoria,evidentlyweakensthespeculationsofScandone(pp.5155),andotherswhofollowedhim,ontheoriginsofDameTheodora.
13.
Documenta5,pp.5363710,pp.541and543Scandone,pp.7677.
14.
TolomeoXXII20Tocco44,p.118Pelster,"Iparenti,"pp.300305Mandonnet,"Novice,"pp.52831Kantorowicz,Ergnzungsband,p.279,no.25,hasassembledthesources
thatrefertohim.
15.
Ystoria44,p.339(Tocco44,p.118).Cf.Naples78,p.375,whereBartholomewofCapuaalludestoThomas'sbeliefintheinjusticecommittedinhisbrother'sexecution.

 Page4
16
Bycontrast,weknowThomas'sfivesistersrelativelywell.Marotta,theeldest,becameabbessoftheconventofSaintMaryofCapuaanddiedaround1259. The
secondsister,Theodora,becamethewifeofRogerofSanSeverino,countofMarsico.17Thomaswouldgotoherhometorestduringhisfinalillness.Herson,
Thomas,wholaterworkedforthecanonizationofhisuncle,diedwearingaDominicanhabit.18Thethirddaughter,Mary,marriedWilliam,theeldestoftheSan
Severinos.Toccogotmanydetailsfromtheirdaughter,CatherinedeMorra,aboutThomas'sfamily.Catherineheardthemfromhergrandmother,Theodora.19The
fourthdaughter,Adelasia,marriedRogerofAquilaThomaswastheexecutorofRoger'swillin1272.20Astothefifthsister,wedonotknowhername.Shediedin
earlyinfancy,struckbylightningwhiletheyoungThomas,whowassleepingnearbyalongsidehisnurse,wasspared.21

OblateatCassino
StudiesinNaples

SinceThomaswastheyoungestofthesons,hewasdestined,accordingtothecustomofthetime,fortheChurch.ThenearnessofMonteCassinohardlyleftroomfor
anyalternative.Landolfothereforeofferedhissonasanoblatetothemonastery,probablywiththethoughtinthebackofhismindthatsomedayhemightbecome
abbot.22Theabbeywasinaperiodofdecadenceandwaspreytobothpopeandemperor.Nevertheless,thetreatyofSanGermano,signedbybothparties23July
1230,inauguratedaperiodofrelativepeace.Anditisthen,betweenthatdateand3May1231,thatwemayplaceThomas'sentryintothemonasteryunderthe
abbotLandolfoSinibaldi.
16.
Ystoria10,p.217(Tocco9,p.74).
17.
Ystoria47,p.347(Tocco47,p.120).Cf.Naples20and46,pp.291and326.TheodoraisidentifiedbynameashavingobtainedfromtheabbotofFossanovaahandfromThomas's
bodyasarelic(cf.Ystoria68,p.402Tocco69,p.142).ThisfitsratherwellwiththeportraitToccodrawsofherasapersonofgreatpiety(Ystoria37,p.317Tocco,37,p.111).Cf.
Scandone,pp.5761.
18.
Ystoria37,p.318cf.Introduction,pp.160161.
19.
Naples62,p.350cf.,Scandone,pp.6167.
20.
Scandone,pp.6769WN,pp.a1516,whobelievesinatwicemarriedLandolfo,thinksthatAdelasiawasonlyThomas'shalfsister.Todaythereisnoreasontoholdthis
hypothesis.
21.
Ystoria3,p.197(Tocco2,p.67).
22.
Ystoria,2and5,pp.19495and301(Tocco1and4,pp.6667and6970)Naples76,p.371.IfweweretofollowScandone,pp.7779,andacceptwithhimthatGiacomodeAquino
wasabrotherofThomas's,thiswouldbethesecondattemptbyLandolfotoputoneofhissonsintoarichecclesiasticalbenefice.WeknowthatthisGiacomohadbeenelectedhead
ofthecollegiatechurchofSanPietrodeCanetto,beforetheelectionwasinvalidatedbecauseofirregularities.Cf.Documenta2and3,pp.53235(dated11February1217).

 Page5

ThelatterdateismarkedbyacharterthroughwhichLandolfo,Thomas'sfather,makestheabbeythegenerousgiftoftwentyouncesofgold"fortheremissionofhis
sins."23Itisnotcertain,butitatleastappearsthatthisdonationconstitutesthealmsaccompanyingtheoblatureofnoblechildrenthatSaintBenedictmentionsinhis
Rule(Chapter59).Thomaswouldhavebeenfiveorsixatthetime,and,likeBenedicthimself,hewasaccompaniedtothemonasterybyhisnurse.Clearly,he
receivedelementarytraininginreadingandwritingthereandafirstintroductiontotheBenedictinereligiouslifeofwhichtracesmaybefoundinhisworks.From1236
on,however,thecalmthatthemonasteryhadenjoyedwasdisturbed,andLandolfo,ontheadviceofthenewabbot,StephendeCorbario,hadtoshieldhissonfrom
easilyforeseeabletroubles.Afterconferringtogether,therefore,hisparentssenttheadolescentThomastoNaplestodomoreadvancedstudy.24

Thomasprobablyleftthemonasteryinthespringof1239.Hewouldhavebeenfourteenorfifteen,andthereforecouldhavemadeprofessionintheordomonasticus.
Butnodocumentmentionssuchastep.ThisdoesnotmeanthatThomashadneverbeenamonk.AccordingtoLeccisotti's25nuancedaccount(andwhateverthe
juridicalvagariesoftheperiod),beinganoblatehadthevalueofatruemonasticprofession,butitwasconditionalandtemporary,similartosimpleprofessionina
religiousordertoday.Sinceitwasnotapersonaldecision,itrequiredlaterratificationbythepersonhimselfattheproperageheremainedfreetoacceptthe
commitmentestablishedbyhisparentsortoembraceanotherformoflife.

ThispeculiarityexplainsbothhowtheCassinonecrologycanmentionThomasas"primoCasinensismonachusfactus"andhowthislinkceasedwithoutanyformal
processthedayThomasenteredtheOrderofPreachers.Furthermore,thefactthattheabbot"counseled"LandolfotosendhissontoNaplesforhisstudiesshows
clearlythathedidnothavethepowertosendThomastherehimself.HadThomasbeenprofessed,theabbotcouldevidentlyhavedoneso.Butitishighlylikelythat,
uponhisarrival
23.
Documenta4,pp.53536cf.T.Leccisotti,S.Tommaso,TableII.
24.
Ystoria6,p.204(Tocco5,p.70):"Abbas...prouideei(patti)consuluitutpuermittereturNeapolimadstudendum....UndepuerdeutriusqueparentisconsilioNeapolim
mittitur."Thereferencetobothparentsinthispassageisworthnoting.ItexplainssomethingaboutthefutureroleofTheodora.Forabriefaccountoftheprecedingevents:Leccisotti,
S.Tommaso.pp.48ffcf.idem.,"IlDottoreangelicoaMontecassino,"RFNS32(1940)51947,cf.p.540.
25.
Leccisotti,S.Tommaso,pp.3437andpp.1825cf.id.,IlDottore,pp.53340and52328.

 Page6

inNaples,ThomasspentsometimeatthemonasteryofSanDemetrio,alodgingplacefortheCassinomonksinthecity.Anditisevenmoresurethathisparentshad
notchangedtheirplansforhim.26

Thomas,therefore,wasabletoenrollintheyoungstudiumgeneraleinNaplesinthefallof1239.Foundedin1224byFrederickIIwiththeaimofformingmenfor
theemperor'sservice,itwasdestinedtobecomepartoftheUniversityofBologna.Theemperor'ssubjectswerenotauthorizedtostudyanywhereelse.27Thomas
wouldhavebegunbystudyingtheliberalartsandphilosophy,theobligatoryprerequisitesforapproachingtheology.

EvenifFrederickII'sinfluencehasbeenalittleoverestimated,thefascinationofhistorianswithhimisoneofthereasonswhyweknowratherwelltheintellectual
ambienceatThomas'sarrival.MichaelScot,forinstance,hadlaunchedintothebusinessoftranslationsonhisown(wenowknowthathewasalreadyatworkin
Toledoin1215).28ButScotenteredtheemperor'sservicebeginninginSeptember1220andmusthaveremainedinPalermountilhisdeathin1235.Itisinpartthanks
tothetranslationsheandhisschoolmadefromArabicandGreekthatSicilyandsouthernItalyexperiencedanintenseculturallifeatthetime.Aristotelianscience,
Arabicastronomy,andGreekmedicineallwereflourishinginPalermo,Salerno,andNaples.29

Itwouldbewrongtoconclude,aswasoftendonenotlongago,thatnorthernEuropewasastrangertothismovement.Beginningin1225,knowledgeofAverroesis
foundinananonymousMasterofArts,30anda
26.
Leccisotti,S.Tommaso,p.53(IlDottore,p.543)seethereproductionofthenecrologyinTableVIII,whichindicatesthatThomashadinfactbecomeamonkofMonte
Cassino.
27.
TheoriginaldocumentsareinJ.L.A.HuillardBrholles,HistoriadiplomaticaFridericisecundi(Paris,185459),vol.2,part1,pp.45053vol.4,part1,pp.49799vol.5,part1,
pp.49396.Cf.H.Denifle,DieEntstehungderUniversittendesMittelaltersbis1400(Berlin,1885),pp.1114(forthefoundationofNaples,pp.45261)E.Kantorowicz,Kaiser
FriedrichderZweite,2ded.(Berlin,1928),pp.12426id.,Ergnzungsband(Berlin,1931),pp.5152.SeealsoWeisheipl,pp.1315WN,pp.3334.
28.
Cf.R.A.Gauthier,"Notesurlesdbuts(12251240)du'premieraverrosme,'"RSPT66(1982)32174,cf.pp.33234.
29.
KeepinginmindtheprecisedetailsprovidedbyGauthier(seepreviousnote),itisalsoworthwiletoconsultJ.L.A.HuillardBrholles,Historiadiplomatica,Prfaceet
introduction,pp.dxixdlv:"Del'influencedeFrdricIIsurlemouvementscientifiqueetlittraireBeauxarts"cf.CharlesHomerHaskins,StudiesintheHistoryofMedievalScience,
2ded.(Cambridge,1927),pp.27298:"MichaelScot"id.,StudiesinMedievalCulture(Oxford,1929),pp.12447:''LatinLiteratureunderFrederickII"seealsoM.Grabmann,"Kaiser
FriedrichIIundseinVerhltniszuraristotelischenundarabischenPhilosophie,"inMittelalterlichesGeisteslebenII(1936),pp.10337.
30.
R.A.Gauthier,"LetraitDeanimaetdepotenciiseiusd'unmatrearts(vets1224).

 Page7
31
littlelaterinWilliamofAuxerre,andinRobertGrosseteste,whocitesAverroesseveraltimesinhisscientificwork. Inanycase,Thomascouldhavebecomefamiliar
veryearlywithAristotle'snaturalphilosophyandmetaphysics,atatimewhenstudyingthemwasstillofficiallyforbiddeninParisonlyofficially,though,becausethe
repetitionoftheinterdictionsshowsthattheywerescarcelyrespected.And,likethestudyofAverroes,thestudyofAristotlewasalreadyflourishinginParisaround
1230.

ToccohaspreservedforusthenamesoftwomasterswhowouldhaveinstructedThomas:MasterMartin,whowouldhavetaughthimgrammarandlogicandMaster
PeterofIreland,whowouldhaveinstructedhiminthenaturalia.32Thesewereonlynamesforalongtime,somuchsothatitwaspossibletoregardthemasapure
inventionbyTocco.Inthiscentury,however,certainwritingsofthelatterwereidentified,andhehasbeendiscoveredalittlelaterinthehistory:around1250,ina
groupofJewishandChristianscholarsdevotingthemselvestostudyingMaimonides,andbetween1258and1266,whenhesettlesadisputedquestioninthepresence
ofKingManfred.33

IthasoftenbeensaidthatthewritingsofPeterofIrelandexhibitgreatadmirationforAverroesandthatitwasfromhimthatThomasgothistastefortheliteral
commentaryonAristotle.Infact,theroleoftheliteralcommentaryinPeterisweakandthefirstassertionistotallywithoutfoundation.Fromthefirstlinesofhis
commentaryonthePeryermenias,Peter

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)
Introductionettextecritique,"RSPT66(1982)355,fortheexplicituseofthenameAueroist(orAueneroist),cf.lines41and49,p.29seealso,lines5657,p.30,togetherwiththe
criticalapparatus.
31.
R.A.Gauthier,Notesurlesdbuts,pp.33740forRobertpp.34044forWilliam.Gauthiermentionsnumerousotherauthorsofthatperiod.
32.
Ystoria6,p.204(Tocco5,p.70)Calo4,p.20.ItseemsratherthatlogicwouldalsohavebeentaughttohimbyPeter(cf.Croweinthefollowingnote).Grabmann,Mittelalterliches
GeisteslebenII,p.124,proposedidentifyingMasterMartinwithMartinofDacia,butwhatweknowofthelatternowwouldplacehimatamuchlaterdate,towardtheendofthe
thirteenthcentury.Cf.J.Pinborg,DieEntwicklungderSprachtheorieimMittelalter,"BGPTMA42/2"(Munster,1967),pp.6768Gauthier,Leonine,vol.I*1,pp.72*73*.
33.
Cf.C.Baeumker,PetrusvonHiberniaderJugendlehrerdesThomasvonAquinundseineDisputationvorKnigManfred,Sitzungsberichted.Bayer.Akademieder
Wissenschaften,Philos.u.hist.Klasse,Munich,1920,andthepresentationofitbyGrabmann,MittelalterlichesGeisteslebenI,pp.24965.A.Pelzer,"Lecoursinditd'Albertle
GrandsurlamoraleNicomaquerecueillietrdigpasS.Thomasd'Aquin,"RevuenoscolastiquedePhil.14(1922)33361,478520(forPeterofIreland,pp.35557).Seealsothe
mostrecentworkofM.B.Crowe,"PeterofIreland:Aquinas'TeacheroftheArtesLiberales"inArtslibrauxetPhilosophieauMoyenAge,(MontralParis,1969)pp.61726"Peter
ofIreland'sApproachtoMetaphysics,"MM2(1963)15460.ThesealreadyagingworksshouldbecompletedandbroughtuptodateinlightoftheresearchbyR.A.Gauthier,
Leonine,vol.I*1(1989),pp.67*68*.

 Page8

showshimselfcompletelyuptodateonthe"Averroist"error,andhedenouncesitincleartermsassophistical.GiventhatsuchaninterpretationofAverroeswas
hardlywidespreaduntilafter1252(thedateofSt.Bonaventure'sdenunciationofAverroes'error),thereislittlechancethatwehaveherethecoursetakenbythe
youngThomasbetween1240and1244.Butsinceonemaynotice"severalcoincidences,someofthemratherremarkable"betweenhistextandPeter's,34itmightbe
askedifThomasdidnothaveathandsomeaccountofthecourseunlessheusedhisownnotesfromoneofPeter'scoursespriortothedenunciationofAverroes.It
isnecessarytoconcludethatwedonotknowanythingpreciseabouttheseyearsofstudyinNaples.

TakingtheHabitandItsConsequences

ItwasalsoatNaplesthatThomasbecameacquaintedwiththeDominicans.Aprioryhadbeenfoundedtherein1231,andJordanofSaxony,SaintDominic's
successor,hadpreachedtothestudentsin1236.35In1239,onlytworeligiouswerethere.FrederickIIhadauthorizedthemtostayinservicetotheirchurch,although
hehadexpelledthemendicantsfromhisrealm.OnewhoremainedWasJohnofSanGiuliano,theinspirationforThomas'svocation,whosustainedhimwithvisits
duringhisimprisonment,andtowhomBartholomewofCapuapaysheartfelthommage.36Theotherwastheprior,ThomasofLentini,aratherwellknownfiguresince
hebecamebishopofBethlehem,papallegate,andpatriarchofJerusalem,whointerestsusherebecausehegavethehabittoThomas.37Thisfact,whichformerlywas
believedtobeattestedonlybyBernardGui,isrepeatedinthefourthversionofTocco.TherepetitionnolongerpermitsustoholdMandonnet'shypothesisthat
Thomasreceivedthehabitatthehandsofthemasteroftheorder,JohntheTeuton.38Theeventtookplace,
34.
Gauthier,Leonine,vol.I*1,p.68*b,wherePeter'stext,alsodenouncingAverroes'serror,maybefound.
35.
Forthefounding,seethetwolettersofGregoryIXtothearchbishopandthechapterofNaplesontheonehand,andtothepeopleofthecityontheotherhand,dated20October
1231(Bullariumordinisfratrumpraedicatorum,vol.1(Rome,1729),pp.3637)thelocaltraditionclaimsthefirstarrivalofthefriarswithThomasAgnidaLentinigoesbackto1227.
Cf.severalremarksonthissubjectinTugwell,p.295,n.39.
36.
Ystoria7,p.20712,p.224(Tocco6,p.7111,p.76)Bartholomew:"FraterIohannesdesanctoIuliano,antiquusfratervalde,homomagneviteethumilitatis,quidicebaturnotorie
dictumfratremThomamdeAquinorecepisseinordinePredicatorum"(Naples76,p.371).
37.
Cf.A.Redigonda,art."Agni,Tommaso,"DizionariobiograficodegliItaliani1(1960)44547.
38.
Ystoria7,p.208Gui5,p.171.Cf.,Mandonnet,"Novice,"pp.37275.

 Page9
39
itappears,inApril1244orslightlyearlierthatyear,asthefollowingeventsallowustoestablish.

Thomas'sentranceintotheOrderofPreachersdefinitivelycompromisedhisparents'plansforhimtobecometheabbotofMonteCassino.Ifhethoughtthat
presentingthemwithafaitaccompliwouldmakethingseasier,hedidnotreckonontheirobstinacy,particularlyhismother's.40TheNeapolitanfriarshadseentheir
priorysackedin1235afterayoungnobleman,whosefamilywantedhimback,tookthehabit.Taughtbythisunhappyprecedent,thefriarswerenolongernaive,and
theyhastilymadeThomasleavethecity.41ThuswhenTheodorawenttoNaples,hopingtodissuadeThomas,shearrivedtoolateshepursuedhimallthewayto
Rome,where,again,shewastoolate.Thomashadalreadyleftintheretinueofthemastergeneral,JohntheTeuton,42whowasonthewaytoBolognaforthegeneral
chapteroftheorderscheduledforthefeastofPentecost,22May1244.Theodorasentarapidcouriertohersonswhoweremakingwarinthecompanyof
FrederickIIintheregionofAcquapendente,alittlenorthwestofOrvieto(northofRome,butoutsidethePapalStates),askingthemtointercepttheirbrotherand
bringhimback.43All
39.
Tugwell,p.204,leansmoretoward1242or1243.ThiswouldplaceThomas'sentranceatanageof16or17.Initself,thisdoesnotappeartobeimpossible,butitseemstofitless
wellwithalltheotherdata.
40.
MyarticleintheDictionnairedeSpiritualit(col.721)andfollowingMandonnet,Leccisotti,WN,Weisheipl,etc.,putsLandolfoAquinas'sdeathon24December1243.Thereis
nobasisforthisinthemanuscriptsources.Thedateisfoundonlyinalaterprintededition(Venice,1588),anditishardtounderstandwhyToccoomittedit.Sinceinsubsequent
eventsDameTheodoramovessharplyintotheforeground(Ystoria89,pp.21014Tocco78,pp.7173),MandonnetlogicallydeducedthatLandolfowasnolongerinthisworld
("Novice,"pp.38790).HoweverthetestimonyofBartholomewofCapua(Naples76,p.372)supposesthatThomas'sfatherwasstillalivewhenhetookthehabitandthatitwashis
fatherwhomtheDominicansofNaplesfearedwhentheymovedThomasaway.DuringtheforcedresidenceatRoccasecca,itisagainthefatherwhopressuresthesontochangehis
religiousallegiancefinally,itishewho,wonoverbytheprayersofhiswife,freesThomas.Toccoimplicitlyrecognizesthisinhistestimonyatthecanonizationprocess:"tandemvicti
parentesetfratressuiejus(Thomae)constantiarestituerentipsumordini"(Naples62,p,351).ItisthereforepreferabletofollowScandone'sreconstructionofeventshere(pp.5051)
echoedbyLaurent(Documenta9,p.541)andTugwell(p.297,n.54),andadmitthatthe24DecemberdateofdeathforLandolfocamein1245,orlater.Whydidn'thetakecharge
himselfoftheattemptstocaptureThomas?Wemightconjecturethatvarioustroublesatthetimedidnotallowhimtoleavehiscastleswithoutsupervision,butwemightalsorecall
thatTheodoraknewhowtoassumehisresponsibilities(cf.above,note24).
41.
Bull.O.P.I,pp.7475,dated15May1235otherexamplesareintheVitaeFratrum.Cf.Tugwell,p.297,n.53.
42.
JohnofWildeshausen,havingbeenprovincialofHungaryandthenofLombardy,wasmastergeneralfrom1241to1252.HediedatStrasbourg3/4November1252,Cf.Th.Kppeli,
ScriptoresIII,pp.4748.
43.
Tocco(Ystoria89,pp.21014Tocco78,pp.7173)echoesherethetraditionofthe

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

 Page10

thesourcesagreeonAcquapendente,andwealsoknowthatFrederickIIwasintheregionatthattimewithhismen.ThishadtobeinthefirsttwoweeksofMay,a
surereferencepointthatallowsustoputThomas'stakingofthehabitafewweeksearlier,inApril.44

InthesmallforcethatseizedThomas,twopeoplearenamed:45Rinaldo,hisownbrother,whowasstillafaithfulfollowerofFrederickIIandPierdelleVigne,theall
powerfulcounselortotheemperor.46Thelatter'spresenceallowsustosupposethatFrederickIIhadagreedtothisoperation,justasthesourcessay.Withasmall
squad,itwaseasyforthemtolayhandsontheyoungmonk,fromwhomtheytriedinvaintoremovehishabit.Puttinghimonahorse,theyledhimto
Montesangiovanni,afamilycastlenorthofRoccasecca(themuchtalkedofepisodeoftheprostitutesentintotempthimmayhaveoccurredthere).47Butthiswas
onlyastopover,andThomaswasquicklyledtoRoccaseccaitself.48ToccoaddsthattheDominicanscomplainedtoInnocentIVabouttheuseofforce.Accordingto
him,thepopeintervenedwiththeemperor,whopunishedthoseinvolved.Fearingscandal,theDominicansdidnotdarebringtheAquinasfamilytojustice,knowingin
anycasethat,eveninprison,Thomaswouldcontinueinhisintention.49

There,theentirefamilytriedtomakehimchangehismind,butitwouldbewrongtoimaginethathewasmistreatedorrelegatedtosomedungeon.50Itwasmorea
kindofhousearrestthanimprisonment.Thomascouldcomeandgo,receivevisits(repeatedonesbyJohnofSanGiuliano

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)

AquinasfamilyandtriestopersuadehisreadersofDameTheodora'sgoodintentions,accordingtowhichshewantedonlytoembracehersonandhelphiminhisdecision.But
subsequenteventsrenderthishardlycredible.
44.
OnFrederickII'spresenceintheAcquapendenteregionatthetime,cf.Scandone,p.14Mandonnet,"Novice"(1924)pp.53547(1925),pp.324.ContrarytoTugwell(p.297,n.
55)webelieveitnotveryplausiblethatthefamilywaitedayear,maybemore,toreacttoThomas'stakingthehabit.
45.
TolomeoXXII20cf.A.HuillardBrholles,VieetcorrespondancedePierredelaVigne,ministredel'empereurFrdricII(Paris1865),pp.3940.
46.
InadditiontoHuillardBrholles'sworkmentionedinthepreviousnote,cf.CharlesHomerHaskins,StudiesinMedievalCulture,pp.13334.
47.
ThisisMandonnet'shypothesis,"Novice"(1925),pp.22236,whichWeisheiplaccepts,pp.3031LeBrunGouanvic,p.215,whodiscussesit,alsoinclinestotheviewthat
MontesangiovanniwasthefinalplacewhereThomaswasheld,andnotRoccasecca.Givenwhatweknowaboutsubsequentevents,thisappearsdifficulttomaintain.
48.
Ystoria9,p.213(Tocco8,p.73).
49.
AccordingtoCantimprI20,pp.6768,JohntheTeutoncomplaineddirectlytoFrederickII.
50.
ContrarytowhatthefancifuldescriptionofCantimprleadsustobelieve.

 Page11
51
mostnotably,whobroughthimanewhabittoreplacehistornone). HeconversedwithhissistersandconvincedhissisterMarottaduringthisperiodtobecomea
religious.Toccoreportsthathetookadvantageofthetimetopray,toreadtheentireBible(perlegit),andtobegintostudy(didicit)thebookofSentences.His
sistersevenbenefittedfromhisearlylearningaclearsignofhisfuturemastery.52

Asummaryoflogicforbeginners,theTractatusfallaciarum,hasalsobeenattributedtohimduringthisperiod,butthisislesscertain(utdicitur).Infact,twosmall
treatises,DefallaciisandDepropositionibusmodalibus,havebeenpreservedthat,upuntilthebeginningofthiscentury,wereconsideredworksfromThomas's
youth.Todaytheyareregardedasspurious.Withoutwantingtospeaktooabsolutelyonthesubject,FatherH.F.Dondaine,whoeditedthemintheLeonineedition,
printedtheminsmallletters,tosignifythe"uncertainpositionofthetwoopusculaintheliterarylegacyofSaintThomas."53Takingupthequestionseveralyearslater,
FatherGauthiershowswithanabundanceofdetailthattherecanbenodoubt:basedonseveralworks,notablyPeterofSpain'sTractatusVII,theselittletreatises
arenecessarilyfromadatelaterthanthisperiod.DiverseotherreasonsmilitateagainstanattributiontoThomas.GiventhattheFallacieenteredthecollectionsof
Thomas'sopusculainAvignonaround131020,GauthiersuggestslookingfortheirauthoramongthemastersofartsfromthesouthofFrancetowardtheendofthe
thirteenthcentury.54

Accordingtosomesources,55Thomassucceededinescapingafterawhile(withhismother'scomplicity),byclimbingdownawallwitharope,likeSaintPaul.The
truthisnodoubtmoreprosaic.Seeingthathisresolvecouldnotbeshaken,hisfamilydeliveredhimtotheprioryatNaplesafterthelapseofalittlemorethanayear.56
If,aswemightthink,InnocentIV'sdeposingofFrederickIIattheCouncilofLyon(17July1245)wasper
51.
Ystoria12,p.224(Tocco11,p.76).
52.
Ystoria10.p.217(Tooco9,p.74)thetermsusedshouldbeunderstoodinthestrongestsense.Caloishardlyexaggeratingwhenhewrites:"totambibliamlegit...ettextum
sentenciammmemoriecommendavit"(Vitano.6,p.23,variantn.1).
53.
Leonine,vol.43(1976),p.388.
54.
Leonine,vol.I*1(1989)pp.56*64*.
55.
TolomeoXXII21Ystoria12,p.224(Tocco11,p.77),butToccocontradictsherehisdepositionatthecanonizationprocess(Naples62,p.351):"parentesetfratres...restituerunt
ipsumordini"Tugwell,p.207,seemstogivesomecredittothisaccount.
56.
BesidesTocco(seeabove,note47),FrachetIV17,3:dimiserunteumCantimprI20:fratresfratremsolverunt.

 Page12
57
ceivedasasignthatthepoliticalsituationwasbeginningtochange,Thomas'sreleasemayhavecomeslightlythereafter.

Beforeweconcludethischapter,wemustnotomitwhatmayseemaparadox:despitethesevicissitudes,Thomas'sbondtohisfamilymilieuremainedstrongand
deep.Manybiographicaldetailsallowustoseethis.Veryquickly,whenthepoliticalsituationreverseditselfandhisfamilyencountereddifficultiesbecauseofits
defectionfromtheimperialcause,Thomasknewhowtofindecclesiasticalfunds,withthepermissionofClementIV,inordertocometohisfamily'said.58Afterward,
inthecourseofhistravels,heregularlystayedinthefamilycastles:inSanSeverino,wherehissisterTheodora,countessofMarsico,lived,59andatMaenza,wherehis
nieceFrancesca,countessofCeccano,resided.60Itissaidthathewentfrequentlytothelatter'shome.Hestoppedthereduringhisfinalillness,anditwasfromthere
thathehadhimselftransportedtoFossanova,sayingthatiftheLordhadtovisithim,itwasbetterheshouldfindhiminareligioushouseratherthaninasecular
home.61Furthermore,ThomaswasselectedasexecutorforRogerofAquila,countofTraiecto,husbandofhissisterAdelasia,andhecarriedoutthattaskto
everyone'ssatisfaction.62WeshouldnotbelievethatThomasbrokewithhisfamilyovertheearlydisagreements.Heremainedfeudallytiedtohismilieuandhistime,
andhislanguageconstantlyremindsusofthat,aswhenheborrowsthevocabularyandmetaphorsofchivalryandthemilitaryprofessionsomethingoften
overlooked.63

FirstSketchforaPortrait

AttheendofthisfirstpartofThomas'sbiography,someofthefeaturesofhisspiritualprofilebegintoemerge.Theancientbiographerslikedto
57.
Hewouldthushavebeendetainedaboutfifteenmonths,perhapsmore,ifwefollowthebiographers:fereperduosannos(Ystoria12,p.224Tocco11,p.76):plusquamper
annum(Bartholomew:Naples76,p.372)annisduobusveltribus(CantimprI20).
58.
Ystoria42,pp.23233(Tocco42,pp.11516)theYstoriaismorecompletehereitmightalsoberemarkedwithLeBrunGouanvicthatitwasinthiscontextthatthepopeoffered
ThomasthearchbishopricofNaples,hopinginthiswaytoallytheAquinasfamilymorecloselytothehouseofAnjou.
59.
Ystoria37,p.317(Tocco37,p.111)Naples79,pp.37678.
60.
Ystoria56,p.371(Tocco56,pp.12950).
61.
Naples15and8,pp.286and276.
62.
Documenta2527,pp.57579Thomas'stieswithhisfamilyhavebeenemphasizedwithhumor,butalsowithconsiderablepenetration,byE.A.Synan,"AquinasandHisAge,"in
A.Parel,ed.,CalgaryAquinasStudies(Toronto,1978),pp.125,cf.especiallypp.1014.
63.
WemightreferheretothelearnedandfascinatingarticlebyE.A.Synan,"SaintThomasAquinasandtheProfessionofArms,"MS50(1988)40437.

 Page13

emphasizetheMariandevotionofthechildwhowouldnotforanythingleavethepieceofparchmentonwhichhehadwrittentheHailMary.Theyhavealsoinsisted
ontheyoungBenedictineoblate'szealinseekingGodandtheNeapolitanstudent'senthusiasmforstudy.64Wecanbelievethem,butmanysaints'livesprovidesimilar
facts.Wewillcomeclosertothehistoricaltruthbyclarifiyingcertainepisodesthatwehavejustexamined,thistimeinlightofthetheologianthatThomaswould
become.

TowhatextentweretheoverlappingofthereligiousfigureandthepoliticalmemberoftheAquinasfamily,andthereversalsofalliancewithpopeandemperor,the
sourceofsomeofThomas'spositionsabouttherelationshipofthespiritualandthetemporal?Infact,hewasalmosttwentywhenhewasdetainedatRoccasecca,and
hehadcompleteleisuretothinkaboutthesethings.Itwouldnotbeimpermissibletoseeareflectionofhisexperienceinacelebratedtextwrittentenyearslater,in
whichhedrawsaverycleardistinctionbetweenthedomainofthetemporalpowerandthatofthespiritualpower:

Thespiritualpowerandthesecularpowerbothderivefromthedivinepower.Thatiswhythesecularpowerisnotsubordinatedtothespiritualpower,excepttotheextentthatit
hasbeensubordinatedbyGod,whichistosay,inasmuchasconcernsthesalvationofsouls.Inthisrealmitisbettertoobeythespiritualpowerthanthetemporal.Butinwhat
concernspoliticalgoods,itisbettertoobeythesecularpowerratherthanthespiritual,asitissaidinMatthew22:21,"RenderuntoCaesarthethingsthatareCaesar's."Atleast
thisissounlessthesecularpowerisjoinedtothespiritualpower,asitisinthecaseofthepope,whopossesseseminenceinbothpowers,spiritualandsecular,suchthathe
disposesofthemasbothpriestandking:apriestforeveraccordingtotheorderofMelchizedekkingofkingsandlordoflords,whosepowerwillneverbetakenawayandwhose
kingdomwillneverbedestroyed,foreverandever.65

UnlikehiscontemporariesSaintBonaventureandevenSaintAlbertusMagnus,whowerestillcaptivetotheequationecclesia=christianitas,
64.
Ystoria46,pp.198205(Tocco35,pp.6870).
65.
Sent.IId.44,expositiotextus,ad.4SeeI.T.Eschmann,"SaintThomasAquinasontheTwoPowers,"MS20(1958)177205,forthesourcesandparallelstothisdoctrine.Its
distantoriginisGelasiusI'sdecree,Duoquippesunt,buttheimmediatesourcewouldbeaglossbyHuguccioontheDecretalsofGratian(c.6,D.96),cf.p.184.Onecannotfollow
Eschmann,however,inhisbasicthesisthatthisisanisolatedtextinSaintThomas'steachingandthatthepositioninDeregnoistheopposite(thushedoubtstheauthenticityofDe
regno).BettertoadopttherelevantcritiqueofL.E.Boyle,"TheDeregnoandtheTwoPowers,"inPastoralCare,studyXIII,whichshowsthatthistextdefendsthesamedual
positionasthetextintheSentences,citedabove.

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66
whichtheyinheritedfromtheHighMiddleAgeswithitsperpetualtemptationtohierocracyor,attheotherextreme,Caesaropapism, Thomashasaclearlydualistic
conceptionoftheconnectionsbetweenChurchandsociety,andheneverwaversonthissubject.67

Weisheipl(p.8),whorecallsthistextfromtheSentences,alsoseesinittheaffirmationthatthepope'stemporalpowerisonlyanaccidentconnectedwithhisspiritual
mission.Thisistogotoofar,forThomasneverreachesthatpoint.Ifhealwaysremainsfaithfultohisyouthfulintuitionaboutthedistinctionbetweenthetwopowers
andtheirmutualsubordinationintheirrespectivespheres,healsoadmitswithoutdiscussiontheirdefactounioninthepope,andheevenallowsthesubordinationof
theendsofpoliticalsocietytothefinalendoftheChurch.68Thoughnotalwayseasytointerpret,Thomas'spoliticalthoughtisnotwithoutcoherence.Thiscouldbe
demonstratedwithouthavingtoconsiderDeregnoasinauthentic(asEschmannwouldsuggestwithsomeprecautions).Weisheiplisbetter:hesuggeststhatthe
doctrinalpositionreflectsapersonalattitudeinThomas.Healwaysstubbornlyrefusedecclesialhonorsthatwouldinevitablyhaveinvolvedhimintemporalaffairs,
whetheritwasamatteroftheabbacyofMonteCassino,69thearchbishopricofNaples,70oracardinal'shat.71Toccoconfirmsthatheevenprayedthathewouldbe
sparedsuchinvolvements.72

TheothertellingeventinThomas'sspiritualphysiognomyisclearlyhischoiceoftheDominicanorder.Wecanonlyguessathisreasons,thoughitseemseasyto
imaginewhattheymusthavebeen.BenedictinelifeinMonteCassinoatthetimewouldnothavemuchattractedayoungmantakenwiththeabsolute.Nevertheless,
ThomaswouldallhisliferetainadeepesteemfortheBenedictineideal.Inhislastknownwriting,alettertoBernardAyglier,abbotofMonteCassinoin1274,he
spontaneously
66.
Cf.thetextsquotedbyEschmann,pp.19293.
67.
BesidesEschmannandBoyle(cf.n.57),seeL.P.Fitzgerald,"SaintThomasAquinasandtheTwoPowers,"Angelicum56(1979)51556,whoisalsoquitefirmaboutthecoherence
ofThomas'sthoughtonthispointthroughouthiscareer,andabouttheauthenticityofDeregno.Onthelastpoint,thedecisivecontributionoftheLeonineeditorsintheir
introductiontothecriticaleditionofthisopusculum(vol.42,pp.42124)shouldbeexamined.WewillalsohaveoccasiontoreturntothelaborsofB.Montagnes,"Lesactivits
sculiresetlemprisdumondechezS.Thomasd'Aquin.Lesemploisduqualificatif'saecularis,'"RSPT55(1971)23149.
68.
Cf.,alsoDeregnoII3(formerlyI14),Leonine,vol.42,pp.46567.
69.
CantimprI20,TolomeoXXIII21WN,pp.7273.
70.
Ystoria42,p.332(Tocco42,p.116).
71.
Ystoria63,p.391(Tocco63,p.137)Naples78,p.375.
72.
Ystoria32,p.306(Tocco32,p.107).

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73
revertstothelanguageofayoungmonkandpresentshimselfasa"devotedsonalwayspreparedforpromptobedience." ItislikelythatThomas'sknowledgeofSt.
GregorytheGreat,withitsparticularattentiontotheDialogues(whoseauthenticityheevidentlydidnotdoubt)74stemsfromthisperiod.75Wemightsaythesame
abouthishabitofregularlyreadingCassian'sCollationes,whichhekepttohiswholelife.76Inthis,hemayhavebeeninspiredbytheexampleofSaintDominic,who
"readandcherished"thisbook.JordanofSaxonysaysthatithelpedDominicachieve"ahighpeakofperfection."77

Meanwhile,Thomassurelyperceivedveryquicklythathisinclinationtowardstudywouldbebettersatisfiedintheneworderandthat,accordingtothetheoryhe
developedlater,ifitisgoodtocontemplatedivinethings,itisevenbettertocontemplateandtransmitthemtoothers.78Tothiswemustaddapointrarelyseeninthe
listsofpossiblemotives:Thomas'sdesiretolivealifeofpoverty.Thishasbeenstrikinglyformulated:"TherefusalofMonteCassinois,forThomas,thesamegesture
73.
"ReuerendoinChristopatriDominoBernardo...fraterThomasdeAquinosuusdeuotusfiliussefateturubiqueadobedientiampromtum"(!)Thistextmaybereadinthe
editionbyA.Dondaine,eitherintheLeonine,vol.42,pp.41315,orinthepreparatoryworkthathepublishedforThomas'sseventhcentenary:"LalettredesaintThomasl'abb
duMontcassin,"inCommemorativeStudiesI,pp.87108.AlthoughtodaywedonotregardthispieceasinThomas'sownhandwriting,itsauthenticityisnolongerindoubt.
ThereisatranslationinP.Renaudin,"SaintThomasd'AquinetsaintBenot,"RT17(1909)51337,cf.pp.53335.
74.
ThecontroversyabouttheGregorianauthorshipoftheDialogueshashardlyceasedsincetheRenaissance.ItresurfacedforcefullywiththepublicationofF.Clark'sThePseudo
GregorianDialogues,vol.2,StudiesintheHistoryofChristianThought37(Leiden,1987).Foraresponse:P.Meyvaert,"TheEnigmaofGregorytheGreat's'Dialogues':AResponse
toFrancisClark,"JournalofEcclesiasticalHistory30(1988)33581.
75.
SeeE.Portalupi,"GregorioMagnonell'IndexThomisticus,"Bull.delaSIEPM31(1989)11246.Whiletheauthorrefrainsfromdrawingconclusions,hehastostatethatthe2470
occurrencesofGregoryinThomas'sworksmakehim"oneoftheprivilegedpatristicsourcesofThomas'soutput"(p.127).Hemakesanothersignificantremark:"ourauthor[i.e.,
Gregory]carriesacertainweightinthewritingsthatdefendthereligiouslife"(ibid.).SeealsoStudisullapresenzadiGregorioMagnoinTommasod'Aquino,Dokimion10(Fribourg,
1991),wherethesameauthorstudiesingreaterdetailThomas'suseofGregoryintheQuestionsDeueritateandDemalo.
76.
Ystoria22,p.274(Tocco21,p.95).inadditiontothesetwospecificpoints,itisprobablethatThomasgotaveryseriousbasiceducationatMonteCassino(cf.Leccisotti,S.
Tommaso,pp.2633).TolomeoXXII20assuresus:"inlogicalibusetnaturalibusoptimeprofecit."ItisnotimpossiblethathebenefittedfromtheteachingofthemonkErasmus,whom
wefindagainin1240attheUniversityofNaples(cf.T.Leccisotti,"MagisterErasmus,"Bulletinodell'lstitutostoricoitalianoperilmedioevoeArchivioMuratoriano47[1932]209
16.C.LeBrunGouvanic(Ystoria,p.205)suggeststhattheremayevenhavebeenaconnectionbetweenThomas'sdeparturetostudyatNaplesandErasmus'spresenceatthe
university.
77.
Libellus13,trans.M.H.Vicaire,SaintDominiqueetsesfrres(Paris,1967),p.55.
78.
IIaIIaeq.188a.6cf.IIIaq.40a.1ad2a.2.

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79
madebyFrancisofAssisi.'' ThelivelinessandevangelicaldepthwithwhichhelaterdefendstheidealofmendicantpovertyagainstWilliamofSaintAmourmaywell
finditsoriginsinthisperiod,hardlymorethanadozenyearsearlier:
OfallthatChristdidorsufferedduringhismortalexistence,HisvenerableCrossisofferedtousastheprimeexamplethatwemustimitate....Now,ofallthatheteachesus,
absolutelyfirstispoverty[omnimodapaupertas]Christwasdeprivedofeveryexteriorgood,eventothepointofbodilynakedness....ItisthatnakednessontheCrossthat
thosewhoembracevoluntarypovertywishtofollow,particularlythosewhogiveupallgain....Clearly,therefore,theenemiesofpovertyarealsotheenemiesofChrist'sCross.
ThewisdomoftheworldthinksthatearthlypossessionsbelongtoChristianperfection,whilerefusingthemwillleadonlytoalesserperfection.80

WemightbringtolightathirdtraitaboutthestubbornesswithwhichThomasresistedfamilypressure.Theplacidityandmoderationthatweusuallylinktohisgenius
arelegendaryandwillhavetobeexaminedfurther.Supposingthesetraitstohavebeenreal,weshouldnotoverlooktheradicalismofwhichThomaswascapable.
Here,thematuremantheorizesabouttheadolescent'sintuitions:
Whenparentsarenotinasituationofseriousneedforhelpfromtheirchildren,thelattermayleaveparentalserviceandenterthereligiouslife,evenagainstparentalwishes.
Havingpassedtheageofpuberty,whoeverisfreehastherighttodisposeofhimselfinthechoiceofastateoflife,especiallyifitconcernsservingGod.BettertoobeytheFather
ofspirits(Hebrews12:9)throughwhomwelivethantoobeythegeneratorsofourflesh.81

Theemotionaltremorthatrunsthroughthisfiercedeclarationtakesusbackdirectlytotheattitudeofthenovicesequesteredbyhisfamily.Itisstillthatyoungman
who,speakingoftherightofthepueri(i.e.,adolescents)toenterthereligiouslife,assuresusthattheymaydoit"evenagainst
79.
M.D.Ghenu,SaintThomasd'Aquinetlathologie,Matresspirituels17(Paris,1959),p.11.
80.
ContraRetrahentes15,Leonine,vol.41,p.C69.Wewillreturntothissubjectalittlelater,butasbizarreasitmayseem,WilliamofSaintAmourmadeacompleteapologyfor
clericalwealth.Cf.M.M.Dufeil,SaintThomasetl'histoire,Senefiance29(AixenProvence,1991),pp.44556:"Ununiversitaireractionnairevets1250:GuillaumedeSaintAmour"
wereferprovisionallytothesefewpageswhilewaitingtoreturntothemoreconsiderableworksofwhichtheyaretheecho.
81.
IIaIIaeq.189a.6.

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82 83
thewishesoftheirparents." Andheadds:"Inthisdomain,ourrelativesaccordingtotheflesharemoreenemiesthanfriends."

It'sagreatpityforhim,butevenmoreforus,thatwegenerallyknowonlyThomas'smostabstractphilosophicalandtheologicalwritings.Thisimbalanceoftenleadsto
amisconceptionabouthimfurtheraggravatedbycommentatorsmoreconcernedaboutlogicthanwasThomashimself.WhoeverseeksThomas'spersonalityinhis
writingswillsoondiscoverittobequitedifferentthanhemaythink.
82.
QuodlibetIVq.12a.1[23]:etiaminvitisparentibus.
83.
ContraRetrahentes9,Leonine,vol.41,p.C57:Propinquiautemcarnisinhocpropositoamicinonsunt,sedpotiusinimici.Ifwearealerttothistypeofpersonalnote,wemay
finditelsewhere,eveninthefragmentsofSuperMatthaeumrecentlyeditedbyJ.P.Renard(50,1983,p.179,lines754756):sialiquispropterintroitumreligionissustinetplura
dampnaaparentibus,consiliumestutnonpretermittatquodmeliusest.H.D.Saffrey,"UnpangyriqueinditdeS.Thomasd'AquinparJosseClichtove,"inOrdosapientiaeet
amoris,pp.53953(cf.p.540),notesaverycuriousdetailthathasallthemarksofapersonalconfidence:repeatingapassagewhereSaintJeromerecommendsto"trampleunderfoot,"
ifnecessary,yourownfather(percalcatumpergepatrem),Thomasaddsonhisown:percalcatampergematrem(IIaIIaeq.101a.4).

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ChapterII
DiscipleofAlbertusMagnus(12451252)
Thomaswasreturned,then,totheDominicanorderbyhisfamilyinthesummerof1245.If,asseemstohavebeenthecase,InnocentIV'sdeposingofFrederickII
playedaroleinthatdecision,itwouldhavebeenmadeafter17July1245.TheAquinasfamily,partlydetachedfromtheemperorandobligatedtogoodwilltoward
theChurch,wouldthushavereleasedThomas.1

TheDominicansinNaples,littlereassuredbythishappydevelopment,thoughtitunsafetokeepthenewrecruitamongthemandsenthimtoRome.There,ad
capitulumgenerale,theycouldprovideforhisfutureanddirecthimtosomeuniversitytopursuehisstudies.2Infact,therewasnogeneralchapterheldatRomethat
year,andwemustunderstandThomastohavebeensenttoRome,wherethemasteroftheorder,JohntheTeuton,wastobefoundonthepointofdepartingfor
Paris,wherethegeneralchapterof1246wastobeheld.Thus,ToccocontinuesbyexplainingthatJohn"receivedThomaslikeadearsoninChrist,sendinghimfirst
toParis,thentoCologne,whereastudiumgeneralewasinfullbloomundertheleadershipofBrotherAlbert,masteroftheology,andreputedtobeaccomplishedin
allrealmsofknowledge."3
1.
Thehistoriansseemtohavereachedaconsensusonthisdate(cf.Scandone,p.15WN,p.56Weisheipl,p.35Ystoria,p.225,n.18).Tugwell(p.207)istheonlyexceptionhe
prefers,inharmonywithhisotherjudgments,toputThomas'sreleaseinthefirstfewmonthsof1246.
2.
Ystoria13,P.226,correctsTocco12,p.77,whoinsteadofadcapitulumgeneralewroteadmagistrumordinis.
3.
Ystoria13,p.226(Tocco12,p.77):"Quem(Thomam)cumfraterJohannesTheutonicus,

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

 Page19

Paris(12451248)

Untilquiterecently,historianshesitatedtocreditThomas'sstayinParisafterhewasreturnedtotheorderbyhisfamily.Ouroldestsources,FrachetandCantimpr,
areneverthelessquiteclear:hewassenttoParisbythemasteroftheorder.4Toccodescribestwodistinctstages:duxiteumParisiusetdeindeColoniam.5
Followinghim,BernardGuiandPeterCalomentionthistriptoParis,thentoCologne.TolomeoofLuccasaysonlythathewentfromItalytoCologne.6Aftera
painstakingexaminationofthesources,WalzNovarinaconcludethatthejourneytoParisinthecompanyofJohntheTeuton"withoutbeingcertaincanbeconsidered
probable,"buttheyaremorereservedonthequestionofstudiesatParis:"Thehistoricalsourcesdonotprovide...proofthatThomaswasastudentinParis."7

Manydistinguishedscholars(Denifle,DeGroot,Pelster,Eschmann)takethesameview,butmanyothers(Mandonnet,Grabmann,Chenu,Glorieux)observethatthe
ParistripwouldhavehadnopointifThomasdidnotstudythere.ThelattergroupalsonotesinparticularthatthestudiumgeneraleatColognewasnotinoperation
before1248,thedateofitsopeningbyAlbertusMagnusuponhisreturntothatcity.8Untilthen,theyoungDominicanwouldhavebeenwastinghistimethere.Infact,
thestayinParis,whichmighthaveremainedahypothesis,ispresentedasacertaintybythemostrecenthistorianswhohaveexaminedit.9Somenewresearchhas
broughtforwarddecisivearguments.Theseconvergingproofs,independentlyarrivedatbydifferentresearchers,areoftwokinds.

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)
magisterordinis,incarissimuminChristofiliumsuscepissetduxitipsumParisiusetdeindeColoniam:ubisubfratreAlbertomagistrointheologiaeiusdemordinisflorebat
studiumgenerale,quireputabaturinomniscientiasingularis."
4.
FrachetIV17,3:missusestParisiusCantimprI20:transmissusestParisiosamagistroordinis.
5.
Cf.note3above.
6.
Gui,p.176:"Quem(Thomam)...Johannestheutonicus...duxitparisius.DeindemittiturinColoniam..."Cf.Calo8,p.25,withPrmmer'snotes.TolomeoXXII21hasThomas
leaveforRomeathiscolorfulliberation(horsesarereadyunderthewallsofthecastlewhenheescapessecretly):"IndevaditColoniamadFratremAlbertumubimultotemporefuit."
7.
WN,pp.62and64.
8.
TheorganizationofstudiesintheDominicanorderdistinguishedbetweenstudiumsolemneandstudiumgenerale.Thefirstoperatedattheprovinciallevelforthephilosophicaland
theologicalformationofordinarystudents.Thesecondwasinterprovincial,attheuniversitylevel,andonlythemostcapablestudentsweresentthere.Foralongtime,onlythepriory
ofSaintJacquesinParisenjoyedthelatterstatus,whichitfirstobtainedin1229(Cf.C.Douais,Essaisurl'organisationdestudes...,pp.15140Glorieux,RpertoireI,pp.3438).
9.
Weisheipl,pp.3638.Seethesameauthor's"TheLifeandWorksofSt.AlberttheGreat,"inAlbertusMagnusandtheSciences:CommemorativeEssays,1980,pp.2526.Tugwell
(p.208)alsoallieshimselfwiththisposition.

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10
Thefirsttypeisbasedoninternalevidence.R.A.Gauthier hasnotedthatThomas'sworks,particularlyhiscommentaryonAristotle'sNicomacheanEthics,bears
deeptracesofideascirculatinginParisbetween1240and1250.Thismaybeobservedinthreedifferentrealms:(l)Thomasoftenquotesfrommemorythetextofthe
Ethicauetus,theoldesttranslationandtheonlyonetheninuse(heseemsnevertohaverecalledtheEthicanouainhiswork)(2)Hiscommentary"attestsagood
knowledgeoftheexegesisthattheParisianmastersofartshadperformedonthese[old]translations"fromAristotle.Thomasisso"deeplyimpregnated"withthem
thathecontinuestorepeattheirfaultyinterpretationsevenafterAlbertseemstohavegivenhimgoodones11(3)ThomascouldnothavegottenthisatNaples(1239
43)becausethereisnorecordoftheteachingoftheEthicsthereatthistime,whilesuchteachingwasinfullbloomatParisbetween1240and1250.Anditseems
hardlyplausiblethathewouldhavereturnedlatertoacommentaryontheEthicauetuswhenAlberthadalreadyintroducedhimtothetranslatiolincolniensis.
Effectively,after1250thecommentariesontheEthicauetuswereoutofdateandwerenolongercirculated.

Forallthesereasons,itismorethanprobablethatThomasstudiedatParis.ButGauthiertakesafurtherstepinsayingthatitwasstillnottheologyhestudiedwith
Albertinthatperiod.Heattendedthefacultyofartsinsteadofthefacultyoftheology,andthusfinishedtheintroductiontolearninghehadbegunatNaplesbetween
theagesoffourteenandeighteen.Gauthierevenhazardsaguessaboutthenamesofthetwomastershemighthavehad:Alexander,whomaybethesameAlexander
whoseworkwasusedtoeditaSentenciasupernouametueteremethicammentionedinacatalogdated133812andArnouldeProvence,whoseintroductionto
philosophyattractedinterestforitstreatmentofmoralquestions.Insupportofthishypothesis,itmightbeaddedthattherelationsbetweenThomasandtheartsfaculty
willshowthemselvesmorethanonceafterwards.ThesemayreflectthecontinuationofacquaintancesmadeduringthisParisianperiod.
10.
Cf."S.Thomasetl'EthiqueNicomaque,"Leonine,vol.48,pp.xvxvii,whichwesummarizehereandtowhichwereferthereaderforabriefsurveyoftheLatintranslationsof
theEthicsfromthatperiod.Cf.prefacetoLeonineedition,vol.47/1,pp.23637.
11.
Forexample,onEth.I5,4447andI12,18892.
12.
Cf.R.A.Gauthier,"Lecourssurl'Ethicanovad'unmatresartsdeParis(12351240),"AHDLMA42(1975)71141cf.p.93,wheretheauthorengagesinsomespeculationsabout
thisfigure.

 Page21

ConvergingargumentsonthebasisofexternalevidencehavebeenadvancedbyPaulSimonintheProlegomenatohiseditionofAlbertusMagnus'sSuperDionysium
Dedivinisnominibus.13Thistextwastransmitted,alongwithothercommentariesbyAlbertonDionysius,inaNeapolitanmanuscript(BibliotecaNazionaleI.B.
54),14oneofwhoseclaimstointerestisthatitwaswritteninThomas'sownhandwritingforseveralyears,ThomasservedassecretarytoSaintAlbert.Thetextofthe
firstcommentaryinthisvolume,thecommentaryonDecaelestihierarchia,andonlythiscommentary,presentstheaddeddistinctionofbeingdividedinto
"pieces"(peciae).

Foranyoneunfamiliarwiththetechniquesofuniversitybookproductionbeforetheinventionofprinting,itisnecessarytorealizethatthepiecesaretheseparate
notebooksofagivenmanuscriptvolume.Theycouldbegivenseparatelytodifferentcopyistswithouthavingtotieupthewholebookatanytime.Thishadthe
valuableadvantageofconsiderablyspeedingupthecopyingofthevolume.Iftwentycopyistsworkedsimultaneouslyoneachofthetwentypiecesofabook,the
wholebookcouldthenbecopiedinthetimeitwouldtaketocopyasinglepiece.15

Thispracticewas,before1250,alreadywidelyusedinParis,wheretherewasalargestudentdemandforbooksbutitwasstillunknownatCologneatthistime
becausetheuniversityhadnotyetbeenfoundedthere.Thewaythepiecesareidentified(capitallettersintheuppermarginonthefirstpageofeachpiece)istypicalof
Paris.AccordingtoSimon(Shooner16agreeswithhim),whattheyoungThomasdidinhisservicetoAlbertwastopreparetheeditionofAlbert'scommentaryforits
reproductionbythecopyingsystem,whichistosaythathewasthefirstpractitioner
13.
P.Simon,Prolegomena,inS.AlbertiMagniOperaomnia,ed.Coloniensis,vol.37/1:SuperDyonisiumdedivinisnominibus(Bonn,1972),pp.vivii.
14.
Cf.G.Thry,"L'autographedeS.ThomasconservlaBibliotecaNazionaledeNaples,"AFP1(1931)1586P.M.Gils,"LeMS.Napoli,BibliotecaNazionaleI.B.54estildela
maindeS.Thomas?"RSPT49(1965)3759H.F.DondaineandH.V.Shooner,CodicesManuscriptiOperumThomaedeAquinoI(Rome,1967),p.8.
15.
SinceJ.Destrez'swork,EtudescritiquessurlesoeuvresdesaintThomasd'Aquind'aprslatraditionmanuscrite,Bibliothquethomiste18(Paris,1933),p.531,researchershave
madeconsiderableprogressinstudyingandunderstandingthesystemofbookcirculationandhavealsobecomemoreawareoftheproblemsthatsystemposesforcriticaleditions.
Amongthemostrecentworks,see:L.J.Bataillon,B.G.Guyot,R.H.Rouse,eds.,LaproductiondulivreuniversitaireauMoyenAge,'exemplar'et'pecia'(Paris,1988)L.J.Bataillon,
"Exemplar,Pecia,Quaternus,"inO.Weijers,ed.,Vocabulairedulivreetdel'critureauMoyenge,CIVICIMA2(Turnhout,1989),pp.20619.
16.
H.V.Shooner,"Laproductiondulivreparlapecia,"inLaproductiondulivre,pp.1737.

 Page22

ofit.ThisconclusionseemedexcessivetoLeonardBoyle.WithoutquestioningThomas'shandwritingorhiscopyingofthetextduringthefirstvisittoParis,hestrongly
doubtsthatthetextThomascopiedcouldhavebeenusedasan"exemplar"foruniversitycopying.Thedistinctivehandwritingoftheyoungmonkandaseriesofother
arguments,accordingtoBoyle,workagainstthishypothesis.Ifhiscopyisalreadydividedintopieces,thatmeanshecopiedamanuscriptalreadyinthatform.Thomas
was,therefore,thefirstknownwitnesstothesystem,notitsfirstpractitioner.17

Withoutdelvingfurtherintothisscholarlycontroversy,wemightretainfromthisdiscussionthefactthatanewresearcherofhighstandinghasjoinedwiththosewho
acceptaprolongedstaybyThomasinParisatthistime.ThemanuscriptmentionedabovepresentsotherodditiesthatP.Simonhasanalyzedwithpenetration,butthe
followingpointssufficeforunderstandinghisdoubleconclusion.First,AlbertcomposedhiscommentaryonDecaelestihierarchiawhilehewasinParis,therefore
before1248.IfThomas,whocopieditinhisownhandwritingaccordingtotheParisianfashion,wasoneofitsfirstbeneficiaries,thatwasbecausehetoowasinParis
atthetime.ReturningtothetextofToccowithwhichwebegan,Simonproperlyremarksthatdeindedoesnothavethesamemeaningasstatim,andthatdeinde
permitsustosupposearatherlongintervalbetweenthearrivalinParisandthedepartureforCologne.InCologne,ThomaswouldlaterretranscribesomeofAlbert's
coursesonDionysius,buthewasnolongerobligedtopresentthemanuscriptinthesamemannerashehadinParis.

WeisheiplagreeswithSimon'sandGauthier'sconclusionsthatthestayinParistostudyoccurred,buthediffersfromGauthier,whoseesThomasasastudentinthe
facultyofarts.Normally,religiousstudiedintheirpriories,Weisheiplrecalls,and,accordingtotheconstitutionsoftheorder,theycouldnotattendcoursesoutside
withoutadispensation.ForWeisheipl,Thomasmustthereforehaveacquiredtheknowledgehedisplaysthroughprivatestudy.18Thisiscertainlypossible,butwehave
toaskwhetherWeisheiplhastakenintoaccountalltheavailabledataonthispoint.
17.
L.E.Boyle,"AnAutographofSt.ThomasatSalerno,"inA.Lobato,ed.,Littera,Sensus,Sententia,StudiinonoredelProf.ClementeJ.Vansteenkiste(Milan,1991),pp.117
34.
18.
Weisheipl,pp.3738seealsobythesameauthor,Thomasd'AquinoandAlbertHisTeacher(Toronto,1980),pp.56.

 Page23

Inatextthatdateswithoutquestionfrom1220,theearlyDominicanconstitutionsrestore,ineffect,theearlierprohibitionsagainstclerics"studyingthebooksofthe
pagans."Theyevenextendthatinterdictionfurthertothephilosophersandtheliberalarts,buttheverysametextprovidesthattheauthoritiesoftheordermay
dispensefromtheinterdiction.19ItisentirelybelievablethatThomasobtainedthisdispensation,sinceitwaspreciselyoneoftheparticularfeaturesoftheDominican
ordertograntdispensationsfromvariousobligationsforreasonsofstudy.20ForagiftedpersonlikeThomas,thiswouldbeatleastplausible.Butitwouldalsonotbe
impossible,asL.J.Bataillonsuggests,thatqualifiedreligiousorfriendlysecularmasterscouldhavetaughtliberalartswithinthepriory.Suchteachingwas
indispensableforthestudyoftheology,butwestilldonotknowhowitwasprovidedtothemendicantorders.21

FortheyoungThomasinparticular,itisalsonecessarytotakeintoaccounttheamountoftimewecanseehehadatParistooshortaperiodforacompletecourse
ofstudy.Inalllikelihood,heleftMonteCassinowithagoodbasicformation,butthefourorfiveyearsinNaples(123944)werenotenoughforThomastohave
finishedthefullcycleofliberalarts(itusuallytooksixorsevenyears).22WemustthereforeadmitwithGauthierthathecompletedhisphilosophycourseinParisorat
leastthat
19.
DeOudsteConstitutiesvandeDominicanen,ed.A.H.Thomas,BibliothquedelaRevued'histoireecclsiastique42(Leuven,1965),p.361:"Inlibrisgentiliumet
philosophorumnonstudeant,etsiadhoraminspiciant.Saecularesscientiasnonaddiscantnecetiamartesquasliberalesvocant,nisialiquandocircaaliquosmagisterordinisvel
capitulumgeneralevolueritaliterdispensare..."thatsameinterdictionisrepeatedintheConstitutionsofRaymondofPeafortin1241,cf.AFP18(1948),pp.6566.Thetext
maybefoundinConstitutionsprimitivesoftheDominicanorder,translatedintoFrench,inM.H.Vicaire,SaintDominiquedeCaleruegad'aprslesdocumentsduXIIIesicle
(Paris,1955),pp.13684,orinthesameauthor'sSaintDominique,Lavieapostolique(Paris,1965),pp.16197.
20.
Cf.theConstitutionesAntique,Prol.,inA.H.Thomas,ed.,DeOudsteConstituties,p.311G.Meersseman,"Inlibrisgentiliumnonstudeant.L'tudedesclassiquesinterditeaux
clercsaumoyenge?"inItaliamedioevaleeclassicaI(Padua,1958),pp.113,whohasgivenanuancedexegesisofthemodificationstothispointintheancientDominican
constitutions.Heemphasizesthattheclosingclauseonexemptions(reproducedinitalicsintheprecedingnote)wasintroducedin1228anditmoderatednoticeablytheoriginal
rigiditytheDominicansuperiorsknewhowtoapplythisclausewidely.
21.
L.J.Bataillon,Statusquaestionis,p.64757,cf.p.650.
22.
Theinformationwehaveonthelengthandcontentsofthesestudiesdoesnotalwaysagree.Cf.J.A.Weisheipl,"CurriculumoftheFacultyofArtsatOxfordintheEarly
FourteenthCentury,"MS26(1964),14385.Cf.thearticle"ArtesLiberales"(severalauthors)inLexikondesMittelalters1(1980),10581063.Fortheplaceoftheliberalartsinthe
formationofafuturetheologian,cf.L.Hdl,ibid.,cols.10611062G.Leff,ParisandOxfordUniversitiesintheThirteenthandFourteenthCenturies:AnInstitutionaland
IntellectualHistory(NewYork,1968),pp.16465.SeealsoF.VanSteenberghen,LaphilosphieauXIIIe,sicle,pp.5081[2ded.(1991),pp.4575].

 Page24

heattendedcertaincoursesthere,sincethelevelwasdoubtlesssuperiortowhatcouldbefoundinNaples.Butwemustalsoimmediatelyaddthathesimultaneously
beganthetheologicalcourseatParis,too.Ittookatleastfiveyearsofstudytogetthebaccalaureatethatwouldhaveallowedhimtoteachasatheologian.If,aswe
shallsee,ThomasbegancommentingontheSentencesin1252,wehavetoplacehisteachingonIsaiahin125152.Thiswouldindicateashorteningofthefiveyears
oftheologyusuallyprescribed.Asolutionsuggestsitself:theperiodofstudyinPariswasatimeofvariedformation,duringwhichThomas'ssuperiors,recognizinghis
intellectualgifts,allowedhimtobegintheologywhilehewasfinishinghisphilosophicalformation.

WemaythussumupwhatweknowaboutthesefirstyearsasaDominican:intheautumnof1245,ThomassetoutforParisinthecompanyofJohntheTeuton.He
spent1246,1247,andthefirstpartof1248therethreeacademicyears.Itisnotimpossiblethatthefirstoftheseyearswasthenovitiateyear,whichThomashad
stillnotbeenabletomakesincetakingthehabitinAprilof1244.23Duringthenexttwoyears,hecouldhavestudiedtheliberalartseitheratthefacultyofartsorinthe
priory.ButnothingwouldhavepreventedhimfromstudyingtheologyinsomecourseswithAlbertatSaintJacquesduringthesametime.HerecopiedAlbert'sDe
caelestihierarchiainamanuscriptthatgivestestimonytotheParisiansystemof"pieces."In1248,hedepartedforColognewithAlbert,withwhomhewillcontinue
hisstudiesintheologyandhisworkasanassistant.

Cologne(12481252)

UnlikethestayinParis,Thomas'stimeinColognehasneverbeenquestioned,becauseitiswelldocumented.Theonlyproblemhastodowithitslength.Weknow
thatitlastsuntil1252,butthescholarswhowouldliketoeliminatethestayinParismakeitbeginin1246,forgettingthatAlbertwasnotyetinCologne.Accordingto
thetimetablewehavejustproposed,thereisnolongeranydifficulty.

On7June1248(Pentecost),thegeneralchapteroftheDominicans,meetinginParis,decidedtocreateastudiumgeneraleinCologne.24In
23.
ThisisWeisheipl'ssuggestion,p.38.AccordingtoTugwell'schronology,thingswentdifferently:Thomasdidhisnovitiateandmadeprofessionbeforehisfamilycapturedhim
(cf.p.204).
24.
Thisstep,confirmedbythreesuccessivechaptersaccordingtotheRule,infactdealtwithfourprovinces:Provence,Lombardy,Germany,andEngland.Cf.MOPH3,P.41.

 Page25
25
thelattercity,aDominicanprioryhadbeenfoundedin1221/22byBrotherHenry,acompanionofJordanofSaxony. Albert,whosereputationwasalreadygreat,
wasaskedtoteachthere.26HeleftParisattheendoftheacademicyear(themastersendedlessonsonJune29)andtookThomaswithhimtobeginthenew
academicyearinthefallatCologne.IftheykepttotheParisiancustom,theybeganteachingonSeptember14th,FeastoftheExaltationoftheHolyCross.27They
hadalreadyarrivedbytheAssumption,anditishighlylikelythatThomaswaspresentatthelayingofthefirststoneforthecathedral,aneventthattookplacethatday.
Albertspeaksinhisworksabouttheexcavationsundertakenatthetime,whichbroughttolightsomesuperbancientmosaics.28

ThestayinCologneconstitutedadecisivephaseinThomas'slife.Inalllikelihood,thiswastheperiodofhispriestlyordination,butwedonothaveanyprecise
informationonthisquestion.Wedoknow,however,thatSaintAlberthadaconsiderableinfluenceonhim.Duringthesefouryears,betweentheagesoftwentythree
andtwentyseven,ThomaswasdeeplyimpregnatedwithAlbert'sthoughthecontinuedtheworkforhimalreadybeguninParis.Hewasputtinginorderhisnotes
fromAlbert'scoursesonDionysius'sDivineNamesandAristotle'sNicomacheanEthics.Thiswasheavywork,andGauthier(followingPelzer)estimatesthatittook
uponethirdofThomas'sworkingtimeduringthisperiod.29

IthasneverbeendisputedthatThomastookAlbert'scourseontheDivineNames,butitisastonishingthat,alreadyatheologian,Thomasalsotookthecourseonthe
Ethics,whichnormallywaspartofthephilosophyprogram.Gauthier'sinvestigationshaveshowninThomas'sowncommentaryontheEthicssome350passagesin
which"Albert'sinfluenceisevident."Inthatlight,wecannotdoubtanylongertheassertionsoftheancientbiographers.TheserecollectionsfromAlbert'sworkdonot
refertothelatercommentarybyAlbert,producedwhenThomaswasnolonger
25.
Onthisfoundation,seeWeisheipl,LifeandWorks,p.38,orWN,p.66.
26.
HenrideHerford,LiberderebusmemorabilioribussiveCronicon,ed.A.Potthast(Gttingen,1859),p.201:"PosttresannosmagisteriisuiColoniammittituradlegendum."
27.
Cf.P.Glorieux,"L'enseignement,"p.103.
28.
Albert,DecausisetproprietatibuselementorumI,tr.2,cap.3,Borgnet9,605b:"etnosinColoniavidimusaltissimasfierifoveas,etinfundoillaruminventasuntparamenta
mirabilisschematisetdecoris,quaeconstatibihominesantiquitusfecisse,etcongestamfuisseterramsupereapostruinasaedificiorum."
29.
R.A.Gauthier,Leonine,vol.48,p.xvii,withreferencetoA.Pelzer,Etudesd'histoirelittrairesurlascolastiquemdivale,PhilosophesmdivauxVIII(LouvainParis,1964),p.
282.Thomas'sautographoftheDivineNamesispreservedintheNaplesmanuscriptofwhichwehavespokenabove.

 Page26

hisstudent.Rather,theyrefertotheoldercourse,ofwhichThomasdisplays''aprofoundknowledge(themassofhisrecollectionsprovesit),butadistantknowledge
(thenumberofhisslipsofmemoryshowsthis)."

If,asappears,AlbertdidnotbothertofollowThomas'slatertheologicaloutput,weknowwithcertaintythatThomas,bycontrast,continuedtopayattentiontothe
publicationsofhisformermaster,evenhavingAlbert'scommentaryontheEthicsputonnotecardstobeabletogainaccesstoitmoreeasily.Thislaborgavebirthto
theworkknownastheTabulalibriEthicorum,whichpresentsitselfasalexiconwhosedefinitionsaremostoftenalmostliteralquotationsfromAlbert.Gauthier,
whohascarefullyexaminedthisworkandediteditforpublication,suggeststhatThomasmayhavebeguncompilingitwhilehewasworkingonhisownSecundaPars
oftheSummatheologiae.HemayhavelefttheTabulaunfinishedbecausehisownmaturation(hehadnotdelayedthestartofhisowncommentaryontheEthics)
allowedhimtoseeimperfectionsintheworkofhisformermaster.30

SeveralanecdoteshavecomedowntousfromtheCologneperiod.Thesecannotbeentirelyignored.Eveniftheyarenothistoricallyaccurate,theyatleasttellushow
Thomaswasperceivedbyhiscontemporaries.Take,forinstance,the"dumboxfromSicily."WeimaginethatThomas'staciturnityearnedhimthatnickname.Buthe
couldalsoonoccasionshowthathewascapableofexpressinghimselfinamagisterialway.ItwasaboutthistimethatAlbertissupposedtohavesaidprophetically:
"Wecallhimthedumbox,buthewillmakeresoundinhisdoctrinesuchabellowingthatitwillechothroughouttheentireworld."31Itisdifficulttoavoidthislittlestory
aboutThomas,butperhapsitshouldbeaddedthatthenicknamewaslesspejorativethanwethink.AnoldlegendthatbringsontothescenethemotherofReginald,
hissocius(aboutwhomweshallspeaklater),givesaprobablereasonfortheepithet:"Hewassobigthatbecauseofhisbody'smassivenesshewascalledtheSicilian
ox.ThemotherofBrotherReginald,hissocius,recountsthatwhenhewaspassing,thepeasantsinthefieldslefttheirlaborsandcameneartolookathim,fullof
admirationforamanofsuchcorpulenceandbeauty."32

Whatevertheexactmeaningoftheexpression,thisanecdote(towhich
30.
R.A.Gauthier,prefacetotheeditionoftheTabulalibriEthicorum,Leonine,vol.48,p.B5B55Weisheipl,Thomasd'AquinoandAlbertHisTeacher,p.1314.
31.
Ystoria13,p.229(Tocco12,p.79).
32.
M.H.Laurent,"Unlgendierdominicainpeuconnu,"AnalectaBollandiana58(1940)2847,cf.p.43.

 Page27

wemustclearlyjointhestoryofthetutorwhowantedtohelpThomas,thelatterfinallyhavingtohelpthetutoroutofdifficulties)isatleastasignthatThomas's
intellectualstaturewasbeginningtoberecognizedandeventobecomelegendary.Intruth,itisdoubtfulthatAlbertwouldhavehadtowaitsolongtobepersuadedof
this.ItismorelikelythatsuchstoriesreflectsomethingofThomas'struepositionwithAlbertasnotasimplestudent,butratherasanassistantwho,atthesametime
hecompletedhisownformation,couldalreadybetrustedwithsometeachingduties.33Wecanappreciatethehighqualityofthisteachingbylookingathisfirstknown
commentaryonScripture.

TheBibleandSpirituality:
TheSuperIsaiam

UponhisarrivalinCologne,afterNaplesandParis(andwhatevermayhavebeenthedetailsabouthisyearsofstudy),Thomasalreadyhadsevenoreightyearsof
formationbehindhim,evenwithoutcountingwhathelearnedonhisownduringtheimprisonmentbyhisfamily.Somescholars(DeGroot,Berthier,Pelster)eventhink
thathewasalreadyalecturerintheologyandprobablythebiblicalbachelorforAlbert(Scheeben,Eschmann).

WeisheipltakesupthishypothesisandsuggeststhatThomastaughtcursorieonJeremiah,Lamentations,andapartofIsaiahatCologne.34These"cursory"lectures,
weknow,felltothebiblicalbachelorduringthefirsttwoyears,whenhewaswinninghisspursasafuturemaster.Rapidbydefinition,"theydonotenterintothe
detailsofallthedifferentinterpretations....Thelecturer's,thatistosaytheteacher's,aimistomaketheliteralsenseofthetextunderstood."35Thecommentarieson
JeremiahandLamentationsexactlycorrespondtothatdefinition.Ironically,SixtusofSienainthesixteenthcenturydeniedtheauthenticityofthesecommentaries
preciselybecauseoftheirdoctrinalpoverty(sterilitasdoctrinae).Itishardlyworthlingeringonthisbutbycontrast,theexpositionofIsaiah,evenifitsometimes
leavesusalittlehungryformore,possessesgreatrichesoncertainpoints.
33.
Wemayimaginethefraternalclimateinwhichthiscollaborationmayhavedeveloped,sinceAlberthimselfspeaksratheroftenofthesociiwhoworkedwithhim.Cf.Y.Congar,
"Indulcedinesocietatisquaerereveritatem.NotesurletravailenquipechezS.AlbertetchezlesPrcheursauXIIIesicle,"inG.MeyerandA.Zimmermann,eds.,Albertus
MagnusDoctorUniversalis1280/1980(Mainz,1980),pp.4757.
34.
Weisheipl,pp.45and36970.
35.
P.Glorieux,"L'enseignement,"p.119cf.M.D.Chenu,Toward,p.242.

 Page28

TheLeonineeditorsoftheSuperIsaiam(whodidnotknowatthetimeWeisheipl'ssuggestion)putitscompositionduringThomas'sfirstyearofteachinginParis,
125253.36ButWeisheipl'sargumentsarenotwithoutweight.Ontheonehand,heremindsusthatThomaswassenttoParistolectureontheSentences,notthe
Bible.37Besides,heemphasizesthat,ifhehadbegunbyreadingtheBible,Thomaswouldhavebeenanexception,sincenoneofthemasterswhohadoccupiedthe
secondDominicanchairupuntilthenhadbeguntheirteachingasbachelorswithacursoryreadingoftheBible.AllhadbegunwiththeSentences.Furthermore,bythe
middleofthethirteenthcenturyitwasnolongeranabsoluterulethatthebacheloroftheSentenceswouldearlierhavebeenabiblicalbachelor.38

Weisheipl'ssuggestionis,therefore,wellfoundedandithasbeenwellreceivedbyaccomplishedscholars.39Itremainswithinthegenerallyacceptedchronological
frameworkforThomas'sfirstcommentariesonScripture,evenifitslightlymovesupthedates.Thusthesecommentaries,morethanever,mayberegardedas"thefirst
theologicalworkbySaintThomas."40

Assuch,thisfirsttextdeservesmoreattentionthanitusuallygets.Amongitsothercharacteristics,itconfirmsThomas'searlytasteforexegesisthatgivespreferenceto
theliteralsense.Curiously,thischaracteristicwasevenattheoriginofadisputeoverthework'sauthenticity.WeknowthatinhisinterpretationofIsaiah8:4,Thomas
thinksthatthepuerannouncedtherewasthesonoftheprophetandhiswife.Thisexplanation,becauseofitsclosenesstotheJewishreading,whichrefusedtoseein
thisverseapredictionofChrist'sbirth,wasenoughtomakeNicholasdeLyredoubtin1326theThomistauthorshipofthecommentary.SixtusofSienafoundit,in
addition,unworthyofThomasforitslackoferudition(oberuditionisinopiam).41Now,thereisnodoubtatallabouttheauthenticityofthiswork.Notonlyisitlisted
inthecataloguesofThomas'sworkdatingbacktotheendofthethirteenthcentury,butwehavealargepartofthemanuscriptinhiswellknownillegibilis
handwriting.42
36.
Leonine,vol.28(1974),pp.1920.Cf.Weisheipl'sreviewinTheThomist43(1979)33137.
37.
Ystoria15,p.235(Tocco14,p.81).Seethefollowingchapter,wherewereturntothissubject.
38.
WN,p.80,n.29.
39.
Cf.L.J.Bataillon,RSPT64(1980),p.119C.Vansteenkiste,RLT9(1977),no.1,p.12M.V.Leroy,RT78(1978),p.666.
40.
Leonine,vol.28,p.20*,inregardtotheSuperIsaiam.
41.
Cf.Leonine,vol.28,"Introduction,"pp.34.
42.
Thisconsistsofthecommentaryonchapters3450,whichisfoundinthemanuscript

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

 Page29

WritingsinThomas'sownhandaretoorareforthemnottopiqueourinterest.Itisalwaysvaluabletoseeageniusatwork,todiscoverhishesitations,hiserasures,his
secondattempts,and,ultimately,thefinalformofhisthought.ThemanuscriptoftheSuperIsaiampresentstheadditionalinterestofallowingustoglimpseThomas
preparing,notabookthathewouldhavehadtimetoperfect,buthiscourselectures.Exactlytheoppositeofthereportationes,whichrepresentamoreorless
carefullycorrectedcleancopyofacourseoflecturesheardbyastudent,ortakeninshorthandbyasecretary(asReginaldfrequentlydidforThomas),thenotesfor
theSuperIsaiamweresetdownonparchment,dayafterday,bytheyoungbachelor.Hedidthiswithaneyetothelecturesthathehadtogiveinafewhours.They
bearallthemarksofhastywork.Thisshouldexplain,atleastinpart,theroughnessofstyle,whichseemstoincreaseafterthefirstfewchapters.Ifhehadalittletime
topreparethefirstlectures,hehadsoonuseduphispreparedtextsandwasobligedtospeakfromlatertextsthatwerenotcompletelywrittenout.

AllthiswaslongagodescribedbyP.M.Gilswithgreatprecision,43butbeyondthesegeneralizations,Gilsalsodrewattentiontoauniquefeatureofthishandwritten
manuscript.Thereareshort,marginalannotationsinatelegraphicformthataccompanythetextproper.WedonotknowwhatThomashimselfcalledthem,but
JacobinusofAsti,thefirsttranscriberinaclearhandoftheautograph,calledthemcollationes.Theyappearintheformofoutlines,intheillegibilishandliketherest
ofthetext,andtheyarelinked,assembled,byfanlikelines.StartingwithawordfromthetextofIsaiah,Thomashastilynotessuggestionsthathehasaboutitfora
spiritualorpastoralexpansionofhisliteralcommentary.(TherearesimilarannotationsintheSuperIeremiam,buttheautographmanuscripthasbeenlost.)

Thewordcollationesmakesusthinkimmediatelyofnotesforpreaching.Weknowthatthetermcollatio,whichatthetimealreadyhadalonghistory,hadcometo
beusedofsermonsgivenatvespers.44Butitalso

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)

Vaticanuslatinus9850,cf.Leonineedition,vol.28,pp.14*15*.WeshouldrectifyhereanerrorthatthelateHuguesShoonermentionedtousafewdaysbeforehisdeath.Owing
toatranscriptionerrorofabadlywrittenoriginal,Thomas'shandwritingisoftendescribedasalitterainintelligibilissomethingthatisbarely"intelligible."Infact,weshould
readlitteraillegibiliswhichismuchmoreunderstandable(cf.H.F.Dondaine,H.V.Shooner,above,note14,notice3,P.7).Badhabitsaretenacious,aswewillseeinour
quotationsfromotherauthors.
43.
P.M.Gils,"LesCollationesmarginalesdansl'autographeducommentairedeS.ThomassurIsae,"RSPT42(1958)25364.
44.
Cf.J.P.Tottell,"Lapratiquepastoraled'unthologienduXIIIesicle.Thomasd'Aquin

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

 Page30

refers,andperhapsdidoriginally,totheprimarysenseofcollatio,thingsputtogether,orasGilssays,"assemblies":"ThecollationesoftheSuperIsaiamare
assembliesofscripturalquotations,connectionsthatagivenwordinIsaiahsuggested,thatdonotfindaplaceinastrictlyliteralcommentary,butthatinspirespiritual
ormoralapplicationsofthetext."Theirplacementinthemarginsshouldnot,however,leadusintoerror.They"belongessentiallytothecommentary,andconstituteits
spiritualdimension,or'mystical'partastheancientssaid."Wemight,therefore,considerthemas"themostauthenticcollectionof'spiritualworks'bySaintThomas."45
Theyarethereforeasimportantasthecommentaryitselfforgraspinghow,fromthebeginningofhiscareer,Thomasallowedthemaintraitsofhisstyleasa
commentatoronScripturetoemergedecisively.Ifthecommentarygivestheprimacytoliteralexegesis,thecollationesshowandsimultaneouslyconfirmthe
spiritualconcernthatanimatestheliteralanalysis.

WehaveexaminedelsewhereatlengththetwentyfourcollationesofthepartofthecommentaryonIsaiahinThomas'shandwriting.46Itwouldbeworththetrouble
todevoteasimilarstudytotheannotationsthatwereinsertedintothebodyofthetextbyJacobinusofAsti.Theseareeasilyrecognizablebythenotaornotandum
thatintroducethemandthatareintendedtodrawtheattentionofthereaderasmuchastoannouncethattheauthorischangingregisters,passingfromtheliteraltothe
spiritualsense.Thoughwecannotperformsuchataskhere,itisnecessaryatleasttopresentoneofthesecollationesinordertomakeclearbothhowThomas
proceededandtherichnessoftheselittle,ignoredtexts.ForenrichingournotionofThomisticspirituality,theyareofanentirelyuniqueinterest.47

Forinstance,Thomascommentson,"Iteachyousomeusefulthings"(Isaiah48:17):

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)
prdicateur,"RT82(1982)21819.J.Hamesse,"Collatioetreportatio:deuxvocablesspcifiquesdelavieintellectuelleauMoyenAge,"inO.Weijers,ed.,Terminologiedelavie
intellectuelleauMoyenAge,CIVICIMA1(Turnhout,1988),pp.7887,cf.pp.7882.
45.
P.M.Gils,"LesCollationes,"pp.255,262,264.
46.
J.P.TortellandD.Bouthillier,"QuandsaintThomasmditaitsurleprophteIsae,"RT90(1990)547,fromwhichwereproducesomeportionshere.Wewouldliketorectifythe
clumsyexpression(pp.89)thatgivestheimpressionthatonlythepartinThomas'shandwasprovidedwiththeseannotations.Infact,theyarespreadthroughouttheentiretext,
fromwhichtheyareinseparable.Furthermore,suchapracticewasnotuniquetoThomas.Othergoodexamplesofsuchannotatedtextsmaybefoundinhiscontemporary,Peterof
Tarentaise,andearlierinHughofSaintCher(cf.Leonine,vol.28,p.16*andn.7).
47.
Itisevenmoreastonishingthat,priortoourarticle(seenote46),onlyH.D.Saffreyhaddevotedafewwordstothesecollationes,"SaintThomasd'Aquinetl'hritagedes
anciens,"inVIIeCentenairedesaintThomasd'Aquinetrestaurationdel'glisedesJacobins,ChroniquedeL'lnstitutcatholiquedeToulouse(1975),no.4,PP.7390,cf.pp.7677.

 Page31

ThewordofGodisusefulfor

illuminatingtheintelligence:"theteachingisalight"(Proverbs6:23)

makinggladthesenses:"Howsweetonmypalateisyourpromise"(Psalm119:103)

inflamingtheheart:"Itwasinmyheartlikeadevouringflame"(Jeremiah20:9)"ThewordoftheLordinflamedthem"(Psalm106:19)

rectifyingourlabors:"Directmeinyourtruth,teachme"(Psalm25:5)

obtainingglory:"Observecounselandprudence"(Proverbs3:21)

instructingothers:"AllscriptureinspiredbyGodisusefulforteaching,reproof..."(2Timothy3:16)

ThislastcollationisahighlystructuredmeditationontheplaceoftheWordofGodintheologyandpreaching.Fromtheoutset,itisalightfortheintelligence.But
affectivityalsofindsaplacethere:tomeditateontheWordisjoy.Italsoinflamestheheart.Theologicalemotionthecharitythatsupernaturalizesourpowerof
lovingisnecessaryintheology.Thomasdoesnotforgetthis.Infact,hiswholeanthropologyappearsinthissequence:intelligence,affectivity,heart.When
immediatelyafterwardshespeaksof"rectifyingourlabors,"wemustunderstandhimtobespeakingnotsimplyofmateriallabor,butalsoofthemoralactionofman
who,thusmadestraight,isdestinedto"obtainglory."Thesetwolastpointscannot,anymorethantheearlierones,bereadinisolation.Weseeinthisdevelopmentthe
practicalgoalthatThomasassignstotheology.48

Astothe"instructingothers,"wecanseehere,withoutdeceivingourselves,thesignatureoftheyoungmemberoftheOrderofPreachers.TheruminationontheWord
doesnotfinditsendinitself.ThatWordisdestinedbyGodforHisPeople.Theologicalreflectionaswellasmeditationforthesakeofpreachingareonlytheearly
stagesofthewholeprocess.Thepreparatorystagesfulfillatrueneedbecauseneithertheologiansnorpreachersarepureinstruments.Theyareproperlysecondary
causes.Thatispreciselywhytheymustbeformedovertimethemselvesbystudyandmeditation.Ifitisnottoomuchoutofplaceheretociteapassagefrom
Nietzsche,wemightsayalongwithhim:"Hewhowishesonedaytopreach/shouldruminatealongtimeinsilence.Hewhowishestobearlightning/shouldremaina
longtimeasacloud."49

PraiseoftheWordofGodisnotrareinThomas.WemightrefertothemannerinwhichhecommentsonthesecondarticleoftheCreed.He
48.
Cf.STIaq.1a.4.
49.
Cf.AinsiparlaitZarathoustra(Livredepoche),Paris,1963,p.264(mytranslationfromtheoriginalGerman).

 Page32

enumeratesfiveattitudestowardtheWordofGod:(1)Wemustfirstlistenwillinglytoit:"OneofthesignsthatweloveGodislisteningwillinglytohisWord."(2)We
mustnextbelieveinit,"foritisthusthattheWordofGod,thatistosayChrist,livesinus."(3)Wemustalsomeditateonitconstantly,"becauseitisnotenoughto
believeit,wemustalsoruminateonit,otherwiseitwillnotbeofanyusebutifwedoit,thismeditationisveryusefulagainstsin."(4)Wemustfurthercommunicateit
toothers"byexhortation,preaching,andenkindling"(commonendo,praedicando,etinflammando).(5)Wemustfinallycompleteitbybeing,asSaintJamessays,
"realizersoftheWordandnotforgetfulhearers.''ThomasconcludeswiththebeautifulobservationthatthesefiveattitudeswereobservedbytheVirginMaryinthis
veryorderwhenshegavebirthtotheWordofGod:"Shefirstheardit...thensheadheredtoitbyfaith...shealsokeptitandboreitinherheart...thenshe
broughtitintotheworld,andfinallyshenourishedandnursedit."50Briefasitis,thislausMariaesaysmuchinfewwords.

ForThomas,theattentivelisteningtotheWordofGod(diligensverbidiviniauditio)isaprivilegedwayofacquiringtheloveofGod,becausethestoryofthefavors
Godhasdoneusiseminentlysuitedtoawakeninusthatlove.TheexampleofthedisciplesatEmmausistheretoconfirmitforus:theirheartswereentirelyburning
withlovewhenJesusexplainedtheScripturetothemalongtheway.51Butitisalsothesurestmeanstoremainfaithfulinthatlove,asThomasexplainsinhiscomment
ontheprecepttoobservetheSabbathasadayofrest.ThispreceptisnotapretextforlazinessbutanadmonitiontodevoteourselvestoGodinreligiousexercises,
thecelebrationofspiritualsacrifices,andmeditationontheWordofGod.Onthelastpoint,Thomas,whoissometimeshardontheJews,isnotafraidtoofferthemas
anexampleforChristians.JewsspendtheirSabbathmeditatingontheprophets:"Christians,whosejusticeshouldbemoreperfect,oughtthereforeonthatdaygoto
churchtohearthepreaching:'WhoeverisofGodlistenstotheWordofGod.'Theyshouldalsospeakofthingsuseful(tosalvation):'Letnoevilwishcomefromyour
mouth,butonlywhatedifies.'Thesetwothingsareineffectusefultothepreacheraswell,forhisheartischangedbythemforthebetter....Thisistheoppositeof
whathappenseventothebestiftheydonothearorspeak
50.
SurleCredo,nos.895896.
51.
CollationesindecempreceptaIV,ed.J.P.Torrell,RSPT69(1985),pp.3031(hereafter:Collationes).

 Page33

ofusefulthings.'Badconversationcorruptsgoodhabits.'Thewordisalsousefultowhoeveristempted,forthewordoftheLordinstructstheignorant:'Yourwordis
alighttomyfeet'similarly,itinflamesthelukewarm:'ThewordoftheLordhasinflamedhim.'"52

Thestoriesofthebiographerscompletelycorroboratethisteaching.Preciselyabouthispreaching,Toccoreports,"Hewasoftenheardtosaythathewasastonished
whencertainpeople,primarilythereligious,allowthemselvestospeakofsomethingotherthanGodandofwhatconcernstheedificationofsouls.Also,hehadthe
habitsinceyouthofimmediatelyleavingtheparlorormeeting,whateveritmightbe,when,intheircommonrecreations,hisinterlocutorsdivertedtheconversation
towardsubjectsotherthanGodandwhatisorderedtohim."53Rigorismperhaps?Moresimply,doubtless,translationintoactionofwhatThomashadlearnedfromhis
holypatronintheOrderofPreachers,whospokeonlyofGodorwithGod(nonnisicumDeoautdeDeoloquebatur).

TheinterestingthingaboutthislastcollationfromthehandwrittenpartofthecommentaryonIsaiahisthatitallowsustograspinaverydirectwaythepersonal
preoccupationsoftheyoungDominican.Infact,thediscreetbutpreciseallusionstotheidealofSaintDominic,whichtheyoungpreacherwouldhonorinsoeminenta
fashion,arenotatallrareintheCollationes.Butonefindstherealso,atleastsketchedout,thegreatspiritualthemesofalltimes:God,tobesure,Christ,andthe
HolySpiritbutalsomoreprecisesubjects:theapproachtoGod,prayer,raisingourgazetowardGod,cooperationintheworkoftheHolySpirit,theevileffectsof
sin,thereturntooneself,tearsofcompunction,thedemandsofpoverty,temperance,anddiscretion,apeacefuldeath.Allthisisstillmorestrikingsinceitappearsthat
theseseveralpointsstemfromaspontaneousoutpouring.Thomasprobablywasnotthinkingaboutsketchingoutherethemainpointsforatreatiseonthespiritual
life,butnothingpreventsourconsiderationofthemfromthatperspective.

Turningfromthethemesthemselvestomannerinwhichtheyaretreated,weseeThomasproceedingbymeansofwordassociations.Thisisnotimmediately
detectableintranslation,butitismanifestintheLatin:ineachcitation,thereisacharacteristicwordthattriggersthesequel.Oncethispatternisbroughttoour
attention,wenoticeitthroughout.WemightbetemptedtobelievethatThomasworkedwiththeaidofaconcordance
52.
CollationesXVII,p.23839.
53.
Ystoria48,p.351(Tocco48,p.122).

 Page34

theyalreadyexistedinhistimeandthisisapossiblebutnotacompleteexplanation.Forofthe130biblicalreferencesinthese24collations,25comefromthe
Psalms.Thenextmostoftenquotedbook(Isaiahexcepted,having12references)isthebookofProverbswithits10citationsitlagsfarbehindthePsalms.

IfweareseekingareasonforthegreatpredominanceofthePsalmsoveralltheotherbooks,wemightinthefirstplacehearanechoofThomas'sprayer.Hedidnot
justworkwithaconcordancethematerialthatcamespontaneouslytohisheartandmindisthatonwhichhehadmeditatedlongest.Inthis,heentersintothegreat
Patristictradition,wherethePsalterisbyfarthemostfrequentlycitedbook.ButThomashimselfgivesusthereasonforthispreferenceinhisprologuetothe
commentaryonthePsalter,"EverythingthattouchesonthefinalgoaloftheIncarnationispresentedinthePsalterwithsuchclaritythatwemightthinkthatweare
readingtheGospel,notaprophet."AndinthecleartraditionfromAugustine,whichhetooinherits,heexplainsalittlemore:"ThesubjectmatterofthisbookisChrist
andHisChurch."54

AfterthePsalmsandProverbsandIsaiah,thebiblicalbooksmostmentionedaretheCanticleofCanticlesandEcclesiastes(8and7referencesrespectively).A
surprisingthingisthattheNewTestamentismuchlessfrequentlyquoted(Matthew,5timesJohn,5Ephesians,5SecondCorinthians,5andRomans,4).This
disparitymaybeexplainedbyageneralruleobservableinThomas'scontemporariesaswell.Theygivetheirpreferencetothewisdombooks,becausethesebooks
lendthemselvesmoreeasilyto"moralizing,"anintegralpartofexegesisatthetime.55

Beyondthemerestatisticalanalyses,wealsoseetowhatextentthesespiritualelaborationsarepermeatedwiththeexperienceofprophetsandsages,apostlesand
evangelists.TheThomistspiritualityhasanundeniablybiblicaltone.ButwealsograspwhatstrikeshiminthetextsandthussomethingabouthisattitudebeforeGod
andGod'sWord,and,notablyinourexamplehere,hisconcernasapreachingfriarinaword,hisapostolicandsaintlysoul.KnowingThomas'sreticence,which
onlyrarely
54.
Prol.aucommentairesurlesPsaumes:"Omniaenimquaeadfinemincarnationispertinent,sicdilucidetradunturinhoeopere,utferevideaturevangelium,etnonprophetia....
MateriahuiuslibriestChristusetmembraeius."
55.
Cf.J.Verger,"L'exgsedel'Universit,"inP.Rich,G.Lobrichon,LeMoyenAgeetlaBible(Paris,1984),pp.199232cf.pp.244and232.

 Page35

allowsustopiercetheveilofthetexttoseethemanbehind,wefindtheseindicationspriceless.AstheLeonineeditorshavewellsaid:"Onlyinthemanuscriptofthe
SuperIsaiamcanwebepresent,inthemarginsoftheliteralcommentary,attheoutpouringofthecollationes,withtheirplayofsacredtextsthatshattertheunivocity
ofthehistoria."56
56.
Leonine,vol.28,p.20*.WeshouldaddtothedocumentationontheSuperIsaiamafinestudybyD.Bouthillier,"LeChristensonmystredanslesCollationesduSuper
IsaiamdesaintThomasd'Aquin,"inOrdosapientiaeetamoris(Fribourg,1993),pp.3764.

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ChapterIII
FirstTeachingYearsinParis(12521256)
AccordingtoWilliamofTocco,neartheendoftheCologneperiod(1251,therefore,oratthestartof1252),themastergeneraloftheDominicansaskedAlbertto
designateayoungtheologianwhocouldbeappointedabachelortoteachinParis.1AlbertproposedThomas,whomhethoughtsufficientlyadvancedinscientiaet
vita.2JohntheTeutonseemstohavehesitated,butnotbecausehedidnotknowThomashehadalreadymethiminthehighlyunusualcircumstancessurroundingthe
beginningofhisDominicanlife.Toccowouldneverhavesuggestedthisexplanationifhehadnoterredaboutthemastergeneral'sidentity.Moreprobably,John
hesitatedbecauseofThomas'syouth.Thomaswasonlytwentyseventhenand,accordingtotheuniversitystatutes,heshouldhavebeentwentyninetoreceivethese
responsibilitiescanonically.3

IthasalsobeensuggestedthatJohntheTeuton,knowingthetroubledsituationinParisatthetime,hesitatedtosendamantherewhomhe
1.
Ystoria15,p.235(Tocco14,pp.8081)inhisfourthversion,ToccothoughthecouldspecifythatthismastergeneralwasJohnofVercelli.Inreality,itwasJohnof
Wildeshausen(theTeuton),whoremainedinchargeuntilhisdeath,3/4November1252(cf.KppeliII,p.47).JohnofVercellionlyassumedsuchresponsibilitiesin1264,after
HumbertofRomanshadbeenmastergeneral.
2.
Toccousesthisformulatwicewithinafewlines,probablynotunintentionally.ThestatutesofRobertCuronspecifythatnoonecouldbeamasterintheologyatParisexcepta
theologianexemplaryinknowledgeandvirtue:nisiprobateritefueritetscientie(Chartul.no.20,p.79).
3.
Cf.P.Glorieux,L'enseignement,p.114.

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judgedtoopeaceful.Ifthisiswhathethought,ThomaswouldnottakelongtocorrectJohn'simpression.Inanycase,AlbertinsistedandwrotetoCardinalHughof
SaintCherforhissupport.HughhadbeenthesecondDominicanmasterintheologyatParisandiscelebratedeventodayforhistheologicalandexegeticalwork.4
Hughknewthesituationwell.Hewasatthetime(125153)InnocentIV'slegateinGermanyandinthatrolemadeseveraltripstoCologne,wherehewouldhavehad
everyopportunitytoconversewithMasterAlbertaswellaswithhisassistant,Thomas.5AndheprobablymetJohntheTeutontwiceduringthoseyears.6Itseems,
then,ToccoisrighttosaythatitwasthroughHugh'sinterventionthatAlbertgotwhathewished.7ThomasthusreceivedtheordertopresenthimselfinParisatonce
andtopreparehimselftoteachtheSentencesthere(ut...adlegendumsententiassepararet).8HebeganhisteachingasabachelorinSeptemberofthesameyear
(1252)undertheguidanceofMasterEliasBrunetdeBergeracfromtheDominicanprovinceofProvence.EliashimselfheldthepostleftvacantbyAlbertusMagnus.9

ThomasmusthavefoundtheintellectualclimateinParislesspeacefulthantheonehehadknowninCologne.Itwasalargecity,oneoftheintellectualcentersof
Christendom,andonewithanalreadylongandturbulentuniversitytradition.Itsufficestorecallthegeneralstrikeofmastersandstudentsfrom1229to1231some
leftParistoestablishthemselvesatAngers,manymorewenttoToulouse.Originallyplannedtolastsixyears,10thestrike'seffectswererapidlyendedwhen,afterthe
beginningoftheacademicyearinSeptember1229,theDominicanRolandofCremona
4.
Cf.KppeliII,pp.269ff.Glorieux,RpertoireI,no.2,pp.4351.
5.
Cf.J.H.H.Sassen,HugovonSt.Cher,SeineTtigkeitalsKardinal,12441263(Bonn,1908),p.62.
6.
Cf.ibid.,pp.38and62.
7.
Ystoria15,p.235(Tocco15,pp.8081):"suasudominiVgoniscardinaliseiusdemordinis,cuieratdeipsoperlitterasintimatum,predictusmagisteripsum(Thomam)inpredictistudii
baccellariumacceptauit"cf.WN,p.79.
8.
ItwasthereforethemasteroftheorderwhodesignatedThomasforthisteachingpostatParis.Weseehereanticipatedinpracticesomethingthatwouldbecomeofficialonlylater
afterthegeneralchaptersofBologna(1267)andParis(1269),cf.MOPH3,pp.138and150.Thegenerallinesofthedelicateagreementthatregulatedtherelationshipbetweenthe
studiumofSaintJacquesandtheuniversitymaybeseeninGlorieux,RpertoireI,pp.3638.OnthebacheloroftheSentencesingeneralandtheconcretedevelopmentofhis
teaching,cf.Glorieux,L'enseignement,pp.11118.
9.
WeknowverylittleaboutEliasexceptthathehadbeenalecturerinthestudiumatMontpellierfrom1246to1247beforebeingcalledtoParis.Wehavelittlebyhimexceptforsome
excerpta,cf.KppeliI,p.363Glorieux,RpertoireI,no.12,p.84.
10.
Cf.thedecreebytheuniversity'stwentyoneoverseers,27March1220,Chartul.no.62,p.118.

 Page38

tookuphischairintheology.Themendicantordersthusactedasstrikebreakers,somethingforwhichtheywerebitterlyreproachedlater.Andthiswasnotunrelated
totheprogressivedeteriorationinrelationsbetweenthemandthesecularmasters,whichfollowed.11

Sincethebeginningofthecentury,anotherquestionhadperiodicallyshakenthelittleParisianintellectualworld:Whatplaceshouldbegiventotheteachingof
Aristotle?Commentingoncertainofhisbookswasstillofficiallyprohibitedin1250.12Thisrestrictionremainedadeadletter,aswehavealreadysaid,butitpermitted
therelativelynewuniversityatToulousecleverlytohingeitspromotiononthefactthatthosebookscouldbestudiedinToulousethatwereforbiddeninParis.13

Between1252and1255moreover,thatis,duringthefirstpartofThomas'sstay,theartsfacultyfinallyreceivedauthorizationtoteachpubliclyallofAristotle's
work.14Althoughitwasonlyaconfirmationofanalreadyexistingstate,15andalthoughforThomastheteachingofAristotledidnotconstituteanabsolutenovelty(we
canconjecturethathehadalreadycomeintocontactwithAristotleinNaples),ithadnotablerepercussions.Itwouldcontributetothecrystallizationofopposition
betweenthetheologyfacultyandtheartsfaculty,whichwouldreachitsheightinthe1277condemnation.TheyoungDominicanwouldbeamongthevictimsofthe
generalmistrustofthePhilosopherbyareactionarycurrent.Twentyfiveyearslater,hewouldbeincludedincondemnationsaimedagainst"Averroism,"atermthat
mustbeclarified.

Toexplainthisprocess,itwouldbenecessarytorecordvariousstagesoftheconflict,whichwasstillbrewingatthetimeThomasarrivedinParis.Butperhapsthisis
theplacetosetstraightamisunderstandingtenaciouslyreproducedforsometimeinnumerousbooksaimedatamoreorlesslargeaudience.Ithasbeenrepeated
continuallysincetheendofthenineteenthcentury16thatthisperiodwasdominatedbytheoppositionbetweenAu
11.
Cf.thesecularmasters'declarationagainstthereligious,especiallytheDominicans,Chartul.no.230,pp.252ff.
12.
AusefulsurveyofthesuccessiveinterdictionsandpermissionsmaybefoundinF.VanSteenberghen,LaPhilosophieauXIIIesicle,pp.81117(2ded.1991,pp.74107)a
shorteraccountisinE.H.Wber,LapersonnehumaineauXIIIesicle,"Bibl.thom."(Paris,1991),pp.115.
13.
Letteraddressedtoallmastersandstudentsinthewholeworldtowardtheendof1229,Chartul.,no.72,pp.12931,cf.p.131.
14.
Chartul.,no.246,pp.27779Dufeil,GuillaumedeSaintAmouretlapolmiqueuniversitaireparisienne12501259(Paris,1972)(hereafter:Dufeil,Polmique),pp.15052.
15.
F.VanSteenberghen,pp.14348(2ded.1991,pp.13034),showsthatafter1240(andprobablyevenbefore)therepeatedpontificalinterdictionswereadeadletter.
16.
Oneofthefirsttoformulateitbutwithnuancesthatsometimeswouldbeneglected

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

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gustinianismandAristotelianism,thelatterbeingidentifiedwithSaintThomasandtheDominicans,andtheformerwithSaintBonaventureandtheFranciscans.This
viewissowellanchoredinmanymindsthatithasbecomeaveritablehistoriographicalcommonplace.Meanwhile,overthelastfiftyyearstheworkofseveral
intellectualhistoriansforthisperiodshowswithoutashadowofadoubtthatAugustinianismquietlymadeuseofArabandJewishsources,anditsownpractitioners
studiedAristotle.17Bycontrast,theiradversaries,ThomasAquinasattheirhead,consideredthemselveslegitimateheirsofSaintAugustineaswell.Torenderjusticeto
theseactorsandwewillhavemanyoccasionstorepeatthispointthehistoryrequiresamuchmorenuancedapproachthanthesummaryschemesallowusto
suppose.

TheBacheloroftheSentences

Inthemeantime,beforebecomingprofoundlyengagedintheseingloriousepisodes,Thomascametogripswithagreatnewtask:commentingonPeterLombard's
Sentences.ThissecondstageofhisjourneytobecomingamasterintheologyfollowedhisstintasabiblicalbachelorinCologne.Accordingtoanofteninvoked
parallel,thecommentaryontheSentenceswaslikethechefd'oeuvrethattheapprenticewasrequiredtopresentinordertobecomeamasterartisan.Afterthat,
Thomaswouldhavehadtocompleteonlythethirdandfinalstep,thephaseofafully"formed"bachelor(baccalariusformatus),inwhichhisprincipaltaskwouldbe
toassisthismasterindisputes.18

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)

wasF.Ehrle,"BeitrgezurGeschichtedermittelalterlichenScholastik.II:DerAugustinismusundderAristotelismusinderScholastikgegenEndedes13Jahrhunderts,"Archivf.
LiteraturundKirchengeschichtedesMittelalters5(1889)60313id.,"L'agostinismoel'aristotelismonellascolasticadelsecoloXIII.Ulterioridiscussioniemateriali,"Xenia
tomistica3,pp.51788.
17.
Amongtheworksthathavecontributedtothechangedapproachduringthisperiod,letusrecallF.VanSteenberghen,AristoteenOccident.Lesoriginesdel'aristotlisme
parisien,Essaisphilosophiques1(Paris,1946)(arevisedandexpandededition,translatedbyLeonardJohnston,waspublishedinEnglishunderthetitleAristotleintheWest:The
OriginsofLatinAristotelianism(Louvain,1955)D.A.Callus,IntroductionofAristotelianLearningatOxford,ProceedingsoftheBritishAcademy29(London,1944).Thefirst
knowncommentariesonthePhysicsandtheMetaphysicsaretheworkofRogerBaconinParisandRichardRufusatOxford.Kilwardbywasoneofthefirsttocommentnotonlyon
theLogicbutalsoontheEthics.Allthreeare"Augustinians,"pureandsimple,asistheanonymousmasterofartsaround124550whosecoursehasbeenpublishedbyR.A.
Gauthier,LecturainlibrumDeanimaaquodamdiscipuloreportata(Grottaferrata,1985),cf.pp.18*22*.
18.
Cf.P.Glorieux,L'enseignement,pp.93and9799J.Verger,art."Baccalarius,"LexikondesMittelalters1(1980)1323G.Leff,ParisandOxfordUniversitiesintheThirteenthand
FourteenthCenturies,London,1968,p.167.

 Page40

Alreadyacenturyoldsinceitsdefinitiveeditionwaspublishedbetween1155and1158theSentencesenteredtheuniversitywithAlexanderofHales,whowas
thefirsttotakeitasabasictextforhisteaching,from1223to1227.ItwasveryprobablythisfutureFranciscanmasterwhodividedtheworkintodistinctions,
chapters,andarticles.Initially,ithadbeendividedsolelyintobooksandchapters.19TheSentenceswouldremaininusetheywerequicklymadeobligatoryinthe
schoolsforthreecenturies.Anduolensnolens,allthescholasticwriterswereobligedtopourtheirinstructionintothismold,evenifinrealitytheprocessbecame
moreandmoreofafiction.AdetailthataffectedThomasrevealstheconsiderableimportanceattachedveryearlytotheSentences.TheDominicanconstitutions,ina
textdatingfrom1234,prescribethatthefriarsdestinedforstudyoughttoreceivefromtheirprovincethethreebasicbooks:theBible,theSentences,andthe
HistoriascolasticabyPeterMangiador.20

Asweknow,PeterLombardwantedtocreateanewteachingstyle.Hethereforeundertooktoassembleinasinglevolumethedifferentopinions(sententiae)ofthe
FathersoftheChurchonthediversesubjectsthattheologyaddresses.Lombardquotesthetextsthemselvesatlengthfortheconvenienceofmastersandstudents.As
FatherChenuhasrightlyobserved,Lombard'sworkoffers"thebenefits,butalsothelimits,ofthePatristicinheritance,wellordered,decanted,digested,wisely
assimilated...ratherprosaic...butforthatveryreason,itpermittedthesurestprogressand,forthefuture,furnishedafieldoflaboronwhichthefreestinitiatives
wouldbeabletoexercisethemselves,renderingthesoilfromwhichtheyspranglessandlessfertile."21

Infact,thetheologianswerenotslowtoabandontheservitudeofastrictcommentaryandforcefullytointroducenewconsiderations,sometimesquitedistantfrom
Lombard's.ThisiswhythecommentariesontheSen
19.
TheSentenceshardlyneedtobeintroduced.WereferthereadertotheoldbutusefulstudybyJ.DeGhellinck,"PierreLombard,"DTC12,2(1935),cols.19412019.The
bibliographyneedstobeupdatedbyconsultingI.Brady,"PierreLombard,"DS12,2(1986),cols.10641612,andinparticulartheProlegomenatotherecenteditionofthe
Sententiae,2vols.(Grottaferrata,1971and1981).
20.
ConstitutionesAntiqueII28,ed.A.H.Thomas,p.361M.D.Chenu,Toward,p.227,n.l,whichdrewourattentiontothispoint,mistakenlyreferstotheActaoftheMontpellier
Chapter,heldin1265(MOPH3,p.129).Butthistextdoesnotsayawordaboutthequestionand,aswehaveseen,theprescriptionismucholder.
21.
Chenu,Toward,pp.22829cf.p.22637,whichsituatetheSentenceswithinThomas'soeuvre.SeealsothelongertreatmentinP.Glorieux,art.,"Sentences(Commentairessurles),"
DTC14,2(1941),18601884.

 Page41

tencesmaybeconsideredtheologicalworksintheirownright,revealingtheirauthor'sthought.

Thomaswas,therefore,notthefirstoronlycommentatortogo"beyondLombard."Buthewaswithoutquestiononeofthosewhodidsomostresolutely.Materially,
hiscommentaryoneachdistinctiopresentsitselfasaserieslongerorshorterasthecaserequiresofquestionsthatarethemselvessubdividedintoarticlesand
subarticles(quaestiunculae).Thewholeisframedbyadivisiotextusatthebeginning,andanexpositiotextusattheend.Betweenthesetwomarkers,wecansee
thevestigesoftheliteralcommentary,whichwashonoredlessandless.Ifwewishtogetanideaoftheproportionsoftheyoungprofessor'stextcomparedwiththat
oftheMaster,wecanconsidertheexampleFatherChenuoncegave:thetwopagesofdistinction33ofBookIIIprovideThomaswiththeoccasiontopose41
questions,whichhedevelopsover88pages.

Butmorethanlength,contentandinspirationchange.Theyoungbachelordidnothidehisaims,andhischoicesshowupimmediately.Therearemorethan2000
quotationsfromAristotleinthecommentaryonLombard'sfourbooks.(TheNicomacheanEthicsranksfirstwithsome800citationstheMetaphysicsfollowsfar
behindwitharound300thePhysicsandtheDeAnimaaccountforaround250.SincethecurrentlyavailableeditionsofThomas'scommentarydonotidentifyallthe
citations,thesefiguresareapproximate,buttheydoindicateanorderofmagnitude.)SaintAugustine,themosthonoredauthorafterAristotle,barelyaddsupto1000
quotations.Thereare500forPseudoDionysius,280forGregorytheGreat,240forJohnDamascene.FatherChenuthoughtitpossibletodrawsomestriking
comparisonsbyunderliningthe133quotationsfromtheNicomacheanEthicsindistinction33ofBookIIIalone,comparedwithonly12inAlbert'scommentaryand
3inBonaventure's.22Inreality,thesefiguresmustbehandledwithcaution,sincein1245,thedatewhenAlbertwasdrawinguptheThirdBookofhisCommentaryon
theSentences,onlyBooksItoIIIoftheEthicshadbeentranslated.Furthermore,intheabsenceofacriticaleditionofThomas'scommentaryaswellasofAlbert's,
thetruetermsofcomparisonarenotknown.Inanycase,thesefiguresdonotsayallthereistosayandmustbenuanced:theirAristotelianfervordoesnoteliminate
therootsinAugustine.Wemust,therefore,readwith
22.
Chenu,Toward,p.271,hascounted125quotations,butwewouldcorrectthisalongwithCharlesLohr,St.ThomasAquinas"ScriptumsuperSententiis":AnIndexof
AuthoritiesCited(Avebury,1980).This,too,isaprovisionalstudyuntilwehavetrustworthycriticaleditions.

 Page42

somereservationsthewellknownpassagewhereToccolyricallycelebratesFriarThomas'sbeginnings:
Inhislessons,heintroducednewarticles,resolvedquestionsinanewandclearerwaywithnewarguments.Asaconsequence,thosewhounderstandhimtohavetaughtnew
thesesandtotreatthemaccordingtoanewmethodcannotdoubtthatGodilluminedhimwithanewlight:ineffect,cansomeoneteachorwritenewopinionsunlesshehas
receivedfromGodanewinspiration?23

Thispieceofbravura,lesttherebeanydoubt,doesnotdirectlyconveytheimpressionofstudentsofThomas.ToccoborroweditfromThomasofCelanowho,with
equalinsistence,hadcelebratedSaintFrancisofAssisiasanouushomo.24Itwouldbewrong,however,tousethisliterarylarcenyasapretexttodenyThomas's
originalcontributions.Infact,evenifwecanidentifytheimmediatesourcesonwhichtheyoungbachelordrew,hissurpassingofLombard'sworkwithrespecttothe
clarityofhispositionshasfrequentlybeenemphasized.ThoughthefactofbeingtiedtoLombard'sbookdidnotalwaysallowhimtodeployfullyhisowngenius,
Thomaswasabletoletitbreakthroughsufficientlythatnoonecanoverlookit.25

Themoststrikingexamplemaybefoundperhapsinthefirstpages,whichdealwiththeorganizingprinciplesbehindthetheologicalmatter.AsFrancisRuellohas
observed,SaintThomas'sProloguecorrespondsexactlytowhatwemightexpectinagoodintroduction.Placedaheadofthebodyofthebook,butreallydrawnup
aftertheworkwasfinished,theProloguesuggeststhespiritoftheworkanditsgeneraloutlineinfullknowledgeofthefacts.26
23.
Ystoria15,p.236(Tocco14,p.81),translatedWN,p.87.
24.
ThiswasbroughttolightbyHenrideLubac,LaposteritspirituelledejoachimdeFlore.I.DejoachimSchelling(Paris,1979),p.138,n.2cf.,R.A.Gauthier,''Introduction"to
SaintThomasd'Aquin,Sommecontrelesgentils,ed.HenriHude(Paris:EditionsUniversitaires,1993).
25.
Totakeonlyoneexample,seehiswayofspeakingaboutcharity,whichisinspiredsimultaneouslybyPseudoDionysiusandAristotle.Cf.A.Stevaux,"Ladoctrinedelacharit
danslecommentairedesSentencesdesaintAlbert,desaintBonaventureetdesaintThomas,"ETL24(1948)5997.
26.
F.Ruello,"SaintThomasetPierreLombard.LesrelationstrinitairesetlastructureducommentairedesSentencesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,"StudiTomistici1,n.d.(butca.1974)
176209,cf.p.176:"HavingcomparedSaintThomas'sremarkswiththeportionsofhiscommentarythatseemtoclarifythem,weareconvincedthatthegeneralProloguewaswritten
forthedefinitiveedition,andthatthethreespecialprologuesaddressquestionsthatgrewoutofcertainthesesadvancedinthegeneralPrologue."Thisobservation,criticizedinRLT
9(1977)no.445,pp.15253,isatleasthighlycredible.

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PeterLombard,asweknow,dividedhismaterialintofourbooksaccordingtoanorderthatis"simultaneouslyhistoricalandlogical":(1)theTriuneGod,inHis
essenceandHispersons,withsomeconsiderationsonHispresenceintheworldandinthelivesofChristians(2)GodasCreatorandHiswork(Creationingeneral,
creationandfalloftheangels,creationandfallofmanandwoman,grace,originalandpersonalsin)(3)IncarnationoftheWordandHisredemptivework,towhich
areattachedtheanalysisofthevirtuesandthegiftsoftheHolySpirit,aswellastheTenCommandments(sincetheyareallfoundwithinthecommandmentoflove)
(4)teachingonthesacraments,towhichisjoinedtheteachingonourfinalends.27

Thissimpleenumerationtellsuswearedealingwithacompendiumofmateriallyjuxtaposedquestionsratherthanatreatiseorderedaroundacentralidea.Theauthor
innowayemphasizesthecontoursofhisratherlooseplan.Thomas,bycontrast,getsthemostoutofwhathedoesnothesitatetocalltheMaster'sintentio:he
proposestoorganizethetheologicalmaterialwithGodasthecenterandeverythingelsearoundHim,accordingtotherelationshipsthattheymaintainwithHim,
whethertheycomefromHimastheirfirstcauseorreturntoHimastotheirfinalend.28

IfwedonotrememberthebiblicalaffirmationofGodastheAlphaandOmegaofallthatisvisibleandinvisible,thisplanmayseemonlyaratherflatassertion.Wedo
notperceiveallitsdepthuntilwegrasptheorganizingratiothatgivesititsintelligibility.Thomasseestheratiointhefactthatthecreationtheemergenceofcreatures
fromGod,thefirstprinciplefindsitsexplanationinthefactthateveninGodthereisan"emergenceofthePrinciple,"whichistheprocessionoftheWordfromthe
Father.ThedivineefficacythatworksinthecreationisthusrelatedtothegenerationoftheWord,justastheformalcauseofthegracethatwillpermitcreaturesto
returntoGodislinkedtothespirationoftheHolySpirit.Morepreciselyandfully,wemightthereforesaythatthedivinemissionsadextraareexplainedaccordingto
theorderoftheprocessionsofthedivinepersonsadintra.29
27.
ThissummarydrawsonI.Brady,"PierreLombard,"DS12,2,col.1608.
28.
Sent.Id.2div.textus:"consideratiohujusdoctrinaeeritderebussecundumexitumaDeoutaprincipio[BooksIandII]etsecundumquodreferunturinipsumutinfinem[IIIand
IV]."Weisheipl,pp.707l,remarksthatAlexanderofHalesanticipatedThomashere.Alexanderalsomentionsthismovementofexitusandofreditus[GlossainquatuorLibros
Sententiarum(Quaracchi,1951),vol.1,p.4,no.8].ButthisisonlymateriallytrueAlexanderdoesnotproposetosubstitutethisforPeterLombard'sscheme,asThomasdoes.
29.
TheimplicationsofthistheologyhavebeenthoroughlydevelopedbyG.Emery,"Le

(tablecontinuedonnextpage)

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ItwouldbeeasytoshowthatThomasarrangedthattheBooksofhisCommentarywouldreproducethatvisionofthings.Itismoreimportanttoemphasizethathis
presentationwhichalreadyanticipatestheplanoftheSummadoesnotstemfromasimplepedagogicaloption.Itexpressesadeepspiritualintuition,whose
fecundityweshallsoontrace.Here,however,wemustidentifytwoofitsmajorimplications.First,attentivetothedemandsofthewordtheology,Thomasseesin
GodHimselftheprimary"subject"ofhisdiscourseifheallowstheIncarnateWordonlysecondplacesomethingforwhichheissometimescriticizeditisbecause
hegivesfirstplacetotheTrinity.Likethecreation,theIncarnationcannotbeexplainedallbyitself.Itisnecessaryto"return"tothefountainofcharityintheFather.30
Wemustfurtheremphasizethat,inthiswayofconceivingthings,theentireuniverseofcreatedbeings,spiritualandmaterial,thusappearsanimatedbyadeep
dynamismthat,whenthetimecame,wouldwithoutdifficultypermittheintegrationofhistoricalbecomingintotheologicalreflections.Thiswillbecomeclearerinthe
Summa,butwemaygrasprightawaythebearingofthispropositioninallitsaudacitywhenweseethatthepossibilitymentionedbyThomasonlyinthesecondplace
isAugustine's(putfirst,infact,byLombard)whichbasesitselfonthedistinctionbetweenresandsigna.31

WhateverToccomaysay,theselectureswerenotthefruitofaninfusedknowledge,buttheresultofhardwork.ThehandwrittenmanuscriptoftheThirdBook,which
hascomedowntous,ashastheSuperIsaiam,witherasuresandsecondthoughts,stillbearsthetracesofthatlabor.32WefindhereaThomasattentivetobutalso
dependentonhiscontemporaries:

(tablecontinuedfrompreviouspage)
Preetl'oeuvretrinitairedecrationselonleCommentairedesSentencesdeS.Thomasd'Aquin,"inOrdosapientiaeetamoris,pp.85117alsohisLaTrinitcratrice:Trinitet
crationdanslescommentairesauxSentencesdeThomasd'AquinetdesesprcurseursAlbertleGrandetBonaventure,Bibliothquethomiste47(Paris:Librairiephilosophique
J.Vrin,1995).SeealsoF.Marinelli,Personalismotrinitarionellastoriadellasalvezza(RapportitralaSS.maTriniteleopereadextranelloScriptumsuperSententiisdiSan
Tommaso)(Rome,1969)G.Marengo,TriniteCreazione.IndaginesullateologiadiTommasod'Aquino(Rome,1990).
30.
This,too,hasbeenwellsaidbyF.Ruello,LachristologiedeThomasd'Aquin,Paris,1987,p.44:"ThenotionofIncarnationisthereforenotprimaryintheology.Ittakesitsplacein
adialecticwhosefundamentalnotionsarethoseofdeparture(exitus)fromGodwithinGodHimself(eternalprocessions)andoutsideofHimself(Creation),andofreturn(reditus)to
God,inasmuchasthecreaturewhoisnotunitedtoGodasaperson,throughthePersonwhoisunitedtoHim,butwhoinoneofhisnaturescomeshimselffromGod."
31.
Toseethesethingsingreaterdetail,cf.P.Philippe,"LeplandesSentencesdePierreLombardd'aprsS.Thomas,"BT3(19301933),Notesetcommunications,p.131*54*.
32.
Cf.P.M.Gils,"TextesinditsdeS.Thomas:lespremiresrdactionsduScriptumsuperTertioSententiarum,"RSPT45(1961)20122846(1962)445462and60928.

 Page45

MasterAlbert,surely,whoseinfluenceisverypowerfulinthefirstthreebooks,butlessclearlyperceptibleinthefourth.Bonaventureistheretoo.FatherChenuhas
beenabletofindaseriesofnineargumentstakenfromhiminasmanyobjectionsinanarticlefromthetreatiseonthesacraments33butThomasalsooftenborrows
fromBonaventureaswellasfrommanyothers,includingananonymousquidamwhocannotalwaysbeidentified(350mentionsofthesequidam).Abetter
acquaintancewithcontemporarycurrentsofideasnowmakesiteasiertofindfurthertracesoftheerainthisworkforinstancetheallusionstothe"endofthe
worldism"ofJoachimofFioreandofWilliamofSaintAmournotedbyMarieMichelDufeil.34Butonlythecriticaledition,yettoappear,willpermitamoreexact
estimateofwhatThomasowedtohispredecessorsandcontemporaries.Onlythenwillwebeabletojudge,infullpossessionofthefacts,theextentandlimitsofhis
originality.

AlialecturafratrisThome

TheamplenessofthisworkfitsonlywithdifficultyintothechronologicalframeworkthatassignsthetwofirstyearsinParistobiblicalteachingandthenexttwotothe
Sentences.Butifweacceptthesolutionthatnaturallysuggestsitselffromthesources,wemayspreadoutthecompositionofthisimmense,fivethousandpage
commentaryoveralittlemorethanfouracademicyears(thoughtheteaching,accordingtotheuniversitystatutes,hadtobecompletedwithintwoyears).Allthis
accordswithTocco,whomakesthetimeofcompositionspilloverintothefollowingperiod,notjustthetimeofthe"formed"bachelor,butthatofthemasteraswell.35
WemaythusunderstandThomas'sachievementmuchbetter.Hewasfarfromthinkinghisworkdefinitive,however,and,fromallappearances,hemodifiedit,trying
toimproveit,whenhetookitupagaintodelivertohisstudentsatSantaSabinaalmostadecadelater.

WeknowofthiseffortfromTolomeo,whosayshesawinLuccaacopyoftheselectures,whichweregivenatRome.36Untilrecently,thehisto
33.
Cf.Chenu,Toward,p.273.
34.
Dufeil,Polmique,pp.16061,21012.
35.
Ystoria15,p.236(Tocco14,p.81):"ScripsitinbaccellariaetprincipiosuimagisteriisuperquatuorlibrosSententiarum."
36.
TolomeoXXIII15(ed.A.Dondaine,p.155):"ScripsitetiameotemporequofuitRome...iammagisterexistens,primumsuperSententias,quemegovidiLucesedindesubtractus
nusquamulteriusvidi."Tolomeosaysherethatheneversawthisbookagain,forhehimselfleftLucca,wherethebookwaslocated.BernardGuihasbadlymisreadthispassageas
insinuatingthatthebookwasstolen,cf.Gui53,p.217.

 Page46

rianswerestilldividedonthisquestion.ThoughitwashardtorejectTolomeo'stestimony,noonehadfoundwrittenevidenceofthesenewlecturesbyThomasonthe
Sentences.ButtheresearchersoftheLeonineCommissiondiscoveredinanOxfordmanuscript(LincolnCollege,lat.95)atleastthreereferencestoanalialectura
fratrisThome.FatherHyacintheDondaine,whoestablishedaneditionoffifteensuchpassagestogetherwithameticulousandcircumspectstudyonthem,felthimself
forcedtoarathernegativeconclusion:theseannotationsarebyananonymousauthorwhofaithfullydrawsonThomas.Buttherearenotrulydecisiveargumentsthat
wouldindicatethatthepassagesaretakenfromanAlialecturaatRome.37

LeonardBoylehassubjectedthequestiontoanewexaminationand,takingDondaine'sargumentspointbypoint,Boylehighlypraisesthequalityofanalysis.Buthe
drawsanoppositeconclusion:thetextoftheseannotationsclear(sometimesmoresothanthatofThomashimself),intrepid,andsoforth(theseareDondaine's
terms)isnotfromanindifferentanonymousauthorbutfromThomashimself.ThehandisthatofareporterwhofollowedthecoursesatRomein1265/66.Astothe
alialectura,itisnotthecoursefromRomebutfromParis,aswecantellfromsomeonewhoheardThomasinRomeandnotinParis.38Thisargument,which
plausiblyechoesTolomeo'ssuggestion,appearsconclusive,andithasalreadyreceivedagoodcriticalreception.39

LeonardBoyle'sworkwascompletedseveralyearslaterbyMarkJohnson,whopublishedacompletelistoftheninetyfourmarginaladditionstothatOxford
manuscript(incipitandexplicitenoughsamplesofthediversepassagestogiveanideaoftheircontent).40Johnson,whoworkedinconnectionwithBoyle,relates
thatBoyleispreparingacriticaleditionofthegroupofpassagesandthatBoyletoldhimthatDondainehadcometo
37.
H.F.Dondaine,"'AlialecturafratrisThome'?(SuperISent.),"MS42(1980)30836.
38.
L.E.Boyle,"AliaLecturafratrisThomae,"MS45(1983)418429.Thankstoanindicationoftheowneronthemanuscript,Boylebelieveshecantakeafurtherstepandidentifythe
reporterfromOxfordasJacobusRaynuccii,whobecamearchbishopofFlorencein1286afterbeingconventuallectureratCittdeCastelloin1273,whenthepriorywasfounded.Then
hebecamepriorofSantaSabinauntil1286.ItisentirelypossiblethathewasoneofThomas'sstudentstherein126566.OnJacobus,seeE.Panella,"JacopodiRanuccioda
CastelbuonoOPtestimonedell'alialecturafratrisThome,"MemoriedomenicaneN.S.19(1988)36985.
39.
L.J.Bataillon,Bulletin,RSPT73(1989),p.591:"L.Boyle...hasmadesomecompletelyconvincingarguments,inmyopinion,fortheirauthenticityasThomas's"C.Vansteenkiste,
RLT19(1986),no.73,P40,takesamorequalifiedview.
40.
M.F.Johnson,"Alialecturafratristhome:AListoftheNewTextsfoundinLincolnCollege,Oxford,MS.Lat.95,"RTAM57(1990)3461.

 Page47
41
agreewithhispositionontheauthenticityofthesetexts. Wemustwaitforthepublicationofthisworktospeakfromabetterknowledgeofthefactsaboutthe
improvementsthatThomasmayhavemadetohistext,buttheagreementoftwosucheminentresearchersisourbestpredictorofhowthisquestionwillbesettled.

Howeverthisturnsout,itwasnotthisreturntothesubjectinRomethatcamedowntoposterity,buttheParislectura.Thomas'stextwastransmittedalongwith
Lombard's.Thelatterunintentionallycontributedtothesuccessofhisyoungrivalandtothepersistenceofakindofmisunderstanding.Universityrulesrequired
commentingonLombard.Thomas'scommentarywasusedmuchmorethantheSumma,whichexpressedmorepersonallyevolvedthought(Thomas'sadversaries,
suchasWilliamdelaMare,werenotmistaken,asweshallsee).

Eveninthefifteenthcentury,thefirstgreatcommentatoronThomas,Capreolus,theprincepsthomistarum,commentsontheSentencesandnotontheSumma.
However,afterabout1280,oneofhisdisciplesdrewattentiontothefactthatThomashadnotablyprogressedonseveralpointsbetweentheSentencesandthe
Summa.42Furthermore,itisstrikingtodiscoverthatLombardishardlyquotedintheSumma.Wemaycertainlypointtofortyorsoreferences,butLombardislittle
referredtoasanauthority.Mostreferencesmerelyinterprethim,andothersultimatelyrejecthisview.43

TwoOpuscula

Twowellknownminorworksareusuallyassignedtothisperiod.Thefirstiscalled(onthebasisofprintededitionsthathavepopularizedthetitle),Deenteet
essentia.Butthisisonlyonetitleamongmanyothersinthemanuscripttradition.AccordingtoTolomeo,Thomaswroteit"forhisbrothersandcompanionswhenhe
wasstillnotamaster."44Weinterpretthatremarktomeanthathewasnotyetanactiveregentmaster,whichwouldtakeusbacktotheyears125256,whenhewas
atSaintJacques.Tolomeoalsosaysabitearlierthatthiswasthesameperiodinwhichhe
41.
Cf.M.Johnson,p.37,n.11.
42.
Cf.R.A.Gauthier,"Les'ArticuliinquibusfraterThomasmeliusinSummaquaminScriptis',"RTAM19(1952)271326cf.BT9(195456),no.1797,pp.93543.
43.
Cf.G.Geenen,"LesSentencesdePierreLombarddanslaSommedesaintThomas,"inMiscellaneaLombardiana(Novara,1957)295304.
44.
TolomeoXXIIIl2(ed.Dondaine,p.152):"Tractatusdeenteetessentia,quemscripsitadfratresetsociosnondumexistensmagister"cf.XXII21,p.150.

 Page48

wascommentingontheSentences.Thehistorianshavetriedtonarrowthedatefurther.RolandGosselinthoughtitpossibletoproposethatitwas"aroundthe
momentwhenSaintThomaswascommentingonDistinctionXXVoftheFirstBook."Otherwritersaremuchlesscertain,andH.F.Dondaine,inreportingthe
differentopinions,remainsprudentlyreserved.45

Astotheintentionofthework,wemayrefertotheeditionandcommentaryofRolandGosselin.Itwillsufficeheretonotethatitbearsentirelyonthenotionof
essentiaandontheconnectionsthatessencehaswithrealityandlogicalintentions.ThomasshowshimselftobeveryclosetoAvicenna,whosesystemgivesacentral
placetotheideaofessence,sothat"intheculturalcontextofthe1250s,"whenAvicennawasstillbyfarthemostdominantfigure,"toelucidatethenotionofessentia
anditsresourcesofintelligibility,wassimultaneouslytomakeoneselfunderstoodamongone'sstudentsorcolleagues[asafollowerofAvicenna]andalsotointroduce
themtoacleareruniverse,thethomistuniversethenintheprocessofbeingborn."46Thisopusculum,whoseLatinthelearnedintheRenaissancefounduncultivated
andbarbaroussometimestothepointofrewritingitenjoyedextraordinarysuccess.Eventodaythereare181manuscripts,ofwhich165arecomplete.Andithas
appearedinsomefortyprintededitions.47

Thoughitdidnotenjoythesamesuccess,theDeprincipiisnaturaealsohadamorethanrespectablediffusionforayouthfullittlework(morethaneightymanuscripts
andfortyprintededitions).ComposedforacertainBrotherSylvester,whoisnototherwiseknowntous(hetoomaybefromtheprioryofSaintJacques),itsdate
remainsuncertain.Mandonnetproposed1255.48RolandGosselinthoughtitearlierthantheDeente.49TheLeonineeditor,H.Dondaine,thinksofastillearlierdate:
"ThelucidlittlemementomayevengobacktoFriarThomas'sstudentyears,whenhe
45.
M.D.RolandGosselin,Le"DeEnteetEssentia"deS.Thomasd'Aquin,Bibliothquethomiste8(Paris,1948),p.xxviLeoninevol.45,p.320:"Thereisgeneralagreementon
datingtheopusculumtotheyears12521256.Wedonotseeanyobjection."
46.
H.F.Dondaine,Leoninevol.43,P.321.
47.
Amongthemanystudiesdedicatedtothiswork,wemention:ThomasD'Aquin,L'treetI'essence,Text,translationandnotesbyCatherineCapelle,"BibliothquedesTextes
philosophiques,"8thed.,Paris1985DietrichLorenz,Ifondamentidell'ontologiatomista,IltrattatoDeenteetessentia,"Philosophia10,"Bologna,1992.
48.
P.Mandonnet,"ChronologiesommairedelavieetdescritsdesaintThomas,"RSPT9(1920),P.152.
49.
M.D.RolandGosselin,LeDeEnte,pp.xxviixxviii.

 Page49
50
wouldbesharingwithanotherstudenthisreadingaboutthePhysicsintheCommentator."

Astheselastwordsallowustounderstand,ifAvicennawasforemostintheDeente,Averroesemergesintheotheropusculum.B.Montagnesoncepointedthisout
abouttheteachingonanalogy.51TheLeonineeditorsextendthisinsighttothewholework.ThiswouldputusinThomas'syouth,beforehehadyetdistancedhimself
fromcertainpositions.52Nevertheless,theearlypresenceofthethesetwoArabiclanguagethinkersaswellasthepresenceofMaimonides,whomweshallsoon
encounterdrawsourattentiontowhatThomasreceivedfromtheArabandJewishworlds,startingwithAristotle.Withoutgoingsofarastosaythatheandhis
master,Albert,"silentlyplundered"theirphilosophicotheologicalarguments,itisimportanttobeawareofwhattheyowetothesepredecessors.53

Besidestheircontents,whatisevenmoreremarkableinthesetwoopusculaisthepointonwhichtheyresembleeachother:Thomascomposedthemattherequestof
hisbrotherstorenderthemaservice.Itwasacommonpracticeatthetime,itseems:AlbertusMagnusandWilliamofMoerbeke,tonameonlytwoofhisbrothers,
gavethemselvestothesamekindoffraternalhelp.Thomasthusbeganalongseriesoftwentysixworks(outofninety)thathecomposed"onrequest,"whetheratthe
requestoffriends(aswiththeseworksaswellastheCompendiumtheologiae,whichThomaswroteforhissociusReginald)oruponofficialrequest(ofPopeUrban
IV,whichledtotheCatenaaurea,orofJohnofVercelli,thegeneraloftheDominicans,whoconsultedhimseveraltimes).54Despiteheavyteachingandwriting
responsibilities,Thomasneverneglectedthesedemandsofintellectualcharity,andinthisliesoneoftheelementsofhissanctity.Foranyoneseekingthemeanshe
adopted,thesecretisnottobefoundin
50.
Leoninevol.45,P.6.
51.
Cf.Ladoctrinedel'analogiedel'tred'aprssaintThomasd'Aquin(ParisLouvain,1963),pp.16980:"TheliteraryanddoctrinalsourcesoftheDeprincipiisnaturae,"which
pointsoutthatthework'sexpositiononanalogyis"almostaliteralsummary"ofAverroes'sdoctrineinhisCommentaryontheMetaphysics.
52.
[NoteforEnglishedition:WereferthereadertotwotranslationsintoEnglish:ThePrinciplesofNature,includedinthecompilationAnIntroductiontothePhilosophyofNatureby
R.A.Kocourek(St.Paul:NorthCentral,1948)andThePocketAquinas,ed.R.1.HenleandV.I.Bourke(NewYork:PocketBooks,1975).]
53.
ThisisA.deLibera'sformulainPenserauMoyenAge,p.102,whoproperlyrecallsthecapitalimportanceofthis"forgottenheritage,"pp.98142.
54.
Cf.Responsiodeart.108Responsiodeart.43Desecreto(Leonine,vol.42)Deformaabsolutionis(Leonine,vol.40).

 Page50
55
austeritiesorinspecialdevotions,exteriortohisintellectuallife,butintheveryconcreteexerciseofhisintellect.

TheInauguralLecture

Bydefinition,thedutiesofabachelorweretransitional.InFebruary1256,AimericVeire,chancelloroftheUniversity,56awardedThomastheLicentiadocendiand
orderedhimtopreparehisinaugurallecture.WeknowofthisdecisionthroughabullofAlexanderIV,dated3March1256,inwhichthepopecongratulatesAimeric
fortakingthisinitiativeevenbeforereceivingthealreadydispatchedpontificalletterthatinvitedhimtodoso.57

Suchapapalletterforasimpleuniversityroutinewouldbesurprising,wereitnotforitsallusiontothe"sonsofiniquity"whoweredisturbingthefriarsattheprioryof
SaintJacques.Indeed,thecircumstanceswerefarfrompeacefulfortheParisianDominicansinthespringof1256.Fullguerrillawarfarehadbrokenoutamongthe
secularmastersagainstthemendicantmasters.Theformerhadevenexcommunicatedthelatter.58AlexanderIV,whohadrecentlybeenelected,vigorouslytookthe
sideofthemendicantsinhisbullQuasilignumvitae,inwhichheabrogatedtheexcommunicationsanddemandedreintegrationoftheregulars.59Hisinterventionwith
thechancellorwasnotmerelyfortuitous:thepopewantedtoencouragehimtopushThomastodeliverhisprincipiumassoonaspossibleandtothankhimforthe
goodwillhehadshowntowardthefriarsofSaintJacques.60

ThisepisodealsoisknowntousthroughTocco.Withoutmentioningthepope'sintervention,heemphasizesanotherimportantdetail.Othercandidatescouldhave
beenchosen,butthechancellorpreferredThomas,eventhoughhestillhadnotreachedtherequiredage.61Infact,hewas
55.
Maritainoncewroteofthe"sanctityofintelligence,"cf.LeDocteurAnglique,inJ.andR.Maritain,Oeuvrescompltes,vol.IV(FribourgParis,1983),p.101.
56.
OnAimeric,seeGlorieux'snoteinRpertoireI,no.149,p.332.AimericconferredthelicenseonSaintBonaventureaswellasonThomas.
57.
Theearlierletterisnowlost,buttheletterfrom3Marchhassurvived.Cf.Chartul.,no.270,p.507(=Documentano.11,pp.54445).
58.
Cf.Chartul.,nos.222,224,and230,pp.24749and25258.
59.
Cf.Chartul.,nos.247,pp.27985.SeeChapterVbelow.
60.
Thesameday,AlexanderalsowrotetothearchbishopofParisorderinghimtoexcommunicatethemastersandstudentswhocontinuedtoblockaccesstotheDominicans's
courses.Cf.Chartul.no.269,pp.5056.
61.
Ystoria17,p.24546(Tocco16,pp.8486):nonseruatoordinesecundumanticipotionemtemporisconsueto.

 Page51
62
onlythirtyoneorthirtytwo,andshouldhavebeenthirtyfiveaccordingtouniversitystatutes. ToccoelaboratesonThomas'sreactiontothenews:hewouldhave
preferredtoavoidtheresponsibility,butconstrainedbyobedience,hecouldnotextracthimselffromtheposition.Hethereforeprayed(withmanytears,thefourth
editionadds).Thefollowingnight,acertainvenerablelookingDominicanfriarappearedtohiminadreamandaskedhimthereasonforthisinsistentprayer.When
Thomashadexplained,addingthathehadnoideawhatsubjecthecouldaddress,theapparitionreassuredhimandproposedthesubjectofhislecture:"Fromyour
heightsyouwaterthemountains,theearthisfilledwiththefruitsofyourworks."63

AccordingtothetestimonybyPeterofMontesangiovanni,amonkofFossanova,atthecanonizationprocess,ThomashimselftoldthisstorytothepriorofFossanova
inthepresenceandattherequestofReginald,severalclaysbeforehisdeath.64PeterofCaputio,anotherwitnessattheprocessinNaples,reportedthathehad
learnedthisfactwhenhewasintheprioryofSaintJacques,duringthereadingthatwasdonetothefriarsattimesofbleeding.65HeaddsthatallthefriarsinParis
wereconvincedthatthefraterantiquuswhoappearedhadbeennoneotherthanSaintDominichimself.66Exceptforthislastdetail,wherethehagiographicalprocess
seemstobeatwork,thedifferentstoriesagree,andhistorianshaveeveryreasontobelievethatwehavehereapersonalconfidencethatgoesbacktoThomas
himself.67Hesettoworkandpreparedhisinaugurallecture,whichwasgivensometimebetween3Marchand17June1256.68

ThisprineipiumbythenewmagisterinacturegensisthetextweknowasRigansmontesdesuperioribussuis.ThediscourseisclearlyinspiredbyDionysius.In
theworldofspiritsaswellasofbodies,Godactsthroughawholeseriesofintermediaries.Thus,wisdomiscommunicatedfirstbyspreadingintotheintelligenceofthe
doctorsmountainsarethesymbol
62.
Cf.Chartul.,no.20,p.79.
63.
Psalm,10313accordingtotheVulgate.
64.
Naples49,P.331.
65.
ThebookreadduringbleedingwasGrarddeFrachet'sVitaefratrumIV24,8.AlreadyincirculationduringThomas'slifetime,itappearstobethesourceoftheotherstories.
66.
Naples92.p.398.
67.
Thestoryhadbeentransmittedbythreedifferentsources,allofwhichleadbacktoThomashimself.Cf.K.Foster,TheLifeofSaintThomasAquinas(London,1958),p.69,n.33.On
hagiographicdevelopments,seethestudywemadeinanotherfield:D.BouthillierandJ.P.Tortell,"Delalgendel'histoire.LetraitementdumiraculumchezPierreleVnableet
chezsonbiographeRaouldeSully,"Cahiersdecivilisationmdivale25(1982)8199.
68.
Cf.Chartul.no.270,p.307,andno.280,pp.319ff.

 Page52

forthemhere.Then,bytheirministry,wisdombathestheintelligenceoftheirhearersinwavesofcelestiallight.Fromthatstartingplace,Thomasdevelopsfourpoints:
(1)Thegrandeurofspiritualdoctrine(2)thedignityofitsdoctors(3)theconditionsrequiredinitsdisciples(4)theeconomyofcommunicatingdoctrine.Betterthan
anythingelse,thistext'sconclusiontellsuswhatThomas'sspiritualstatewasatthetime:
Surely,noonewouldclaimtopossessinhimselfandfromhisownresourcestheneededaptitudetofulfillsuchaministry.ButthisaptitudecanbehopedforfromGod:''We
cannotclaimanythingasourown.ThepowerwehavecomesfromGod(2Cor.3:5)."ButtoobtainitfromGod,wemustaskitofHim:"Ifanyofyoulackswisdom,heshouldask
Godanditwillbegivenhim,forGodisagenerousgiverwhoneithergrudgesnorreproachesanyone(James1:5)."LetuspraytoChristthathemaywishtograntittous.
Amen.69

Wedonotpossessacontemporarydocumentthattellsusexactlyhowtheinstallationceremoniesofanewdoctoroccurred.IfwemayprojectontoSaintThomas's
agewhatwegleanfromthestatutesofthefacultyoftheologyatBologna(whichreproducestheParisstatutes,butinatextfromafter1326),theceremonyoccurred
intwosessions:duringthevesperieandintheaula.Asthenameindicates,thevesperietookplacetheafternoonofthefirstday,andtwoofthefourquestionsthat
thefuturemasterhadproposedtoallthemastersorbachelorsseveraldaysearlierweresolemnlydiscussed.Thatfirstevening,hereturnedtoconcludethediscussion
onthesecondquestionwithhismagisterialresponse.70

Thesecondsolemngatheringwasheldthefollowingmorninginthegreathallofthebishop'spalace,fromwhichittookitsname:aula.Duringthefirstpartofthe
session,thenewmastertookanoathbetweenthehandsofthechancellor,receivedthesquareflatcap,insigniaofhisoffice,fromthehandsofhissponsor,andthen
deliveredhisprincipium.Afterallthis,thetwofinalquestionsthathehadproposedwerediscussedaccordingtoacomplicatedritualinwhichitwasexpectedthathe
wouldperformthedeterminatiomagistralisonthethirdquestion.

Thoughhewasnotaloneindefendinghistheses(hisbacheloroften
69.
TheLatintextcanbefoundinOpusculatheologicaI(Turin,1954),PP.43543.AFrenchtranslationisinPguesMaquart,pp.36577detailedcommentariesinWeisheipl,pp.
1013,andinTugwell,pp.26771,whoalsoprovidesanEnglishtranslation.SeealsoA.LobatoCasado,"SantoToms,MagisterinSacraTeologia.El'Principium'desu
Magisterio,"Communio(Seville)21(1988)4970.
70.
Cf.Chartul.,no.1188,pp.69195,especiallynote5,P.693.AgoodsummaryappearsinGlorieux,L'enseignement,pp.14147,andinWeisheipl,pp.96101.

 Page53

contributed,too),andevenifhewasnotequallyengagedineveryoneofthedifferentmomentsoftheceremony,itisclearthattheyoungmasterwasnonetheless
constantlyinvolved.AsGlorieuxemphasizes,hispositioncouldbe"ratheruncomfortablerighttotheend."Butthesetwosessionsdidnotfinisheverything.Aswehave
seen,thenewmasterdidnotinterveneindiscussionofthefirstandfourthquestions.Andhecouldlegitimatelystillwanttosaysomethingonthemortoaddtothose
pointsthatweredefendedbyhisbachelor.Anopportunityfortheseadditionswasgiventohimthefirstdayofclassfollowinghisreception,inwhatwascalledthe
resumptioorreprise.Hethushadanentiremorningforaslengthyanexplanationashewished(determinatioualdeprolixa).Therewasneitheralecturenora
disputeintheotherschoolsthatday,inordertoalloweveryonetoattend.

WewillreturntothequestionsthatThomasproposedfordiscussionathisinceptio,butwemaybenefitherefromasuggestionbyWeisheipl.Therearetwoknown
textsclaimingtobeThomas'sinaugurallecture.Oneistheprincipium,whichwehavejustpresented.TheotherisinpraiseofHolyScripture,whichclearly
correspondstowhatthestatutesrequiretobeginteaching.Thistext,transmittedunderthetitle"sermosecundusfratrisThome,"takesforitsthemeBaruch4:1:"Hic
estlibermandatorumDei,"anditscommendatioScripturaeisfollowedbyanexplanationofhowthedifferentbooksoftheBiblearedivided.

FollowingMandonnet,everyoneuptillnowsawinthissecondtextThomas'sinaugurallectureashebeganhisteachingasbiblicalbacheloratParisin1252.Now,as
wehaveseen,toallappearances,ThomasneverfilledthatpostatParis.He,therefore,couldnothavegiventhisdiscourseonthatoccasion.ThusWeisheiplsuggests
thatinthisseconddiscoursewehavethetextofThomas'spresentationonthedayofhisresumptio.Thistextisclearlycontinuouswiththeprincipiumanalyzed
aboveand,infact,completesandextendsit.WemaythusformamorepreciseideaofwhathappenedinSeptember1256,duringThomas'sentryintoregency.71
71.
Cf.Weisheipl,p.104.ThetextmaybefoundinOpusculatheologicaI,Turin,1957,PP.43539.

 Page54

ChapterIV
MagisterinSacraPagina
(12561259)
WhenThomasgavehisinaugurallecture,hehadnotyetfinishedwritinghiscommentaryontheSentences.1ButbeginninginthefollowingSeptemberhehadto
performthethreefunctionsofthemasterintheology.ThesewereannouncedattheendofthetwelfthcenturybyPeterCantorandlaterconfirmedinthestatutesofthe
theologyfaculty:legere,disputare,praedicare.2Thomaswascompletelyawareofthis,andanentirepassageinhisprincipiumexplainsthequalitiesthatthedoctors
inSacredScripture(doctoressacraescripturae,thetitleshouldbenoted)mustpossessinordertocarryouttheirtriplefunction.Theymustbe"elevated"(alti)by
theeminenceoftheirlivestobeabletopreacheffectively"enlightened"(illuminati)inordertoteachinanappropriatewayand''fortified"(muniti)torefuteerrorsin
disputation.3
1.
Cf.theprecedingchapter.
2
PeterCantor,Verbumabbreviatum,cap.I,PL205,25:"Intribusigiturconsistitexercitiumsacraescripturae,circalectionem,disputationemetpredicationem"Chartul.II,no.1185,
p.683.Ingivingtheirdegreetothenewlypromoted,thechancelor"dateislicenciamdisputandi,legendi,etpredicandietomnesactusexercendiintheologicafacultatequiad
magistrumpertinent."Thistextcomesfrom1350,butwemayreasonablysupposethattheformulawashardlydifferentinThomas'stime.Forarathercompleteexpositionofwhatthe
threefunctionscovered,seeGlorieux,L'enseignement,pp.10561.
3.
Rigansmontes,Marietti,no.1213:"Doctoressacraescripturaeessedebentaltipervitaeeminentiam,utsintidoneiadefficaciterpraedicandum...illuminati,utidoneedoceant
legendo,...Muniti,uterroresconfutentdisputando...Etdetribusofficiis,scil.praedicandi,legendi,etdisputandidicitur,"etc.

 Page55

Legere:
ToCommentontheBible

Legereis"toread"HolyScriptureandcommentonitversebyverse.Thisissomethingthathasbeenwellknowntospecialistsforalongtimebuttoomuchignored
bythegreattheologicalpublic.Thegreatsystematicworkshavemonopolizedattention.But"toread"Scripturewasthefirsttaskforthemasterintheology,and
thereforealsoforThomas.4Unlikethecursorylectures,whichweretheonlyformallowedthebiblicalbachelor(theSuperIsaiamisagoodexample),theteaching
methodassignedtothemasterallowedhimtogiveamuchmoresearchingcommentary,asmaybeseenintheSuperJobortheInIoannem.5Thoughlong
overlookedinfavoroftheSentencesortheSumma,thiskindofbiblicalteachingwasneverthelessThomas'sordinarylabor.Anditwasinthiswaythathe
commentedonalittlemorethanhalfoftheNewTestamentandseveralbooksoftheOld.Ifwewish,therefore,togetaslightlylessonesidedideaofthewhole
theologianandhismethod,itisimperativetoreadanduseinamuchdeeperfashionthesebiblicalcommentariesinparallelwiththegreatsystematicworks.

ThescholarsfindthemselvesindifficultieswhentheytrytoidentifythebiblicalbooksthatrelatetothisfirstperiodofteachinginParis.Itwasgenerallythoughtthat
ThomascommentedonSaintMatthew,6butI.T.Eschmannshowedquiteawhileagonotonlythatthiscouldnothavebeenpriorto1263,butalsothatmany
indicationspointtowardthesecondperiodofteachinginParis(126972).7Followingthisline,HuguesShoonerbroughtforwardsomenewargumentsinfavorofthe
laterdate,8andwetakeintoaccountaletterbyH.F.Dondainethatstronglysupportsthislaterdating:theLecturasuperMatthaeum"clearlysupposesthe
discussion
4.
ItisstillusefultolookatthepioneeringworkonthissubjectbyH.Denifle,"Quellivreservaitdebasel'enseignementdesmatresenthologiedansl'universitdeParis?"RT2
(1894)14961.Morerecently,ChenuhasofferedcommentsinhisToward,pp.23463.MorecomprehensivearethefirstpagesofE.Panella,"LaLexnovatraStoriaed
Ermeneutica.Leoccasionidell'esegesidis.Tommasod'Aquino,"MemorieDomenicane,n.s.6(1975)11l06,whereonewillalsofindagoodexampleoftheThomistexegesison
thereligiouslife,basedonMatthew10:910.
5.
Cf.Chenu,Toward,chap.7,PP.23463:"LescommentairessurlaBible."
6.
Weisheipl,pp.37172,echoesthepositionofMandonnetSynave,whoproposed125659.
7.
I.T.Eschmann,"TheQuotationsofAristotle'sPoliticsinSt.Thomas'sLecturasuperMatthaeum,"MS18(1956)23240cf.thesameauthor'sCatalogue,pp.39798.
8.
Cf.thereviewofEsehmann'sworkinBT10(195759)no.269,pp.15357of.alsothereviewofF.Stegmller,ibid.,pp.99112.

 Page56

in1270onthestateofperfection"and"certainpassagescouldnothavebeencomposedbeforetheQuodlibet(XIV)byGerardofAbbevilleandtheresponsesby
SaintThomas."9BeyondtheallusionstoFrancethatwefindintheLectura,aswellasthefactthatitsupposestheexistenceoftheCatena(whichistosay,afterthe
sojourninOrvieto),Dondaine'sisaclinchingargument.Wewillpermitourselvesthereforetosumupthisdemonstrationhere.

Thedispute,asiswellknown,centeredonthequestionofwhetherparishpriestsandarchdeaconsareinthesamestatusperfectionisasbishops(andtherefore
superiortothereligious).ItiseasytoseebyasimplereadingthatThomasusesmaterialsintheLecturasuperMatthaeumthathealsoputstoworkinhisother
writingsofthisepoch.10Inplaces,however,theformulationoftheLecturaisclosertothatoftheDeperfectionespriritualisuitaethantothatofhisother
contemporarywritings.11WealsofindintheLecturaanechoofanargumentthatGerardofAbbevillehaddrawnfromaquotationbyChrysostom,accordingto
whichthebishopisinastateofperfectionsuperiortothatofanymonk,beitEliashimself(etiamsidesEliam,uelquemcumque).12Thisallusionisalsopresentin
Thomas'srefutationsandthereforeplacestheLecturainthisgeneralcontextwecanthussituateitwithgreatprobabilityduringThomas'ssecondParisiansojourn,the
scholasticyear126970.13

Weshouldaddtothisdiscussiononthedateanimportantclarificationconcerningthecontentofthetext.WehavealwaysknownthattheLecturasuperMatthaeum
isdefectiua,14incompletaasNicholasTrevetclassifiesit.15Whatevertheexactmeaningofthesetwowordsintheancientcata
9.
J.P.Torrell,Collationes,p.1617,withthereferenceswherewedealwiththedateofthepreachingonthedecalogue,ofwhichatleastthefaircopybyPeterd'Andriais
contemporaneouswiththatoftheLectura.
10.
Cf.Lectura,no.15941596(ed.Marietti),withDeperfectione,chap.20andff.,STIIaIIaeq.184Quodl.III,q.6a.3[17],andespeciallyLecturano.1596andSTIIaIIaeq.184a.8.
11.
Cf.forexamplethedistinctionbetweenstatusandactusperfectionis:Lectura,endofno.1596DePerfectione,chap.23,ll.7984.
12.
Lectura,endofno.1594of.Gerard,QuodlibetXIV(XVIII),Leon.,vol.41,p.B17,ll.12227.
13.
ThisisalsotheopinionofL.J.Bataillon,whoseobjectionshavehelpedmetoclarifymyposition,whichwasstillhesitantafterreadingM.Arges,"NewEvidenceconcerningthe
DateofThomasAquinas'sLecturaonMatthew,"MS49(1987)51723(cf.DS15,col.733).Thelatterbringsforwardsomenewargumentsthatconfirmtheimpossibilitythatthe
LecturaonMatthewwaspriorto1263,buthewantstoprovetoomuchinsayingthatweshouldplaceitin1263orintheimmediateneighborhoodofthatdate.
14.
BartholomewofCapua'slist:Naples85,p.389.
15.
Cf.thestudybyShooner,inthefollowingnote,pp.13435.

 Page57

logues,itiscertainthatthetextcurrentlytransmittedintheprintededitionsisnotonlyincompletebuterroneous.AgoodpartofThomas'sauthenticcommentaryonthe
SermonontheMountismissing.Thatlacunahasbeenfilledbythehardlyscrupulouszealofhisfirsteditor,BartholomewofSpina(1527),whoputintheplaceofthe
textmissingfromthemanuscriptsapartofthecommentarybyPeterdeScala,aDominicanofthelatethirteenthcentury.

WecanreadthedetailsofthisoperationinShooner,16butwemustunderstandthattheinterpolatedpassagesextendfromchapterV,11,toVI,8,and,again,among
somelinesofchapterVI,14toVI,19.17ThankstotheresearchesundertakenbytheLeonineCommissionforacriticaledition,however,anewwitnesstothe
LecturasuperMatthaeumwasdiscoveredsomefortyyearsago,anditcontainsThomas'scommentaryinitsentirety.18WhilewewaitfortheLeonineCommission
togiveusacompleteeditionofthetext,wearelimitedinourknowledgeofthemissingpassagestothepartialeditionsthatthelaborsofH.V.ShoonerandJ.P.
Renardhaveproduced.19

IfwereturnnowtoThomas'sworkasmagisterinsacrapagina,wecanbecertainthat,whateverbookhecommentedoninthisperiod,thechoicealreadymadein
theSuperIsaiaminfavoroftheliteralsensemusthavecontinued,asiswitnessedbytheSuperIob,whosedatingisthenearesttothistext:20SaintGregoryhaving
saideverythingonthemysticalsenseofthisbook,Thomasthoughtthatallthatremainedforhimtodowastoexplainitaccordingtoitsliteralsense.21Hisbiographer
wasastonishedatthisclaim,whichnoteacherhadmadebeforehim:ThomasspeaksasifhehadbeenchosenasjudgebycommonagreementofJobandhisfriends,
16.
Cf.H.V.Shooner,"LaLecturainMatthaeumdeS.Thomas(DeuxfragmentsinditsetlaReportatiodePierred'Andria),"Angelicum33(1956)12142.
17.
Thiscorrespondstonos.444582(lects.1317)and60310(lect.19)oftheMariettimanualedition.
18.
ThisisthemanuscriptfromBasel,Bibl.Univ.B.V.12.,describedinShooner,"LaLectura."
19.
Shooner,"LaLectura,"pp.13842,haspublishedthepassageonMatthew5:1316J.P.Renard,"LaLecturasuperMatthaeumV:2048deThomasd'Aquin,"RTAM50(1983)
14590,haspublishedthepassageindicatedinhistitle.
20.
AccordingtoTolomeoXXIII24,Leon.,vol.26,pp.17*20*,itwascomposedduringthepontificateofUrbanIV,whileThomaswasinOrvieto,whichistosay126164.
21.
Prol.,infine:"Intendimus...librumistumquiintitulaturBeatiIobsecundumlitteralemsensumexponereeiusenimmysteriatamsubtiliteretdisertebeatuspapaGregoriusnobis
aperuituthisnihilultraaddendumvideatur"cf.Leon.,vol.26,pp.25*30*,forthenatureandthemethodoftheSuperIob.

 Page58
22
pronouncingonebyoneontherightnessorwrongnessofthedifferentinterlocutors.

Toccowasmistaken.ThomashadhadatleastonepredecessorinRolandofCremona,thefirstDominicanmasteratParis,whohadproposedaliteralinterpretation
ofJobsomethirtyyearsearlier.23ButTocco'spraiseunderlinesoneofthecharacteristicsofThomas'smethod.Thisisapointonwhichhewillnevervary,asthe
theoreticalexpositionsofhisscripturalmethodbearwitness.24Thispriorityoftheliteralsensesignifiesinthefirstplacethatitaloneissuitedtothenecessitiesofthe
theologicalarguments,butalsothatallspiritualinterpretationsshouldbeconfirmedbyaliteralinterpretationofsacredScriptureinordertoavoidallriskoferror.

MuchhasbeenwrittenonthefoursensesofScriptureingeneralandonthepriorityoftheliteralsenseinparticular.Thisisnottheplacetogointothequestionvery
deeply,butitisnecessarytoknowthatthemostrecentauthorsdonothidetheirhesitationsnoreventheirretractionsonthesubject.AfigureascompetentasBeryl
SmalleyconfessedtowardtheendofherlifethatshehadnottakenseriouslyenoughtheconclusionoftheprologueofJob:IfThomaslimitshimselftotheliteralsense
inhisinterpretationofthisbook,thatiseffectivelybecauseGregoryhadsaideverythingonthespiritualsensebutwhenhecommentsontheGospels,Thomasfeels
himselfobligedtogivethespiritualsense.25Thesameauthoremphasizeselsewhere,andjustly,thenoticeabledifferencesthatwecanfindonthispointbetweenthe
theoryandthepracticeofthemedievalauthors,includingSaintThomas.26Iftheliteralsenseismoreandmoreconsideredtheonlyinvalidatingargumentinastrictly
theologicaldiscussion,thatisfittinginlargepart,butthisdoesnotpreventrecoursetothespiritualsense.Thepriorityoftheliteralsensethereforedoesnotexcludethe
spiritualsense,whichremainsdenecessitatesacraeScripturaeitonlytranslatesthegrowingrecognitionofthelimitsofallegorizingexegesis.27
22.
Ystoria18,p.251(Tocco17,p.88).
23.
Thiscommentaryhasunfortunatelyremainedunpublishedcf.A.Dondaine,"UncommentairescripturairedeRolanddeCrmone,"AFP11(1941)10937.
24.
Cf.Quodl.VIIq.6a.12[1415]STIaq.1a.10InGal.cap.4lect.7.
25.
B.Smalley,TheGospelsintheSchoolsc.1100c.1280(LondonandRonceverte,1985),pp.26566.
26.
B.Smalley,"Useofthe'Spiritual'SensesofScriptureinPersuasionandArgumentsbyScholarsintheMiddleAges,"RTAM52(1985)4463.
27.
ThishasbeenclearlyseenbyJ.Verger,"L'exgsedel'Universit,"inLeMoyenAgeetlaBible,underthedirectionofP.RichG.Lobrichon(Paris,1984),pp.199232,cf.p.208
12.

 Page59

HenrideLubac,agreeingherewithC.Spicq,oncethoughtitpossibletodefinetherelevantcharacterofthe"novelty"ofThomas'smethod:"Thankstohisordinary
qualityofrobustsimplicity,justness,andprecision,SaintThomassummarizesthecommonteachingquitenicely."28BerylSmalleyisclearlymorepositiveinher
appreciationsincesheemphasizesthatThomasandAlbertaretheonlytwoauthorsstudiedforwhomshehasnotbeenabletofindaprincipalsource.29Wemust
recognizethatwefindhereindeedsomeofThomas'squalities,andthattheyareperhapsthereasonforhissuccess:thestyleoftheSuperIobinspiresAlbertus
Magnus,MatthewofAquasparta,PeterOlivi,andNicholasofLyre,tomentiononlythemostancientauthors.30AsSynanhasnoticed,RichardSimonmentions
NicholasofLyreasthemoststrikingexegetesinceSaintJerome,butNicholaswouldnothavebeenabletoplaythisroleifThomashadnotopenedapathforhim.31
Thomas'sexegesisisassuredlynotcomparabletothehistoricalcriticalmethodsoftoday,butithasnotceasedinspiringnewstudies.32

Disputare:
TheDeUeritate

Thesecondfunctionofthemasterwasthe"dispute."Thisstillmeanttoteach,butunderanotherform,thatofactivepedagogywhereoneproceededbyobjections
andresponsesonagiventheme.Withoutbeingabletodiscovertheexactdateofthedisputatio'sfirstappearance(duringthecourseofthetwelfthcentury),weknow
ithadalreadyacquireditsautonomybythebeginningofthethirteenthcentury,anditisentirelypossible
28.
H.deLubac,Exgsemdivale.Lesquatresensdel'Ecriture,vol.4/2,2,Thologie59(Paris,1964),pp.285302cf.C.Spicq,Esquissed'unehistoiredel'exgselatineau
moyenge,Bibliothquethomiste26(Paris,1944),p.315.
29.
Cf.TheGospels,above,note25,pp.25771cf.p.274.
30.
Cf.Leon.,vol.26,pp.33*44*.
31.
E.A.Synan,"AquinasandHisAge,"inCalgaryAquinasStudies,ed.A.Parel(Toronto,1978),pp.125,cf.p.23.
32.
Wewillhavetoquoteseveraloftheminourfuturebookinadditiontothetitlesmentionedintheprecedingnotes,weaddherewhatremainswithoutdoubtthesinglemost
notableworkofsomelength:C.Spicq,"SaintThomasd'Aquinexgte,"inDTC15,1(1946)694738,andseveralgeneraltitlesamongthemostrecentones:S.H.Seidl,"Thomasvon
AquinunddiemoderneExegese,"ZKT93(1971)2944M.AriasReyero,ThomasvonAquinalsExeget.DiePrinzipienseinerSchriftdeutungundseineLehrevondenSchriftsinnen
(Einsiedeln,1971)S.Lyonnet,"L'actualitdesaintThomasexgte,"inTommasod'Aquinonelsuosettimocentenario,vol.4(Rome,1976),pp.928Th.Domanyi,DerRmerbrief
desThomasvonAquin.EinBeitragzurUntersuchungseinerAuslegungsmethoden(BernFrankfurt,1978)W.G.B.M.Valkenberg,DidNotOurHeartsBurn?PlaceandFunctionof
HolyScriptureintheTheologyofSt.ThomasAquinas(Utrecht,1990)M.M.Rossi,TeoriaemetodoesegeticiinS.Tommasod'Aquino.AnalisidelSuperEpistolasSanctiPauli
LecturaAdRomanos,c.I,l.6(Rome,1992).

 Page60

tosituateitwithintheevolutionofformsofteaching.Therehadfirstbeen,aswehavejustseen,thelectio,whichistosay,acommentaryonatext,eitherfromthe
BibleorfromtheSentences.Then,becauseastrictcommentarydidnotalwayslenditselftotreatmentoftheproblemsthatmastersandstudentsmightpose,the
quaestioappeared,whichistosay,amoreampledevelopmentofaprecisesubjectthatgoesbeyondadirectcommentary(wemightapplythischaracterizationtoall
thequestionsthatThomasdevelopsonthebasisoftextsfromPeterLombard,whoservesashardlymorethanapretext).

Thedisputatiorepresentsanotherstageinthis"progressivedetachmentwithregardtothetext,"a"naturalprocessowingtothematurationofthemedievalscientific
spiritandtoagreatermasteryofthedialecticalmethod."33Tosummarizethenuanceddefinitiongivenbyitsmostrecentanalyst,
[Thequaestio]isaregularformofteaching,apprenticeship,andresearch,presidedoverbythemaster,characterizedbyadialecticalmethod,whichconsistsinbringingforward
andexaminingargumentsbasedonreasonandauthoritywhicharefurnishedbytheparticipantsandconflictoveratheoreticalorpracticalproblem.Themastermustarriveata
doctrinalsolutionbyanactofdeterminationthatconfirmshiminhismagisterialfunction.34

Comparedtothelectio,oneelementhasdisappeared:thetext.Butanotherelementhasappeared:discussion.Andwhileinthelectiotheargumentsbeganfrom
"authorities"inconflict,argumentsinthequaestioareinitiatedbytheparticipantswhononethelessdonotdeprivethemselvesofrecoursetoauthorities.

Thedisputecameintwoessentialforms.Thefirst,privatedispute(disputatioprivata),washeldwithintheschoolthemasterwithhisstudentsandbacheloronly.35
Thesecondtypewaspublic(disputatiopublicaorordinaria),andthemastershadtoholditatregularintervals,thoughmany
33.
TheseareB.Bazn'sexpressionsinwhatistodaythemostuptodatestudyonthesubject:"Lesquestionsdisputes,principalementdanslesfacultsdethlogie,"inB.C.
Bazn,G.Fransen,J.F.Wippel,D.Jacquart,Lesquestionsdisputesetlesquestionsquodlibtiquesdanslesfacultsdethologie,dedroitetdemdecine,Typologiedes
sourcesdumoyengeoccidental4445(Turnhout,1985),pp.13149.
34.
Bazn,p.160.
35.
WethinkwehaveidentifiedoneofthesequestionsheldbyHughofSaintCher,cf.J.P.Torrell,Thoriedelaprophtieetphilosophiedelaconnaissanceauxenvironsde1230,
Spicilegiumsacrumlovaniense40(Leuven,1977),pp.xvxxi,withsomeindicationsontheconcretedevelopmentofthisexercise.

 Page61

willinglydispensedthemselvesfromit,fortheexercisecouldbeperilous.Thedifferencebetweenthefirstandthesecondformwasthereforethepublic,sincethe
studentsfromotherschoolscouldattend,andsometimesmastersaswell.Onoccasion,theydidnotrefrainfromraisingdifficultiesforthecolleagueengagedinthe
exercise.36Inoneofitsforms,thissecondgenreofdisputedquestionscouldevenbeasolemnpublicoccasion(thefamousQuodlibets),whichwereheldtwicea
year,duringLentandAdvent.Theyinterruptedtheregularcoursesintheuniversity.AsaresultofP.Mandonnet'slabors,wecanagreetodayindatingfromthisfirst
periodofteachinginParisThomas'sQuodlibetsVIIthroughXI.37

Scholarslonghesitatedoverthequestionofwhatconstitutedthebasicunityofthedisputedquestion.AccordingtoP.Mandonnet,eacharticlefurnishedthematerial
fordispute,whileaccordingtoA.Dondaineitwasthequestionitself.38Thetwothesescollidewithoneanotherovercertaininsurmountabledifficultiesastothe
durationandfrequencyofthisexercise.Inordertoescapethedifficulty,wemaythinkaboutdistinguishingbetweenthedisputeitselfanditsconversionintowritingthe
latter,notbeingsubjecttothetimelimitsoftheactualdiscussion,couldbecometheobjectofamoreextensiveelaborationandofafullnessofdevelopmentthatthe
oralexchangeneverpermitted.

Bymeansofthislattersuggestionandwiththeadditionofapointthatseemstoimposeitself,wewouldinclinetowardthehypothesisofBernardoBaznifaccepted,
thiswouldputtoanendthelonghesitationbyresearchers.AccordingtoBazn,thediverseseriesofdisputedquestionsbySaintThomasdonotbelongtothegenre
ofordinaryorpublicdisputes,butindeedtotheprivatedisputes.Andtheyarose,therefore,fromhis
36.
Wehave,perhaps,agoodexamplefromDecember1255,ifWilliamofSaintAmour,thegreatadversaryofmendicantpoverty,infactcametoopposeSaintBonaventureonthis
subject.Cf.S.Bonaventure,QuaestioreportatademendicitatecumannotationibusGulielmideS.Amore,ed.F.Delorme,BFSMAe8(Quaracchi,1934),pp.32856seealso
"ReportatiodelaQuaestiodisputatademendicitatedeBonaventureparuntudiantfavorablel'opponens:GuillaumedeSaintAmour,"inM.M.Dufeil,SaintThomaset
l'histoire,Senefiance29(AixenProvence,1991)(=Dufeil,Histoire),pp.45793,accordingtowhomWilliamwouldactuallyhavebeenpresentduringthedisputecf.Dufeil,
Polmique,pp.17685.
37.
L.E.Boyle,"TheQuodlibetsofSt.ThomasandPastoralCare,"TheThomist38(1974)23256reprintedinthesameauthor'sPastoralCare,ClericalEducationandCanonLaw,
12001400(VariorumReprints:London,1981).
38.
Cf.P.Mandonnet,"ChronologiedesquestionsdisputesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,"RT(1918)271,n.1Mandonnet'sIntroductiontohiseditionoftheQuaestionesdisputatae,
vol.1(Paris,1925),pp.1217A.Dondaine,"Del'tenduedelaquestiondispute,"inthesameauthor's,SecrtairesdesaintThomas(Rome,1956),pp.20916.

 Page62
39
regularteaching. ItisthuspossibletopronouncebothDondaineandMandonnetcorrect:withtheformer,Baznrecognizesthattheunityofthepublicdisputecomes
indeedfromthequestion,butgiventhattheDeueritatearisesfromanothergenre,thereisnodifficultyinadmittingthatitsunityisthearticle.Thecollectionofseveral
articlesintoasinglequestionderivesfromtheplanfollowedbythemasterandappearsonlyatthestageoffinalediting.

Thuswecanshowthedevelopmentofaday'steachingatSaintJacquesinthefollowingmanner.Inthefirsthouroftheday,Thomasgavehislectureafterthatcame
thelectureofhisbachelorintheafternoon,bothgatheredwiththeirstudentsto"dispute"onachosentheme.Thethreehoursofthisactivepedagogynotbeing
sufficienttoexhaustthesubject,theycontinued,articleafterarticleeventuallycertainarticlesthatwereveryshortcouldberegroupedintoasinglesessionand,
conversely,alongerormoredelicatesubjectcouldbebrokendownintoseveralsessions.Theresult(objections,responses,andmagisterialdeterminations)was
gatheredtogetherlaterintoafinalversion,withaviewtopublicationwithintheultimateunityofthequestion.TheelaborationoftheDeueritatewasthusextended
overthreescholasticyears(125659),attherateofsomeeightyarticlesperyear,anumberthatcorrespondsrathercloselytothenumberofdaysofteaching.40

Thisgeneralframeworkseemstoustocorrespondtorealitybutweshould,however,maketwoindispensableadditions.First,itappearsprobablethatthefinalresult
doesnotresemble,exceptinaverygeneralway,therealunfoldingoftheseprivatedisputesbetweenthemasterandthestudents.ItsufficestoreadthetextoftheDe
ueritateortheDepotentiatounderstandthatthesetextsareverymuchabovethelevelofwhatadiscussioncouldbeforaveragestudents.ThestudentsofParis,
betterformedthanthoselateratRome,coulddoubtlessfollowthemostdifficultexpositions,butevenwiththemthediscussioncouldnothavetakentheexactformof
long,complex,andprobingresearchbynecessity,itwasbrieferandsimpler.We,therefore,mustadmitthatwhathascomedowntousbearswitnesstoconsiderable
editing.
39.
Cf.Bazn,especiallypp.7085seehisreviewoftheprecedinghistoricalliterature.Theauthor'sargumentbearsdirectlyontheDeueritate,butnothingpreventsextendingit
totheDemaloortheDepotentia.
40.
Cf.inBazn,pp.7276,thedensediscussionwhichallowshimtocount79dieslegibilesintheuniversityyear,whichapproachesthe75daysavailabletotheartsfaculty,
accordingtoCharlesThurot.

 Page63

Weshouldaddthatitisimportanttobeattentivetothefactthatthedisputedquestionisalsoaliterarygenre.Formedinthedialecticofproandcontra,themindsof
thatepochnaturallyexpressthemselvesinthisformthemostbeautifulspecimeninthisgenreistheSummatheologiae,whichisentirelycomposedaccordingtothis
scheme.Butonecouldeasilymultiplyexamples.Thisamountstosayingthatcertainquaestionesdisputataecouldnotreallyhavebeendisputed,eitherinpublicorin
private.ThatisperhapsthecaseforthequestionDeanima,towhichwewillhavetoreturn.Buttherearedoubtlessotherexamples.BymakinguseofBazn'slabors,
wecanfreeourselvesfromatoostrictservitudetothescholasticcalendar,whichhasgivensomuchdifficultytoresearchers.41

ToreturntotheDeueritate,thefinalredactionhadtofollowverysoonafterthediscussion,foritsexistenceisattestedveryearly.Wellbeforethedepositionduring
thecanonizationprocessatNaplesbyBartholemewofCapua,42acatalogueofThomas'sworkspublishedpriorto1293mentionsthequestionsDeueritate"quas
disputauitParisius."43Butwehavetwootherevenearliertestimonies.Beginningin1278,WilliamdelaMare,Thomas'sFranciscanadversary,authorofthefamous
Correctorium,dedicatedasectionofninearticlesattackingthe(inhiseyes)faultythesesoftheDeueritateanindisputablesignofThomistauthenticity.Thomas's
friendsalsoevidentlyrecognizedthis,sincetheycametohisdefense.44Atastillearlierperiod,VincentofBeauvaisintroduced(priorto1264/65,thedateofhis
death),inhissecondeditionoftheSpeculummaius,important
41.
Baznmuststill,however,resolvedifficultiestwopointsstillremaintobeexplained,itseemstous.Ontheonehand,accordingtohishypothesis,Thomaswouldhaveheld
onlyprivatedisputesandnopublicones(apartfromtheQuodlibets)now,ifwecanadmitthatthepublicdisputedquestionswerenotheldbetweenthetimeofhisadmissionto
mastershipandthatofhisreceptionintotheconsortiummagistrorum,westilldonotseewhyhewouldnothavetakenpartinthemlater.Wemust,therefore,recognizethatboth
bytheirlengthandbytheirtechnicality,thequestionsDeueritateresemblemagisterialdisputesmorethantheydoprivateexercises(thatiswhywemustsupposeinthelatter
caseaconsiderableeditorialactivity).Ontheotherhand,wedonotunderstandverywellwhyThomasmadesogreataneffortincomposingtheseprivateexerciseswhenhedid
notdosoforhislecturesinsacrapagina(whichwere,howeveratleastatParishisprimaryoccupation)wehavetowaituntillater,whenhewouldbecomeacelebrity,forthe
reportatioofhiscoursesonScripture,whichwehaveinmorefinishedforms.Ourschemaofaday'steachingatSaintJacquesseemsdefensible,butwewouldhavetobemuch
clearerthanweareaboutuniversityregulationsthatwereinfactappliedduringthatperiodtobeabletospeakwithlessuncertainty.
42.
Naples85,p.388.
43.
Thisisthelistofthems.Praha,Metr.kap.A17/2,ofwhichwecanfindatranscriptioninGrabmann,DieWerke,pp.9798forthedateseeourdiscussioninCollationes,p.6.
44.
SeesomeofthedetailsonthissubjectintheLeon.ed.,vol.22/1,p.6*wewillreturntoWilliamdelaMareinchap.15.

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45
fragmentsfromquestions11,12,and13oftheDeueritateundertheexplicitnameoftheirauthor. Theuseofthebookwasthereforepracticallycontemporaneous
withitscompletion,andthispermitsustoemphasizeboththerapidityofitsdiffusionandthevitalityofParisianuniversitycirclesatthetime.

TheDeueritatepresentsstillanotherinterestingaspecttowhich,generallyspeaking,toolittleattentionhasbeenpaid,butwhichgivesitaplacecompletelyapartin
thewholeofSaintThomas'swritings.Whileforthemajorityofthesewritings,wehaveonlycopiesrarehandwrittentextsexceptedtheDeueritateisuniquein
thatwepossesstheoriginaldictationbySaintThomas.FatherA.DondaineoftheLeonineCommissionbegantoexplainin1956thereasonsthatpermittedhimto
advancethisthesis,andhehasrestatedhisdemonstrationatgreaterdepthinthecriticaleditionofthistextthatheproducedseveralyearslater.46Withtheexceptionof
somefewopponentswhosereticenceitisdifficulttounderstandinlightoftheargumentsbeingadvanced47thewholescholarlyworldhasacceptedthisposition,
andwemustemphasizethebenefitsthathaveresultedfromthediscovery.

Adictatedoriginalispracticallytheequivalentofanautographmanuscriptandhas,therefore,alltheadvantagesofthelatter.Weseeinittheauthoratworkinthe
veryoutpouringofhisthought,makingeffortstofinditsbestformulation,aboutwhichhefrequentlyhesitates.Itsufficestocastaneyeovertheeditorialcorrections
(erasuresofawordorparagraph,hesitationsaboutterms,thesearchforthebestauthority,etc.theeditorshavegivensomeexamplesamonghundredspossible)to
understandthatthetextdidnotemergeinasingleblockfromThomas'sthinking.

ThematterisevenmorestrikinginthatthistexthadalreadyundergonetestingbydiscussionsThomasdictateditwiththenotestakenduringthesessionsinfrontof
him.Forourknowledgeofthemanandoftheauthor,theoriginaltextisanindisputableaid.Beyondthis,wealsodiscoversomethingofThomas'sworkmethodsand
hisorganization:Thomasworkedfrom''files,"andhehadanentireteamofsecretariesathisdisposalthisisanimportantpointtonoteanditisasubjecttowhichwe
willreturn.

Butitisprimarilythetextthatmustbereckonedwithintheaustere
45.
Leon.,vol.22,p.7*,andp.189*foralistoftheseborrowingsbyVincent.
46.
Cf.A.Dondaine,SecrtairesdesaintThomas(Rome,1956)Leon.,vol.22(Rome,1975),pp.44*60*.
47.
Cf.(C.Vansteenkiste),RLT11(1978),no.131,pp.4954,whootherwiserecognizestheirreproachablequalityoftheLeonineedition.

 Page65

workoftheeditorsand,finally,byusreaders.FatherDondainewasabletoshowthatthecurrentprintedtextoftheDeueritate,derivedfromtheuniversitytradition
thatquicklyspreadthroughthebooksellers,washighlyfaulty:recoursetotheoriginalforquestions222permittedthecorrectionofsome10,000passageswhere
Thomas'stexthadbeenmoreorlessseverelyaltered.EveryonewilleasilygraspthatscientifichonestyimposesonwhoeverwishestounderstandThomas'sthoughta
preliminaryandseriousverificationoftheaccuracyofthetextthatheuses.

Toturnnowtoitscontents,theDeueritateisanimposingassemblyof253articles,groupedinto29questions.Thefirstquestionhasgivenitsnametotheentire
series,buttheotherquestionsaremoreorlessdistantfromthatsubject.SinceitisprobablethatThomashadthoughtouttheplaninadvance,atleastinitslarge
outline,wemightsuggestthatheproceededintwophases,asifhehadanticipatedaprogramspreadoutovertwoyears,towhichathirdyearwouldlaterbeadded.48
Wecanseequitewellthatthewholeissubdividedintotwolargeparts:(1)truthandknowledge(qq.120)(2)thegoodandtheappetiteforthegood(qq.2129).
S.Th.Boninothinkshecanalsodiscernasimilarityintheinternalorganizationofeachofthetwopartswefind,ineffect,thesamesequenceinGod(amongthe
angels),inman.Forman,wecanfurtherdiscernaprincipleoforganizationthat,prefiguringthatofthePrimaSecundae,treatsfirstofstructures,thenofhistorical
realizations.49

Sincewecannotgoverymuchintothecontentofthisworkhere,wemustatleastgiveanideaofthesubjectsthataretreatedinit.Inthefirstquestion,universallyand
justlyknown,Thomasdoesnotdealsolelywithtruthbutwiththetranscendentalsandtheirconvertibility.Afterthis"introduction,"hecomestotheproblemsthat
presentthemselvesaboutGod'sknowledge:knowledgeingeneral,50divineideas,theWord,providence,predestination,andtheadditionalquestionofthe"bookof
life"(qq.27).Fortheangels,hefirstconsiderstheproblemofangelicknowledge,then
48.
ThesuggestionisP.Synave'sin"Larvlationdesvritsdivinesnaturellesd'aprssaintThomasd'Aquin,"MlangesMandonnetI,Bibliothquethomiste13(Paris,1930),
pp.32770,cf.p.358.ItisrepeatedbyJ.Tonneau,inhisintroductiontoSaintThomasd'Aquin,TroisquestionsdisputesduDeVeritate.Q.XV:Raisonsuprieureetraison
infrieureQ.XVI:DelasyndrseQ.XVII:Delaconscience,Texte,traductionetnotes(Paris,1991).
49.
S.Th.Bonino,QuaestionesdisputataeDeveritate.SaintThomasd'Aquin,Question12:Laprophtie,Prsentation,traductionetnotes,Licentiatethesisrecord(Fribourg,1989),
p.161alsodealtwithinthebookcitedinnote50,p.97.
50.
ThisquestionisthesubjectofaremarkablebookbyS.Th.Bonino,Thomasd'Aquin.Delavrit.Question2(LascienceenDieu)(Fribourg/Paris:EditionsUniversitaires,1995).

 Page66
51
theproblemofthecommunicationofthatknowledge(qq.89).Manisthesubjectofamuchfullertreatment:themind(mens)ingeneral,themaster,prophecy,
faith,superiorandinferiorreason,synderesis,conscience(qq.1017,for"structural"questions),theknowledgeofthefirstmaninthestateofinnocence,knowledge
ofsoulsafterdeath,andtheknowledgeofChrist'ssoul(qq.1820,forthehistoricalrealizations).ThesubdivisionDebonodealswiththefollowingpoints:thegood
andtheappetiteforthegoodingeneral(qq.2122),thewillinGod(q.23),thewillinman(freewill),thesensibilityandthepassionsofthesoul(qq.2426,dealing
withthe"structures"),graceingeneral,justificationofthewicked,Christ'sgrace(qq.2729:historicalrealizations).

Thisbriefliststillsaysnothingabouttheinterestofthismaterial,whichmakesoftheDeueritatearemarkableworkinmorewaysthanoneway.Notonlydoesithelp
ustograspthesubjectsthatoccupiedThomasandhisstudentsinthisperiod,butevenmoreithelpsustoseeinthisworkthegeniusoftheyoungmaster.This
confirmsitselfaswereadonand,particularly,aswebecomeconsciousoftheevolutionofhistheology:hehasalreadychangedhismindaboutcertainpointsthathe
haddealtwithintheSentences,andhewillchangeitagaininlaterworks.

Totakeonlyoneexample,thewayinwhichhespeaksofgraceintheSummasupposesapaththathaspassedfromtheSentencesthroughtheDeueritate.52Inthe
domainofChristology,thewayinwhichhespeaksofChristtheheadasbeinginhishumanitythecauseofallgrace,somewhatinthewayinwhichGodhimselfisthe
causeofallbeing,showstheprogressthathehasmadesinceanearly,overlystrictvisionoftheinstrumentalityofthathumanity.53Thomaswillsometimessayclearly
thathe
51.
InadditiontothethreequestionstranslatedbyJ.Tonneau(cf.n.48),andthoseonprophecyandknowledgeinGodtranslatedbyS.Th.Bonino(notes49and50),seealso
SaintThomasd'Aquin,Questionsdisputessurlavrit,QuestionXI:LeMatre(Demagistro),etQuestionIV:LeVerbe(DeVerbo),intro.,trans.,andnotesbyB.Jolles,Paris,
1983and1992.ApartialtranslationbyF.X.PutallazofthefirstquestioncanalsobefoundinR.ImbachandM.H.Mlard,Philososophesmdivaux.Anthologiedetextes
philosophiques(XIIeXIVesicles)(10/18),Paris,1986,pp.6994.
52.
ItsufficestocompareSentencesId.17q.1a.1(orSent.IId.26q.1a.1)withDeueritate27,12,andSTIaIIaeq.10a.1(orIIaIIaeq.23a.2),toseehowthelargethesisaboutthe
creatednatureofcharityorofgrace(contrathepositionofPeterLombard)isreinforcedandbetterorganized.
53.
Deueritate,29,5:"Christus...principiumquodammodoomnisgratiaesecundumhumanitatem,sicutDeusestprincipiumomnisesse"of.ibid.,ad3:"Christusautemoperatusest
nostramsalutemquasiexpropriavirtute."ThisaspectofthingshasbeenexploredbyJ.R.Geiselmann,"ChristusunddieKirchenachThomasvonAquin,"Theol.Quartalschrift107
(1926)198222108(1927)23355.

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haschangedhismindoncertainpoints(forexample,ontheknowledgeacquiredbyChrist)sometimeshedoesnotthinkitusefultospecifyfurther.Butitisimportant
nevertoforgetthis:ifheisconsistentwithhimselfinhislargescalechoices,Thomasshowsnothingofthefixedsystematician.Rather,heisageniusinmotion,
perpetuallyintheactofdiscovery.

Itispreciselytothisthatanotherworkfromthistimewitnesses:theSuperBoetiumDeTrinitate.Thislittlebook,weknow,isdistinguishedbyseveralunique
features.BeyondthefactthatThomasistheonlyauthorinthethirteenthcenturytohavecommentedonthistext,itisprincipallydistinguishedasoneoftherareworks
thathavecomedowntousinThomas'sownhandwriting,anditisawindfallfortheeditorofthetext,whohasdrawnfromitsomethingsthatwewillspeakabout
below.Furthermore,itisunfinished,butthatislessrareamongThomas'sworks(wehavethirteenthatwereneverfinished).Finallyitisinthistheologicalworkthat
Thomasproducedhismostdevelopedargumentsontheepistemologyofthesciences.54

WhydidThomaswritethisopusculum?Thequestionisaskedaboutallhiscommentaries,whetheronDionysiusorAristotle,andthescholarsdonotfindany
absolutelycertainanswer.WeborrowfromP.M.Gilsaseriesofhypothesesthatmaybeformulated:"Somescholasticactivitiesintramuros,whiletheofficial
coursesgivenatSaintJacqueswereinprinciplepublic?Aliterarygenrethattheauthorgivestosomepersonalworks?UniversityteachingparalleltotheLecturaand
Disputatio,ofwhichthereisnotraceintheregulationsthathavecomedowntous?"55Ifwemustchoose,thehypothesisofapersonalreflectionconductedwithpen
inhandandaccordingtothesystemofthespontaneousquaestiointhestyleofonefamiliarwithdialecticasThomaswas,appearstousthemostsatisfying
explanation.Itwasforhimameansofpreparing,inamore
54.
ForapresentationofthewholeoftheSuperBoetium,werefertotheintroductionbyP.Gils,Leon.,vol.50,p.59butseealsoChenu,Toward,pp.23739Weisheipl,pp.134
38Tugwell,pp.25051A.Maurer,St.ThomasAquinas.TheDivisionandMethodsoftheSciences,4threv.ed.(Toronto,1986).Therearealsoseveralrecentstudiesonthis
opusculum:L.Elders,FaithandScience.AnIntroductiontoSt.Thoma'sExpositioinBoethiiDeTrinitate(Rome,1974)F.Ruello,"Ladoctrinedel'illuminationdansletrait
SuperlibrumBoethiideTrinitatedeThomasd'Aquin,"RSR64(1976)34157J.I.Saranyana,"SobreelInBoethiideTrinitatedeTomsdeAquino,"MM19(1988)7181R.
McInerny,BoethiusandAquinas(Washington,1990)[cf.reviewbyS.Th.Bonino,RT91(1991),pp.32224]D.C.Hall,TheTrinity:AnAnalysisofSt.ThomasAquinas's
ExpositiooftheDeTrinitateofBoethius,StudienundTextez.GeistesgeschichtedesMittelalters(Leiden,1992).
55.
Leon.,vol.50,p.6.

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orlesspreliminaryfashion,hisownwritingforusitisafirstindicationofthatperpetuallyawakespiritwewillcomeuponfrequentlyinwhatfollows.

Reexaminingthedating,Gilsconcludedthatwemustplacethiswork"somewhereinthemiddleofthewaybetweentheperiodoftheDeueritateandthebeginningof
theContraGentiles,whetherintheyears12571258orthebeginningof1259,asFatherMandonnetmoreorlessdivined."Therelationshipofthisproposaltothe
firstbooksoftheContraGentilesisnottheonlythingthatmakesthedateplausible.Theconflictbetweenthesecularsandreligiousalsoenteredatthistimeintoa
periodofprovisionalpeacefulness.Withoutlosinganytime,Thomasthereforelaunchedintosomeofhismostdemandingintellectuallabors.

Exceptforthefactthatitdealswithaworkbythesameauthor,nothingobligesustoplaceherethereferencetotheothercommentarybyThomasonBoethius.
Historianshabituallymentionthesetwoworksoneafteranotherbecauseoftheircommonsubject.56IntheprefacetotheLeonineedition,FatherBataillonthinks
insteadgiventheinternaldatathatrevealdifferencesthattheExpositiolibriBoetiiDeebdomadibusisprobablylaterthantheSuperBoetiumDeTrinitate.But
withoutexternaldatathatwouldpermitustosituateitbetter(throughdatedsources,forexample),Bataillondeclareshimselfunabletoproposeaprecisedate.57

EvenifThomashasfurnishedaProloguewiththeologicalallure(explanationofabiblicalverse),Boethius'ssubjectinthisopusculumisessentiallymetaphysical,and
thecommentatordealswithitassuch.Tostateitinitsproperterms:"Giventhatallbeingsaregood,wemustdeterminethemodeofthatgoodness,whichistosay,
howbeingsaregood.Now,apredicatecanbeattributedtoasubjectintwoways,eithersubstantiallyorbyparticipation.Thequestionthereforeistoknowifbeings
aregoodintheiressenceorbyparticipation."58ThisreflectionexplainswhythephilosophersoftenbegintheirstudyofparticipationinThomaswiththiswork.59
56.
Cf.WN,p.10322Weisheipl,p.158414Grabmann,Werke,pp.35860.
57.
Leon.,vol.50(1992),pp.26364.
58.
Chap.3,beginning.
59.
Cf.L.B.Geiger,LaparticipationdanslaphilosophiedeS.Thomasd'Aquin,Bibliothquethomiste23(Paris,1942,1953)C.Fabro,Lanozionemetafisicadipartecipazione
secondoS.Tommasod'Aquino(Torino,3ded.1963)forarapidgeneralpresentation,seeG.Casey,"AnExplicationoftheDeHebdomadibusofBoethiusintheLightofSt.Thomas's
Commentary,"TheThomist51(1987)41934.

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Withoutgettingourselvesfurtherembroiledinthismaterial,wecallthereader'sattentiontothequitebeautifulPrologueontheadvantagesofalifededicatedtothe
pursuitofwisdom:
Zeal[studium]forwisdomhasthisprivilegethat,inpursuingitsend,itsufficestoitself....Inthisthecontemplationofwisdomiscomparabletoagame,fortworeasons.First,
becauseagameisenjoyableandthecontemplationofwisdomcarrieswithitthehighestdelight....Then,becauseagameisnotorderedtosomethingelsebuttoitself,andit
findsinitselfitsownendwealsofindthisintheenjoymentofwisdom....Butcontrarytowhatoccursinthecaseofourordinaryenjoyments,aboutwhichweanticipatethatthe
leasthindrancewillbotherourjoy,sometimesgreatlydisturbit,...itisinitselfthatthecontemplationofwisdomfindsthecauseofitsdelight.Itdoesnotsuffer,therefore,from
anyanguishsuchaswhenweneedtowaitforsomething....Thatiswhydivinewisdomcomparesitsowndelighttothatofagame:"Irejoiceddayafterday,playinginhis
presence"(Proverbs8:30).

Withoutanydoubt,wearedealingherewithasortofprogram,andwewillfindotherechoesofitasweproceedinourreadingofthistext.

Praedicare:
TheologyandPastoralPractice

Preachingwasthethirdandlastofthemaster'smainobligations.60ThepeopleoftheMiddleAgessawnooppositionbetweenthescientificteachingoftheologyand
itspastoralapplication.Onthecontrary,thefirstwasseenasthenormalpreparationforthesecond.PeterCantorevenspecifies:"ItisafterthelectioofScriptureand
aftertheexaminationofdoubtfulpointsthankstothedisputatio,andnotbefore,thatwemustpreach."61

Themastersoccupiedthemselveswiththisaspectofthingsandnotonlylaboredtoputatthedisposalofpastorssuchworkingimplementsasconcordancesand
distinctionsforamoreleisurelyandsureruseoftheBible,62butalsofrequentlyjoinedtotheirownlectiobothentiresermons,andplans
60.
OnthissubjectseethegeneralpresentationbyGlorieux,L'enseignement,pp.14861.
61.
Verbumabbreviatum1:PL205,25AB.
62.
Cf.L.J.Bataillon,"LesinstrumentsdetravaildesprdicateursauXlllesicle,"inCultureettravailintellectueldansl'Occidentmdival,ed.G.HasenohrandJ.Longre(Paris,
1981),pp.197209bythesameauthor:"lntermdiairesentrelestraitsdemoralepratiqueetlessermons:lesdistinctionesbibliquesalphabtiques,"inLesgenreslittrairesdansles
sourcesthologiquesetphilosophiquesmdivales(LouvainlaNeuve,1982),pp.21326"SimilitudinesetexempladanslessermonsduXIIIe,"inTheBibleintheMedievalWorld.
EssaysinMemoryofBerylSmalley,ed.K.WalshandD.Wood,Subsidia4,(OxfordNewYork,1985),pp.191205.

 Page70
63
orcondensationsofsermonsthatcouldaidtheirlistenersinmakingthetransitionfromthelectiotothepraedicatio. Inaddition,theyknewhowtomakegooduseof
theirownworkswhentheyhadtopreachthus,ThomasusedthepatristicfilesthathehadgatheredtogetherintheCatenaaurea.64

Thepracticeshowsthatthetheoryprovidedinthestatutesofthefacultywasindeedwellhonored.Evenbeforepresentinghimselfforthetestsneededtoreceivethe
license,theyoungtheologianhadtopromisetogivetwocollationespersonallytotheuniversity,orasermoandacollatio.65Oncehewasamaster,hewasnot
dispensedfromfurtherpreaching.Thestatutesalsoprovidedforthecreationofacommission,consistingoffourregentmasters,chargedwithassigningtoothersthe
sermonstheywouldhavetogiveinthecourseoftheyear.Itwasfurthermoreprovidedthat,ifthedesignatedmastercouldnotcarryoutthisobligationhimself,hehad
tofindanothermasterasreplacement.66TheobligationwasnotlimitedtoSundaysitincludedthefeastswhenthefacultyoftheologywasshutdowninthislatter
case,preachingwasgivenattheresidenceofthemendicants,eitherthefriarsminororthepreachers.67Forthemendicantmasters,aspecialclauseprovidedthatthey
wouldgiveasermoninthemorningcoramuniversitateinahouseoftheirorder,andtheywerealsosupposedtocarryoutthecollatioatVespersbutifthemorning
sermontookplaceelsewhere,theywerenotheldtothisobligation.68

Inlinewiththesedispositions,whichdoubledthedemandsonhisvocationasamemberoftheOrderofPreachers,Thomasthereforehadtopreachatleastseveral
timesperyearattheuniversitytheseuniversitysermonsarefarfromeverhavingknownthesamedistributionastherestofhisworknotonlyhistheologicalworks
properlyspeaking,butevenhis
63.
Cf.hereL.J.Bataillon,"Delalectiolapraedicatio,CommentairesbibliquesetsermonsauXIIIesicle,"RSPT70(1986)55975,whogivesanumberofexamplesofthese
matters,whichhavereceivedthenamesofprocessus,adnotatio,orevencollatiohesuggests(p.58)thatweseesomethinganalogousinthecollationesoftheSuperIsaiam.
64.
Cf.L.J.Bataillon,"LessermonsdesaintThomasetlaCatenaaurea,"inCommemorativesStudiesI,pp.6775.
65.
Cf.Chartul.II,no.1190,p.705,Juramenta(12).
66.
Cf.Chartul.II,no.1189,p.703,Stat.no.66.
67.
Chartul.II,no.1188,p.692,Stat.no.4inawrittencommunication,L.J.Bataillonhasassuredmethat"theParisianpractice,wellattestedfromthesermonesdetemporefrom
Bonaventureon,isthattheuniversitysermonsonSundayswouldnormallytakeplaceattheresidenceoftheDominicansandthoseonthefeastdaysthatfellduringtheweekatthe
residenceofthefriarsminor."
68.
Chartul.no.1188,p.692,Stat.no.14.

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69
preachingonthePater,AveMaria,Credo,ortheDecalogue. Whileeachoneofthesefourseriesisconfirmedbyatleast80testimoniesandsometimes,theCredo
forexample,byalmost150,thereisnouniversitysermonthathascomedowntousinmorethanfourmanuscripts,andfrequentlywedonothavemorethanone.

Fromwhatdoesthisdifferencestem?Itisdifficulttoknow.WeshouldnotsaythatThomas'spreachingwouldhavebeenconsideredaminorgenresincetheother
preachingseriesonthegreatChristianprayershadaquitegooddiffusion.Thedifferencecomesperhapsfromthefactthatthesefourseriesweretreatedasopuscula
andtransmittedassuch,whilethesermonsthatwerepresentedasseparateentitiesdidnotenjoythesameesteemwithposterity.Thiswoulddoubtlesshavebeen
differentifThomashimselfhadundertakenthecompilationofasubstantialbodyofthesesermons,as,forexample,SaintBonaventuredid.70

Throughpatientlabor,L.J.Bataillon,theunrivaledspecialistonthismaterial,hassucceededinestablishingalistof20authenticuniversitysermons,ofwhich11are
furnishedwiththeircollatio.ButhethinksThomaspreached"agooddealmorefrequently."71Astothedateswhenthesesermonswerepreached,itisfrequently
difficulttosaywecancalculatethembeginningwiththeplacesthataresometimesindicated:Bologna,coramuniversitateMilan,coramcleroetpopulocivitatis
Paris,coramuniversirate.Parisistheprobablesiteofatleast12ofthesesermons(13withtheAveMaria),giventheirpositionsinthecollectionofsermonsof
Parisianorigin.ItisthereforeplausiblethatthosenototherwisedesignatedaresimilarlyParisianinorigin.

SomeechoesofThomas'spreachingcoramuniversitatehavecomedowntousthemostcolorfulisdatedfrom6April1259.Weknowofitthroughaletterof
AlexanderIVdated26June1259:thepopeaskedthebishopofParis,RenauddeCorbeil,topunishenergeticallythebeadleofthePicardnation,whohadallowed
publicinjurytoFriarThomasAquinas.TheprecedingPalmSunday,thisbeadle,namedGuillot,hadtaken
69.
OnSaintThomas'spreachingseeourstudy:"Lapratiquepastoraled'unthologienduXIIIesicle:Thomasd'Aquinprdicateur,"RT82(1982)21345(=Pratique).
70.
Cf.S.Bonaventure,Sermonesdominicales...,ed.J.G.Bougerol(Grottaferrata,1977)theeditormentions32manuscripts,somethattransmitthetotalcorpusofthesesermons,
andsomethattransmitonlyapart.
71.
L.J.Bataillon,"LessermonsattribussaintThomas.Questionsd'authenticit,"MM19(1988)32541herecallsthattheSermonesdominicalesaswellastheSermonesfestiui
includedinthelargecollectionsofThomas'sOperaomnia,areapocryphalintheirentirety.

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ituponhimselftointerruptFriarThomas,whowasintheprocessofpreaching,inordertopublicizeinconspectuclerietpopulithelittlebookbyWilliamofSaint
Amouragainstthereligiousmendicants.Topunishthisaudacity,thepopeaskedthatthebeadlebeexcommunicated,deprivedofsalary,anddefinitivelyrelievedofhis
office.72Thepopepleadedwithoutmuchsuccessitseems,sinceseveralyearslater,27August1266,wefindthesameGuillotstillbeadleofthePicardsandstillan
agitator.On7July1267asbeadleoftheuniversitynowheactedagainstthedecisionbythelegateSimondeBrion,thefutureMartinIV.73Thisepisodemight
havebeencomicifitdidnottakeplaceinthetensecontextthatwehaveseenabove.

ThesmallnumberofuniversitysermonsisatruehandicapforourknowledgeofThomasthepreacher,buttheconditioninwhichtheyhavecomedowntous
(sometimesintheformofaskeletalsummary,74correspondingtohardlyonetenthoftheactualsermon),isevenmoreregrettable.Happily,inadditiontothese
sermons,wehavethethreeseriesofpreachingsonthePater,Credo,andAveMariaaswellastheDecalogue.Evenif,despiteMandonnet'saffirmations,75theirdate
isnotmoresurethanthedateofthemajorityofothersermons,76theydopermitustoformaratherpreciseideaofThomas'sstyleandthemes.

Thoughnotgenerallyremarked,thispartofThomas'sliteraryoutputispreciousifwewishtoknowhimbetter.Comparedwithanumberofhiscontemporaries,
Thomasdistinguisheshimselfbyhissimplicityandsobriety,theabsenceofscholasticsubtletiesandtechnicalterms.77Thiscommitmenttosobrietynotonlyexcludesa
mandarinvocabularyitequallyrejectsoratoricalflights.Thomasbelievesoratorsneedanartthatcanmovethefeelings,butherefusestoreducethatarttothe
wisdomof
72.
Cf.Chartul.,no.342,pp.39092cf.Documenta,no.16,pp.56263Dufeil,Polmique,pp.1045,pointsoutanotherstoryofabeadlemistreatedbythefriarsintheexerciseof
hisfunctions(accordingtoExcelsidextera,Chartul.,p.256).
73.
Cf.Chartul.,no.409,p.450no.416,p.468.
74.
ThisisthecaseforthethreesermonstransmittedbyBonaventure'ssecretary(aclarificationweowetoFatherBataillon).
75.
P.Mandonnet,"LeCarmedesaintThomasd'AquinNaples(1273),"inMiscellaneastoricoartistica(Rome,1924),p.195212thispositionwasacceptedwithoutdiscussionby
thegreatmassofscholarsincludingWeisheipl,pp.319and4013,nos.8689.
76.
Cf.J.P.Torrell,Collationes,pp.917,whereweshowtheweaknessofMandonnet'sposition.
77.
Onthissee:L.J.Bataillon,"Lescrisesdel'universitdeParisd'aprslessermonsuniversitaires,"MM10(1976)15569"L'emploidulangagephilosophiquedanslessermonsdu
treizimesicle,"MM13/2(1981)98391.

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thisworld.Thatiswhywescarcelyfindinhimthoselittlestories(exempla)sovaluedbysomanypreachers.Hewarnsus,onthecontrary,againstwhathecalls
"frivolities"(frivolitates).

ThusinhisresponsetoGerard,theconventuallectorofBesanon,whoquestionedhimontheformofthestarthatappearedtotheMagi(across,aman,ora
crucifix?),ThomasrespondsthatthereisnothinginScriptureortraditionthataddressesthisandheaddsratherdryly:"Itisnotproperforthepreacheroftruthtolose
himselfinunverifiablefables."78Foranintellectual,Thomas'spreachingappearsastonishinglyconcrete,supportedbydailyexperience,concernedwithsocialand
economicjustice.79

Wecertainlyseeherethementalityofhisepoch(superstitions,antisemitism,malebiases,etc.),buthispreachingisalsoimpregnatedwithamassiveuseoftheBible
andaprofoundlovefortheWordofGod.(ItisinthecontextofasermononkeepingholytheLord'sDaythatheinvokestheJewsasanexampletoChristians
becauseJewsspendtheSabbathmeditatingonScripture.)

Astothecontent,hissermonsrepeatmanythemesfavoredbythepreachersofeverytime:themeaningofGod,devotiontotheVirgin,prayer,humility(Thomasloved
thethemeofthevetulawhoknowsmoreaboutGodthanaproudintellectual),butwealsofindheresomepersonallinesofforce.Inthefirstplace,concernforthe
essential,charity:TotalexChristipendetacaritate.80Then,imitationofChrist:"EverythingtheLorddidandsufferedinthefleshisasalutaryteachingforus."81

ThethemeofmanastheimageofGodfindsaplaceinthiscontext,forChristcametorestoretheimagedisfiguredbysin.Thomasinsistshereonfreedomasthe
privilegedsignofresemblancetoGod.Finally,he
78.
ResponsiadlectoremBisuntinum,Leon.,vol.42,p.355seeinTorrell,Pratique,pp.22425,twootherexamplesofthisattitudeandthesomewhatlargercontextofthis
response.Wealsorefertothisstudyforthefollowingparagraphs.NoonehasdonemorethanL.J.BataillonforabetterknowledgeofSaintThomas'spreaching.Wereferagain
toatexteditedbyhim:"LesermoninditdeS.ThomasHomoquidamfecitcenammagnam.Introductionetdition,"RSPT67(1983)35369cf.hisearlier:"UnsermondeS.
Thomassurlaparaboledufestin,"RSPT58(1974)45156.
79.
SeetheexamplesgiveninTorrell,Pratique,pp.23031inreferencetoourarticleintheDS(col.727,par.2),FatherGauthierhasadvisedusthat,inhisworkinpreparationforthe
editionoftheQuodlibets,heis"onthecontrarystruckbythecompletelackofconcernforsocialjustice"Thomasdidnotengagehimselfinthatway,contentinghimselfwithpassing
on,throughSaintAmbrose,SaintBasil'spositions,themselvesdrawnfromStoicism,"whosesocialcriticismisasignificanttrait,"whileAristotlewasratherconservative.This
perhapsresultsfromthedifferenceofliterarygenre,butThomas'spreachingseemstousmorepositiveinthisfield.
80.
CollationesXI(ed.Torrell),p.227.
81.
SermonPuerIesusproficiebat(ed.RaulxI,p.418).

 Page74

stronglyemphasizestheplaceoftheHolySpiritasasourceofChristianliberty,thebondofecclesialcommunion,theoriginofourprayers,therealizerofthepetitions
inthePater.

Thesearesomethemestowhichwereturninthenextbook,82dedicatedtoThomas'sspiritualtheology.Inmentioningthemhere,wewishtodrawattentiontothe
connectionthatexistsforhimbetweentheologyandpreaching.WecanspeakofThomas,asaboutmanyofthetheologiansofthisperiod,asa''preacher's
magisterium."83
82.
Asthisvolumegoestopress,preparationoftheFrencheditionofthesecondvolumeisnearlycompleteanEnglishtranslationofthesecondvolumewillbepublishedbyThe
CatholicUniversityofAmericaPress.
83.
ThisisthethemeofawonderfulstudybyJ.Leclercq,"LemagistreduprdicateurauXIIIesicle,"AHDLMA21(1946)10547.

 Page75

ChapterV
DefenderofMendicantReligiousLife
ThePalmSunday1259incident,mentionedinthepreviouschapter,wasonlyonesignamongseveralofauniversityatmosphereincontinualdeteriorationsincethe
arrivalofthemendicantfriarsinParis.1TheDominicanshadobtainedtheirfirstchairintheologythankstoRolandofCremona,whoreceivedamasterofartsdegree
fromBolognaandhadenteredtheorderin1219.HearrivedinParisin1228andbecamebacheloroftheSentencesforJohnofSaintGiles,anEnglishsecular
master.HewastobecomemasteroftheologyinMay1229.WiththeagreementofthechancellorandtheHolySee,hebeganteachingasaregentmasterbecauseof
thestrikeof122930.Thankstothegoodreputationthefriarsenjoyed,hequicklyacquiredastrongstudentfollowing.2InSeptember1230,JohnofSaintGileswas
totaketheDominicanhabit.Sincehewasalreadyregentmaster,heretainedhischairandcontinuedteaching.3ThiswasthesecondchairintheologyatSaint
Jacques,theonedesignated"forforeigners"(ratherimproperly,itseems).
1.
M.M.Dufeil'sthesis,GuillaumedeSaintAmouretlapolmiqueuniversitaireparisienne12501259(1972),whichisremarkableinmanyways,alsomakesthatdecadecome
aliveagainwithanimpartialitythatreligioushistorianshavenotalwaysmaintainedsomeofthedataaboutSaintThomasoughttobeadjustedinlightofrecentworkbythe
LeonineCommissioncf.also[C.Vansteenkiste],RLT(1975)no.774,pp.31822.
2.
InadditiontotheobservationsofGlorieux,RpertoireI,no.1,p.42,seeonthissubjectM.H.Vicaire,"RolanddeCrmoneoulapositiondelathologiel'universitdeToulouse,"
CahiersdeFanjeaux5(1970),pp.14578.
3.
OnJohnofSaintGiles,cf.Glorieux,RpertoireI,no.3,pp.5253Kppeli,ScriptoresII,pp.53637onwhatseemtobethereal,concretecircumstancesabouttheacquisitionof
thesechairs,cf.Dufeil,Polmique,pp.2425.

 Page76

HistoryofaQuarrel

ThesecularmastersneverforgavetheDominicansforsabotagingastriketheythoughtlegitimatetheyalsolookedaskanceatthepresenceofthereligiousordersin
theirranks,whichhadpreviouslybeenhomogeneous.4Tounderstandtheirattitude,wemustrememberthatthenumberofchairsintheologyattheUniversityofParis
(thoughnotthenumberofprofessors)wasstrictlylimited.5Atthebeginningofthecentury,therewereonlyeight,ofwhichthreewerereservedforthecanonsofNotre
Damethisgroup,oncegracedwithPeterLombard,alsofurnishedtheuniversitychancellor.Inthebeginning,thesecularswerethusclearlyamajority.In1254,the
numberofchairsgrewtotwelve,butthreemendicantswerenowincludedinadditiontothecanonsofNotreDame.Eachnewarrivalmeantanotherlostchairforthe
secularsbeyondthefactthatthefruitfulcommercialgamethatsurroundedtheappointments(locations,exchanges,oreventhesellingofchairs)wassomewhatupset
bythisdevelopment,theconstellationofforceswasbecomingverydifferentandrelentlesslyplayedouttotheseculars'detriment.6

ThingswerethereforecomplicatedwhentheEnglishmasterAlexanderofHalesenteredtheFranciscansin1236.7Anactivemastersince1229,Alexandernaturally
keptthechairandpasseditontoJohnofRochelle,EudesRigaud,andWilliamofMeliton.Thestrawthatbrokethecamel'sback,however,wastheFranciscans'
claimtoasecondchairintheology,astheDominicanshad.TheoccasionpresenteditselfatthecandidacyofSaintBonaventure.8AbacheloroftheSentencessince
1250,Bonaventure
4.
Cf.themanifestoExcelsidextera,February4,1254,addressedtoalltheprelatesanduniversityfigures,inwhichthesecularmastersgivetheirversionoftheeventsthat
occurredfollowingthearrivaloftheDominicansattheuniversityseealsotheanalysisandcommentaryonthisdocumentinDufeil,Polmiquepp.1036,11012.
5.
Cf.theremarksofGlorieux,L'enseignement,p.91,andRprtoireI,p.225cf.Dufeil,Polmique,pp.10910,andtheappendixcontainingadetailedtableofthechairsandtheir
occupantsfrom1215to1284.
6.
ThearrivaloftheCistercianGuydel'Aumneseemstohavemarkedthebeginningofanoticeableincreaseintheranksoftheregulars(cf.Glorieux,RpertoireI,no.360,p.251,and
alsop.228).Cf.Dufeil,Polmique,pp.1067,113P.MichaudQuantin,"Guydel'Aumne,premierMatrecisterciendel'UniversitdeParis,"Anal.S.Ord.Cisterciens.15(1959)194
219.
7.
Glorieux'sworkinRpertoireII,no.1,pp.1524,shouldbeupdatedwithM.Mckshoff,LexikondesMittelalters1(1980)37778seealsoV.Doucet'sadditionsinhisreviewof
Glorieux:AFH26(1933)411.
8.
Cf.Glorieux,RpertoireII,no.305,pp.3751A.Gerken,LexikondesMittelalters2(1983)4027Dufeil'sPolmique,pp.39,15758,presentsthedetailsandhiddensideofthis
claimtoasecondFranciscanchair.

 Page77

hadreceivedhislicenseintheologyin1253,butbeginninginFebruary1252thesecularmastershadputoutnewstatutesdenyingtheregularsmorethanonemaster's
chairperreligiouscollege.9

WithoutenteringfurtherintotheFranciscans'sengagementinthisquarreltheywereasimplicatedastheDominicans,andthewidespreadJoachimismamongthem
renderedthemmorevulnerable,asDufeilhasshownandwithoutexplainingindetailtheendlessskirmishingthatfollowed,10wemaysumuptheprincipalphasesin
theconflictthus:inMarch1253,anewstrikebrokeoutattheuniversity.Onceagain,theregulars(ontheDominicanside,EliasBrunetandBonhomme)continued
theircourses.InAprilandSeptember,thesecularspromulgatednewstatutesrequiringthosewhowishedtobeadmittedtothecollegeofmasterstotakeanoath
promisingtoobservethenewrules.11Buton26August,InnocentIVinvitedthetwopartiestoreconcilewithoneanother,andaskedthemtocometoRomeifthey
didnotsucceedinreachinganunderstandingpriorto15August1254.12Thesecularsbeganalargeoffensivecampaign,andinFebruarytheysenttheletterExcelsi
dexteratoalltheprelatesinChristendom.Init,theypresentedthehistoryoftheconflictfromtheirpointofview.13Shortlyafterward,WilliamofSaintAmour,the
universitydelegateinthecaseagainsttheOrderofPreachers,wenttoRomeandsucceededinobtainingfromanagedInnocentIValatedeclarationofsupport:the
BullEtsianimarum(21November).Thatdocumentlimitedtheprivilegesofthemendicantswithregardtoconfessions,collections,preaching,andsoforth,but
maintainedaprudentreserveabouttheuniversity.14Thepopediedon7December,andhissuccessor,AlexanderIV,quicklypromulgated(22December)theBull
Necinsolitum,whichquashedEtsianimarum.15

After14April1255,theBullQuasilignumvitaewouldmodifythe
9.
ThetextisQuoniaminpromotione(Chartul.,no.200,pp.22627),whichHumbertofRomans,themastergeneraloftheDominicans,willdescribeashavingbeenpromulgated
byacongregatioclandestina(Chartul.,no.273,p.310).
10.
BesidesDufeil,Polmique,wemightrefertoH.F.Dondaine,PrfaceLon.,vol.41,pp.A78,whichupdatesP.Glorieux,"Leconflitde12521257lalumireduMmoirede
GuillaumedeSaintAmour,"RTAM24(1957)36472.
11.
Chartul.,no.219,pp.24243.
12.
Chartul.,no22526,pp.24951.
13.
Chartul.,no.230,pp.25258cf.above,ChapterIII,p.3.
14.
Chartul.,no.240,pp.26770theBullLectacoramof10May(Chartul.no.26,pp.26364)hadalreadyappearedandestablishedthesamegeneralstance.Seetheanalysisofthe
twodocumentsandtheircircumstancesinDufeil,Polmique,pp.11419,12731.
15.
Chartul.,no.244,pp.27677.

 Page78

decreesagainstthemendicants,demandtheirreintegration,andsuppressthelimitonthenumberofchairs.ButthePope'sletterwasfarfrombeingonesided:though
itcommendsthetwoDominicanmastersforrefusingtojointhe1253strike,whentheyhadbeenexcludedfromtheuniversity,itrecommendsthatinthefuturethey
participateinajuststrike.16Significantlyechoingthepope'sletter,theDominicangeneral,HumbertofRomans,wrotetothefriarsofhisorder,atthebehestofthe
generalchapteratMilan(1255),todoeverythingpossibletoovercomethequarrelswiththesecularsinthedomainofadministeringthesacraments,preaching,burials,
alms,etc.17

Inthefallof1255(2October),thesecularspublishedanoveldeclaration,Radixamaritudinis,inwhichtheyaffirmedtheirreadinesstodissolvetheirsocietyand
leaveParisratherthanadmittheOrderofPreachersamongthemamaneuverthatwouldprovetobeamistake.18Anattemptatmediationbythebishopsofthe
Parisregionreachedahaltingcompromise,whichtheFranciscansacceptedbuttheDominicansrefused.Thepope,however,rejecteditinaletterof17June1256,
whichalsorelievedoftheirdutiesthefourmastersmostengagedintheconflict:WilliamofSaintAmour,OdonofDouai,NicholasofBarsurAube,andChristianof
Beauvais.19

ThepopefurtheraskedKingLouisIXtoexpelthesefourmastersfromthekingdomofFrance.ButLouislimitedhimselftoseizingandreferringtoRomeWilliam'sDe
periculis.OnlyafterWilliamhadbeencondemnedbyRomeandforbiddenbythepopetoreenterFrancedidSaintLouisbanhimaswell.20Fromtheuniversity's
pointofview,thesecontestationsfoundaprovisionalconclusionon12August1257,when,inthechurchofthefriarsminor,ChristianofBeauvaispronouncedhis
submissiontoadelegateofthebishopofParisandpromisedtoworktowardtheuniversity'sreceptionofbrothersThomasandBonaventure.21Thomas,therefore,
16.
Chartul.no.247,pp.27985cf.Dufeil,Polmique,pp.15256.
17.
MOPH5,pp.2124Dufeil,Polmique,p.163.
18.
Chartul.no.256,pp.29297.
19.
Chartul.nos.268and280,pp.3045and31923forthebishops'sefforts,seeDufeil,Polmique,20312.
20.
Chartul.nos.282289,288,31416,pp.32425,33335,33133,36264seealsoonthissubjectM.M.Dufeil,"LeroiLouisdanslaquerelledesmendiantsetdessculiers,"in
Histoire,pp.51730.
21.
Chartul.no.317,pp.36467cf.ibid.,no.293,pp.33840,forOdonofDouai'sretractionNicholas,whobelongedtotheartsfaculty,wassimplycalledtoorder,cf.Dufeil,
Polmique,pp.282and286seep.307whereheproposes23October1257astheeffectivedateforthereceptionofthetworeligiousmastersintotheconsortiummagistrorum.

 Page79

waitedabouteighteenmonthsforhisadmissionintotheconsortiummagistrorum.Bonaventure,however,hadwaitedfouryears,andhegavehisprincipiumwhen
hehadalreadybeenministergeneralofthefriarsminorforsixmonths.

ThisdryaccounthardlyconveystheviolenceofthequarrelthesecularshadmanoeuvredwellenoughtoraiseasegmentofthestudentsandtheLatinQuarteragainst
thereligious.Thusduringthewinterof12551256,thefriarswereassaultedinthestreets,andSaintJacqueshadtobeguardedbytheroyalarchers.WhenThomas
gavehisinaugurallecture,itwasundertheirprotectionsomedemonstratorskeptoutsidelistenersfromentering.22

TheContraimpugnantes

Thomas'sadmissiontothecollegeofmastersresolvedonlypartoftheproblem.Theconflicthadveryquicklyoverflowedtheuniversitysetting.Itbecameclearthat
thewaveofopposition,whoseleaderwasWilliamofSaintAmour,hadatbottomamuchmorecentralquestion:theverylegitimacyoftheministryofthemendicants,
whoclaimedtobedevotedtostudyandteaching,andtolive,notbylabor,butbyalms.Thesearethecentralthesesofoneofthemajorpiecesinthequarrel,the
Tractatusdepericulisnouissimorumtemporum,whichWilliampublishedaroundMarchApril1256.

Thatwork,whichsurvivesinseveralversions,presentsitselfasawarningtothebishopsandotherpastorsoftheChurchabouttheperilsofthelastdaysbeforethe
Antichrist.ItseekstomakethemawareofthedangerthatthefalsepreachersdescribedbySaintPaulwillposetotheChurch.23TheessenceofWilliam'sproposed
remedyconsistsinsendingallthereligiousbacktotheirmonasteries(fromwhichtheyshouldneverhavedeparted)toperformmanuallabor.Thissimplisticproposition
showsthedepthofthemisunderstanding:Williamnevercomprehendedthatthemendicantreligiouswerenotmonks,nortowhatextenttheorderof
22.
Chartul.no.279,pp.31719(=MOPH5,pp.3138)no.280,p.321thesecondofthesedocumentsisbyAlexanderIV,thefirstbyHumbertofRomans:Dufeil,Polmique,
21718,hasnotroubleshowingthatHumbertespouseswithoutreservationtheDominicanpointofview,butthefactsarebeyonddispute.Mostnotably,theprotectionofSaint
Jacquesbytheroyalpoliceisconfirmedinoneofthesecularmasters'sdocuments(Radixamaritudinis,Chartul.,no.256,p.294cf.Dufeil,Polmique,p.170,andnote91,p.
193.)
23.
Forananalysisofthisworkandthevariousversions,seeDufeil,Polmique,pp.21227,24142,25253.

 Page80

preacherswasdefinedbystudyandpreaching.ThisbookwascondemnedbyAlexanderIVon5October1256,notbeforemakingwavesthatlastedalongtime.24
ThepoetRuteboeuf,anardentpartisanofWilliam,witnessestothisinhisway.25

MarieMichelDufeilhaswrittenanunflatteringportraitofWilliamofSaintAmour.26Subdeaconforlife,hecollected,however,twoprebendsasacanonandoneasa
curate.Irascible,violent,andobstinate,hecertainlydidnotpossesstheintellectualbreadthofhisadversariesThomasandBonaventure,butitisnecessarytotryto
understandhismotivesandthoseofhiscolleagues.Thosemotivesweredoubtlessmixed:envyandjealousyoverthesuccessofthereligiousmasters,andfearfora
lossofrevenuesplayedapart.Butnotalltheirmotivesweremeanspirited,norwastheirfearofheresywithoutitsreasons.ThatWilliamtooktoRomethe
IntroductoriusadEvangeliumaeternumofGerarddeBorgoSanDonnino,whenitwasstillanonymousandattributedtotheDominicans,orthathedrewupwith
hiscolleaguesthelistofthirtyoneerrorssenttoPopeInnocentIVbyRenaudMignondeCorbeil,thebishopofParis,testifiestoacertainperspicacity.27Butthe
misguidedfearofheresymadehimconfuseonekindoffriarwithanotherbyputtingintothesamecategorythenewpreachersandGerard'ssectarians.

William'ssincerityisprobablynottobedoubted,sinceheseemstohaveendedbelievinginthedangershewasdenouncing.28Buthistheologicalconservatismdrove
himtodefendtheestablishedhierarchy,withoutthe
24.
Chartul.,no.288,pp.33133.
25.
SeeDufeil,Polmique,pp.14850,31624,andthesameauthor's"L'oeuvred'unevierythme:ChronographiedeRuteboeuf,"inHistoire,pp.67187.
26.
TothepointofbeingsuspectedofacertainManieheismbyJacquesLeGoffintheprefacethathewrotetoSaintThomasetl'histoire(cf.p.12)forthebiographicaldata,see
Dufeil,Polmique,pp.xxxxxii,or,forwantofit,thesameauthor'sSaintThomasetl'histoire,intwoarticlesthatsumuptheessentialpoints:"Ununiversitaireparisienractionnaire
vets1250:GuillaumedeSaintAmour,"pp.44556,and"GuillaumedeSaintAmour,"pp.54350.Foralesspartisanjudgment,seePhillipeDelhaye,"GuillaumedeSaintAmour,"DS6
(1967)123740.
27.
Cf.Chartul.,no.257,p.297thebookwascondemnedbyacommissionofcardinals,andSaintBonaventurewasnotsoftontheauthor,sincethetribunaloverwhichhepresided
condemnedtheauthortolifeimprisonment.Cf.P.Pano,"GrarddeBorgoSanDonnino,"DHGE20(1984)71921forhiscondemnationatAnagni,cf.H.Denifle,"DasEvangelium
aeternumunddieCommissionzuAnagni,"inArchivfrLitteraturundKirchengeschichtedesMittelalters1(1885)49142.Severaltextsconcerningthisaffairhaveappearedin
FrenchinDufeil,"Trois'sensdel'histoire'affrontsvers12501260,"inSaintThomasetl'histoire,pp.61966:cf.alsoDufeil,Polmique,pp.11927,17273.
28.
Dufeil,SaintThomasetl'histoire,pp.546and627,whoisjoinedonthispointbyJ.D.Dawson,"WilliamofSaintAmourandtheApostolicTradition,"MS40(1978)22338,
especiallyp.234.

 Page81

properandnecessarynuances,againsttheinvasionof"thepapalmilitia."(HispositionoftenseemsaGallicanismbeforethefact.)Thisstancemadehimmisunderstand
thenewnessofSpiritatworkinthehistoryofthattime.Withoutenteringhereintoanevaluationoftheunderlyingecclesiologiesbehindtherespectivepositions,we
maystillthinkthatonereasonforthe(temporary)defeatofthesecularslaypreciselyinthistheologicalrigidity,whichhinderedWilliamandhisassociatesfromseeing
thegrowingimportanceofthepapacy.29

Thomasdidnotwaitlongtogetinvolvedinthemelee.Aswehaveseen,atthesametimethathegavehisinaugurallecturethenewmasterwassupposedtodispute
fourquestionsduringthetwodaysthathisinceptiolasted.AccordingtoWeisheipl,itistothisoccasionthatweowetheDeoperemanualireligiosorum.30
AccordingtoGauthier,weshouldconsiderthistextratheranintegralpartofthefirstQuodlibetdefendedbyThomasafterhisaccessionasmaster.31Neither
hypothesisaffectsthedate,sincethatremainsfixedduringLentof1256,Easterfallingthatyearon16April.

Analysisofthetext,article18inparticular,showsthatThomasisfollowingandrefutingtheDepericulis.Theproposeddatesmakethisentirelypossible.Thefirst
versionofWilliam'stextcouldhaveappearedafter15MarchoratthebeginningofApril1256.32AndweknowfromothersourcesthatThomasundertookhis
inceptiobetween3Marchand17Juneofthatsameyear.Itwouldevidentlybeaclearsignofthecombativenessoftheyoungmasterifhehadspontaneouslychosen
thistopicinpreferencetoanother,lessburningoneforanexercisealreadydangerousenoughinitself.Butthisdoesnotchangetheresultintheslightest:Thomas
immediatelytookaposition.

Italsoseemsclearthat,aroundthistime,hebeganthecompositionofContraimpugnantesDeicultumetreligionem.Inanyevent,thatworkwasfinishedbefore
William'scondemnationbecameknownatParis,since
29.
Dufeil'sthesis(Polmique,pp.26064inparticular)aboutthispointiswellfounded,butabettercontextualizedtheologicalanalysismaybefoundinDawson'sarticle(cf.note
28above).DawsonshowsthatWilliam'serrorwastohavetakenthereferencetotheprimitiveChurchasastrictjuridicalnorm,andalsotohaveopposedittoinnovationsinhis
day.YvesCongar's,"AspectsecclsiologiquesdelaquerelleentremendiantsetsculiersdanslasecondemoitiduXIIIeetledbutduXIVe,"AHDLMA28(1961)34151,retains
itsrelevancetothispoint.
30.
QuodlibetVIIq.7a.12[1718]cf.Weisheipl,pp.1049,whojoinshereP.Castagnoli,"Regesta,"DTP31(1928)25356.
31.
WethankFatherGauthierforcommunicatingthisinformationtousalongwiththenewtextoftheQuodlibetVII,whichhehaseditedforvolume25oftheLeonineedition.
32.
Dufeil,Polmique,pp.21415,23233.

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Thomaswouldcertainlyhavementionedit.TheLeonineeditorssayNovemberwasthedateofcompletion,but,withWeisheipl,wemightpushthatdatebackto
October.33Astotheplaceofcomposition,inspiteofTocco,whoisclearlymisinformed,itwasnotAnagnibutevidentlyParis.34

Atfirstsight,thisisnotThomas'smostpassionatework.ButafterHyacintheDondaine'sintroductiontothetextthathepreparedfortheLeonineeditionandthelabors
ofDufeil,itcanbereadwithaneweyeandconsiderableinterest.Inadditiontobeingverywellconstructed,itsplanexactlyreflectsthepartiesinthedebatethen
underway.35Thomasbeginsbydefiningareligio,whichistosayareligiousorder,andwhatconstitutesitsperfection(chapter1)forthewholeargumentofour
adversaries,hesays,seemsdirectedagainstthereligiousorders(quiaeorumtotaintentiocontrareligiososessevideturPrologue).Hethenestablishesthe
licitnessofteachingforthereligiousorders(2),andtheirrighttobelongtotheprofessorialbody(3).

Thesetwolastchaptersuseofficialuniversitydocuments,whilethefollowingchapters,whichenergeticallydefendthemendicantideal,usematerialsborrowedfrom
varioussourcessuchasdisputedquestions,sermons,andlampoonsofallsortspublishedbytheiropponents.First,hedefendstherighttopreachandhear
confessions,evenifthemendicantsdidnothavepastoralresponsibilities(curaanimarum,chapter4).Theywerenottobehinderedfromtheseactivitiesbythe
obligationtodomanuallabor(chapter5).ThisiswhyThomasclaimsforthemtherighttothemostabsolutepoverty(chapter6)andthepossibilityoflivingbyalmsin
ordernottobeentangledinfinancialadministrationorotherbusiness(chapter7).

Theseventeenremainingchaptersofthisworkareusedtodemonstratetheiniquityoftheinfamousaccusationsformulatedagainstthe"religiousmendicants."These
chaptersfollowrathercloselytheargumentofDeperi
33.
Cf.Leonine,vol.41,pp.A1213Weisheipl,p.88.
34.
Cf.Ystoria20,pp.26267(Tocco19,pp.9193)thisentirechapterinToccoshouldbeapproachedwithcaution.
35.
Thisplanisstatedattheendoftheprologue,andasynopsisofthewholebookmaybefoundintheLeonine,vol.41,p.A7seealsoGlorieux,"Le'Contraimpugnantes'deS.
Thomas,"MlangesMandonnetI,5181,andtheverylivelyanalysisbyDufeil,Polmique,pp.25360.AllreferencesinthischaptertotheContraimpugnantes,Deperfectione,and
Contraretrahentesrefertovol.41oftheLeonineeditionwithitsthreefolddivision:A,B,C.ThereisaFrenchtranslation,completebutaged(from1857),ofthesethreeopusculain
OpusculesdeSaintThomasd'Aquin(VrinReprise4and5)(Paris,1984).Oftenthechapternumberingdoesnotcorrespondwiththatinthecriticaledition.

 Page83

culis.Thomastookpainstodiscovertheweakspotsinthatwork'sarmor.Everythingpassesinreview:things(thehabit,themobilityofthereligious,study,theirway
ofpreachingornate,etc.),allgoodbutturnedtoseemingevilbyamanifestintentiontodetractpersonsareaccusedofbeingfalseapostles,brigands,andthieves
becausetheyletthemselvesintoothers'sheepfoldsandofbeingprecursorsoftheAntichrist,whoannounceshiscomingintheirpreaching.Thomasletsnothingpass,
becausethehonorofthePreachersisatstake.Hethususesinhisbookanalmostunheardofarrayofauctoritates,amongwhichtheDecreeandtheGlossreceivea
specialplace.ItisclearthathewantstowrestfromWilliamhisveryweapons,sincethelatterbelievedhimselftobeproceedingonthebasisofreceivedauthorities.

WecanappreciatetheContraimpugnatesfromdiversepointsofview.Thus,DufeilcanpraiseThomas'ssenseofhistorycomparedwithWilliam'srigidityor
Gerard'sconfusedmessianism.36Inplaceofalengthyexposition,wemighthighlightthatThomas'shistoricalsensematchesthevisionofreligiouslifethatwefindinhis
openingchapter.Thomasputsthetheologicallifeinitsfullnessattherootofthereligiouslife:faithfirst,whichisthefirstlinkthatreunitesmantoGod.Buthealso
includeshopeandcharity.Allcharitableworksthusbecomepartofthat"service"renderedtoGodinthereligiouslife.WhatunifieseverythingistheNewTestament
"spiritualsacrifice":theofferingofoneself,bodyandsoul,asanagreeablevictim(Romans12:1)throughthevowsofchastityandobedience,andofone'sgoods
throughthevowofpoverty.

AlongthewayonecannothelpbutadmireitThomaspositionshispawnsinfulltheologicaltruth.First:givencharity'sextensionthroughoutalltheworksofthe
Christianlife,"thereisnoworkofcompassion[inthefullsensehegivestothisword]thatmaynotbecomethefocusofareligiousorderevenifithasneverbeen
doneupuntilnow."37Nothingremainsbuttopresentpreachingandteachingtheologyasaspiritualworkofmercy(because"mandoesnotlivebybreadalone")in
orderwithasinglestroketolegitimatetheOrderofPreachersdespitethenoveltyoftheirintentions.

Secondexample:theperfectionofareligiousordercomesnaturally,asforeveryotherthing,fromtheendthatitpursues(theactiveandcontem
36.
Cf.note29above,butalsothecentralthesisofS.Thomasetl'histoire,especiallypp.1025.
37.
Contraimpugnantes1,ll.6668,p.A54:"Necestaliquodopusmisericordiaeadcuiusexsecutionemreligioinstituinonpossit,etsinonsithactenusinstituta."

 Page84

plativelivesaredistinguishedbythis),butalsofromthemeansemployed,whichmaybemoreorlesssuitablefortheachievementofthatend.Taketwocontemplative
orders:themoreperfectonewillhaveaninternalorganizationthatliberatesitsmembersforcontemplation.38ThereasoningisirrefutableThomasusesitinthe
appropriatewaytoshowtheconnectionbetweenpovertyandperfection.

TheDeperfectioneandtheContraretrahentes

AfterWilliam'scondemnationandhisassociates'retraction,thedebatelaydormantforseveralyears,andThomascompletedhisfirstroundofteachinginParisina
morepeacefulatmosphere.Aswehaveseen,itisprobablytothisinterludethatweowetheSuperBoetiumDeTrinitate,whichwascomposedaroundthisperiod.
Thepeacewasfragile,though.Soasnottohavetoreturntoitlater,letusanticipateabitofthehistorythatwastofollow.Anewwaveofassaultsagainstthereligious
soonstartedup.WilliamofSaintAmourwasexiledtohislandsintheMconnais,buthewasnotinactive39theattack,however,wasledfirstbyGerardofAbbeville,
thenbyNicholasofLisieux.

Thelatterishardlyknownexceptforhisparticipationinthesepolemics,40buttheformerwasaconsiderablefigure.AcolleagueofWilliamofSaintAmourasearlyas
1254,GerardsurvivedWilliaminthecorpsofregentmastersuntilhisdeathin1272.Highlyactivewithintheuniversity,hewasoneoftheraremasters(alongwith
SaintThomas)regularlytoholdtwoquodlibetsannually.Richlyendowedwithbenefices,atrue''princeoftheChurch,"hecanbeconsideredoneofthefoundersof
theSorbonne'slibraryheleftmorethan300volumestothecollegefoundedbyhisfriendRobert.Untildeathafierceadversaryofthemendicants,Gerardmoreover
specifiedthathewasleavinghisbookstopoorstudentssolongastheywerenotinreligiousorders.41
38.
Ibid.,ll.13569,pp.A5455thereisathirdpointofview,thatofpenitenceandvariousausterities,buttheothertwoare"moreessential,"saysThomas,cumperfectiovitae
magisconsistatininterioriiustitiaquaminexterioriabstinentia(ibid.,ll.16668).
39.
Cf.Dufeil,Polmique,pp.32431.
40.
Cf.R.Hissette'sarticle,"NicolasdeLisieux,"Catholicisme9(1982)125455P.Glorieux,"UneoffensivedeNicolasdeLisieuxcontreS.Thomasd'Aquin,"BLE39(1938)12129.
41.
Gerard'sbiography,will,andthedisputededitionofhisQuodlibetmaybefoundinPhillipGrand,"LeQuodlibetXIVdeGrardd'Abbeville.LaviedeGrardd'Abbeville,"
AHDLMA39(1964)20769seethesameauthor'sarticle,"Grardd'Abbeville,"DS6(1967)25863Glorieux,RpertoireI,no.174,pp.35660.SeealsoA.Teetaert,"Quatrequestions

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

 Page85

In1267,GerardhadalreadyheldhisQuodlibetXIonthelicitnessofencouragingyoungpeopletopromisetoenterthereligiouslife.InhisquodlibetofChristmas
1268,hequestionstheFranciscanteachingaboutperfectpoverty.Duringasermoneightdayslater,intheverychurchofthefriarsminor,heplacesthehighest
perfectionintheofficeofpastorofsouls(notinthebishopsalone,whichwouldhavebeenunquestionable,butinthecuratesandthearchdeaconsaswell).
Furthermore,thisperfection,heargues,isinnowaydiminishedbypossessionandadministrationoftemporalgoods.InhisquodlibetofEaster1269,heagain
devotedtwoquestionstodefendingtheperfectionofprelatesfinally,inthecourseofsummerof1269,hepublishedhisContraadversariumperfectionis
christianae,whichledtoaresoundingpolemicbetweenhimandthefriarsminor.42

ItmaybethattherecrudescenceofthatacrimonywasamongthereasonsforThomas'sreturntoParisinthefallof1268.Inanycase,afterthespringof1269,he
enteredthelistswithhisEasterquodlibet.Hefirstoccupiedhimselfwithshowingthatforareligioustoapplyhimselftostudyandteachingnotonlywasnotasinbut
wasaworkofperfection.Andthiswasallthemorethecaseforanyonewhodidsoatahighlevel,forthoseheformedwouldbeable,inturn,toteachothers.43Inthe
importantresponsead2,heclearlyannouncesthetwocentrallinesofhispositiononpoverty:first,povertyasaninstrumentumperfectionis,andsecond,the
differencebetweenperfectionandthestateofperfection.

ThomasreturnsathisleisuretothesetwopointsintheDeperfectionespiritualisvitae.Begunratherearlyin1269,itappearstohavebeenfinishedatthebeginning
of1270,sinceitslastchaptersechotheQuodlibetXIVGerardofAbbevilleheldatChristmas1269.TracesofthecontroversymaybefoundintheDeperfectione,
sincethefirsttwentytwochapters,

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)
inditesdeGrardd'Abbevillepourladfensedelasuprioritduclergsculier,"inArchivioitalianoperlastoriadellapiet1(1951)83178.Forthestagesinthisnewphase
ofthequarrel,cf.P.Glorieux,"Lespolmiques'contraGeraldinos',"RTAM6(1934)541,andtheprefacesbyH.DondaineinLeonine,vol.41,pp.B59andC58.
42.
ThisworkhasbeeneditedbyS.ClaseninAFH31(1938)27632932(1939)89200.ItwasonthisoccasionthatSaintBonaventurepublishedhisApologiapauperum[Opera
omnia8(Quaracchi,1898),pp.233330),andJohnPechamhisDeperfectioneevangeliea.Cf.F.Delorme,"QuatrechapitresinditsdeJeanPechamO.F.M.surlaperfectionreligieuse
etautrestatsdeperfection,"Coll.Franciscana14(1944)84120.
43.
QuodlibetIq.7a.2[14]:"Ipsaetiamratiodemonstratquodmeliusesterudiredepertinentibusadsalutemeosquietinseetinaliisproficerepossunt,quamsimplicesquiinse
tantumproficerepossunt."

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whichdevelopfreeofanydoctrinalcontroversy,brusquelygivewaytofourchaptersnotforeseenattheoutset.Inthese,Thomasindicateshemustrespondtothe
attacksagainsthimthisvisiblyreflectsGerard'sQuodlibetXIV.44

TheinterestoftheDeperfectioneisnotlimitedtothehistoryofthispolemic.Fromtheveryoutset,itsteachingonChristianperfectionandthereligiouslifebeginsan
expositionthatwillfinditscompletionintheSummaandisalreadyratherdifferentfromtheoneintheContraGentiles.45Furthermore,thislittleworkmarksa
decisivestageinThomistictheologyaboutthebishop'soffice.UndertheinfluenceofDionysius,Thomasfromthenonseestheepiscopalfunctionasatruepowerofa
kindthatconstitutesthebishopinthestateofperfector.46

ThomaswillreturntocontemporaryquestionsinhisquodlibetofEaster1270,notablyonthelicitnessofencouragingyoungpeopletopromisetoenterintothe
religiouslifeandonthebindingnatureofsuchpromises.Hewillalsoaddressthequestionwhethercuratesareinagreaterstateofperfectionthanthereligious
orders.47Theanalogyiswiththestatusservitutis,inwhichoneisnotfreetofollowone'sownwishesandhasbeenconsecratedbyasolemncommitment.Hewill
dealagainwithDeingressupueroruminhisquodlibetofEaster1271.48ButthissubjectisdevelopedatlengthintheContraretrahentes.

Accordingtoitsconclusion,thisnewopusculumisdirected"againsttheerroneousandpernicious[pestiferam]doctrineofthosewhodissuademenfromenteringinto
religion."49H.F.DondainebelievesthisworkcomesaftertheDeperfectionetowhichitexplicitlyrefersandiscontemporaneouswithQuodlibetIV,which,in
article23,takesupagainthethemeDeingressupuerorum.Italsotakesup(inarticle24)therelation
44.
Cf.Deperfectione.,beginningofchapter24,Leonineedition,vol.41,p.99:"quorumassertionespostquampremissaconscripseramadmepervenerunt"besideGrand'sedition
(seenote41above),apartialeditionofGerard'sQuodlibetXIVmaybefoundinthesameLeoninevolume,pp.B5662.SeeP.Glorieux'sarticle,"Pourqu'onliseleDeperfectione,"
VSSuppl.23(1930)97126.Amorecurrent,butpartial,translationthantheVrinRepriseversionmaybeconsultedinVS18(1928)498506,6192419(1928)8597,22328,342
52,andH.Marchal,Thomasd'Aquin,Verslaperfectiondelaviespirituelle(Paris,1932).
45.
Cf.STIIaIIaeqq.18289SCGIII13038.
46.
Deperfectione.28,ll.93115,P.B108seealsoJ.Lcuyer,"Lestapesdel'enseignementthomistesurl'piscopat,"RT57(1957)2952.
47.
Quodl.IIIq.5a.12[1112],andq.6a.3[17].
48.
Quodl.IVq.12a.1[23].
49.
TextintheLeonineedition,vol.41,pp.C3974onthispoint,chapter16,l.164,p.C74.

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betweenpreceptsandcounsels.Theparallelismofsubjectsandargumentisquitestrikingbetweenthetwoarticlesandchapters27oftheContraretrahentes.Since
thequodlibetissecurelydatedtoLent1271,thereisnoneedtodoubtthedateofthisopusculum,inDondaine'sview.DondainesaysGlorieuxthoughtitpossibleto
placetheContraRetrahentesalittlebitbeforetheDeingressupuerorum,butthatthelaborsofA.Sanchishaveconvincedhimandotherscholarstoplacethe
compositionoftheContraretrahentesbetweenLentandChristmas,"perhapsafterEaster1271ornotmuchlaterthanthevacationof1271."50

NeverthelessitisstillpossibletoregardtheContraretrahentesasanteriortoQuodlibetIVinitsreferencetothetextofAugustinequotedatthebeginningofthe
responseofarticle23.Thispassagespeaksofthoseobtusespiritswhowillnotgivein,eventothecleareststatements.CouldThomashavewrittenthisifhehadnot
alreadywrittentheContraretrahentes?Andcouldhehavewrittenthelatterworkimmediatelyafterhavingwrittenthis?Inanycase,wearespeakingaboutthesame
period(withinafewmonths).AsermonforSexagesimaSunday,inwhichwefindseveralpointsthataretakenuponlyinthisopusculum(thesermonclearlypredates
it),showsthatThomaswasentirelyoccupiedwithwritingatthetime.51

Hisreflections,however,deepenfromtheDeingressutotheContraretrahentes.Thomashadstatedasmuch:"Toextirpatethiserrorradically,itisnecessaryto
discoveritsrootororigin."52Thus,inordertobetterestablishtherelationshipbetweenpreceptsandcounsels,heabandonsthedistinctionusedinQuodlibetIV,
article24,betweeninterioractsofvirtueandexterioracts.Insteadheutilizesanewreflection,theabsoluteprimacyofcharity,whichwillbetakenupagainand
developedinQuodlibetV,article19,ofChristmas1271,andaboveallintheSumma(IIaIIaeq.189a.1).

Itshouldnotbesurprisingthatweencounter,amongthestrongpointsinthisdefenseandatthehighestlevelofimportanceforThomas,voluntaryandmendicant
poverty.Infact,accordingtoM.M.Dufeil'sfor
50.
H.F.Dondaine,Leonineedition,vol.41,p.C7,whoreferstoA.Sanchis,"EscritosespiritualesdeSantoToms(12691272),"Teologiaespiritual6(1962)277318cf.P.
Glorieux,Lapolmique,pp.4041(tableadoptedbyGrand,DS6,col.262).
51.
Cf.Th.Kppeli,"UnaraccoltadipredicheattribuiteaS.Tommasod'Aquino,"AFP13(1943)5994,cf.pp.6667,8485.
52.
ContraRetrahentes,chap.6,ll.23,p.C45:"Adhuncautemerroremradicitusextirpandum,oporteteiusradicemsiveorigineminvenire."

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53
mulation,thiswasnotthebasisofthequarrel,butitwasthemostobviousaxisforit. Thomasdefendedhereoneofthenewestaspectsofhisorder,andhe
dedicatedhislongestchapterstoit:1025linesforthechapteronvoluntarypovertyintheContraimpugnantes1694linesinchapter7ontherighttothemendicant
lifeinthesamebook.Chapter7aloneamountstoonesixthoftheentirework.Butweshouldnotletourselvesbedistractedbythesequantitativedataitisnotin
povertyitselfthatThomasplacesperfection.HeexplainsveryclearlyintheDeperfectione:
IfweexaminecarefullyourLord'swords,itisnotintheabandonmentofrichesitselfthathehasplacedperfectionheshowsthatthisisonlyawaythatleadstoperfection,ashis
mannerofspeakingproveswhenhesays:"Ifyouwishtobeperfect,go,sellallthatyouhave,giveittothepoor,andfollowme"(Matt.19:21).Thisistosaythatperfection
consistsinfollowingChrist[insequelaChristiconsistatperfectio]andthatrenouncingricheshelpsustowalkinthatpath.54

ThusthedistinctionofQuodlibetIq.7a.2[14]ad2betweentheendandthemeansisestablishedonceandforall,andthisthesisaboutpovertyasaninstrumentum
perfectioniswillcometocompletioninthedefinitiveformulaoftheSumma:"Perfectiondoesnotconsistessentiallyinpoverty,butinfollowingChrist...povertyis
likeameansoranexercisewhichpermitsustoarriveatperfection."55

FaithfultotheprinciplehehadannouncedatthebeginningoftheContraimpugnantes,heexplainedintheContraGentiles:wejudgethegoodnessofpoverty
accordingtothelibertythatitproducesinthepursuitofspiritualgood.56Hecontinues,wejudgeitsrelativeperfectioninthewayitcontributestoattainingthegoalsof
theorderthatpracticesit:"Areligiousorderwillbethemoreperfectfromthispointofview,whenitpracticesapovertybetteradaptedtotheendswhichitpursues."57
Wemayguessthatitisnolongerthesecularmasterswhoarebeingaddressedhere
53.
M.M.Dufeil,"Evolutionoufixitdesinstitutionsecclsiales:unecontroverseuniversitaire.L'ditioncritiquedetroisoeuvrespolmiquesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,"RSPT55
(1971)46479,cf.p.472.
54.
Deperfectione8,ll.8694,p.B73.
55.
STIIaIIaeq.188a.7:"Perfectiononconsistitessentialiterinpaupertate,sedinChristisequela....Paupertasestsicutinstrumentum,velexercitiumperveniendiadperfectionem."
56.
SCGIV133,no.3067:"Nonenimpaupertassecundumsebonaest:sedinquantumliberatabillisquibushomoimpediturquominusspiritualibusintendat"seealsono.3066and
chap.135,no.3080,andSTlallaeq.108a.2ad3:"Iamimminebattempusperfectaelibertatis."
57.
Ibid.:"Tantoeritunaquaequereligiosecundumpaupertatemperfectior,quantohabetpaupertatemmagisproportionatamsuofini"cf.ibid.,ad1.

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58
buttheFranciscans:JohnPechamwasnotdeceivedwhenheviolentlyattackedtheThomistthesisofpovertyasinstrumentumperfectionis.

ThomasinthiswayliberatedhisorderfromtheendlessdisputesaboutperfectpovertythatcontinuedtoagitatethevariousFranciscanfactions.Butweshould
especiallyremarkinthesetextstheplacegiventothesequelaChristi.PerhapsinnoplacedoesheunderlinemorestronglytheplaceofChristandfollowinginhis
footstepsastheessentialsofreligiouslife.Itisatrueleitmotiv.ThatbecomesclearinthefirstchapteroftheContraretrahentes,whereThomasrecallsseveraltimes
thatChristtaughtpovertyetfactoetverbo.

Butweshouldalsoreadtheadmirablechapter15ofthisworkinwhichwithalivelinesshisusualreservehardlypreparesusforThomasunveilsapersonal
mysticismofattachmenttothepoorChrist,whichmustbeexplainedinpartbythestrugglesthathehadtoundergotoenterintohisDominicanreligiousfamily,and
latertodefendthatlife.59

ThomasheldtothisthemeofChristthemodel.WefinditagaininhisthoughtontheChristianlifeingeneral,but,forthereligiouslife,wecannothelpbutremarkhow
hiswellknowntheoryofthesuperiorityoftheapostoliclifeoverthesolelycontemplativelifeisbaseddirectlyontheexamplethatChristhasleftus.60More
paradoxically,hetellsusthatChristhimselfchosethislifebecauseofitssuperiority:
Thecontemplativelifeisbetterthantheactivelifethatsolelyconcernsitselfwithbodilynecessitiesbuttheactivelifethatconsistsinpassingontoothersthroughpreaching
andteachingtruthsthathavebeencontemplatedismoreperfectthanthesolelycontemplativelife,foritpresupposesaplentitudeofcontemplation.ThatiswhyChristchosea
lifeofthistype.61

AfterChrist,thebestreferencepointistheearlyChurch.Thefaithfulheirofthesuccessiverebirthsofthemonasticlife,allofwhichtooktheirmodelfromtheuita
apostolica,Thomaslovestorefertothatlife:itisin
58.
J.Pecham,Deperfectioneevangelica,ed.F.Delorme,pp.11720.ThiswasonlythebeginningofacontroversythatwoulddevelopparticularlyafterThomas'sdeath,but
whichalreadyfindshereoneofitsrootsseeonthispointU.Horst,EvangelischeArmutundKirche.ThomasvonAquinunddieArmutskontroversendes13.undbeginnenden
14.Jahrhunderts(Berlin,1992).
59.
Cf.above,chap.I,pp.1012.
60.
Cf.STIIaIIaeq.186a.6.
61.
"Vitacontemplativasimpliciterestmeliorquamactivaquaeoccupaturcircacorporalesactussedvitaactivasecundumquamaliquispraedicandoetdocendocontemplataaliis
tradit,estperfectiorquamvitaquaesolumcontemplatur,quiatalisvitapresupponitabundantiamcontemplationis.EtideoChristustalemvitamelegit"(IIIaq.40a.1ad2).

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62
theprimitiveChurchthatwefindthemostperfectstateofreligion,anditisfromthismodelthatallthereligiousordershavedrawntheirinspiration. Thesameidea
withthesamescripturalsupport(corunumetanimauna,Acts4:32)isfoundalmostliterallyintheDeperfectione:"aquorumexemploomnesreligiones
derivataesunt."ThereferencetothisverypassageinActsisrepeatedintheContraretrahentes,butthistimetoaddressmorespecificallythequestionofreligious
poverty.63

MeanwhilewefindintheContraimpugnanteswhatwemightcallthedoubleevangelismofthereligiouslifeaccordingtoSaintThomas.Inthatworkwefinda
practicethatwouldliketojointhelifeincommonofmonksandcanonswiththeapostolicmissionoftheitinerantpreachersinthepreviouscentury.64Basinghimself
simultaneouslyonActs4:32andonMatthew10,Thomasthinksthatthetrueuitaapostolicaconjoinstheteachingofthesetwotexts.Thus,confrontedwithWilliam
ofSaintAmourwhoturnedtheexampleoftheprimitiveChurchintoaquarrelsomejuridicalruleagainstthe"innovations"ofthemendicants,Thomasprovideda
scripturalbasisforSaintDominic'sorderthatgaveitlegitimacyfromitsveryfoundation.Ifthiswastheformoftheapostle'slives,hesays,itisquiteclearthat
someonemightfollowitinareligiousorderinstitutedforthatreason:
Everyreligiousorderhasbeenfoundeduponthemodeloftheapostoliclife,accordingtothatwhichissaidintheActseverythingwasincommonamongthem...theapostolic
lifewassuchthat,havingabandonedeverything,theywentabouttheworldtoevangelizeandtopreach,asoneseesinMatthew10,wherethatisimposeduponthemasarule.
Wearethereforeverywelljustifiedinfoundingareligiousorderforthesetwotasks.65

ThePolemicist

Inthesepolemicalwritingsdefendingthereligiouslife,Thomascommitsandmanifestshimselfpersonallyinamoreopenwaythaninother
62.
QuodlibetIVq.12a.1[23]:"InprimitivaEcclesiaomniumchristianorumeratperfectissimusreligionisstatus,secundumilludAct.4,32:Multitudiniscredentiumeratcor
unumetanimauna...adcujusvitaeexemplaromnesreligionessuntinstitutae."
63.
Cf.Deperfectione27,ll.24042,p.B106Contraretrahentes15,ll.22542,pp.C7071.
64.
Cf.M.H.Vicaire,"L'ordredesaintDominiqueen1215,"AFP54(1984)538,cf.pp.3638.
65.
Contraimpugnantes4,ll.88089,p.A78:"Omnisreligioadexemplumvitaeapostolicaeformataest...Haecautemfuitvitaapostolicautrelictisomnibuspermundumdiscurrerent
evangelizandoetpraedicando,utpatetMatthew10ubiregulaquaedameisinscribitur:ergoadpredictapotestaliquareligioconvenientissimeinstitui."

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workswefeelhimtouchedhereinthatwhichheholdsmostdear:thevocationforwhichhestruggledinhisyouth.Forthatreasonthesebooksareamongthosein
whichwecanbestgraspthepassionatecharacterofThomas'stemperament.Andtheyallowustoaddseveralsignificanttraitstohisspiritualportrait.Ifwefeared,for
example,thathemayhavebeentootimorousinthetroubleduniversitysituation,thesewritingsdonotlackinvigororfirmnessoreven,asM.M.Dufeilhas
underscored,66ina"sarcasticironywhichburstsforthatintervals"intheContraimpugnantes.ThusThomasrepliestotheobjectionthatonecannotbelongtotwo
collegesatthesametime(thebodyofmastersandareligiousfamily)thatChurchlawdoesnotinanywayprohibitthisdoublemembership,butinsteadproscribesthe
simultaneousadherencetotwoecclesiasticalcolleges,orbeingacanonoftwodifferentchurches.67

Ifthelaterwritingsavoidthistone,theyareneitherlessseverenorlessfirmtheyoungmaster'smoderationhasitslimits,andifhedoeseverythingpossibletoconstrain
himselfwithin"seriousanddelicatedialogue"(H.F.Dondaine),heallowshimselfsometimestobecarriedawaytothepointofjudginghisadversaries:"Theylieplainly
(planementiuntur]."68EveryoneremembersthewellknowncloseoftheDeperfectione:
Ifanyonedesirestowriteagainstthiswork,thatwouldbequiteacceptable[acceptissimum]tomeforthetruthwillnevermanifestitselfbetterthaninresistingthosewho
contradictitandinrefutingtheirerrorsasthebookofProverbssays:"Ironissharpenedbyiron,manisrefinedinthecontactwithhisneighbor."69

TheconclusionoftheContraretrahentesisnolessfirm:
Ifsomeonewouldliketocontradictthiswork,lethimnotgoandbabbletochildren,butlethimwriteabookandpublishit,sothatcompetentpersonscanjudgewhatistrueand
rejectwhatisfalseaccordingtotheauthorityoftruth.70

Noncorampuerisgarriat,doubtlessanallusiontothestudentsintheartsfaculty,clearlyyoungerthanthetheologians,whomvariouspeople
66.
M.M.Dufeil,Evolutionoufixit,p.471.
67.
Contraimpugnantes3,ll.34172,p.A67.
68.
Ibid.24,l.238,p.A162grammaticallyitwoulddoubtlessbepossibletotranslate:"Theydeceivethemselves,"whichwouldleavehisadversarieswithgoodfaithintact.Butthe
contextremindsusoftheillwillwithwhichtheyhaveproceededtowardthereligious,andithardlyallowsdoubtstoremainaboutThomas'sindignation.
69.
Deperfectione,chap.30,p.B111,thequotationisfromProverbs27:17.
70.
Contraretrahentes,chap.17,p.C74.

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weretryingtodissuadefromjoiningthefriars.Itisworthemphasizingthisconclusion:itisthethirdtextpublishedinasingleyear(1271)thatformulatesthisinvitation
todiscussionintheformofapersonalchallenge.71Inanarticlealreadymentioned,EdwardSynanhasremarkedontheabundantmetaphorsborrowedfromchivalryin
themostunexpectedcontexts.WemightaddtothedocumentationthatSynancollectedthesechallengesissuedtoanopponent,whichmakeusthinkaboutthe
challengesmilitesaddressedtooneanotherwhentheyengagedintournaments.

ButitisnotenoughtosaythatThomaswascapableofissuingchallengeshewasalsocapableofshowingsurprise,impatience,andevenindignationwhenhis
adversaries'argumentswerehighlyinconsistentorlackinginverification.ThisistruenotonlyoftheyoungThomas,theonewhowrotetheContraimpugnantes,but
alsoofthemanheremainedfortherestofhislife(in127071hehadalreadymarkedhisfortyfifthbirthday).Itsufficestorereadsomepassagestobeconvincedof
this,andtoseeemergeatypeofmanentirelydifferentfromtheplacidandmajesticobesefigurepopularizedbycurrenticonography.

Inresponsetothegeneraloftheorder,JohnofVercelli,whoquestionedhimonthepositionsofPeterofTarentaise,whichhadbeenbroughttohisattentionas
suspect,Thomasformulatedthisjudgment.Hecertainlyrecognizedtheweakpointsinhiscolleague'sargument,buthewasnotafraidofdefendingthemintheclearest
terms:"Theobjectoriscommittingacalumny,hedoesnotunderstandwhatisbeingdebated."Andabitfurther:"Whattheobjectorsaysisacalumnyandcompletely
frivolous."72

Withregardtoaradicalpositionontheseparatedintellect,heisastonishedthatpeoplecangoastray"solightly,"73andheisnotafraidtospeakof"delirium"(insania)
todescribeanotherposition.74ButitisparticularlyintheDeunitateintellectusthattheharvestofthesesignsofimpatienceappearsabundantlythismightbe
explainedinpartbytheheatednessofthediscussionandthecrucialcharacterofthesubject,butitisalsofairtoregarditasanexampleofthecapacityofa"master
polemicist.''75
71.
Cf.theconclusionoftheDeunitateintellectus,chap.5,Leonineedition,vol.43,p.314,ll.43441QuodlibetIV,q.12a.1[23],beginningwiththeResponsio,whereThomas
usesatextfromSaintAugustinetoissuethechallenge.
72.
Resp.de108art.,16and74,Leonineedition,vol.42,pp.282and290.
73.
SuperIIIDeanima,chap.1,ll.37273(Leonineed.,vol.45/1,p.207):"Mirumautemestquomodotamleuitererrauerunt."
74.
Desubstantiisseparatis13,ll.2628(Leonineed.,vol.40,p.D64):"AdhucinmaioreminsaniamprocedentesaestimantDeumnihilnisiseipsumintellectucognoscere."
75.
ThisisthetitleofanarticlebyP.Glorieux,"Unmatrepolmiste:Thomasd'Aquin,"

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

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76
ItisinthisbookthatAverroesisdescribedasthedeprauatorandeventheperuersorofAristotle'sthought, butheisnotintheleastsuspectinregardto
intelligence.Bycontrast,ThomasstronglydoubtstheintelligenceofhisParisianadversaries,whichhecharacterizesrudely:"Thosewhodefendthatpositionmust
confessthattheydonotunderstandanythingatall[confiteantursenihilintelligere]andthattheyarenotevenworthyofdiscussionwiththosewhomthey
attacked."77Wepassoverotherdeliciousphrasesofthiskindandgototheconclusion,whichisitselfalsojustlycelebrated:
Ifanyone,glorifyinghimselfwithfalseknowledge,darestoargueagainstwhatIhavejustwritten,lethimnotbabbleinthecornersorwithinfants[inangulisuelcorampueris]
whoareincapableofjudgingsuchadifficultsubject,butlethimwriteagainstthisbookifhedares.Youwillthenhavetodealnotsolelywithme,whoamonlytheleastinthis
affair,butwithacrowdofotherloversoftruthwhoknowhowtoresistyourerrorsandremedyyourignorance.78

EvenifwemustconcedethatthispolemicdoesnotbringoutthebestinThomas,wemustrecognizethatthemanwhospeaksthusisnotatimorousintellectualhehas
aconsciousnessofhisownworthanddoesnotfearconfrontingadversaries.Inaddition,perhapsheeveninwardlyregretsnotfindingthemuptohismeasure.What
wemayglimpseherealsoisasimmeringsensibilitythatisobligedtocontainitselfinordernottosurfacetoooftenindiscussion,wherepassionmustnotobscure
clarityoftheargument.Theseobservationsarealreadyenoughtodestroythelegendofahighlysecretiveauthorwhodoesnotspeakofhimselfandneverreveals
himself.ThomasneverwrotehisConfessions,itistrue,buthisworkssayagreatdealabouthim,morethanonewouldthink.Andwhatwefeelinreadinghiswritings
isconfirmedinanindisputablewaybyananalysisofhishandwriting.

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)

MSR5(1948)15374,towhichwereferthereaderforseveralamplificationsonthispointcf.alsotheLeonineedition,SuperIob,Introduction,vol.26,p.18*.
76.
Deunitateintell,2,l.1555,l.392:Leonineed.,vol.43,pp.302and314thisisanentirelydifferentmatterthanasimplemood,forThomashadalreadylongknowntowhatextent
Averroes'sinterpretationofAristotlewasopposedtohisown,andhecouldnot"thinkaboutitwithoutrancor."Cf.R.A.Gauthier,Leonineed.,vol.45/1,pp.224*25*,whohas
assembledasignificantdossieronthissubject.
77.
Ibid.3,ll.31517,p.306cf.5,ll.397400,p.314,whereThomasconfesseshisastonishmentor,better,hisindignationthataChristianphilosopher(notidentifiedfurther)daresto
speaktamirreverenterabouttheChristianfaith.
78.
Ibid.5,ll.43441,p.314.

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ForalongtimeithasbeenknownthatthestudyofhishandwritingbearsonthehistoryofThomas'sthoughtinthatitallowsustoseethechangesthroughwhich
Thomaspassedbeforearrivingatthedefinitiveversionsofhistext.79Thatshallnotdetainusherebutinsteadweshalllookatatoooftenneglectedaspectwhichthe
studyofThomas'shandwrittenmanuscriptsalsoallowsustoaddress:abettercomprehensionofThomastheman.Thomas'swritingisoflegendarydifficulty,butwe
cannotsaythathedidnotknowhowtowriteFatherGils,theundisputedspecialistonThomas'shandwrittenmanuscripts,longagoshowedthefoolishnessofthese
receivedideas.80Thomassimplyhadahighlypersonalizedwayofwriting,anditrevealswithundeniableforcetheauthor'stemperament.

TheexpressionsthatoccurmostfrequentlyintheaustereandfascinatingstudybyGilsaresosurprisingthatyouunderstandwhyhefelttheneedtorepeatthemand
supportthembyhundredsofexamples.Thomasis"tenseandhurried"he"wouldliketogofaster""thatpatience,''whichhewouldneedtowritecorrectly,"Thomas
didnotpossess."Itisonlybecausehenoticedthat"hisowntextswerefrequentlybadlyinterpretedbyhisassistants"thathededicatedhimselftobeingclearer.
"Hurried,""fatigued,""distracted,"heallowed"lapses,""cacographies,"and"dreadfulerrors"toremaininhistext.

Inhiseffortsatcomposition,whenthesubjectortheexpressionescapeshimforaminuteandhesometimeshastobeginthesameparagraphthreetimes,"it
sometimeshappensthathewritesthecontraryofwhathethinks,heforgetswords,hecommitssomeanacoluthonand...hedoesnotalwayscorrecthimself."Since
wecannottranscribethewholepassage,letusrecordtheclosingsummary:"SaintThomasisthusamaninahurry.Heclasheswithhimselfoverthedemandsof
writing.Heisconstantlyexperiencingdistractions,whichobligehimtointerrupthimselfandtoreturnlater.Hestruggleswithputtinghisthoughtsinorderandwiththe
meansofexpressingthem.Heissimultaneouslymeticulous,andcarelessoftheinconsistenciesthathisirresistibleforwardmovementcausehimtocommit."81
79.
Werefersimplytothetwomagisterialstudies:P.M.Gils,"TextesinditsdeS.Thomas:LespremiresrdactionsduScriptumsuperTertioSententiarum,"RSPT46(1962)445
62and60928L.B.Geiger,"LesrdactionssuccessivesdeContraGentilesI,53d'aprsl'autographe,"inSaintThomasd'Aquinaujourd'hui,Recherchesdephilosophic6(Paris,
1963),pp.22140.
80.
IcannotrecommendenoughtheentirestudywhereP.M.GilssynthesizeswhathehaslearnedthroughanassiduousexaminationformorethanfortyyearsofThomas's
handwrittentexts:S.Thomascrivain,Leonineed.,vol.50,pp.175209.
81.
P.M.Gils,Leonineed.,vol.50,pp.176,179,195,2089.

 Page95

Wemustrecognizethatthisportraithardlyfitswiththeimageofthetimelessthinkerthatisusuallygivenofthe"CommonDoctor"or"AngeloftheSchools."Shallwe
saythat,evenifitcorrespondstoreality,theportraithasultimatelylittletodowithhisthought,whichisfixedforever?Toarguethuswouldbetoshowlittlerespectfor
thehistoricalrootednessofthatdoctrine,arootednessthatprovidesilluminationforanaccurateunderstandingofit.DoesnotThomashimselfrepeatafterAristotle:
"Whenweconsiderthingsintheirgenesis,weobtainaperfectunderstanding"?82Notonlythesuccessiveversionsofthetextshouldinterestus,butwhathewasstill
seekinginthoughtatthetimeofhisdeath,somethingtowhichmanypointsinhisworktestify.Thereismoretobegainedthanlostinthistypeofresearch.

WithoutenteringfurtherhereintothequestionofThomas'sintellectualevolution,letussaythatitwouldscarcelybeatestimonytosomeonewhomwevenerateasa
sainttoneglecthimasapersonandamodelfortheChristianlife,whichheincarnated.Indisputably,thereisacontinuitybetweenthemanwhowritesinthiswayand
themanwhosohappilychallengeshisadversaries,orisirritatedbytheirinconsistency.Ifhewasabletoexpresshimselfwithsuchvehemence,wemaysuspecthe
struggledtoachievethevirtuousselfmasterythatwasrequiredforthebirthofmoreaustereworks(wheresignsofhumorpracticallynevershowthemselves).Beyond
theimpatiencethattheselinguisticremnantsreveal,theyeloquentlywitnessthatthespontaneityinmoderation,whichthewholeworldrecognizesinThomas'sgenius,
wasthefruitofaconquest.Meditatingonwhatisonlyasimpleconfirmation,adiscipleofThomas'smaywellperceivethathewasamaster,notonlyofthought,butof
life.
82.
Cf.Aristotle,PoliticsIii,1cf.SaintThomas,SententialibriPoliticorum,Leonineed.,vol.48,p.A73,ll.13537:"Inomnibusenimitauidemusquodsiquisinspiciatres
secundumquodoriunturexsuoprincipio,optimepoteritineiscontemplariueritatem."WehaveusedthetranslationbyM.D.Chenu,LathologiecommescienceauXIIIesicle,
Paris,31957,p.9.

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ChapterVI
ReturntoItaly:
TheSummacontraGentiles
AtthebeginningofJune1259,ThomasarrivedatValenciennes,wherethegeneralchapteroftheDominicanswasbeingheld,inordertoparticipateintheworkofa
commissionestablishedtopromotestudies.Thiscommissionconsistedoffivemembers,allmastersoftheologyinParis,anditcomprisedtheintellectualeliteofthe
orderatthattime.InadditiontoThomas,itincludedAlbertusMagnus,hisformermasterEliasBrunet'scolleagueBonhommeleBreton,whotaughtinthefirst
DominicanchairatSaintJacquesFlorentofHesdin,Bonhomme'ssuccessor,whowasThomas'scolleagueduringtheacademicyearof125657Peterof
Tarentaise,whowouldteachintheverysamechairfrom1259to1264,andthenagainbetween1265and1267.PeterwouldalsotwicebeprovincialforFrance,
untilhiselectionasacardinalin1272,andthenwouldbeelectedpopeunderthenameInnocentVon21January1276.Hewastoexercisethatofficeforonlyafew
months,sincehediedon22June1276.1

ToPromoteStudy

Thiscommission'smeetingandworkshouldbeplacedintheframeworkofthegeneralpolicyoftheorder,whichfavoredtheintellectuallife,in
1.
SeeonthistopicM.H.Laurent,LebienheureuxInnocentV(PierredeTarentaise)etsontemps(StudieTesti129),Rome,1947A.Amargier,art."InnocentV,"Catholicisme5
(1962)16611664theotherfiguresmentionedhereareknowntoagreaterorlesserextent.Onthem,seeGlorieux,RpertoireI,orKppeli,Scriptores.

 Page97
2
conformitywiththeoriginalintentionofSaintDominic. JohntheTeutonhadalreadygivenproofofhiswishtobefaithfultothatintentiontheclearestindicationisthe
decisionbythe1248generalchapterinParistoopenfourstudiageneralia,whichwouldbeaddedtotheonealreadyinexistenceatSaintJacques.Itwasoneofthe
consequencesofthatdecisionthatAlbertandThomasdepartedforCologne.Withthisnewcommission,HumbertofRomansinturnshowedthatheintendedto
continuethatorientationtoallappearances,itwasHumbertwhohadnamedthecommissionandconvokedthemembersbeforethechapter.3Heshowed,
furthermore,towhatextentthissubjectwasclosetohisheartinhisDeuitaregulari,whichhecomposedaftersteppingdownasgeneralandwhoselongpagesdetail
whatpertainstostudyandbooks.4

Thecommissionsketchedoutaseriesofrecommendationsthatwereinsertedintothechapter'sacts.5Alltheseactsassertedthepriorityofstudyoverothertasks:
avoidingtheuseoflecturersinjobsorresponsibilitiesthatwouldpreventtheirdoingtheirprimarywork,andmakingsurethatMassnotbecelebratedatthesametime
aslessonsforthosewhohadtoattendthem.Astotheyoung,superiorsshouldselectthosemostadeptatstudytobesenttoastudiumgeneraletheolderbrothers
shouldberemindedthateventhepriorsaresupposedtofollowcourseswhenevertheyareabletodosoconvenientlythelecturersthemselvesoughttogotothe
disputatiowhentheyareavailable.Withoutbeingfullyformulated,theideaalreadyexistshereofcontinualformation,anotioncherishedinourtime.

Ifaprovinceistoopoorinpersonneltoprovidealecturerineachpriory,itshouldmakesurenottoleavetheyounginthesehousestheyshouldinsteadbesent
wherevertheycantobeformed.Ifaprovincedoesnothavesomeonecapableofpublicteaching(teachingopentoothersinadditiontothefriars),theyshouldatleast
haveteachingcarriedoninprivate(within
2.
Cf.A.Duval,"L'tudedanslalgislationreligieusedesaintDominique,"MlangesoffertsM.D.Chenu,Bibl.thom.37(Paris,1967),pp.22147.
3.
ThesuggestionofWN,p.112.(followingQutifEchard),accordingtowhichThomaswouldhaveparticipatedinthechapterassociusofthedelegationfromtheRomanprovince,
doesnotfindanysupportinthetexts,andweknowthenameofthatsocius:LawrenceofTodi,designatedthepreviousyearatthechapterinViterbo(MOPH20,p.23).
4.
HumbertofRomans,Operadevitaregulari,ed.J.J.Berthier(Rome,188889),vol.2,pp.25466.
5.
MOPH3,pp.99100Chartul.,no.335,pp.38586,whichgivesthenamesofthefivemembersofthecommissionaccordingtotheprovincialchapterheldatBziersin1261(thetext
isinDouais,Essai,p.173)seealsothebriefanalysisofthistextinWeisheipl,pp.13839.

 Page98
6
thepriory).TheHistoriaecclesiasticabyPeterMangiadorshouldberead,ortheSummadecasibus,byRaymondofPeafort,orsomemanualofthattype. The
friarsshouldnotremaininactive(nefratressintociosi).Housesofstudyintheliberalartsshouldbefosteredinparticular,sothattheyoungmayreceivetheirbasic
philosophicalformation.

Readingthistextcertainlygivesahighideaoftheworkofthecommissionandtheidealsoftheorderaboutthismaterial.Butitallowsusclearlytoperceiveanew
situation.WhereasthefirstgenerationsofDominicansoftenconsistedofpeoplealreadyformed,capableofimmediatelyassumingpositionsingovernmentorteaching,
theinfluxofvocationswasbringinginyoungmemberswhowerelackinginthebasics.Itwasthereforenecessarytoseetothislack,anditimmediatelybecame
apparentthatcertainprovinceswerequitepoor.Itwasalsoclearthatthedesireforstudywasnotshareduniversally.Visitorswouldhavetooverseethe
implementationofthesemeasures:toverifyregularparticipationinthecourses(thefriarswhoabstainedfromtakingthemwouldbeseverelypunished,dure
puniantur)toassuretheprogressoftheyounginstudyandtopunishthelazy(puniantnegligentes)tolookintothequalityandthefrequencyoftheteaching
providedandtomakesurethattherewouldbeasufficientnumberofteachersinallprovinces,whichrequiredacertainmobilityofpersonnel.

TheUncertaintiesof12591261

Afterthechapter,ThomasprobablyreturnedtoParis.Iftherehadbeenafewdaysstillavailablehemighthavegivenseverallectures(upuntil29June),buthewas
comingtotheendofhisregency.Inordertounderstandwhatwehavejustsaid,itisnecessarytograspthatDominicanpolicybrisklyrotatedthemastersinandoutof
positionsatParisinordertoformthegreatestpossiblenumberandthentosendthemtoteachelsewhere.7

Severalweeksearlier,Thomashadpresidedattheinceptioofhissuccessor,whowasthenhisbachelorofSentences,theEnglishmanWilliam
6.
SeeLeonardBoyle'scommentary,"NotesontheEducationoftheFratresCommunesintheDominicanOrderintheThirteenthCentury,"inPastoralCare,study6,which
demonstratestheexceptionalplacethatthemanualsofmoralsheldforconfessorsatthebeginningoftheorder,notablyRaymondofPeafort's.
7.
TolomeoXXII24tellsusthatThomas"rediitdeParisiusexcertiscausis"thehistorianshavelostthemselvesinconjecturestryingtopenetratewhatthesewordscover(cf.WN,
pp.11516)theexplanationthatweproposeistheonethatappearsthemostnatural,whichisalsoWeisheipl'sview,pp.14243,andTugwell's,p.217.

 Page99

ofAlton(orofAltona),whohadexercisedthatresponsibilityforonlyoneyear(125960).AlthoughWilliam'sbiblicalworkwasratherextensiveandgavewitnessto
aninterestintherabbinicaltradition,inlinewithstudiesthathadbeengoingonatSaintJacquessinceHughofSaintCher,hisworkdoesnotshowanyinfluencefrom
Thomas'scommentaries.8ThechairwastopassafterthattoThomas'sdiscipleandfriend,Annibaldod'Annibaldi,whohelditfortwoyears(126062),until
December1262,whenUrbanIVmadehimacardinal.ItwastoAnnibaldothatThomaswoulddedicate,severalyearslater,thelastthreebooksofhisCatena
aurea.UnlikehispredecessorandwithoutdoubtforthefirsttimethenifAnnibaldousedPeterofTarentaise,healsopermittedhismaster'sinfluencetoappear,
sinceAnnibaldo'scommentaryontheSentencesisonlyarecapitulationofThomas's.9

Duringthenexttwoyears,datesandplacesarelesscertain.WedonotknowthedateofThomas'sdepartureforItaly.Tolomeogivesustounderstandthatitwas
underUrbanIV,andthereforenotbefore29August1261,butthisismuchtoolate.10Mandonnet,apparentlyreproducingtheviewofDeRubeis,thoughtthat
ThomaswentdirectlytoAnagni,totheresidenceofAlexanderIV,inordertobecomealecturerinthepontificalcuria11butthatview,onceacceptedbyseveral
scholars,hasbeenabandonedtodaybecauseithasnotbeensupportedbyanybiographerorbytheancientdocuments.Withsomejustification,Weisheipl
hypothesizedthat,returningtoItaly,ThomaswouldquitenormallyhavegonetoNaples,hisoriginalpriory.12Hestayedtherefromtheendof1259,orfromthe
beginningof1260untilSeptember1261,thedateonwhichhewasassignedtoOrvieto.13

Thishypothesisseemstoustobethemostplausible,butitrunsafoulofthefactthatnodocumentexplicitlyattestsThomas'sstayinNaplesatthistime.Andcertain
peopleeventhinkthatperhapshedidnotleaveParisimmediatelysuchathoughtfulhistorianasWalzdidnothesitatetoimag
8.
Williamisnotwellknown("ashadowyfigure"),cf.T.Kppeli,"Guillaumed'Alton,"DHGE22(1988)83637ScriptoresII,pp.8288Glorieux,RpertoireI,no.18,pp.11316.
9.
TolomeoXXII23hadalreadynoticedthiscf.R.Coulon,"AnnibaldiouAnnibaldeschidellaMolara,"DHGE3(1924)38788KppeliII,pp.17476Glorieux,RpertoireI,no.19,p.
117.
10.
TolomeoXXII22and24seethediscussioninMandonnet,"Thomasd'Aquinlecteurlacurieromaine.Chronologiedusjour(12591268),"inXeniathomisticaIII,pp.919.
11.
Mandonnet,Chronologiesommaire,p.144.
12.
Weisheipl,pp.14344Tugwell,p.221,agreeswithWeisheipl.
13.
Cf.Documenta30,p.582.

 Page100
14 15
inethisscenario. WeknownothingmoreaboutwhathedidinItaly,exceptperhapsthattheprovincialchapterinNaplesmadehimgeneralpreacherin1260.
Whateverthecase,itseemsthatThomashadnotyetarrivedinItalybySeptember1259,sincethechapteroftheRomanprovinceheldonthatdatedoesnotmention
him.If,therefore,wefollowWalz,whorecallsthenuancedpositionofDenifle,ofA.Dondaine,andofGauthier(inhisearlyphase),wewouldhavetomaintaina
prudentreticence:"ItseemsprobablethatThomasleftFranceattheendof1259orthebeginningof1260andthathewasinItalybeforetheprovincialchapterin
Naples(29September1260)."16

Makinghisownexaminationofthequestion,Tugwellsumsupquiteclearlytheuncomfortablesituationinwhichthehistoriansfindthemselves,andTugwellmakes
someingenioussuppositionsinordertofillthevoidleftusbyourdocuments.Wecansumuphispositionthus:afterValenciennes,ThomaspassedthroughParis,but
onlyinordertopickuphiseffectsitisimprobablethathewouldhavestayedtheresolelytowrite.ButwedonotknowwhyhetooksomuchtimetoreachNaples.
PerhapshelingeredinMilanandBolognatogatherinformationforthemastergeneralontheprogramsofstudyforthefriars?andheperhapspreachedthetwo
Adventsermonstherethattheseplacesgivetestimonyto.AfterthathereturnedtoNaples,hisoriginalpriory,whereheremaineduntil1261or1262,thedateofhis
assignmenttoOrvieto.17

Inouropinion,itwouldbewrongtopressthesilenceofourtextstoomuchthereweremanyotherprovincialchaptersbesidestheonein1259thatdonotspeak
aboutFriarThomasAquinas.ItdoesnotseematallplausiblethatThomaslingeredinParisbeyondtheendofthescholastic
14.
WN,p.117:"Contrarytogeneralopinion,perhaps[Thomas]returnedtoParisaftertheValencienneschapter.Nottoteach,sinceweknowhissuccessors,buttoworkonthe
SummacontraGentiles."Butthisishardlycompatiblewithwhatanexaminationoftheautographteachesus(seefurtheroninthetext).
15.
Cf.above,note13tentativenessonthispointisinanycasenecessarysincethesourcetowhichwerefertoestablishthisfactisananonymousdocumentfromtheendofthe
sixteenthorbeginningoftheseventeenthcentury,whichdoesnotatallindicateonwhatitbasesitsinformationP.T.Masetti,MonumentaetAntiquitatesveterisdisciplinae
OrdinisPraedicatorumabanno1216ad1348...(Rome,1864),vol.II,pp.26768,whoreproducesthisdocumentinanappendix,doessowiththereservationstobeobservedin
suchcases.
16.
WN,p.117inhisSommecontralesgentils,introduction(Paris:Editionsuniversitaires,1993),Gauthierplacesthisvoyageinthefall:Thomaswouldthushaveavoidedthegreat
heatofthesummerandthebadweatherofwinter.
17.
Tugwell,pp.21623weoughttocorrectnote207,p.313,whichquotesoneofmyarticlesunderFatherGauthier'snameandattributestomeacontradictionofwhichIdonotthink
myselfguilty,sinceIhaveneverdisputedMandonnetonthispoint.

 Page101

yearwhatevertheexactdateofhisreturntoItaly(thesecondhalfof1259ispreferabletothebeginningof1260),wecantakeitasthemostnaturalsolutionthat
ThomaslivedinNaplesduringthisperiod.(Withoutbeingcertainaboutthis,wemightreadConradofSuessa'stestimonyatthecanonizationprocess18insuchaway.)
Thomasthuswouldhaveenjoyed,asWeisheiplsuggests,aperiodofrelativeleisurethatallowedhimtomakeprogressonhisSummacontraGentiles,whichhehad
begunbeforeleavingParis.

TheDateoftheSummacontraGentiles

TheContraGentilesisoneoftheworksweareprivilegedtohaveinlargepartinSaintThomas'sownhandwriting(aboutathirdofthework,fromBookI,Chapter
13untilBookIII,Chapter120,butwithmanylacunae).19Wemightaddtotheusualremarksabouthishandwritingthatwehavehere"aworkthatSaintThomastook
greatcareover:herereadit,modifiedandcorrecteditseveraltimes....Allthechapterspreservedinthehandwrittenversionhaveundergoneatleastonerevision
forthemostparttheyshowtwoorthree,orevenfour,ifwetakeintoaccountthefinalrereading."20

FatherGils,fromwhomweborrowthisinformation,drawsaconclusiontowhichwewillhavetoreturn.ButitisFatherGauthierwhohasthehonorofhavingbeen
thefirsttorecognizethatthebeginningoftheContraGentilesiswrittenonthesameparchmentandevenwiththesameParisianinkastheSuperBoetium.Starting
onfolio15wecanverifythechangeofparchment,andonthebacksideoffolio14(l.43)wemayperceivethechange("brutal"saysGauthier,"radical"saysGils)of
theinkitself.21Fromallthisaprobableconclusionimposesitself:thechangedatesfromthetimewhenThomasleftParisforItaly.

Thisconclusion,fullyadoptedbythelattercritic22andconfirmedbycarefulexaminationoftheutilizationofAristotle,oftheconciliardocuments,and,notably,ofthe
evolutionofThomas'sdoctrineontheWord,
18.
Naples47,pp.32627aboutthisdeposition,seeTugwell'sremarks,note206,p.313.
19.
Cf.H.F.DondaineandH.V.Shooner,CodicesmanuscriptioperumThomaedeAquino,vol.I(Rome,1967),pp.35.
20.
P.M.Gils,Leonine,vol.50,pp.204and207.
21.
IntroductionhistoriqueS.Thomasd'Aquin.ContraGentiles,introductionbyA.Gauthier,trans.R.BernierandM.Corvez,vol.1(Paris,1961),pp.3134.Weshouldbecarefulto
distinguishtheolderworkfromtheSommecontrelesgentils,introduction(1993),whichcompletestheearlierone,veryoftencorrectsit,andshouldbeusedinthefuture.
22.
ForGils,cf.Leonine,vol.50,p.208.

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permitsGauthiertosumuptheresultsatwhichhearrivedthus:"SaintThomashadalmostcertainlywrittentheearliestversionofthefirst53chaptersofBookIin
Parisbeforethesummerof1259.InItaly,startingin1260,herevisedthese53chaptersandwrotetherestoftheSummacontraGentilesstartingwithchapter54of
BookI.ItiscertainthatthefirstversionofBookIII,chapter4,cannotbebefore1261,andthatBooksIIandIIIwerestillbeingworkedonatthatdate.Itisvery
probable,nottosaysure,thatBookIVwasnotfinishedbeforetheendof1263orthebeginningof1264,butitwascompletedbefore12651267."23

WiththeexceptionofP.Marc,whowouldsituatetheContraGentilesatamuchlaterdate,duringthesecondperiodofteachingatParis,24thisproposalseemsto
havewonoverthecritics.25Gauthierreturnedtothisquestionagainaftersomethirtyyears,andinthelightofallthelaborshehimselfhadcarriedoutinthemeantime
aswellasmanyotherstudiesbyotherscholars(notablythoseinvolvedintheLeonineCommissionandtheAristoteleslatinus,whoseimportancecannotbe
overemphasized),Gauthierwasonlyabletoaddfurtherprecision.Thegeneralframeworkwastoosolidtobechangedverymuch,andthecriteriahehadadopted
remainedthesame.

NeverthelessamorepreciseknowledgeofthedateofappearanceofthetranslationsofAristotle'sworksandoftheirrespectivesingularitiesallowsustoconfirmthat
theItalianpartoftheContraGentilesusesanAristotlethatwasnottheonecurrentinParisinthe1250s,butanAristotlethatbegantobeknowninItalyaround
12601265:"Wehaveseensomenewworksappearhere,thetranslationoftheRhetoricbyHermanntheGerman,theLiberdebonafortuna,andparticularlythe
firsttranslationsbyWilliamofMoerbeke,thetranslationofthePolitics,thetranslationofthebooksonanimalswehavethushadtopushbackto12631264the
writingofBookIII,chapter85."26

ThisdemonstrationismademoreprecisebythecomplementaryobservationthatthisAristotleisstillnottheonewhowillbegintoappearinDecember1265inthe
PrimaParsoftheSummatheologiae,inthecommentaryontheDeanima,andinthedisputedquestionsDeanimaand
23.
Gauthier,Introduction,p.59.
24.
P.Marc,IntroductioS.ThomaeAquinatisLiberdeVeritateCatholicaeFideicontraerroresInfidelium(Turin,1967),vol.1,pp.31282.
25.
Cf.O.L(ottin),BTAM9(196265),no.457,pp.14546L.J.Bataillon,RSPT47(1963)24849.
26.
Sommecontrelesgentils,chap.II.

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Despiritualibuscreaturis.DecisiveprogresshasbeenmadeoverthefirstattemptatdatingBookIV.Theterminuspostquemiseasyenoughtoestablishby
examiningtheconciliarandpatristicdocuments.ThomasusesheretheCollectioCasinensis,whichgavehimaccesstothetextsofthefirstfourcouncils,notably
EphesusandChalcedon.HewasstillunfamiliarwiththeseinhiscommentaryontheSentences.ItisthereforeathisreturntoItalythathemadetheiracquaintance.27
Moreclearlystill:ThomasknewNicholasdeCotrone'sLiberdeprocessioneSpiritussanctietfideTrinitatiscontraerroresGraecorum,whichPopeUrbanIV
submittedforThomas'sexamination,doubtlessin1263oratthebeginningof1264.HewillrefutethisworkinhisContraerroresGraecorum.28Allthiscorresponds
wellwithwhatweknowofthedateofcompositionforthefirstthreebooksoftheContraGentiles.

Astotheterminusantequemofthisfourthbookandoftheentirework,Gauthierbelieveshecanstronglyputforth1265.SaintThomas'sintellectualevolutiononthe
doctrineoftheWord,ashighlightedbyH.Paissac,29remainsakeystoneofthedemonstration.Itconsistsinevaluatingtwostagesaftertheinitialhesitationinthe
Sentences:thefirstisfoundinContraGentiles,BookI,53andBookIV,11thesecondintheDepotentia,questions8and9.Aftergivingthesereferences,
Gauthierrefineshishistoricalstatements:chaptersIV,11andI,53areinrealitycontemporaneousbecause,accordingtothetestimonyofthehandwrittenmanuscript,
ThomasreturnedtothetextofI,53whenhewasworkingonIV,11.AsfarastheDepotentiaisconcerned,weknowthatitwasdisputedinRome,whereThomas
hadbeenassignedon8September1265.30

WeshouldaddtoallthisthatThomashimselfrefersattimestotheContraGentiles:intheDerationibusfideiseveraltimes31intheCom
27.
Cf.Geenen,"EnmargeduconciledeChalcdoine,"Angelicum29(1952)4359.
28.
Cf.Leonine,vol.40,p.A520,seep.A19chaps.38andespecially69ofBookIVtestifythattheContraerroresgraecorumwasalreadycompleted(sinceBookII,chap.39ofthe
latterworkisreproducedintheContraGentilesIV69)cf.Leonine,vol.40,p.A9,andH.F.Dondaine,"LeContraerroresGraecorumdeS.ThomasetleIVelivreduContra
Gentiles,"inLessciencesphilosophiquesetthologiques(194142),pp.15662.
29.
H.Paissac,ThologieduVerbe.SaintAugustinetsaintThomas(Paris,1951).
30.
WewillreturntothechronologyofThomas'sItaliansojourn,butthedateoftheDepotentia,alreadyestablishedbyaseriesofindications,isconfirmedfurtherbythemanuscript
Subiaco,Bibliothquedel'abbaye211,f.175r,fromtheendofthethirteenthorthebeginningofthefourteenthcentury,whichexplicitlyindicates:QuestionesfratrisT.deaquino
quasdisputavitrome,cf.Grabmann,DieWerke,p.306.
31.
Prol.1,l.63chap.7,293110,112cf.Leonine,vol.40,p.B57,66and73forthedate,cf.ibid.,p.B7.

 Page104
32
pendiumtheologiae,wheretherelationshiptotheContraGentilesismanifest inthecommentaryontheDeanimahedoessoaswell,whereThomasexcuses
himselffromhavingtorefuteAverroesatgreaterlength,forhehasalreadydoneitamplyelsewhere.33Now,allthesebookscanbeplacedverysoonafter1265.
Basinghimselfonalltheconvergentdata,Gauthiercouldconclude:''ItmightbepermittedtoconjecturethatSaintThomasfinishedhisSummacontraGentilesbefore
hisdepartureforRomeinSeptember1265.BookIVthereforewascomposed,withoutdoubt,in12641265."34

WithoutbasicallydisputingthisconclusionwhichhadnotyetbeenpublishedinthisformwhenhewaswritingP.M.Gilsbelieveditpossibletoproposean
additiontoGauthier'sthesis:consideringthelaterrevisionsofwhichthemanuscriptbearstraces,hewouldnotreject"ahypothesisthatmaintainsThomashadadded
correctionstothisprivilegedworkevenduringhissecondstayinParis.Eventhoughtheywereonlysomesemicolons!"Wemayadmireherethescrupulousworkof
thepaleographer,butwecannotconcludefromitthatMarc'sthesiscouldbeastrueasGauthier'scorrectionsofthattypeareevidentlynotsubstantialmodifications
thatwouldcallintoquestiontheearlierdateproposed.Inourview,GauthierisrighttoputusonguardagainstafalseinterpretationthatonemightdrawfromGils
words:"SaintThomas'steachinginRomeconstitutestheterminusantequemforthewholefinalversionoftheContraGentiles.35

ThePurposeoftheContraGentiles

If,therefore,thedatesoftheseveralstagesofcompositionseemclearenough,theintentionofthisLiberdeueritatecatholicaefideicontraerroresinfideliumas
somemanuscriptsbeginstillremainsthesubjectofratherlivelydiscussions.FollowingthementionoftheGentilesinthetitle(atitlewithoutspecialauthoritygivenby
theexemplarfromaround1272)thereceivedtraditiononlyfromthesixteenthtotheseventeenthcen
32.
"Captivatingparallels,"asJ.PerriersaysThomassketchedtheCompendiumwith"theContraGentilesinfrontofhim,"addsA.R.Motte(Leonine,vol.42,p.8,note3)asto
thedate,FatherDondaineallieshimselfwithVanSteenberghen'sproposition:"TheDefidewouldbemoreorlesscontemporarywiththeDepotentia,"ibid.,p.8.
33.
SentencialibrideanimaIII1,ll.35355,Leonine,vol.45/1,p.207cf.Introduction,pp.227*28*.
34.
Sommecontrelesgentils,chap.II.
35.
Sommecontrelesgentils,chap.IGils,Leonine,vol.50,p.208.

 Page105

turysumsitupthus:ThomaswouldhavecomposedthisbookattherequestofRaymondofPeafort,withtheintentionofconvertingtheMuslimworld,stillvery
muchpresentinSpain."Raymondwouldhaveaskedhisyoungconfreretoequipthemissionarieswiththenecessaryintellectualweapons."36Hastyreadershavenot
noticedthatFatherChenuformulatedthispositionintheconditional,andthatherefutesitformallytwopageslater:"TheSumma[contraGentiles]goesconsiderably
beyondamissionarymanual,evenonethatisfullbodiedinordertomeettheneedsofelites....Also,itdoesnotaimparticularlyatAverroesitisacollectionof
variouserrantes,pagans,Muslims,Jews,heretics,whoarebothexaminedandcriticized."37

Wouldthateveryonehadreadmorecarefullythisgreatprecursor!Withoutmeaningto,heinitiatedanentirepolemicthatstillenduresandwhoselargelineswemight
recall,foritpartlyconditionsourunderstandingofthisbook.FatherGauthier,oneofthefirstscholarstodoso,showsthefragilityofthe"missionary"tradition:the
poorlydocumentedtextofthechroniclerPeterMarsilispeaksratherofthepagansthanoftheArabs,andanexaminationofThomas'stextshowsindeedthatthe
Muslimsarenotatalltheonlyinfidelsorhereticsaimedat.Hehardlyconcernshimselfaboutthem,andwhathesaysofthemshowsthatheknewtheirteachingquite
poorly.TheContraGentilesgoesfarbeyondanydirectmissionarypurposeevenifthisisunderstoodinthesenseoftheinteriormissionagainstthe"averroistes"
orevenasanapologetic.Wearedealingherewithatheologicalworkinitspursuitofwisdomaswellasinitsmethodand"rarelywasaworklesshistorical"than
this.38

Farfromsettlingthediscussion,Gauthier'sjudgmentseemsrathertohavelauncheditonanewpath.In1964,A.C.Pegisraiseddoubtsandproposedtoidentifythe
intendedrecipientsofthetextasAristotelianphilosophers:"[Thomas]wantedtoshowthemthetruthsaboutAristotleundertheaspectofalivingrealitypurifiedinthe
heartofChristiantheologyandtoshowintheworldofrevelationavivifyingfoodfortheseverities."39

Twoyearslater,in1966,F.VanSteenberghenproposedapromising
36.
Chenu,Toward,pp.24748.
37.
Ibid.,p.250.
38.
Gauthier,Introduction,pp.6087,cf.p.121werefertothosepagesforthepriorscholarshiponeshouldalsoreadtheSommecontrelesgentils,chap.III:"Leserreursdes
infidles."
39.
A.C.Pegis,""Qu'estcequelaSummacontraGentiles?"inL'hommedevantDieu.MlangesoffertsaupreHenrideLubac,vol.2,Thologie57(Paris,1964),pp.16982,cf.p.
182.

 Page106

formula:"SaintThomasclearlywroteforChristianthinkers(theologiansorphilosophers)committedtotheirfaithitisnotatallimplausiblethatheconceivedthe
SummacontraGentilesspeciallyfortheuseofpersonsdestinedtohavecontactwithcirclesof'unfaithful'intellectuals,principallyinMuslimcountries."40

Themissionaryintention,oratleasttheapologeticpurpose,oftheworkwasalsodefendedin1967byP.Marc41andin1974byA.Huerga.42Butinthesameyear,
M.CorbinputforwardhisrefutationofGauthierandproposedseeingintheSummacontraGentiles"thesecondtheologicaldiscoursebySaintThomas."43In1974,
Q.Turielexplainedhisthesisthatthiswasaworkofapologeticsforinternaluse,destinedforcultivatedbelieversasa"verification"oftheCatholicfaith.44Without
ignoringthisdiscussion,in1986M.D.Jordangaveanentirelydifferentreading:"Theworkisconcernedtopersuadeitsreaderstothepracticeofthevirtuesof
Christianwisdom,bothacquiredandinfused."45

Neverthelessin1983,A.Patfoortadvanced"amiddlesolution"whichapparentlywithouthisknowingitreproducesrathercloselyVanSteenberghen'sposition
and,inhisopinion,perhapsmorecompletelyaccountsforallthedatathatexist.Heproposesthatweseehere"awork'thoughtfor'somenonChristians,forsome
infidels,but'addressedto'Christiansthemselvescalledtoundertakecontactswiththeinfidels,torespondtotheirobjections,topresentdoctrineinawaythatshows
thatitavoidsthedifficultiestheyseeandcoincideslargelywiththeirownconvictions.Inbrief,theSummacontraGentileswouldbeaschoolforpresentingthe
Christianfaithtotheinfidels,anecumenicaleffort,beforethefact,betweenChristiansandinfidels."46Certaincritics,wishingtoreturntoafoursquaremissionary
intention,donotfindthisthesispersuasiveenough,47butthesearguments"appearratherconvincing"toothers.48
40.
LaPhilosophieauXIIIesicle,p.323(2ded.1991,p.290).
41.
P.Marc,Introduction,pp.53561.
42.
A.Huerga,"HyptesissobrelagnesisdelaSummacontraGentilesydelPugiofidei,"Angelicum51(1974)53357.
43.
M.Corbin,LechemindelathologiechezThomasd'Aquin(Bibl.desArchivesdePhil.,N.S.16)(Paris,1974),pp.475691.
44.
Q.Turiel,"LaintencindeSantoTomsenlaSummacontraGentiles,"Studium14(1974)371401.
45.
M.D.Jordan,"TheProtrepticStructureofthe'SummacontraGentiles,'"TheThomist50(1986)173209,cf.p.208.
46.
A.Patfoort,"LaSommecontrelesGentils,coledeprsentationauxinfidlesdelafoichrtienne,"inSaintThomasd'Aquin.Lesclefsd'unethologie(Paris,1983)(=Patfoort,
Clefs),pp.10330,herep.105.
47.
C.Vansteenkiste,RLT19(1986)208:"Unmanualeeccellenteperimissionari."
48.
M.V.Leroy,RT(1984)303.

 Page107

ThoughthesescholarshavenotconvincedR.A.Gauthier(whopertinentlydiscussesthesenseofconuincereadvancedbyPatfoort),hehasbeenexpressinghimself
inamorenuancedfashionasaresultoftheirlabors:hesaysthattheSummacontraGentileshasa"timelessambition,"whichsignifiesthat"itmakesitselfusefultoall
times"andnotsolelytoitsown.Itsintentionisnotan"immediateandlimitedapostolate,butaimsatwisdomofauniversalapostolicbearing."49Wecanagree
withthislastformulation,whichiscertainlyclosertoSaintThomas'shabitualmanner.

TheSummacontraGentiles:
MethodandPlan

Astothemethodandplanofthiswork,Thomasclearlyexplainedtheminaverybeautifulpassagethatitisnecessarytoreproduceatlengthandtocommenton
carefully.Foritisnotonlyacondensationofhisconceptionoftheology(wemightfindverycloseparallelstoitinotherworks,evenearliertextsliketheSuper
Boetium,orlatertextsliketheSummaortheQuodlibetIV).ButthisistheplacewhereThomaspermitsustounderstandclearlythatheisundertakingapersonal
labor.50Afterthreeyearsofregency,theyoungmaster,attheheightofhispowersandinperfectconsciousnessofwhathewishestodo,beginshisfirstsynthesis:

Theintentionofthewisemanoughttobedirectedtowardthetwofoldtruthofdivinethingsandatthesametimetowardthedestructionoftheerrorsthatarecontrarytothis
truth.Fortheonetask,reasonsufficestheothersurpasseseveryeffortofreason.Iamspeakingofa"twofoldtruthofdivinethings,"notonthepartofGodhimself,whoistruth
oneandsimple,butfromthepointofviewofourknowledge,whichassumesvariousmodalitiestowarddivinethings.

Tothehurriedreader,thismentionofdoubletruthcouldlenditselftoamistakenimpression,whichStephenTempierwilldenouncelater.ButweseethatThomas
immediatelyexplainshimselfinasatisfyingfashion.WemightremarkratherhowthesefirstlinescorrespondtoamuchmorerapidformulationinchapterIIonamore
personalnote:
49.
Gauthier,Leonine,vol.45/1,pp.293*and289*,note2GauthiermaintainsthisinhisSommecontrelesgentils,where,inaddition,heregrets"severalunhappyexpressionsin
[his]earlierintroduction."
50.
SCGI9:infact,thefirstninechaptersseemlikea"discourseonmethod"andtheninthisasummaryofit.

 Page108

InthenameoftheDivineMercy,Ihavetheconfidencetoembarkupontheworkofawiseman,eventhoughthismaysurpassmypowers,andIhavesetmyselfthetaskof
makingknown,asfarasmylimitedpowerswillallow,thetruththeCatholicfaithprofesses,andofsettingasidetheerrorsthatareopposedtoit.TouseSaintHilary'swords,"I
amawarethatIowethistoGodasthechiefdutyofmylife,thatmyeverywordandsensemayspeakofhim."

OftenjustycitedasoneoftheplaceswhereThomasrevealshimselfalittle,thispassagehasbeencommentedonbyRenAntoineGauthierwithrareperceptiveness:

Whatisproposedinthesepages,whatmadeThomaswritethemneitherattheheadoftheSentencesnoratthebeginningoftheSummaTheologiae,isnottheircontent,which
wouldhavebeenappropriatethereashere.Itistheirpersonaltone,itistheemotioncontained,thefervorthatcausesSaintThomastoconfessthat,outofhisprofessionas
theologian,hemakeshislife:theprogrambecameaconfidence,andtheSummacontraGentilesisthusnotacourse,noradidacticwork,butanessayinpersonalreflection.51

WecanalsosaythatthistextgatherstogetherundertwoprincipaltasksthefunctionthatThomasassignstothetheologianandthathehaddevelopedinatripartite
formintheSuperBoetiumafewmonthsearlier.52Butweremainherewithinthesameframework,whichisatthesametimeresoluteconfidenceabouttheuseof
reasonintheologyandclearawarenessofwhatwecannotaskofreason:

Themanifestationofthetruthunderthefirstmodalitythereforedemandsthatweproceedbywayofdemonstrativereasons,capableofconvincingtheadversary.Butsuch
reasonsarenotvalidfortruthunderthesecondmodalityoneshouldnothaveasagoalconvincingtheadversarybyarguments,butresolvingargumentsthatheadvances
againstthetruth,sincenaturalreasoncannotgoagainstthetruthofthefaith.ThisparticularmannerofconvincingwhoeveropposessuchtruthisdrawnfromtheScriptures,
divinelyconfirmedbymiracles.ThatwhichpasseshumanreasonwebelieveonlythroughtherevelationofGod.Withtheaimofclarifyingthattruth,

51.
Leonine,vol.45/1,p.290*.
52.
Cf.SuperBoetiumdeTrinitate,q.2a.3.:"...insacradoctrinaphilosophiapossumustripliciteruti.Primoaddemonstrandumeaquaesuntpraeambulafidei...quaefidessupponit.
Secundoadnotificandumperaliquassimilitudineseaquaesuntfidei....Tertioadresistendumhisquaecontrafidemdicuntursiueostendendoeaessefalsasiueostendendoeanon
essenecessaria."

 Page109

wemay,however,advancecertainargumentsthatappeartobetrue,wherethefaithofthefaithfulfindsmatteronwhichitmayoperateandrest,withoutbeingofanatureto
convinceadversaries.Fortheselattertheveryinsufficiencyoftheseargumentswouldconfirmthemratherintheirerror,ingivingthemreasontothinkthatweconsenttothe
truthofthefaithforthesepoorreasons.

ThelasttwoitalicizedphrasesfindtheirnaturalcommentaryintwopassagesthataretoolittleknownfromtheSummatheologiae.Echoingthefirst,Thomasreaffirms
aprincipaldatumwithregardtotheIncarnation:"WhatdependsonthewillofGodaloneandtowhichthecreaturehasnoright,canbeknowntousonlyinthe
measureinwhichitistaughtinsacredScripture,whichallowsustoknowthewillofGod."53WithoutadoubttheWordcouldhavebeenincarnatedevenhadman
neversinned,buttoreasonthuswouldbetopouroutahypotheticaltheologywhereman,imagining"whatwouldhavehappenedif..."wouldsubstitutehisownview
ofthingsforGod's.Morehumbly,thetruthfultheologianwishestoremainarealistandtoadheremorecloselytogivenrevelationalso,carefulaboutreasonandthe
synthesisthatitgives,Thomasneverforgetsthathisedificerestsonsalvationhistory,that"economy"isthesolepathto"theology.''

TheconclusionofthetextcommentedonisonlytheotherfaceofthesametruthandanewinvitationtomodestyThomascertainlyknowstheforceofreason,but
alsoitslimits:"TodaretoprovetheTrinitybynaturalreasonistocommitadoublefaultinfaith....First,onemisapprehendsthedignityofthefaithitself,whichhas
invisiblethingsasitsobject,whichistosay,thosethatgobeyondhumanreason....Further,onecompromisesthemeanstoleadcertainmentothefaith.Ineffect,to
bringasaproofofthefaithreasonsthatarenotnecessaryistoexposethatfaithtothescornoftheinfidelstheythinkthatitisuponthesereasonsthatwebase
ourselves,anditisonaccountofthemthatwebelieve."54

Ourplanbeingthereforetoproceedaccordingtotheproposedmethod,wewilltrytoshowthistruththatfaithprofessesandthatreasonuncoversbyproducingsome
demonstrativeandsomeprobablearguments.Someofthesewillbeprovidedforusfromworksofphilosophersandothersbysaints[sancti].Andtheywillhelpustoconfirmthe
truthandtoconvince[con

53.
STIIIaq.1a.3.
54.
STlaq.32a.1cf.q.46a.2.

 Page110

uincere]theadversary.Passingthusfromthemorecleartothelessclear,wewillexplainthetruththatpassesreasonbyrefutingtheargumentsoftheadversariesandin
clarifying,asmuchasGodpermits,thetruthofthefaiththroughprobableargumentsandbyauthorities.

Thesancti,weshouldknow,aretheFathersoftheChurchwewillspeakfurtheralongabouttheimportancethatThomasrecognizesinthem.Weshouldnoticehere
alsothewordconuincere,whichdoesnotatallhavethemeaningthatwenormallygiveit:hereitmeansnot"persuading"but"convincingoferrorwhoeverhas
erred."55Thatreasoncannotdemonstratefaithdoesnotmeanthatitisimpotentwhenfacedwiththeobjectionsofadversaries.Onthecontrary,Thomasshowsa
robustconfidenceinthecapabilitiesofreasoninthebeliever."Sincenaturalreasoncannotgoagainstthetruthofthefaith,"itcanatleastshowthattheadversaries
argumentsarenottruedemonstrationsbutsophismsthatcanbe''dismantled."56

Attheconclusionofthispassage,ThomasthereforeannounceswhathewilltreatinthefourthbookoftheContraGentiles:anexplanationofthetruthofthefaiththat
isoutsideofthegraspofreasonherewemeetonlyprobablereasonsandnotnecessaryreasons,butThomasdoesnotdeclinetospeaktothismystery.Ashewill
explainitlater,therearetwotypesoftheologicaldisputes:onepushesbackerrors,theothermakestruthintelligible.Ifoneiscontentwiththefirsttype,thehearerwill
knowwithoutdoubtwhatistrueandwhatisfalse,buthewillnothaveanyideaofwhatthetruthmeanswhichisproposedtohim.Hewillgoawaywithanempty
head.57Thewellformedmindisalreadypreferabletothewellfilledmind.
WeproposethereforetofollowbywayofreasonthatwhichthehumanreasoncandiscoverofGodwewillhavetostudyfirstwhatbelongstoGodinhimself,wewillthenstudy
theemergenceofcreaturesfromGod.InthethirdplacewewillseetheorderingofthecreaturestoGodastotheirend.

55.
OnthispointseetheargumentsofGauthier,Leonine,vol.45/1,pp290*92*(againstPatfoort,Clefs,p.114)Sommecontrelesgentils,chap.IV:"Ladoubletchedusage."
56.
STIaq.1a.8:"Cumenimfidesinfallibiliveritatiinnititur,impossibileautemsitdevetodemonstraricontrarium,manifestumestprobationesquaecontrafideminducuntur,nonesse
demonstrationes,sedsolubiliaargumenta."
57.
QuodlibetIVq.9a.3[18]notetheendofthistext:"Quaedamverodisputatioestinscholis,nonadremovendumerroremsedadinstruendumauditoresutinducanturadintellectum
veritatisquemintendit,ettuncoportetrationibusinnitiinvestigantibusveritatisradicemetfacientibusscirequomodositverumquoddicituralioquinsinudisauctoritatibusmagister
quaestionemdeterminet,certificabiturquidemauditorquoditaest,sednihilscientiaevelintellectusacquiretsedvacuusabscedet."

 Page111

Theselastwordssketchthereforetheplanforthefirstthreebooks,whicharededicatedtotruthsaccessibletoreasonbywhichweshouldunderstand,truthsthat
findsupportinAristotle,howeverdistant:"Primo...dehisquaeDeosecundumseipsumconveniunt[theexistenceofGodandthedivineperfections]secundovero,
deprocessucreaturarumabipso[thecreativeactinitselfanditseffects]tertioautem,deordinecreaturaruminipsumsicutinfinem[providenceandGod's
government]."ThisplanclearlyprefigurestheonethatThomaswillalsouseintheSummatheologiae,passingfromtheIncarnationtotheParousia,bywayofthe
sacraments.Inthefirstthreebooks,heexcludestheTrinityandtheworkofsalvationhereservesthatmaterialforBookIV,whichisdedicated"adilliusveritatis
manifestationem...quaerationemexcedit,"whichistosay,towhattheFathersoftheChurchcallproperlytheologiaandoikonomia.Theresemblanceand
differencebetweenthetwoworksshouldbenoted:Thomasisthusalreadyinpossessionofacircularplanwhosefertilityhewillagainexploitbutforreasonsthat
partlyescapeus,hedidnotperfectlysucceedhereinemphasizingtheunityofthedivineplan.58

TheContentsoftheSummacontraGentiles

Ifwenowwishtoformanideaofthematerialtreatedbyourauthor,wemustfollowitcloselythroughallfourBooks.Asinallhisotherworks,thestructuresareofa
perfectclarityandwedonothaveanydifficultyindiscerningthearrangementofthevarioussections.AcomparisonwiththeSummatheologiaealsopermitsusto
clarifythesetwoworks,theonebymeansoftheother.

Inaccordwiththe"discourseonmethod"thatwehavejustexamined,BookIcomesimmediatelytotheexistenceofGod(1013).Asthisexistenceisnotevidentin
itselfforus,itmustthereforebeestablished,for
58.
TherearetranslationsoftheContraGentilesinalmostalltheEuropeanlanguages.InEnglish,theBlackfriarsedition,SummaContraGentiles,trans.EnglishDominican
Fathers(London:Burns,Oats,andWashbourne,1934)OfGodandHisCreatures,trans.J.Rickaby(Westminster,Md.:CarrollPress,1950)SaintThomasAquinas,ontheTruth
oftheCatholicFaith,A.C.Pegis,J.F.Anderson,J.Bourke,C.J.O'Neil,eds.(NewYork:Doubleday,195557),5vols.InFrench,whileweawaittheonetowhichGauthierhas
writtenanewintroduction,thebestremainsBernierCorvez.Inadditiontothestudiesmentionedinthecourseofthischapter,see:B.Montagnes,"Lesdeuxfonctionsdela
sagesse:ordonneretjuger,"RSPT53(1969)67586A.C.Chacon,"EltratadosobrelagraciaenlaSummacontraGentiles,"Scriptatheologica16(1984)11346N.W.Mtega,
AnalogyandTheologicalLanguageintheSummacontraGentiles.ATextualSurveyoftheConceptofAnalogyandItsTheologicalApplicationbySt.ThomasAquinas(New
York/Berne,1984)J.R.Mendez,Elamorfundamentodelaparticipacinmetafisica.Hermeneuticadela"SummacontraGentiles,"Diss.Later.(Rome,1985)[cf.RLT21(1988),
no.88,pp.5660].

 Page112
59
suchisthe"necessaryfoundationoftheentirework...ifthatisnotachieved,thentheentirestudyofthedivinerealitiessinksfatally." Aparallelreadingofthe
beginningoftheSummatheologiaeallowsusafirstconfirmationhere:Thomaswillbroadenhiscourse,buthewillmaintainthesamestructurequitewellforboth
works.Wealsonoticeinbothcasestheessentialrolethathegivestothenegativeway(viaremotionis)inhisarguments:throughthepositiveway,hesays,wearrive
solelyattheexistenceofGod.Whenwearedealingwithhisessence,thispathshowsitselftobeinadequate:
Thedivinesubstance,ineffect,exceedsinitsimmensityallformsthatcouldreachourintelligence,andwecannotthereforegraspitinknowingthatwhichitis.Wehave,however,
acertainknowledgeofitinstudyingthatwhichitisnot[quidnonest].Andweapproachclosertothatknowledgeinsofarasweareable,thankstoourintelligence,todiscard
morethingsfromGodHimself.60

Wecannotemphasizetoostronglytheimportanceoftheselines.ForThomas,thereisnothingtoknowaboutGodexcepttoknowthatwhichHeisnot,forwe
distinguishHimthusfromallthatisnotHim.Thus,fromnegationtonegation,weshallarriveata"properknowledgeofthedivinesubstancewhenGodwillbe
understoodasdistinctfromeverything.Buttherewillnotbeperfectknowledgeinthis,forwewillnotknowwhatGodisinHimself."Thetheologicaldiscourseinits
entiretyisthusprefacedineachcaseintheContraGentilesandintheSumma,butalsointheSentencesbyanapophaticdeclaration.Itwillbenecessaryto
keepthisinmindwhenwefinditinratherapoignantwayattheendoftheauthor'slifebut,infact,itneverceasedtoaccompanyhiminhisjourney.

TheexpertsinthehistoryofmedievalthoughthavenodifficultyinrecognizingherewhatThomasAquinasowestoMaimonidesandhisGuideforthePerplexed.The
sharpsenseofthedivinetranscendenceinthatJewishthinkerleadshimtoplacefirstinhisthinkingthevianegationisandthenegativeattributesasaresult,he
assuresuswecannotknowofGod"whatHeis,"butonly"thatHeis"andthisfurthermoreontheconditionthatweconceivethatdivineexistenceascompletely
otherthanourown.Inabeautifulbookdedicatedtotherelationsbetweenthetwo
59.
SCGI9,totheendthereferencesinthetextofthefollowingpagesreferentirelytotheContraGentilestheArabicfiguresdesignatethechapterofthebookinquestionin
thissection.
60.
SCGI14cf.STIaq.3Prol...

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61
thinkers, AvitalWohlmanrecallednotlongagothatThomasworkedonhistextwithMaimonidesinfrontofhim,butshehasforcefullyunderlinedthatthedoctrineof
analogyallowedThomastocommithimselftoapathwhereMaimonides'equivocationkeepshimfromgoingforward.Indistinguishingbetweentheratiosignificata
(theperfectiondesignatedbytheattribute)andthemodussignificandi(thewayinwhichitisrealizedinGod),Thomasgiveshimselfthemeansforavaliddiscourse
onGodpermittinghimtoattainandsaysomethingrealaboutGodbutrespectfulofthedivinemystery,sincetheproperlydivinemode,inwhichisrealizedthe
perfectionsignified,definitivelyescapesus.

Thisbasicdatumhavingbeenestablishedandpresented,Thomascanthenenumerateallthedivineperfectionsasifheignorednothingofthem.Havingdeniedall
changeinGod(1517)aphilosophicalnecessityasmuchasabiblicalrevelationandallcomposition(1827),hecanstatethatHeissovereignlyperfect(2829)
butatthesametimetheobjectofanalogicalknowledgeandofnaming(3036).ThetheologiancantrulyspeakaboutGodwithoutwhichhewouldonlybeableto
keepsilent.SuchadiscourseisnotpossibleexceptonthebasisofwhatGodHimselfhasgivenusinrevelation,butitispossible,anditisindeedthisthatdistinguishes
ThomasradicallyfromMaimonides.

AstoGod'sperfections,Hisgoodnesscomesfirst:initselfandinitsconnectiontocreatures(3741)notonlyisGodgoodbutHeistheGoodofallgoodthen
followHisunity(42)andHisinfinity(43)Hisintelligence,bywhichinHiseternalpresentGodknowsHimselfandallthingsintheiractualityevendowntothe
thoughtsofourheartsandtothemosthumbleofcreatures(4471)Hiswillalso,bywhichHewillsandlovesallthatis,inwillingHimselfevenifHecannotwillthe
impossiblenorremovefromthingstheircontingentcharacter(7285).Theselasttheses,asonemayguess,willbetheheartofhisfuturedisputeshasThomas
imprudentlyplacedlimitsonthedivineomnipotence?...HeendsthisfirstBookbyspecifyinginwhatwaywecanspeakoffreewill,passions,andvirtuesinGod
(8896),butaboveall,heemphasizesthatHeistheLivingOneparexcellence(9799)andtheveryrealizationofperfecthappiness,whichiscalledbeatitude(100
102).

Aswealreadyknow,BookIIstudiesthe"departure,"ortheprocessionofcreaturesfromGod.Afterseveralpreliminaryreflections(14),thetri
61.
A.Wohlman,Thomasd'AquinetMamonide.Undialogueexemplaire(Paris,1988),seeinparticularpp.10564.

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partiteplanisstatedinchapter5:(1)theproductionofbeings(638)(2)theirdistinction(3945)(3)thenatureofthesecreatedanddistinctbeings(46101)the
authorwishestotreatofallthis"inasmuchasthistouchesonthetruthofthefaith."Thislastnoteisofthehighestinterest,foritshowsthat,farfrombeinga"Summaof
philosophy"asissometimessaid,theSummacontraGentilesisindeedatheologicalwork.

Fromthatpointofview,thepreliminaryconsiderationswithwhichBookIIopensareofthehighestimportance.Thomasthetheologiangivesseveralreasonswhya
knowledgeofcreaturesmayprovideameansofknowingGod:first,wecannotperfectlyknowabeingifwedonotknowitsactionfurther,meditationontheworks
ofGodcausesthebuildingupoffaithbutaboveall"giventhatcreaturesshowacertainresemblancetoGod,errorsaboutthemleadtoerrorsaboutdivinethings."
Thus,althoughthephilosopherandthetheologianhavedifferentpointsofviewaboutcreatures,thelatterisnolessinterestedinthemthantheformer(14).

Thomasthereforeproposesforusatreatiseoncreation.Godtheprincipleofbeingisalsoaprincipleofactivitythroughhisactivepower(614)Heistheuniversal
causeofexistenceofallbeingsandofallbeing,andHisactionascreatorexertsitselfwithoutapreexistingsubject,withoutmovementorchangeorsuccession(15
19).Astoitsmodalities,thisactionisexclusivelypropertoGodalone,isomnipotent,wise,free,gratuitous(2029),andaqualificationthatcarriesweight
temporalinitseffects(3038).Thequestionhereisthemuchdebatedeternityoftheworld,whichwefindintheselastchaptersbutwhileinhiscelebrated
opusculumDeaeternitatemundi,ofwhichwewillsoonspeak,Thomasallowshimselfsometimestobecarriedawaybypassion,hereheexpresseshimselfwith
gravityandmeasure.Andhegivesusoneofhismostbeautifulexplanationsofthesubject.FaithfultotheteachingofthefirstchaptersofGenesis,whichspeakofa
beginning,herejectsthephilosophicalnotionofaneternallyexistingworld,butheraiseshimselfwiththesamevigoragainsttheChristianteacherswhoclaimtobeable
toproverationallythattheworldtrulyhadabeginning.Thispointwecannotholdexceptbyfaith.

Theseveralchaptersofthesecondsectionaddthat,evenifthefirstproductionofthingsmustbeattributedtoGod,theirdistinctioncannotbetheeffectofchance,or
ofprimematter,orofsecondarycauses,goodorbad.DistinctionamongcreaturescanonlybetheeffectoftheorderingwisdomofGod,whowilleditforthe
perfectionofHiswork(3945).

Thethirdsectioninquires,therefore,intothenatureofGod'seffects,

 Page115

especiallyonintellectualcreatures,whomGodwishedtoplaceatthesummitoftheuniverseHecreated(4655).Thematerialisdividedhereintotwolarge
subsections:firsttheintellectualcreaturesunitedtoabody,men(5690)nexttheseparatedintellectualsubstances,theangels(91101).Withoutgoingfurtherinto
this,wecanfindinthesepages(especiallyinchapters5658and6872)Thomas'sfundamentalandcharacteristicpositiononAristotelianhylomorphism:inspiteofits
incorruptibilityandimmateriality,thesoulisneverthelessimmediatelyunitedtothebodyasitssubstantialform.

BookIII,themostvoluminous,has163chapters.Asintheearlierbooks,thefirstpagesarecrucial,fortheauthorclarifieshispurposeinthemandconnectsitwith
whathehasalreadydone:
AsintheFirstBookwehavedealtwiththeperfectionofthedivinenature,intheSecondintheperfectionofitspowerbywhichitisthecauseandmasterofallbeings,itnow
remainsinthisThirdBooktostudytheperfectionofitsauthorityanditsdignityinsofarasitistheendandrulerofallbeings.Wewillthereforefollowthisorder:(1)Godasendof
allbeings(2)Hisuniversalgovernment,inasmuchasHerulesovereverycreature(3)Hisparticulargovernmentoverintelligentcreatures.(III,1)

ThegeneralthemeisthereforeGod'sprovidenceasHetakescareofthisuniversethatHecreatedandgoverns.Putdifferently,itdealswiththewaythatHeguidesit
towardHimself(theveryfirststatementofthisplansays:deordinecreaturaruminDeumsicutinfinem).Tofollowthisplanindetailwouldtakeustoofaraway
fromthepurposesofthisbook.WemusthoweverpointoutasimilaritytoandadifferencefromThomas'sexecutionofthesameplanintheSummatheologiae:a
similarity,inthattheSecundaParsalsospeaksofthereturnofmantoGodadifference,inthatwhatproperlyconcernsdivinegovernmenthasalreadybeendealt
withinthePrimaPars.TheresultisthatthesectiononprovidenceismuchmoredevelopedintheSummacontraGentiles,whilethepartthattouchesonvirtuous
actionbymeninsearchoftheirtrueendismuchmorefullydealtwithintheSummatheologiae.

Thissimplestatementofwhatisimmediatelyperceptibleinaquickglanceattheplanofthetwoworksshouldbeseriouslyrefined.Itmaybethatthefullnessof
treatmentdevotedtoprovidencehasacompletelycontingentcause(atthattimeThomaswasworkingonhisExpositiosuperJob,whereprovidenceisamajor
theme).Butwealsorathersensethatheishereseekingthebestwaytoconstructhisexpositionofthewholeofthe

 Page116

ology.SuchapowerfullysynthesizingspiritashiscouldnotbesatisfiedwiththescatteredeffortstowhichhiscommentaryontheSentenceshadcondemnedhim.He
thereforesoughtotherpaths.TheplanoftheSummatheologiaewillsatisfyhimmore,nodoubt,butthereaderwillnotconcludefromthisthathenolongerhasto
returntothepreviouswork,theContraGentiles.Itstillremainsindispensable.

ThedifferentchoicesofplansforthetwoSummae,aswellastheircomplementarity,alsoappearinthefourthBook,sincetheauthorplacedatreatiseontheTrinity
there(IV126),whileintheSummatheologiae,heputitinthePrimaPars.Thisis,onerecalls,becausehehadpreferredtoreferattheendofhisproposaltothe
"truthsinaccessibletoreason."Butaswehavesaid,theplanoftheContraGentilesalsoannouncesthatoftheSummatheologiae:theIncarnation(2755)the
sacraments(5678)thefinalendofman(7997).Thesethreelastpartsallowustoemphasizethecomplementarities.TheSummatheologiaeismorecomplete
abouttheIncarnation,foritisenrichedwithanampleexistentialChristology(whichiscalledthe"lifeofJesus,"IIIaqq.2759).Bycontrast,sincedeathprevented
Thomasfromfinishinghistreatiseonthesacramentsandonman'sfinalendintheSummatheologiae,itisintheSummacontraGentilesthatwefindhismost
completeexpositionofthesesubjects,forthelatterworkconcludeswiththem.Wemightevensaythatitcouldconcludeonlywiththem,becauseitisonlyinthemthat
God'sworkisfinallyaccomplished,"foritiswhenitreturnstoitsbeginningthataneffectissovereignlyperfect"(II46).ItisnotonlytoNeoplatonismthatThomas
owesthis,buttotheBible,anditistotheBiblethathemakeshisfinalappeal:"Iseeanewheavenandanewearth."62
62.
Revelation21:1Isaiah65:1718,quotedattheendofSCGIV97.

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ChapterVII
TheStayinOrvieto
(12611265)
EvenifweadmitthatThomasenjoyedseveralmonthsofrelativelibertyforthecompositionoftheSummacontraGentiles,wemaynotconcludefromthisfactthat
hedidnothaveotherobligations.Hisnewroleaspreachergeneralmadehimamemberbyrightoftheprovincialchapters,andimposedonhimobligationsto
participateintheirsessions.ThankstotheactsofthechaptersoftheRomanprovince,whichhavebeenpreservedandsometimesmentionhisname,wecan
reconstitutewithrelativecertitudehisseriesofannualmovementsandcansketchachronologicalframeworkforhisactivitiesintheyearshepassedinOrvieto,and
theninRome.

Thuson14September1261,theFeastoftheTriumphoftheCross,ThomaswasatOrvietointhecompanyofpriorsanddelegatesfromeachprioryoftheprovince
on6July1262,fortheOctaveofSaintsPeterandPaul,hefoundhimselfwiththematPerugiainSeptember(?)1263,atRomeon29September1264,feastof
SaintMichaelinViterboon8September1265,theFeastoftheNativityoftheVirginMary,atAnagnion5August1266,theFeastofSaintDominic,atTodiin
July(?)1276,atLucca27May1268,Pentecost,atViterbo.1

AccordingtoTocco,Thomaspreferredcontemplationandenjoyedtravelingverylittleifheobeyedpromptly,itwasbecauseheknewthat,
1.
Cf.MOPH20,pp.2535WN,pp.11718.

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2
bythehumilityitinspires,obedienceisthemotherofallthevirtues. Wecaneasilyimaginethereasonsforhisrepugnance:inadditiontohiscorpulence,whichcould
scarcelyhavefacilitatedthings,thetimepassedinthesecomingsandgoingsmusthaveseemedlostfromhisotheractivitiesinwritingandteaching,whichhadan
entirelydifferentimportanceinhiseyes.HeneededfirstofalltofinishwritingtheContraGentilesbutmanyotherthingswouldsooncomealongdemandinghis
attention.

ConventualLectorinOrvieto

On14September1261,whichistosaytoduringthefirstchapterinwhichheparticipated,ThomaswasnamedlectortotheOrvietopriory(prolectoreinconventu
Urbevetano).3Letusemphasizesomethinginpassing.ContrarytowhatMandonnetoncewrote,4Thomashadnotbeenteachinginthestudiumestablishedin1244
45byInnocentIV,asanannextothepontificalcuria,butintheDominicanpriory.Thetitleslectororprior,ortheexpressionconventusromanaecuriae,thatare
foundbeginninginthisperiodamongthemendicantorders,donotsignifyanythingmorethanlectororprioroftheprioryinthecitywheretheRomancuriaresides.
Afterthewelldocumentedstudiesdevotedtothissubject,5doubtonthismatterisnolongerpossibleandweshouldnotcontinuetorepeatolderrors.6

ThepositionofconventuallectorhadtobeexercisedineachDominicanprioryinlightoftherecommendationsissuedbythegeneralchapterofValenciennestwo
yearsearliertoprovideforwhatonewouldtodaycall"permanentformation."Thomaswouldthushavehadtodevotehimselftoregularteachingofthosewhowere
calledthefratrescommunes,whichistosayallthosewhohadnotbeenabletostudyinthestudiageneralia
2.
Ystoria25,p.282(Tocco25,p.98).
3.
Documenta30,p.582.
4.
P.Mandonnet,"Thomasd'Aquinlecteurlacurieromaine.Chronologiedusjour(12591268),"XeniathomisticaIII,pp.940.
5.
SeeonthissubjectthestudiesofR.Creytens,"LeStudiumRomanaeCuriaeetleMatreduSacrPalais,"AFP12(1942)583,andofR.Loenertz,"SaintDominiquecrivain,matre
enthologie,professeurRomeetMatreduSacrPalaisd'aprsquelquesauteursduXIVeetXVesicle,"ibid.,pp.8497,repeatedwithsomerearrangementsbyWeisheipl,Friar
Thomas,pp.15363.
6.
ThestudiesbyCreytensandLoenertzhavebeenconfirmedandcompletedbyE.Panella,"Il'lectorromanaecuriae'nellecronacheconventualidomenicanedelXIIIXIVsecolo,"
CIVICIMA5(1992)13039,whohasestablishedthatteachinginthestudiumannexedtothepontificalcuriaconferredthedistinctivetitleoflectorsacripalatiiorinsacropalatio
(startingwiththeAvignonpapacy)andthatnoDominicanfromSaintAlberttothatepocheveroccupiedthepost.

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oreventheprovincialiawhichwasthecasefornineoutoftenfriarstopreparethembetterforthetwoprincipalmissionsentrustedtotheDominicansbyPope
HonoriusIII,preachingandconfession.ThankstoLeonardBoyle'swork,7weknowratherwellinwhatthatteachingconsisted.

Inthatperiod,theDominicanorder,foundedin1217,wasalmostfiftyyearsold.Inordertopreparetheirconfrerestofulfillthetasksthatwouldbeentrustedtothem,
severalDominicanshadalreadywrittenawholeseriesofmoralmanuals.ThebestknownaretheSummadecasibusbyRaymondofPeafort(thefirsteditiongoes
backto1224,butitwasreeditedandimprovedin123435),theSpeculumecclesiaebyHughofSaintCher(around1240),theSummauitiorumandtheSumma
uirtutumbyWilliamPeyraut(1236and1249/1250),andtheSpeculummaiusbyVincentofBeauvais(1244and1259).InOrvieto,Thomas,whohadashis
primarytasktheformationofthebrotherswithaviewtopastoralpractice,wouldnothavebeenunawareofthesemanuals.Heknewverywell,amongothers,the
SummadecasibusbyRaymondofPeafort,fromwhichhehadborrowedliberallyforhiscommentaryonthedistinctionintheSentencesconcerningmarriage.8He
wouldalsorememberitlaterinthedraftingoftheSummatheologiae,forwefindpreciseechoesofitintheSecundaSecundae.9Itistrue,asGauthieremphasizes,10
thatthisuseisnotablindoneandthatThomasknowshowtokeephisdistancefromRaymondthisapproachcouldbeaspecificinstanceofamoregeneralattitude,
sinceonlythebooksofScriptureareabsoluteauthoritiesforThomas11butitappears
7.
"NotesontheEducationoftheFratrescommunesintheDominicanOrderintheThirteenthCentury,"Xenia...Kppeli,pp.24967(reprintedinPastoralCare,Study6).
8.
Cf.J.M.Aubert,Ledroitromaindansl'oeuvredesaintThomas(Paris,1955),p.32,n.6:"SaintRaymondistheprincipalcanonicalsourceforSaintThomasonthesubjectof
matrimony"AuberthascountedatleastfiftyplaceswhereThomasdependsonRaymondintheFourthBookoftheSentencesaloneseealsopp.1923andtheindex.
9.
CompareBoyle,TheSetting,p.7,whohasbeenabletofindseveralliteraryborrowingsinIIaIIaeq.100a.lad5a.2ad6a.6ad5.Thomaswaspresentatthegeneralchapterof
Valenciennes(1259)andattheprovincialchapterofLucca(1267),whichrecommendedRaymond'swork[cf.MOPH3(1898),p.99,and20(1941),p.33].
10.
R.A.Gauthier,Sommecontrelesgentils,chap.IV,quotesapassageoftheQuodl.XIq.8a.2ad1and2,whereThomastakesapositioncontrarytothatofthecanonists(among
whomwefindRaymond)whomaintainthatonecouldnotfrequentanexcommunicatedpersonwithoutmortalsinhefindsthatthispositionallowstoomuchweighttopositivelaw,
andhepreferstogivegreaterimportancetonaturallaw(whichwasthepositionofthenewschooloftheHostiensis).Thomasseesinsuchencountersonlyavenialsincomparealso
ContraRetrahentesXI131,whereadversariespitRaymond'sandotherjurists'authorityagainstThomas,andXIII18386,whereherepliesthatitisimproperandridiculousfor
theologianstotakeseriouslytheglosulasofthejurists.
11.
Cf.laq.1a.8ad2.

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12
thatalreadybythistimetherehasdevelopedanattitudeofhostilitytowardSaintRaymond'srigorism,andperhapsThomasparticipatedinit.

PerhapsThomastookadvantageofthisperiodofteachingonpastoralmoralstosketchthefirstdraftsofwhathewouldtakeupagainlaterandmorefullyinthe
SecundaSecundae.ButitisrathercertainthathealsonoticedthepartialandspottycharacterofthiscasuisticformationofDominicanpreachers.Notonlydiditnot
possessanintelligibilityasawhole,sinceteacherswerecontenttotakeupthedifferentvirtuesorthedifferentsinsoreventhedifferentsacramentsoneaftertheother,
toexamineconcreteproblemsthateachofthemproposed,andtodoallthiswithoutworryingfurtheraboutfoundingthesethingsintheteachingsoftheGospels.But
mostseriousofall,theproperdogmaticformationinthegreattruthsoftheChristianfaithwasdangerouslyneglected.Thomascertainlyrememberedthisexperienceat
OrvietowhenhebegantheSummatheologiaeseveralyearslater.

CommentaryontheBookofJob

Parallelwiththisteaching,ThomasalsohadtocommentonabookofScriptureforhisbrothersTolomeosaysthatthiswastheBookofJob.13Despitethecontrary
opinionofMandonnetandseveralothers,theeditorsoftheLeonineeditionhavealignedthemselveswithTolomeo'sview.14Addedconfirmationisprovidedbythe
factthatoneofthemajorthemesoftheExpositiosuperJobisthemysteryofprovidence.Thomasisveryclearaboutthissubjectinhisprologue:''Theentireintentio
ofthebookistoshowbyprobablereasonsthathumanaffairsareruledbydivineprovidence."Now,thisisalsothecentralsubjectoftheThirdBookoftheContra
Gentiles,whichwaswrittenatalmostthesametime.ItwouldthereforebeentirelyconsistentforThomastohavechosentocommentonthisbookinordernotto
dispersehisthinkingtoomuch.15

Asaninvitationtothereadingofthisbook,wecansaythatitisamongthemostbeautifulscripturalcommentariesthatThomashasleftus.Butitisstillgoodtobe
warnedaboutitsscholasticandtheologicalnature.ThuswewillnotaskfromThomas'sexegesiswhatwelookforinmodern
12.
Cf.E.Panella,"IQuodlibetidiRemigiodeiGirolami,"MemorieDomenicane,N.S.14(1983)1149cf.pp.5659.
13.
TolomeoXXII24(ed.Dondaine,p.151).
14.
Leonine,vol.26,pp.17*20*acceptedbyWeisheipl,p.368.
15.
Cf.Leonine,vol.26,p.5cf.S.Ausn,"LaprovidenciadivinaenellibrodeJob.Estudiosobrela'ExpositioinJob'deSantoTomsdeAquino,"ScriptaTheologica8(1976)477
550.

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authors,norwillweseekthekindofimmediatespiritualapplicationthatGregorytheGreatgivestohisreaders.TheeditorsoftheLeonineeditionhaveclearly
explainedthedifferenceinapproach:

SinceSaintGregory,commentatorshaveseeninthebookofJobanexhortationtopatienceduringtrialsGodhadpermittedthejustmantobetormentedsothathewouldshow
hisconstancyinsuffering:thatisamoralizingaim.WithSaintThomas,thestoryofJobpresentstheoccasionfordiscussionofthemetaphysicalproblemofprovidencethe
subjectofthedispute,thesufferingofajustman,establishesthelimitsofthedebate.This,ineffect,presupposesthatwearealreadyinagreementonthefactofdivine
governmentovernaturalthings.Doubtarisesonthesubjectofhumanaffairsbecausethejustarenotsparedfromsufferingforsuchpersonstobeafflictedwithoutcauseseems
tocontradicttheideaofprovidence.16

OneoriginalfeatureofthiscommentaryconsistsinthewayinwhichJob'spropositionsareexplained,eventhemostexcessiveones."Thomasdistinguishesthreekinds
ofdiscoursesbyJob:thoseinwhichheisledbyhissensibility,thoseinwhichherationallydisputeswithhisfriends,andthose,finally,inwhichhegivesintodivine
inspiration."Divineinspiration,manifestingitselfnotbyanexteriorwordbutinthepathwaysofaman'sconsciencethusonecanfollow"thesuccessivestagesthrough
whichthejustmanwhoisafflictedpasses,fromthefirstoverturningofhissensibilityeventohistotalconversioadDeum,withoutdoingviolencetotheunityofhis
person."17Foritisindeedthesamemanfromoneendoftheprocesstotheother.Andwethusbetterunderstandhishumanandreligiousevolution.

Likethebiblicalbookitself,Thomas'scommentaryoffers,therefore,areflectiononthemostfundamentalquestionsthatareputtoman,sincethetragicrealityofthe
sufferingofthejustandinnocentmanremainsofanaturetoinspiredoubtsabouttheexistenceofdivinejustice,particularlyifthereisnofutureworldinwhichgood
andevilwillbeproperlyrewarded.BeyondthephilosophicalandtheologicalanthropologythatisfoundinThomas'stext,18thisbookpresentsitselftherefore,asa
profoundmeditationonthehumancondition.19
16.
Leonine,vol.26,p.28*,withreferencetothePrologueofthebook(ll.5871).SeealsotheexcellentdissertationofD.Chardonnens,Deiprovidentiacircahominem:
Providencedivineetconditionhumaineselonl'ExpositiosuperlobadlitteramdeThomasd'Aquin(Fribourg,1995).
17.
Ibid.,p.29*,withareferencetochap.39,ll.37079.
18.
Cf.M.F.Manzanedo,"Laantropologiafilosoficanelcommentariotomistaallibrode

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

 Page122

ATheologianMuchinDemand

Ifweglancenowattheotherworksattributabletothisperiod,weimmediatelygettheimpressionofintenseliteraryactivity.Withoutbeingabletolingerequallyonall
theseworks,wewilltrytosayafewwordsabouteachofthemandatleastmentiontheirtitles.Forquiteoftentheseareworksofcircumstance,undertakingsmeant
torespondtoaquestionthatismoreorlessofficial,orfromafriend.Suchrequestsareaflatteringechoofconfidenceinhiscompetence,whicharosespontaneously
atthemaster'sarrivalfromParis.Wemayalsoguess,bymeansofthesetexts,somethingabouthisdailylifeandthehumanrelationsthatThomasmaintainedinthis
littleprovincialtown.

Deemptioneetuenditione

Inlinewithhispreoccupationsaboutpastoraltheology,whichwehaveJustseen,weshouldrecallfirsttheopusculum,Deemptioneetuenditioneadtempus,also
knownas"buyingandsellingoncredit,"dedicatedtowhatThomascalledusurybutwewouldprefertocallspeculation.Dated1262,thisshortlettergivesThomas's
responsetothequestionthattheconventuallectorofFlorence,acertainJamesofViterbo,hadposedtohim.20Nodoubttheseproblemswereposedingreatnumber
atFlorence,animportantmerchantcity.ButtheywerealsotobefoundinnumerousotherplacesintheindustriousItalyofthethirteenthcentury.Beyondtheinterest
oftheresponseinitself,thislittleworkhastheadvantageofshowingusThomas'sinvolvementintheworldofhistime.Allthemoreremarkableisthefactthat,before
givinghiscarefullythoughtoutresponse,Thomastookthetimetoconferaboutitwithtwoexperts:hisconfrereCardinalHughofSaintCher,andthechaplaintoPope
UrbanIV,Marind'Eboli,electedarchbishopofCapua.These

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)
Job,"Angelicum62(1985)41971idem.,"LaantropologiateologicaenelcommentariotomistaallibrodeJob,"ibid.,64(1987)30131.
19.
ForaFrenchtranslation:SaintThomasd'Aquin,Job,Unhommepournotretemps,trans.J.Kreit(Paris,1980)seealsoR.Coggi,"Dolore,Provvidenza,Risurrezionenellibrodi
Giobbe.Validitdiun'intuizioneesegeticadiS.Tommaso,"SacraDoctrina(Bologna)27(1982)215310D.Chardonnens,"L'esprancedalarsurrectionselonThomasd'Aquin,
commentateurduLibredeJob.'Dansmachair,jeverraiDieu'(Job19:26),"inOrdosapientiaeetamoris,pp.6583.
20.
Otherwiseunknown,thispersonshouldnotbeconfusedwiththeAugustinianofthesamenameattheendofthecenturyandthebeginningofthefourteenthcentury,whowas
theauthorofDeRegiminechristianotheopusculumisdatedtoaround1262byH.F.Dondaine,fromwhomweborrowthefollowingdetails,cf.Leonine,vol.42,pp.38094.

 Page123

twofigures,whoresidedinthepontificalcuriaofUrbanIV,werecertainlyacquaintancesofhis,andweseehisthoughtmaturingintheexchangewiththem.

ContraerroresGraecorum

ComposedattherequestofUrbanIVhimself,theContraerroresGraecorumdatesfromthesameperiod,1263orthebeginningof1264.21Althoughratherbadly
titled,thislittleworkisanirenicandwellintentionedexaminationofacollectionoftextsfromtheGreekFathers,probablycompiledbyNicolasdeDurazzo,the
bishopoftheformerCrotonebeginningin1254,whichtheeditorsoftheLeonineeditionhavepublishedfollowingThomas'stext.22Thisflorilegiuminterested
Thomaseventhoughitwasnotcriticalenough,useddoubtfulattributions,andamplifiedtextswiththepersonalglossesofthecompiler,whobentthetextsinthe
directionofLatintheology.ButowingtoanaprioriconfidenceintheGreekFathers'steachinginmattersoffaith,Thomasabstainedfromcontradictingthemand
soughtrathertodetachthetruedoctrinalcontentfromthesometimesdoubtfulassertions.Perspicaciously,henoticedthattheuseofthetextsandthetranslationswere
defective,andthatiswhy,inthefirstpart,heoccupieshimselfwithexplainingtheequivocaltexts.Itisstrikingtonoticethat,thoughThomasdoesn'tknowit,itismost
oftentheunauthenticquotationsthathehastoelucidate,whichistosay,hecorrectsthepersonaltheologyofthecompiler.Thesecondpartisunhappilycompromised
byitsaprioriconfidenceinthetextexaminingitmoreclosely,onfourspecificquestionsconcerningtheprocessionaFilio,theprimacyofthepope,theEucharistic
celebrationwithunleavenedbread,andpurgatory,ThomasisclearlyforcedtorelymoreonthetextsthatareclosertoLatintheology,wheninfacttheseareoftenonly
glossesforeigntotheFathers.

Aworkthataroseowingtocircumstance,rapidlycomposed,thisopusculumofThomassuffersfromitsalmostexclusivedependenceonthe
21.
ThecriticaleditionofthisworkhasbeendonebyH.F.DondaineintheLeonineedition,vol.40,pp.A69105forthedatecf.p.A19cf.Weisheipl,pp.16871theeditionof
P.Glorieux,SaintThomasd'AquinContraerroresGraecorum(Paris,1957),isclearlysupersededbytheLeonineedition,butitalsocontainstheLibellusandvariousadditions
theAbbBandel'stranslationmaystillbeused.PublishedbyVivsin1856,itmaybefoundtodayintheOpusculesdeSaintThomasd'Aquin(VrinReprise),vol.2(Paris,1984),
pp.176.
22.
Leonine,vol.40,pp.A10951:LiberdefideTrinitatisexdiversisauctoritatibussanctorumgraeconamconfectuscontragrecoscf.onthissubjectM.Hubert,"Notesurle
vocabulairegrcolatind'unLibellus,'LiberdefideTrinitatis',ditparlePreHyacintheDondaine,"ALMA37(1970)199224.

 Page124
23
Libellus,whichhadbeengiventohimforhisexamination. Wecannotthereforelookforawiderangingconfrontationbetweentherespectivepositionsofthe
GreeksandLatinsinthistext,butweseeemergehereaconstantprincipleofThomas'smethod:fordiscussionwithagivenadversary,hemakesuseonlyofauthorities
acceptedbytheadversary.24ThustheexegeticalargumentsofthefirstfivechaptersofthesecondpartareborrowedsolelyfromtheGreekFathers.

ThePrologueofthisworkisjustlycelebratedforitsmethodologicalconsiderations.Thomasstatesattheoutsettheprinciplesthatshouldinspireeverygoodtranslator:
"Whilesafeguardingthemeaningofthetruthsthathetranslates,heoughttoadapthisstyletothegeniusofthelanguageinwhichheisexpressingit."Furthermore,
Thomasalsoexplainshereatsomelengththerulesofreverentexposition:25farfrombeinganarbitraryoperationthatwouldconsistintwistingthe"waxnose"ofthe
authoritiesinvariousdirections,itobeysatleastinThomassomeprecisenormsthatmakeitintoatruehermeneutic.26

Derationibusfidei

Incertainrespects,theDerationibusfideitakesupthesamemainsubject,andThomasgivessomefurthervaluableadviceaboutmethod.Addressedtoa"cantorof
Antioch,"whomnothingenablesustoidentify,thislittleworkrespondstoseveralquestionsputbyhiscorrespondentafterhismeetingwithpeoplecomingfromthe
mostdiverse
23.
ExceptforsomeoccasionalquotationsfromtheSentencesofPeterLombard,allhisdocumentationcomesfromtheLibellus.
24.
Quodl.IVq.9a.3:"Acertaintypeofdisputeismeanttodispelalldoubtaboutthequestionoftheexistence'ofagiventruth'[anitasit],andtherefore,inatheologicaldiscussion
ofthistype,itisnecessarytomakeuseprimarilyoftheauthoritiesadmittedbythosewithwhomoneisdebating.IfitiswithJews,weshouldmakeuseoftheauthoritiesoftheOld
TestamentifitistheManicheans,whorejecttheOldTestament,weshouldonlyusetheauthoritiesoftheNewTestamentifitistheschismatics,whoadmittheOldandNew
Testaments,butwhorejectthedoctrineofoursancti(theLatinFathers),onewilldiscusswiththeminlightofthetwoTestamentsandofthoseFathersoftheChurchthattheyaccept.
Iftheadversarydoesnotadmitanyoftheseauthorities,thenwewillhaverecoursetorationalargumentsalone."
25.
ExpositioreverentialisorexponerereverenterdescribesamethodforinterpretingtextscommonintheMiddleAgesinalldisciplineswhich,withouttamperingwiththeletter
oftheauctoritas,sometimesbordersonemptyingitofitsprimarysense.Butitalsofrequentlyallowsustorediscovertheauthor'sintentionbeyondtheimmediacyoftheletterin
additiontothestudiesquotedinthefollowingnote,seeChenu,Toward,pp.12225,andourconcludingthoughtsonThomas'sexegesisofAristotleinchapterXII.
26.
Cf.YvesCongar,"ValeuretporteoecumniquedequelquesprincipeshermneutiquesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,"RSPT57(1973)61126M.D.Jordan,"TheologicalExegesis
andAquinas'sTreatiseagainsttheGreeks,'"ChurchHistory56(1987)44556J.P.Torrell,"Autoritsthologiquesetlibertduthologien.L'exempledesaintThomasd'Aquin,''Les
EthosdeSaintMaurice,N.S.18(1988)724.

 Page125
27
landsborderingtheNearEast. AlongwiththeSaracens,whoridiculed(irrisoresfidei)theChristiandogmasoftheTrinity,Incarnation,redemption,andEucharist,
thereareGreeksandArmenianswhodonotbelieveinpurgatory,andothernations(aliasnationes),whosharewiththeSaracensaconceptionofdivine
foreknowledgethatdoesnotallowanyplaceforfreewillormerit.

Therecipientofthistextasksforrationalarguments(rationesphilosophicasetmorales).Thomasconcedesthatitwouldbevaintoarguefromauthorityagainst
thosewhodonotadmitthoseauthorities(I,55ff.),buthealsoputshisinterlocutoronguardagainstthetemptationtoprovethefaithbyrationesnecessariae.Ina
discussionwithinfidels,theChristiancanhavenootheraimbuttodefendthefaithandtoshowthroughreasonthatitisnotfalse.28Incontrast,fortheGreeksandthe
Armenians,ThomasusestheauthorityofsacredScripture(chapter9).ItisremarkablethatthislittleworkfrequentlyremindsusoftheContraGentiles.Thomas,
whohadjustcompletedhisgreatwork,referstoitexplicitlythreetimesanddrawsonitabundantlytheseindicationsinviteustodatethistextslightlyafter1265.29

ExpositiosuperprimametsecundamDecretalem

WearealittlelesssureofthedateoftheExpositiosuperprimametsecundamDecretalem,butthefactthatitisdedicatedtoGiffredusd'Anagni,archdeaconof
Todibeginningin1260,invitesustoplaceitduringtheOrvietoperiod.30Thefirst
27.
ThisworkiseditedintheLeonineedition,vol.40,pp.B5773,butseealsothevaluableintroductionbyH.F.Dondaine,pp.B58takingthiseditionintoaccount,onemay
stillusetheFrenchtranslationbytheabbFournet,whichappearedin1857andisrepublishedinOpusculesdesaintThomasd'Aquin(VrinReprise),vol.2(Paris,1984),pp.411
53.Foragoodpresentationofthework,seealsoL.HagemannandR.Glei,ThomasyonAquin,Derationibusfidei,KommentiertelateinischdeutscheTextausgabe,Corpus
IslamoChristianum2(Altenberge,1987),whichreproducesthetextoftheLeonineeditionalongwithaGermantranslationandanintroductionlargelydrawingonL.B.Hagemann,
"MissionstheoretischeAnstzebeiThomasvonAquininseinerSchriftDerationibusfidei,"MM19(1988)45983.
28.
DerationibusfideiII1722:"Adhoeigiturdebettenderechristianidisputatorisintentioinarticulisfidei,nonutfidemprobet,sedutfidemdefendat...utscilicetrationabiliter
ostendaturnonessefalsumquodfidescatholicaconfitetur."
29.
WN,pp.12223,andWeisheipl,p.394,followingGrabmann,wouldliketoplacethisopusculumin1264,buttheLeonineedition(vol.40,p.B7)contentsitselfwithsituatingitina
relativefashion,"aftertheContraGentiles,whichwasprobablyalreadypublished"atthetimethatwouldmeanperhapsbefore1268,butinlightofthemostrecentlaborsofFather
Gauthier(seeourprecedingchapter)onemightdateittwoorthreeyearsearlier.
30.
AneditionofthishasbeendoneintheLeonineseries,vol.40,pp.E3044fortherecipientandthedate,seepp.E56seealsoA.DondaineandJ.Peters,"JacquesdeTonengo
etGiffredusd'AnagniauditcursdesaintThomas,"AFP29(1959)5272,cf.pp.6672some

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

 Page126

decretal,asweknow,issimplythe"professionoffaith,solemn,precise,andcomplete,"knownalsounderthenameFirmiter,promulgatedbytheFourthLateran
Council(1215).Withoutconcerninghimselfaboutthehistoricalconjuncture,Thomasgivesarichdoctrinalcommentaryonit.Theseconddecretal,Damnamus,isa
textfromthesamecouncil,whichrecalls,refutes,andcondemnsthebookinwhichJoachimofFioreattackstheTrinitariandoctrineofPeterLombard.Theconciliar
text,whichisalreadyquiteelaborate,leavesonlyalittleroomfortheworkofacommentator,whomustcontenthimselfwithmakingasimpleparaphrase.

Dearticulisfideietecclesiaesacramentis

ThisopusculumwascomposedattherequestofLeonard,archbishopofPalermofrom1261to1270theyears,therefore,withinwhichwecansituateits
composition.Scholarlyagreementscarcelygoesanyfurther:Mandonnetproposes126162andWeisheipl126165G.Lafontwhopointsoutthattheopusculum
hasaveryexactknowledgeofPelagianism,asintheContraGentilesIII149proposesa1262(whichhardlyagreeswiththelatestclarificationsofGauthier,who
proposesasdateofcompositionthestayinRome,i.e.,betweenSeptember1265andSeptember1268)thenthereisMongillo,whoperceivesintheProloguean
allusiontoThomas'sintentiontowritetheSumma,andproposestosituatethisworkbetween1266and1268FatherHyacintheDondaine,beingmorereserved,sees
inthedatingofthisopusculum"ahopelessenterprise."31

Whateveritsexactdate,thearchbishopofPalermo,whomighthavemetThomasatthepontificalcuria,askedhimforadoctrinalsummaryofthearticlesoffaithand
thesacraments,accompaniedbyquestionsthatmightariseaboutthem.Thomasremarksthatthismaterialismuchtoolargeand,infact,encompassesalloftheology
hethusproposesamoremodestdevelopmentbyfollowingthearticlesoftheCredoandthesac

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)
remarksonthewritingitselfmaybefoundinYvesM.J.Congar,"SaintThomasetlesarchidiacres,"RT57(1957)65771foraninterestingattempttosharpenthedate,seealso
M.F.Johnson,"ANoteontheDatingofSt.ThomasAquinas'sExpositiosuperprimametsecundamdecretalem,"RTAM59(1992)15565.
31.
IntroductiontotheLeonine,vol.42,p.211,withreferencestothediverseauthorsforthetextseepage24557cf.G.Lafont,"SimbolodegliApostoliemetodoteologico:Il
CompendiumTheologiaediSanTommaso,"LaScuolaCattolica102(1974)55768,cf.p.561D.Mongillo,"L'opuscolodiTommasod'Aquinoperl'arcivescovodiPalermo,"O
Theologos2(1975)11125C.Militello,"DearticulisfideietEcclesiaesacramentisadarchiepiscopumPanormitanum,"ibid.,pp.127206(Latintext,Italiantranslation,indexof
quotationsandoferrorsdenounced).

 Page127

raments.Faithful,however,totherequestofhiscorrespondent,hedivideshismaterialintotwolargesections,andthebriefexplanationthathegivesofeacharticleis
followedbytheprincipalerrorsthathavebeenmadeonthesubject.Buttheunityofthisworksuffersfromitsoccasionalnature,andthetwopartsarerather
juxtaposedthantrulycoordinated.Thislittletexthasneverthelessenjoyedaconsiderablediffusion,notablyinGermanyduringthefifteenthcentury,anditssecondpart
"hasfurnishedthebasisandfrequentlytheletterofthesectiononsacramentsinthedecreeontheArmeniansoftheCouncilofFlorence."32

Dedivinisnominibus

WeareinasimilarstateofuncertaintyaboutthedateofthecommentaryonPseudoDionysius'sDedivinisnominibus.WalzNovarinaproposed1261,makingthe
textthesubjectofThomas'steachingamongthefriarsatOrvieto.ButWeisheipl,moreconservativeonthissubject,placesthetextatalaterstage,whenThomaswas
inRome.33AlthoughtheconventuallectorwasnotobligedtocommentonScripture,wemaydoubtthatthistextwasindeedlinkedtoteaching,especiallyifwerecall
thelowintellectuallevelofthefriarsatOrvieto.Inanycase,Thomashadknowntheworkforalongtimesince,werecall,heoncerecopiedbyhandthecoursethat
SaintAlbertgaveonDionysius'textitisnot,therefore,astonishingthathehadtheideaofmakingitthesubjectofdeeperstudy.

Theapostolicoriginthatthegenialforgerofthistextclaimedforhimselfwas,withoutdoubt,formanypeoplethereasonfortheauthoritythatheexercisedduringthe
MiddleAges.Inanycase,throughhimaconsiderabledoseofNeoplatonismpassedintotheThomistsynthesisandnotablynuancedthematerialdrawnfromAristotle.
FatherChenulongagonoticedthat,ifThomaswasatfirstdeceivedbycertainexteriorresemblancesthatmadehimbelievethatDionysiuswasfollowingAristotle,
ThomasknewverywellwhattoholdontowhenhecommentedontheDivineNames:itisnotwithoutreasonthatDionysiususesanobscurestyle,hesays,butin
ordertoshieldChristiandoctrinesfromthemockingoftheinfidels.He
32.
Leonine,vol.42,p.212theLeonineeditorshavediscoveredabout200manuscriptsfromthefifteenthcentury(outofatotalof275),themajorityofwhichareofGermanorigin.
33.
WN,pp.13234Weisheipl,p.382therestilldoesnotexistacriticaleditionofthiscommentary(althoughtheLeoninelaborsonthisareratheradvanced),noristhereaFrench
translationwecanstillrecommendthenowold,butwelldoneworkbyJ.Durantel,SaintThomasetlePseudoDenis(Paris,1919),pp.20834,forthecommentaryontheDivine
Namescf.alsoH.F.Dondaine,LeCorpusdionysiendel'UniversitdeParisauXIIIesicle,Rome,1953.

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34
addsfurther:anotherdifficultyisthefactthatDionysiususesPlatonicwaysofspeaking,whichareunfamiliartothemodernreader.

OpinionsaredividedonthepreciseinfluenceofPseudoDionysiusintransmittingPlatonicelementstoThomas'sthought.Accordingtocertainscholars,"Dionysius
waschosenamongallothersastheindisputablemaster."35SuchaviewperhapsslightstheLiberDecausis,aboutwhichwewillneedtospeaklaterandthrough
whichThomasfoundhimselfdirectlylinkedthroughProclustothePlatonicheritage.Accordingtootherscholars,"IfThomasisaPlatonist,itisbecauseAristotle
himselfismoreofonethanweusuallythink,"whichcanbeillustratedfromthedialecticofmoreandlessthatwefindinBookXIIoftheMetaphysicsandinthe
quartavia.36

WalzandChenucomplainedthatthisstraininThomas'sthoughthadstillnotbeensufficientlystudied,butthatismuchlesstruetodaythanfiftyyearsago.37Toward
UnderstandingSaintThomasbyFatherChenu,whichemphasizestheNeoplatonicinspirationintheplanoftheSumma,hasdoubtlessbeendecisive.Butwecannot
ignorethetranspositionofthePlatonictheoryofideasintotheformofeternalreasonspresentinthedivineunderstanding,inwhicheverythingthatisparticipates
ThomasreceivedthatdirectlyfromSaintAugustine,buthewasnotignorantofitsorigin.38FortheChristianfaith,thatparticipationdoesnotoccurbyem
34.
Wecaneasilytracethisevolutioninthebriefseriesofquotationsthatfollow,whereweseeThomas(c.1255)sayattheoutsetthatDionysiusfollowsAristotlealmost
everywhereandclose(c.1270)bysayingthatDionysiusismostofthetimeinagreementwiththePlatonists:SentencesIId.14q.1a.2:"Dionysiusautemfereubiquesequitur
Aristotelem,utpaterdiligenterinspicientilibrosejus"ExpositiosuperlibrumdedivinisnominibusProoemium:"...Dionysiusinomnibuslibrissuisobscuroutiturstilo(...)
plerumqueutiturstiloetmodoloquendiquoutebanturPlatonici"Demaloq.16a.1ad3(Leonine,vol.23,p.283,l.389):"Dionysiusquiinplurimisfuitsectatorsententie
platonice."
35.
ThisisP.Faucon'sexpression,AspectsnoplatoniciensdeladoctrinedesaintThomasd'Aquin(LilleParis,2975),p.391[onthisbookseethereviewsbyA.Reix,RPL76(1978)
25759,whoisveryfavorable,andbyM.Corvez,RT77(1977)28789,whoismoreskeptical].
36.
ThisisC.Giacon'sthesisin"IlplatonismodiAristoteleeS.Tommaso,"DC28(1975)15370,summedupbyR.Imbach,"Le(no)platonismemdival,Procluslatinetl'Ecole
dominicaineallemande,"Rev.thol,phil.110(1978)42748(cf.p.441),inwhomwefindnumerousindicationsandjudgmentsaboutthismatter,whichisstillbeingworkedon.
37.
Itisnotverywellknown,butoneofthefirstdirectorsoftheRevuethomiste,H.A.Montagne,inatexttitled"Notreprogramme,"saidasmuchquiteexplicitly:topenetrateinto
Thomas'steaching,isnotsolelytostudyhiminhimself,but"todeterminewhatheowestotheStagirite,andwhatheowesalsotoPlato,andtotheothergreatthinkersof
antiquity"[RT17(1909)15]infact,twoyearslater,heacceptedastudyonthissubject:C.Huit,"LeslmentsplatoniciensdeladoctrinedesaintThomas,"RT19(1911)72466.
38.
Cf.STlaq.84a.5:"ldeoAugustinusinlibro83Quaest.<q.46>posuitlocoidearumquasPlatoponebat,rationesomniumcreaturaruminmentedivinaexistere,secundumquas
omniaformantur,etsecundumquasetiamanimahumanaomniacognoscit."

 Page129

anationbutbyfreecreation,yetChristianitynonethelesssupposesthedivineexemplarity.Ashasbeenwellsaid,"ThomasretainedfromtheNeoplatonictraditionthe
principleofexemplarityandthedoubleparticipation[cf.Iaq.84a.4]whatherejectsarethewaysofparticipation."39

SinceFatherChenu'sremarkmentionedabove,worksonthissubjecthavemultiplied,especiallyinthelastfewyears.40ExamplesoftheinfluenceofthePlatonicideas
havebeengiveninthedomainofnoetics,ontology,Christology,andtheologicalmethodologytoshowthat"Thomismpresentsitselftousasanattemptatreconciling
PlatonicandAristoteliansources."41BeyondtherathersummarypositionsthatdonotwishtoseeanythinginThomasotherthananAristotelian,wemustnow
recognizethatheknewhowtotakethegoodwherehefounditfortherest,themannerinwhichheuseshispreferredauthorsdoesnotleavethemintactthe
inspirationofhisownsynthesisprofoundlytransformedthoseborrowedelements.42

TheOfficeofCorpusChristi

WemustalsosituatethecompositionofThomas'sOfficefortheBlessedSacramentduringthissameperiodatOrvieto,whichwasdecidedlyveryfruitful.Once
disputedbytheBollandistsbecauseofitslateattribution,theThomistauthenticityofthisworkwasnotlongagostillaproblemfor
39.
J.Moreau,"Leplatonismedansla'Sommethologique,'"inTommasod'Aquinonelsuosettimocentenario,vol.l,pp.25847,cf.p.242(myemphasis).Inthesameworkseethe
twopages(25657)byA.yonlvanka,"S.Thomasplatonisant,"whereheshowsverywellthatonlyaplatonizingreadingofAristotlepreventsusfromseeingthatthefinal
causalityexertedbytheAbsoluteGoodasdesiredbyeverythingandbyeveryone(Movetutdesideratumcf.STlaq.6a.1ad2SCGIII19)isanauthenticallyPlatonicheritage.
40.
InadditiontoFaucon,Aspectsnoplatoniciens,wementionthenowoldstudybyR.J.Henle,SaintThomasandPlatonism.AStudyofthePlatoandPlatoniciTextsinthe
WritingsofSaintThomas(LaHaye,1956),whichpresentsaninventoryoftextsaccompaniedwithanindexandacommentary[seethereviewsofB.Montagnes,RT57(1957)58791,
andofC.Vansteenkiste,Angelicum54(1957)51828,whogivesalistofcomplementarytexts].Closertoourtime:W.N.Neidl,Thearchia.DieFragenachdemSinnyonGottbei
PseudoDionysiusAreopagitaundThomasvonAquin(Regensburg,1976)[cf.RLT12(1979)5862]I.E.M.Andereggen,LametafisicadesantoTomsenlaExposicinsobreel
"DeNominibus"deDionisioAreopagita,Diss.PUG(Rome,1988)M.B.Ewbank,"RemarksonBeinginSaintThomas'sExpositiodedivinisnominibus,"AHDLMA56(1989)12349
F.O'Rourke,PseudoDionysiusandtheMetaphysicsofAquinas,StudienunTextez.GeistesgeschichtedesMittelalters22(Leiden,1992).
41.
P.Faucon,Aspectsnoplatoniciens,p.73,whoevenspeaksofan"ancillaryfunction"oftheAristotelianisminservicetothePlatonism(cf.76,117,241).
42.
WemustrememberthatThomaswasingoodcompanyinhisrecoursetoPlato.WemightrefertotherecenttranslationbyE.yonlvanka,Platochristianus.Larceptioncritique
duplatonismechezlesPresdel'Eglise(Paris,1990)(Germaned.,Einsiedeln,1964).

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43 44
authorssuchasC.LambotorL.M.J.Delaiss.ItistruethatwemustwaitforTolomeotohearmentionofit, followedalittlelaterbyWilliamofTocco, butsince
thelaborsofFatherPierreMarieGy,attributiontoSaintThomascannolongerreasonablybeplacedindoubt.45

Asweknow,theRomanOfficeofCorpusChristiwasprecededbyanofficefromLige(Animarumcibus),becauseitwasthroughtheimpetusofSaintJulienneof
MontCornillonthatthisfeastbegantobecelebratedaround1240.ButitalsoexistsintwoformsintheRomanoffice,whichareidenticalinsomeplaces.The
manuscriptfromwhichFatherGypreparedthecriticaleditionfortheLeonineCommission(ParisB.N.lat.1143)hasthedistinctionofcomingfromthelibraryof
BonifaceVIIIand,accordingtothesignsthatitshows,itseemstobetheoriginalbookletforthefeast.

IncomparinghistextwiththoseearliereditedbyDomLambot,Gyacceptsthelatter'sopinionthatthisoffice,designatedbythenameSapientia,hadaprovisional
form,whichwasusedinthefirstcelebrationofthefeastin1264.Italreadycontainedcertainelementsfromthesecondoffice,Sacerdosinaeternum.Thelatter,
accompaniedbytheMassCibavit,istheonethatwaspassedontoposterity(evenifneithertheMassnortheofficecorrespondsentirelytotheVulgatetransmitted
bycontemporarybreviariesandmissals),anditwaspromulgatedon11August1264byPopeUrbanIVwithhisbullTransiturus,whichinstitutedthefeastforthe
universalChurch.
43.
ItisworthquotingTolomeo(XXII24,ed.A.Dondaine,p.151),forhedrawsattentiontothebeautifulunityofthisoffice,notablyinitsreadingsfromtheOldTestament,which
areinfactamongitsoriginalfeatures:"OfficiumetiamdecorporeChristifecitexmandatoUrbani,quodestsecundumquodfecitadpetitionemUrbani.Hoeautemfecitcompleteet
quantumadlectionesetquantumadtotumofficiumtamdiurnumquamnocturnumquametiamadmissametquidquidiliadiecantaturinquahistoria,siattendimusadverba
scribentis,quasiomnesfigureVeterisTestamentiinhoeofficiovidenturcontineri,luculentoetpropriostyloadaptataadEucharistiesacramentum."
44.
Ystoria18,p.252(Tocco17,p.88).
45.
P.M.Gy,"L'OfficeduCorpusChristietS.Thomasd'Aquin.Etatd'unerecherche,"RSPT64(1980)491507[newlypresentedinhisLaLiturgiedansl'histoire(Paris,1990),pp.
22345theaffirmativetitle"L'officeduCorpusChristi,oeuvredeSaintThomasd'Aquin"andtheconclusionofthissummary,whichomitsthe"probably"ofthefirststudy,show
clearlythattheauthornolongerhasanydoubt]cf.''L'OfficeduCorpusChristietlathologiedesaccidentseucharistiques,"RSPT66(1982)8186wethankFatherGy,whokindly
sentusinadvancethetextthathehaspreparedforthecriticaledition(thefirstthreereadingsfromithavesincebeenpublishedinthereprintindicatedabove,pp.14445).Weadd
thattheargumentinfavorofauthenticityhasbeenfurtherconfirmedbyR.Zawilla,TheBiblicalSourcesoftheHistoriaeCorpotisChristiAttributedtoThomasAquinas,Diss.
(Toronto,1985)seealsothesameauthor's"SaintThomasd'Aquinetlathologiebibliquedel'eucharstieduXIeauXIIIesicle,"anunpublishedcommunicationtotheJourne
thomistedeSaintJacques(Paris,24November1987).

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Inadditiontotheexternaldata,intowhichwecannotenterhere,asetofinternalargumentspermitsFatherGytoargueforattributiontoSaintThomasasavery
probableconclusion.Sincethematterhasseemeddoubtful,itwillbeusefultorecalltheinternalargumentsatgreaterlength.Thefirstargumentdrawsontheomission
inSacerdosofMatt.28:20:"BeholdIamwithyouevenuntiltheendoftime."Thomas'scontemporariessawinthisapromiseofChrist'spresenceintheEucharist,
andthebullTransiturusitselfmakesthatpoint.Thomas,onthecontrary,neverusesthistextinthatsensethereare,thus,strongreasonswhyitsabsencefromthe
officemaystemfromadeliberatechoice.

Wealsonoticeinthisofficetheabsenceoftheideaofpraesentiacorporalis.WhereasthatideawasmuchinevidenceinthefirstofficeofLigeforCorpusChristi
(Animarumcibus),incontemporarieslikeBonaventureandPeterofTarentaise,andinthebullTransiturus,itiscarefullyavoidedinthereadingformatins(the
Legenda"Immensadivinaelargitatisbeneficia"waswritten,however,afterthebull),whichmakesnoallusiontoitbywayofglossandspeaksratherofthe
"ineffablemodeofthedivinepresenceinthevisiblesacrament."ThatexpressionwellsuitsThomas'susage.Intheearlierphaseofhisthought,Thomaspreferredto
avoidspeakingabouta"corporal"presenceofChristinthesacrament,foritappearedtohimlinkedwitha''localization,"whilethepresenceinlocopertainedonlyto
theaccidents.ItisonlyintheTertiaPars,severalyearslater,thathewillacceptspeakingofcorporalpresence,but,aswewillseelater,inanentirelydifferent
sense.46

Thesecondreadingformatinsfurnishesanevenclearerargumentifwerecallthecontemporarytheologicaldebate:"Accidentiaenimsinesubiectoineodemexistunt,
utfideslocumhabeatdumvisibileinvisibilitersumitur,alienaspecieoccultatum,etsensusadeceptioneimmunesreddantur,quideaccidentibusiudicantsibi
notis."Theentirepassagecertainlyappearsalittlebitincongruousinaliturgicalcelebration,butitisinfacttheequivalentofasignature.Theitalicizedwords,which
showtobestadvantageajudgmentonthemeaningoftheEucharisticaccidents,expressapositionthatoccursfivetimesinthecontextofthisLegenda.Althoughthis
isnotapointofviewthatisexclusivelyThomas'sown,hisrigorousAristotelianperspectivemakeshimprobablytheonlyoneofhis
46.
Cf.Gy,L'office,p.506,whichrefersnotablytoSent.IVd.10a.1ad4,andtoResp.de36art.proposition33:"corpusChristinonestinsacramentoutinloco"cf.IIIaq.75a.l,
whichwecitefurtheron.

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47
contemporarieswhowouldthinktouseitinsuchacontext,foritwashealonewhogaveitsuchgreatimportance.

TheAdoroTe

IftheOfficeoftheBlessedSacrament,properlyspeaking,nolongerposesaproblemofauthenticity,thesamecannotbesaidfortheAdoroTe.Inastudythathas
remainedapointofreference,DomAndrWilmarthasexplainedtheparticularproblemsthetraditionofthistextposes.48Withoutconcludingonewayoranother,
WilmartstronglyleanstowarddiscardingthispiecefromSaintThomas'sliteraryheritage.Wealsoknowthattheerrorofthesenseswithrespecttotheeucharistic
accidentsofwhichthehymnspeakshasbeensuspectforsometimeintheeyesoftheThomists.49Thisappearsinallitsincongruityinthecontextwehavejust
mentioned,andFatherGyhasforcefullystatedit:"NeitherpoeticemotionnordevotionwouldhavemadeThomaswrite:'Visus,gustus,tactus/intefallitur.Sed
solusauditus/tutecreditur.'"50

Fromthepointofviewofexternalcriticism,theargumentdrawnfromtherelativesilenceofthemanuscriptshasnotconvincedalltheresearchers,51foritisquite
remarkablethatthemanuscriptsdonotattributetheauthorshipofthistexttoanyoneotherthanSaintThomas.Nevertheless,anewelementhasbeenaddedtothefile,
sincewenowfindthishymninfullinthefourthversionofTocco.52Ifthisfourthversionisvalid,asthe
47.
FatherGynotesthattheformula"Etsisensusdeficit"ofthePangelingua,whichwaspriortotheformulaintheLegenda,doesnotshowthatsenseisdeceived,butthatitis
impotenttogobeyonditsproperobject.
48.
A.Wilmart,"Latraditionlittraireettextuelledel'AdoroTedevote,"inAuteursspirituelsettextesdvotsdumoyengelatin(Paris,1932),pp.361414[firstpublishedinRTAM1
(1929)2140,14976]:theAdornTeisnotmentioneduntilratherlateinthemanuscripttraditiononlythreegobacktothefourteenthcentury(somefiftyyearsafterThomas'sdeath)
theothersareallfromthefifteenthcentury.
49.
Cf.E.Hugueny,"L'AdoroTeestildesaintThomas?"AFP4(1934)22125,whoremindsusofsometextsthatarestronglycontrary:"Inhocsacramentononestaliquadeceptio
nequefictio"(Sent.IVd.11q.la.lqc.2adl)"Inhocsacramentonullaestdeceptio"(STIIIaq.75a.5ad2)furthermore,discardingtheideathatthereareonlyappearanceshereas
inmagic,Thomasemphasizes:"Veritatissacramentonullafictiodecet''(Derationibusfidei8,Leonine,vol.40,pp.B6869).
50.
L'Office...etlathologie,p.83forsupportingproof,theauthoralsoremarksthatthevelatum(Iesuquemvelatumnuncaspicio),afrequenttermofthetheologiansofthetime,
hardlyappearsinThomas'svocabularyinthiscontext.
51.
ThusM.Grabmann,Werke,pp.36869,alongwithaseriesofresearchersforwhomauthenticityisnotindoubt.
52.
Ystoria58,pp.38081althoughitwouldnotbeunthinkable,theeditordoesnotgivehereanyindicationthatwouldpermitustosuspectthatthemanuscriptshavebeen
interpolateditwouldbenecessarytosupposethattheinterpolationwasproducedbyanintermediaryonwhomtheybothdepend(as,forexample,twoofthemanuscriptsinthe
fourteenthcenturyquotedbyWilmart,whentheyalludetothesamecircumstancesofcompositionasdoesTocco).Wecanhardlyseewhyweoughttosuspectthispageanymore
thantheotherretouchingsofthefourthversion.

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editorthinks,wethenhavethemostancientdirecttestimonyfortheAdoroTe,andthatwouldsufficetoruinWilmart'sargument.Wilmartfurtherunderscoresquite
honestlythatwemightgobackbyconjecturetoamanuscriptfromthebeginningofthefourteenthcenturywhichhasaFriarThomaspronouncingthisprayeronhis
deathbed.53ButWilmartseesaninsurmountableobjectiontothispointinthefactthatToccodoesnotsayanythingaboutthisultimateprayer.54Now,itisexactlythis
testimonyofTocco'sthatwefindinhisfourthversion.

Continuingonthebasisofexternalcriticism,anotherreferencetotheAdoroTehasbeendiscovered,anindirectbutclearone,inJacoponedaTodi(diedChristmas
Eve1306).Inoneofhispoemsthatwecandatebetween1280and1294,wefindthefollowinglines,whereweemphasizethemostimportantwords:"Liquattro
sensidicono/Questosiveropane/Soloauditoresistelo/Ciascundelorfuorremane/So'cuestevisibilforme/Cristooccultatocestane/Cusal'almasedne/
Enquestamisteriata."55ThesoloauditoofthistextisanevidentallusiontothesolusauditusoftheLatineucharisticpoemand,inordertobeunderstood,itsupposes
thattheotherpoemisalreadywidelyknown.

Jacopone'spoemcontainsanotherhighlyrevealingdetail,thewordforme(forms).OneofthemostinterestingresultsofDomWilmart'sresearchhasbeento
reestablishtheoriginaltextofthefirsttwoversesoftheAdoroTe,whichshouldbereadthus:"Adorodeuote,latensueritas/Tequisubhisformisuerelatitas."Now
formisisalsointhetextofthefourthversionofTocco(inplaceoffigurisinthecurrenttext)anditwasclearlythisthatthetermformeinJacoponetranslates.Less
thantwentyyearsafterThomas'sdeath,thetextoftheAdoroTeisthusattestedtoaccordingtoWilmart'sresearch,inanunexpectedway,butnonethelesscredibly.If
wedoubtthattheverseswerecomposedonThomas'sdeathbed,itisnolongerunreasonableatleasttoattributethemtohim.

Astotheproblemsofinternalcriticismthedoubtsraisedbytheerrorofthesenseswemightaskourselvesiftheobjectionisasstrongasatfirstwemightthink.It
istruethat,accordingtocommondoctrineinThomas'stime,sensecannotdeceiveitselfaboutitsproperobject:"sensus...propriorumsemperuerusest."56Butcan
onereasonablyexpecttofindina
53.
Frater,andnotsanctus,couldgobacktobefore1323butwecanhardlyinsistonthispoint,forfraterhascontinuedtobeusedevensincecanonization.
54.
Wilmart,pp.404and38990.
55.
Cf.F.J.E.Raby,"TheDateandAuthorshipofthePoemAdoroTeDeuote,"Speculum20(1945)23638,fromwhichweborrowthistextandtheotherdatainthisparagraph.
56.
Aristotle,Deanima,427b1112428b1820Nemesius,Denaturahominis,trans.Bur

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

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prayerwhichisapoeminadditionalltherigorofatheologicaltreatise?Eveninsuchatreatise,wefindthatThomasdoesnothesitatetosaythattheEucharist
stimulatesfaithtoitsmaximumofmerit,foritconductsthebelievertogivehiscommitment"notonlybeyondreason,butevenagainstsense."57Withtheexceptionof
"itseems"(utvidetur),whichweakenstheexpressioninthetextoftheSentences,wearehereveryclosetotheAdoroTe.58

Anotherargumentfrominternalcriticismdeservesatleastamentionhere.Ashasoftenbeenrecalled,thesixthstanzaoftheAdoroTecelebratesthepreciousblood
ofChrist,ofwhich"asoledropwouldsufficetosavethewholeworld."59NowthisisanexpressionthatThomasuseselsewheretwice,attributingittoSaintBernard:
unaguttasanguinisChristifuitsufficienspretiumnostreredemptionis.60Althoughitappearseachtimeinaconcessivemode(sincethePassionofChristis
indeedmoreexpressiveofGod'slove),ThomasdoesnothesitatetosaythatbecauseofthedignityofChrist'spersonasingledropofhisbloodwouldhavesufficedto
savetheentireworld.Thereis,therefore,adoctrinalparallelhere,which,joined

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)
gundio(ed.VerbekeMoncho,p.78,34):"Visuseniminpropriissensibilibusnonfallitur:coloremenimetformamnouit"Iowethesetworeferences,aswellasothersuggestions
thatIhavefollowedupinthesepages,tothekindnessofFatherGauthier.
57.
Sent.IVd.10q.1a.1:"etmaximemeritumfideiinhocquodcredunturmultainhocsacramentoquaenonsolumpraeterrationemsunt,sedetiamcontrasensum,utvidetur."A.
Dondaine,BT5(19371939),pp.11112,mentionedthistexttoexpresshisdoubtsaboutWilmart'sthesis.ForthosefamiliarwiththisdifficultaspectofThomistpsychology,i.e.,
knowledgethroughthesenses,wecanstillsubmitforexaminationthefollowingargument:thetextoftheAdoroTedoesnotsaythatallthesensesaredeceived,itspecifiestothe
contrarythattheauditusisnotdeceivedthatcouldperhapssufficetosavethetruthofsensejudgments,forthatpertainstothesensuscommunis,theplacewherethefivesenses
meetoneanother,cf.Q.Deanimaa.13STIaq.78a.4.
58.
Wemightalsoaskourselvesif"fallitur"hasindeedthestrongsensethatweareinclinedtogiveitifwecanbelievethedictionaries(Littr,finaletymologicalremarkonfaillirF.
Godefroy,Dictionnairedel'anciennelanguefranaise,onfaillir,ordfaillir),falloreasilyalsotakestheweakenedsenseof"fail,""belacking,"''tobeincapableof,"andwewould
thenhaveacasesimilartothatofthesensusdeficitofthePangelingua,ofwhichFatherGyhasremindedusoftheexactmeaning.ItispreciselythisthatwasretainedintheGreek
translationofthehymndonebyAndrSclenghiasbetween1450and1460,cf.J.P.Cavarnos,"Greektranslationsofthe'AdoroTedevote'andthe'Aveverum,'"Traditio8(1952)418
23.
59.
"Meimmundummundatuosanguine/Cujusunastillasaluumfacere/Totummundumpossetabomniscelere"(Ystoria58,p.380).
60.
Sent.IIId.20a.3arg.4andad4cf.Quodl.IIq.1a.2[2]compareunderastrongerform:minimagutta.FortheattributiontoSaintBernard,FatherGauthier(intheLeonineedition
oftheQuodlibet,ofwhichhehassentusanadvancetext)referswithcautiontotheSuperCantica,Sermo22,iii7,fromwhichwemightinferititalsosignifiesthatHenryofSuso,
Hostiensis(Summaaurea,c.5,Deremissionibus,Lyon,1556,fol.430a),whomThomassurelyread,hadalreadyusedthisexpressionandtheidea.

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totheotherargumentsbasedonexternalandinternalcriticism,notonlypreventsusfrombeingtoonegativeinourappreciationoftheThomisticauthorshipofthe
AdoroTebuteveninvitesus,onthecontrary,toleantowardit.61

TheEschatologicalBanquet

ToreturntotheOfficeoftheBlessedSacrament,itseemsthatthiswasadecisivemomentinThomas'sspiritualevolution.62Hecenteredthecelebrationonthe
mysteryofChrist,Godandperfectman,entirelycontainedinthesacrament,tosuchapointthathedoesnotsay:receivethebodyorthebloodofChrist,butindeed:
receiveChrist(Christussumitur,oreven:Deussumitur).Thenotionofpresencealsobeginstoberefined,andweintuitwhatwillbecomethedefinitiveformulation
intheSumma:Christdoesnotbecomepresenttous(a"localizing"conceptionthatThomascontinuedtodiscard),itiswewhomHerenderspresenttoHimself:
Whatisentirelypropertofriendshipistolivewithone'sfriends[convivereamicis]...,andthatiswhyChristhaspromisedushisbodilypresenceincompensation....Butinthe
meantimehedidnotwanttodepriveusofthatbodilypresenceduringourpilgrimage,butbythetruthofhisbodyandbloodhejoinsustohiminthissacrament[nossibi
coniungitinhocsacramento]....ThusthissacramentisthesignofthegreatestloveandthecomfortofourhopebecauseofthishighlyintimateunionwithChrist.63

ThisevocationofhopeinconnectionwiththeEucharistdoesnotoccurbychance:fullofthememoryofthePassion,thecelebrationisentirelyturnedtowardthe
eschatologicalachievement,sinceitisthepledge,thepignus,offutureglory.64AccordingtoFatherGy,whoisquiteconvincing,
61.
Sincetheselineswerewritten,ProfessorRobertWielockx,oftheCatholicUniversityofLouvain,hastwicereferredtotheAdorote(attheJournethomistedeSaintJacques,3
December1994,andattheconference"ChristamongtheMedievalDominicans,"7September1995)thecomparisonofthemanuscripttraditionandtheattentiveexaminationof
internalparallelsinThomas'sworkleadswithoutreservationtoaconclusionofitsauthenticity.
62.
Weowe,againtoFatherGy,thesecrucialremarks,cf.hisstudy"LarelationauChristdansl'EucharistieselonS.BonaventureetS.Thomasd'Aquin,"inSacrementsdeJsus
Christ,J.Dor,ed.(Paris,1983),pp.69106reproducedinthesameauthor'sLaliturgiedansl'histoire,pp.24783wealsooughttomentionthemoretechnicalstudybythesame
authorthatallowsustoverifythecentralityoftheofficeinThomas'sthought:"LetexteoriginaldelaTertiaParsdelaSommeThologiquedeS.Thomasd'Aquindansl'apparat
critiquedel'EditionLonine:lecasdel'Eucharistie,"RSPT65(1981)60816.
63.
STIIIaq.75a.1.
64.
Everyonerecallsthewellknownanthem,aremarkablecondensationofeucharistictheology:"OSacrumconviviuminquoChristussumitur,recoliturmemoriapassioniseius,mens
impleturgratiaetfuturaegloriaenobispignusdatur."

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thisdisplacementofThomas'seucharistictheologytowardeschatology,ofwhichtheOfficeofCorpusChristibearsseveralsigns,andofwhich"wewillhardlyfindan
equivalentamongcontemporarytheologians,"isentirelyinlinewithhis"theologicalandspiritualpersonality,"sodeeplymarkedbya''strainingtowardthevisionof
God."65

Itisalsoatthismomentthatwecanconfirmanewcognizanceoftheaffectiveelementintheeucharisticcommunion.WhileitishardlyemphasizedintheSentences,
thewordssuavitasanddulcedoreturninthelessonsoftheSacerdos,andintheSummaThomaswillemphasizethatthoughvenialsinsordistractiondonothindera
fruitfulreceptionoftheEucharist,whoeverreceivescommunioninthatstatedepriveshimselfofthesweetnessofacertainspiritualrepast.66Againstthatbackground,
thebiographers'storiesconcerningThomas'seucharisticdevotiondonotappearaslackingincredibility.Withoutgoingsofarastoguaranteetheliteraltruthofthe
storiesthathavebeenreported,thistheologygivessuchstoriesacachetoftruththatisnotatallsurprising.67

TheCatenaaurea

Inthemidstoftheintenseliteraryoutputofthisperiod,wemustmakeaspecialplaceforthecommentaryonthefourevangeliststhroughaseriesofquotationsfrom
theFathersoftheChurch.68KnownastheCatenaaurea,thisworkwasundertakenbyThomasattherequestofUrbanIVtowardtheendof1262orthebeginning
of1263.ThespeedofThomas'sworkhassomethingsurprisingaboutit,sincethevolumeonMatthewwas
65.
AmongtheindicationsofthisstrainingtowardthevisionofGodandtypicalofThomas'sintellectualism,werecalltheconclusion,ratherunexpectedfromtheliturgicalpointof
view,butasclearasonecouldwish,ofthehymnSacrissolemniis:"Asyouvisitus,wehonoryou/Leadusthroughyourwaystowherewearegoing(ducnosquotendimus)/
inthelightthatyouinhabit."
66.
STIIIaq.79a.8:quaedamactualisrefectiospiritualisdulcedinis.
67.
RecallsimplytheconfessionoffaithintheEucharistthatThomasgaveonhisdeathbed,accordingtoBartholomewofCapua:"Ireceiveyou,priceofmysoul'sredemption,I
receiveyouviaticumofmypilgrimage,fortheloveofwhomIstudied,watched,labored,preached,taught...."(Naples80,p.379).
68.
Catenaaureainquatuorevangelia,ed.A.Guarienti,2vols.(TurinRome,1953)intranslation,cf.SaintThomasd'Aquin,ExpositionsuiviedesquatreEvangiles...Lachane
d'Or,trans.byAbbotE.Castan,8vols.(Paris,185455)St.ThomasAquinas,CatenaAurea.CommentaryontheFourGospels,trans.M.Pattison,J.D.DalgairnsandT.D.Ryder,4
vols.(Oxford,184145)(prefacebyNewman)S.Tommasod'Aquino,Catenaaurea,Italiantrans,ed.byE.Logi,2vols.(Siena,1954).Amongtherecentstudies,seeG.Berceville,
"L'ExpositiocontinuasurlesquatreEvangilesdeSaintThomasd'Aquin(Catenaaurea):lecommentairedeMarc,"MemoiredeD.E.A.(1988),depositedatLeSaulchoirC.G.
Conticello,"SanTommasoediPadri:LaCatenaaureasuperIoannem,"AHDLMA65(1990)pp.3192,whomakesthispointinawelldocumentedintroductiononthesetofproblems
concerningtheCatena.

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offeredtothepopebeforehisdeathon2October1264.WemightsupposethatThomashadalreadybeguntoassemblesometextsevenbeforethepapalrequest,
buthisworkwasalsogreatlyfacilitatedbythefactthathecouldusesomeflorilegiaandthathewashelpedbyastaffofsecretaries.Thesecretariesdidnotneedto
behighlyqualifiedinordertogrouptextsaccordingtotheGospelversesThomastookchargeofthefinalorderingofthetext.Toallappearances,heworked
simultaneouslyontheotherthreeevangelists.Thesetextsalsowererapidlydeveloped,sincetheworkwasfinishedinRomebetween1265and1268,beforeThomas
returnedtoParis.TheauthordedicatedtherestofhisworktoCardinalAnnibaldod'Annibaldi,hisformerstudentandhisprovisionalsuccessoratSaintJacques,with
whomhewasunitedbybondsoffriendship.69

ThoughthepurposeoftheCatenaissimilartothatoftheGlossthatcamefromLaonintheprecedingcentury,70thiscompilationofpatristictextsdiffersfromthe
Gloss,inthesensethatitisanexpositiocontinua,versebyverse,ofthetotalityofthefourevangelists.Thewholeisdoneinsuchawayastopermitacontinuous
readingofit,asifithadcomefromasingleauthor(Quasiuniusdoctorisuideaturesselittera).TocommentonMatthew,Thomasmadeuseaboveallofwhathe
alreadyhadathand,theLatinauthorsandSaintJohnChrysostom.ButthetableofheresiesthatwefindpresentintheveryfirstlessonalsocitesAthanasiusandCyril
ofAlexandria,ofwhomThomashadsomeknowledgethankstotheCollectioCasinensis.

Bycontrast,inhisdedicatorylettertothesectiononMark,ThomasemphasizesthathealsohadtohavetranslatedwhathadnotbeenavailableinLatin.71This
constitutesthegreatnoveltyoftheworkandwewillhavetoreturntoit,butweshouldalsonoteThomas'scareinintroducingeachquotationwiththenameofits
author.Whenhedoesnotknowtheauthor,hesayssimplyGlossaorGrecus.Thisisworthremarking,becausefewauthorsbeforehim,withtheexceptionofthe
VenerableBedeandRabanMaur,tookcaretoidentifytheirsources.72
69.
Cf.theendofthededicatoryepistle:"etantiquadilectio,amorisaffectuminofferentismunerecomprehendat,"ed.A.Guarienti(Turin,1953),vol.I,p.429.
70.
Cf.B.Smalley,"Glossaordinaria,"TRE13(1984)45257.
71.
WedonotyetknoweverythingthatThomashadathisdispositionbeyondtheCommentaryofTheophylactus(forMark,Luke,andJohn),hehadacatenabyVictorofAntioch
(Mark)andanotherbyNicetasofHericlea(Luke)Conticello(pp.56ff.),whogoesovertheresultsthatwehavealreadyrecordedabove,hasbeenluckyenoughtodiscoverthe
originalflorilegiumofthetextbySaintBasilonSaintJohn.
72.
Cf.C.Spicq,Esquisse,p.307.

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WeshouldalsoemphasizethatThomaswascompletelyclearabouthismethodologicalpresuppositions.Inintroducingustothewaytousehiswork,heexplainshow
heproceededanddeclaresstraightforwardlythatheworkedonlargesectionstoavoidprolixityandchangedcertainpassagesforpurposesofcontinuityhealso
specifiesthemeaningofcertaintexts(sensumposui)andsometimesevenomitssomewords(verbadimisi).73Thisprocedureispresentedwithparticularclarityin
Chrysostom'shomiliesbecauseofthetranslatiovitiosa,buttheprocedureisevenclearerwhenitusesanapocryphaofChrysostom,theOpusimperfectumin
Matthaeum,inwhichThomascarefullycorrectstwoArianizingpassages.

However,contrarytowhatonemightfear,thefidelityofthisworktotheoriginalcannotbesaidtobesubstantiallyaltered.Tojudgeitaccordingtotheanonymous
Opusimperfectum(theauthormostoftencitedintheCatena:444times),allthecitationsareliteral,asJ.VanBanning'sstudieshaveallowedustosee.Thomas
abridges,butonlytwicedoeshechangewordsforthetwoArianpassagesalreadymentioned.74OneshouldalsoseethatThomas'scriticalsensemakeshim
distinguishcarefullybetweentheauthentichomiliesbyChrysostom,whichhereadsinBurgundioofPisa'stranslationanddesignatesasHomiliarium,andtheOpus
imperfectum,whichhecallsCommentarium.

IfweleavetheCatenaasideforamomenttoverifyhowThomasusespatristictextsinhissystematicworks,wecannotethathemaintainshislibertyofspiriteven
withregardtotheauthorsmostassiduouslyfollowedthusitisthatheismorestrictthanChrysostomonmatrimonialmorals,lesssoinwhatconcernsriches.75These
fewindications,whichitwouldbenecessarytomultiplysystematically,showatleastthatThomasneveracceptedtheauctoritatesPatrumwithoutsubjectingthemto
anattentivecritique,whichthetermexpositioreverentialishassometimesmisrepresented.Onthecontrary,hehad"apersonalknowledge,whichwasquiteupto
date,ofhermeneuticalmethods."76
73.
Cf.Conticello,"SanTommasoediPadri,"pp.65ff.foraconcreteexampleoftheapplicationofthismethodseealsoC.Dozois,"SourcespatristiqueschezsaintThomas
d'Aquin,"Revuedel'Universit,d'Ottawa33(1963)28*48*and145*167*34(1964)231*241*35(1965)75*90*
74.
J.VanBanning,OpusimperfectuminMatthaeum.Praefatio,CCSL87B(Turnhout,1988),pp.cxcviccviiseealsobythesameauthor:"SaintThomasetl'Opusimperfectumin
Matthaeum,"StudiTomistici17(1982)7385.
75.
Cf.VanBanning,Praefatio,pp.ccicciii.
76.
Cf.W.H.Principe,"ThomasAquinas'sPrinciplesforInterpretationofPatristicTexts,"inStudiesinMedievalCultureVIIIIX(WesternMichiganUniversity,1976),pp.11121,cf.
p.116:"Aquitesophisticatedandskillfulknowledgeofhermeneuticalmethod"inadditionto

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

 Page139

Initiallyasimplecompilation,thisworkinrealitytakesonaconsiderableimportance:First,forthequantityandthequalityofthematerialassembled,thenbecause
Thomasshowshereanexceptionalknowledge,forhistime,ofGreekPatristicsthushecitesfiftysevenGreekauthorscomparedwithtwentytwoLatins,ofwhom
certainonessuchasTheophylactuswereunknownintheWestbeforetheiruseintheCatena.77

TheimportanceoftheworkmayalsobemeasuredbytheusetowhichThomashimselfandothersafterhimputit.ThelastchaptersofhiscommentaryonSaintJohn
arearewritingoftheCatena,78andweeasilydiscovertheinfluenceofthisworkinhispreaching.79Thesameholdstrueforhistheology,andwenotethatthepatristic
documentationintherealmofChristologysextupledbetweentheSentencesandtheSumma.80

ToknowthisistobetterunderstandwhyWeisheipl,followingEschmann,couldspeakoftheCatenaasaturningpointinthedevelopmentofThomas'sthought.But
italsohadgreatimportanceforCatholictheologyingeneral,becausetheCatenahadawidediffusion.Withouttakingintoaccountthefragments,wecountseventy
threecompletemanuscriptsforSaintMark,eightytwoforSaintLuke,eightyeightforSaintJohn,eightynineforSaintMatthew,andtheeditionsproducedafterthe
inventionofprintingruntohighfigures.81AsC.Spicqonceremarked,byitsveryrichnessthisrepertoryconstitutes"aminefortheexegetes,thetheologians,andthe
preachers."ButforourknowledgeofThomasitisevenmoreinterestingthatthepersonwhomwewillinglyregardasthearchetypeofthemetaphysicianand
speculativetheologian,"[also]hasaplaceofthefirstorderinthehistoryofpositiveandpatristictheology."82

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)
thestudiesofCongar,Valeuretparte,andTorrell,Autoritsthologiques,quotedabovenote26,cf.alsoC.G.Geenen,Lefontipatristichecome'autorit'nellateologiadi
SanTommaso,SacraDoctrina,no.77(1975),pp.717J.J.DeMiguel,"LosPadresdelaIglesiaenlacriteriologiateologicadesantoTomasdeAquino,"Scriptatheologica7
(1975)12561.
77.
Cf.C.G.Geenen,"SaintThomasetlesPres,"inthearticle"Thomasd'Aquin,"DTC15/1(1946),col73861.
78.
Cf.hereespeciallyConticello,"SanTommasoediPadri,"pp.7986.
79.
Cf.L.J.Bataillon,"LessermonsdesaintThomasetlaCatenaaurea,"inCommemorativeStudiesI,pp.6775.
80.
Cf.I.Backes,DieChristologiedeshl.Thomasv.AquinunddiegriechischenKirchenvter(Paderborn,1931),p.122thereemploymentoftheCatenaintheChristologyhasbeen
carefullystudiedbyL.J.Bataillon,"SaintThomasetlesPres:delaCatenalaTertiaPars,"inOrdosapientiaeetamoris,pp.1536.Wecanalsoaddtothistherelatedfactthat
ThomasisthefirstLatintheologiantoquoteliterallytheactsofthefirstfiveecumenicalcouncils.Cf.C.G.Geenen,"EnmargeduconciledeChalcdoine.LestextesduQuatrime
ConciledanslesoeuvresdesaintThomas,"Angelicum29(1952)4359.
81.
Conticello,"SanTommasoediPadri,"pp.4243.
82.
C.Spicq,Esquisse,p.310.

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Intheirownfashion,theancientbiographersthemselvestestifiedtothisattitudetowardsourcesasoneofThomas'smajorcharactertraits.Thisistheclearestmeaning
ofthefamousanecdoteinwhichThomaswouldmuchprefertohavethecommentaryofChrysostomonMatthewthantopossesstheentirecityofParis.83Thesame
intellectualcuriosityappearswhenToccosaysthatThomas"wasgoingfromonepriorytoanother,readingtheworksofthedifferentFathers,andlearningbyhearta
greatpartofthecommentaries,whichhelatertranscribed."84WecaneasilyidentifysomeoftheplaceswhereThomascouldhaveconsulteddocuments:theAbbeyof
MonteCassino,whichheknewcontainedatwelfthcenturymanuscriptoftheActsofthecouncilsofEphesusandofChalcedon.ButtheflorilegiaoftheGreek
patristicauthorscouldnothaveescapedhimthereeither.Thomaswithoutdoubtcouldalsohavegonetothearchivesofthepapalcuria,eventoOrvietoafter1261.In
fact,theworksfromthatperiodbegintotestifytothenewdocumentation.Anotablefact:Thomas,alongwithAlbert,hismaster,fromwhomhenodoubtlearnedthis
habit,belongedtothatrarecategoryofauthorswhoarenotcontentwithflorilegiaandfrequentlyhavedirectrecoursetothesources.85

ThestayatOrvietowasalsoaperiodrichinhumancontactsforThomas.Ifhewasunquestionablyaloverofsolitudeandstudy,wealsoknowthathehadfriends
amonghisconfreres,andtheproximityofthepapalcourtledtomanyencounterswiththem.Wemayguessthisfromthesimpleenumerationoftheworksof
circumstance(whichwehavementionedabove).Thehistorianshavegivenusinventoriesofthenamesofthepeoplewhoenteredorcouldhaveenteredintorelations
withThomas.86

IfwecastaretrospectiveeyeonthisperiodofFriarThomasAquinas'slife,wecannothelpbutbeimpressedbythespeedwithwhichheworked.
83.
Ystoria42,pp.33132(Tocco42,p.115)cf.Naples78,p.376,wherethedialoguereportedbyBartholomewofCapuaisperhapsclosertothetrueeventcf.VanBanning,
Praefatio,pp.clxxviiiclxxx.
84.
Ystoria18,pp.25051(Tocco17,p.87)onSaintThomas'smemory,cf.Ystoria41,p.329(Tocco41,p.114).
85.
Cf.H.F.Dondaine,"LesscolastiquescitentilslesPresdepremiremain?"RSPT36(1952)23143(onDionysius)"NotesurladocumentationpatristiquedesaintThomasParis
en1270,"RSPT47(1963)4036.
86.
Cf.WN,pp.1047and12831A.Walz,"L'AquinateaOrvieto,"Angelicum29(1952)17690M.Grabmann,"DiepersnlicheBeziehungendeshl.ThomasvonAquin,"
HistorischesJahrbuch57(1937)30522.

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Infiveyears(afterleavingParis),hecomposedtheSummacontraGentiles,theCommentaryontheBookofJob,agoodpartoftheCatenaaurea,andanentire
seriesofopuscula.Thethreegreatworkshardlyneedtobepraised,sinceasingleoneofthemwouldhavesufficedtooccupythetimeofmorethanoneauthor.The
brieferwritingsdisplaywithoutdoubtalittlebitofhaste,buttheyhavethemeritofshowingatheologianatworkintheworldofhisowntime,attentivetoproblems
thatareposedtohim,andtryingtorespondasbesthecan.Thesolitudeofhisprioryhadnothingoftheisolationofanivorytower.

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ChapterVIII
TheRomanYears(12651268):
TheBeginningoftheSumma
On8September1265,orduringthefollowingdays,theprovincialchapterheldatAnagnienjoinedThomas"fortheremissionofhissins"totakeupresidenceat
RomeandfoundthereastudiumatSantaSabina,toallappearancesfortheformationofchosenfriarsfromthevariousprioriesoftheRomanprovince.Their
housesoforiginshouldprovidefortheirsupport,butThomaswouldhavefullauthorityoverthemandcouldreturnthemtotheirprioriesiftheydidnotperform
satisfactorilyintheirstudies.1

TheStudiumatRome

AccordingtoBoyle,towhomweoweaperspicaciousrereadingofthisperiodofThomas'slife,2theRomanchapter'smeasuresshouldbeunderstoodinthecontext
ofthedeclarationsmadebythetwoprecedingchaptersdeploringthesadstateofstudiesintheprovince.Themattermeritsevenfurthernoticeinthat,withrareand
hardlyexplicitexceptions(thenominationofaFriarPhilipaslectorinthenewprioryatPistoiain1259thenominationofThomashimselfatOrvietoin1261),thisis
thefirsttime
1.
MOPH20(1941),p.32thestockphrase"fortheremissionofhissins"signifiesthattheresponsibilityimposedonthereligiousandacceptedbyhiminvirtueofhisvowof
obediencewillserveforhisgrowthincharity.
2.
L.Boyle,TheSettingoftheSummaTheologiaeofSaintThomas(Toronto,1982),pp.912.

 Page143
3
thatthequestionofstudiesarisesintheactsofthechaptersofthisprovinceaftertherecommendationsofthegeneralchapterof1259,atValenciennes.

Wehavetobecarefulnottoconcludefromthisthatnoonewasinterestedinthelifeofthemindintheprovince.Historyhaspreservednames,amongthemAmbrosio
SansedoniofSiena,aformerstudentofAlbertusMagnusinParisandCologne,lectorandpreachergeneral(122087)JamesofBenevento,lectorandpreacherof
renown(datesunknown)RomanoofRome,bacheloroftheSentencesforThomasin127072,whosucceededhimasregentmasterinParisfrom1272to1273
anddied28May1273.4Theseindividualswouldsufficetosavetheintellectualhonoroftheprovincebutbydefinitionthechaptersaddressedthemselvestotheentire
bodyoffriarsandwerenotafraidofpointingoutwhatwasmissing.

TheRomechapterallowsustosuspectthatthefriarshadlittleardorforstudy,butitcontentsitselfwithasimplewarningtothepriorsandsubpriors.5Thewarningat
theViterbochapterismuchmoredirectandpressing:"Sinceweseethatstudyisneglectedinthisprovince,wedesireandwestrictlyorderthatthepriorsusethe
greatestdiligenceinpursuingthismatter."Theyarethereforeenjoinedtocompelthefriarstostudy,toorderthattheyreviewtheirlessonsonceaweekandtomake
surethatthemasterofstudiescheckswhatthefriars,especiallytheyoungestones,learnedduringtheweek.Astothelectors,theymustnottooeasilygiveupoffering
courses,particularlywithoutthepermissionoftheprior.6

Nowitmayhelptoexplaintheaboveifwerecallthat,from1261on,Thomasparticipatedintheseprovincialchaptersasamemberbyright.Sincehewasalsowell
placedtoknowwhathadbeendecidedatValen
3.
MOPH20,p.24(Rome,1259)Documenta30,p.582(Orvieto,1261)theonlyotherearliermentionisaninterdictionofthestudyofastronomyandofteachingtheartes
seculares(Viterbo,1258:MOPH20,p.22).Withregardtotheabsenceofnames,weshoulddoubtlessqualifythisremark,forwehavenotedthattheActaonlybegintogivethem
(particularlyforthepriors)atamuchlaterdate,cf.E.Panella,"PrioridiSantaMariaNovelladiFirenze12211325,"MemorieDomenicaneN.S.17(1986)25384,cf.p.258.
4.
SeealsothenoticesofKppeli,Scriptores,forthevariousnames.
5.
MOPH20,p.28:"Itemmonemusprioresetsuppriores...quodfaciantquodtamiuvenesquamaliifratresfrequententscolasetquodrepetantlectiones,etcompellanteosstarein
cellis,etvacantesotiodurecorrigantet...instudioteneantoccupatos."
6.
MOPH20,p.29:"Itemquiavidemusquodinistaprovinciastudiumnegligitur,volumusetdistricteiniungimusquodpriorescircahocdiligentiammaioremapponantetadstudium
coganturfratres,etordinentquodinqualibetseptimanalectionessemelrepetantetexaminenturdiligenter,maximeiuvenes,amagistrostudentiumdehiisqueinscolisperseptimanam
audierintalectore.Volumusetiamquodlectoresnonsintfacilesaddimittendumlectionesetmaximeabsquepriorumsuorumlicentiaetassensu."

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ciennes,itseemsplausiblethathemusthaveintervenedtowardthatgoalthefoundationofahouseofstudiesinRomethusappearsastheculminationofhisefforts
andasaconcreteopportunitygiventohimtoremedythisstateofaffairs.

Thisfoundation,doubtlessrathermodest,hadnothingofastudiumgenerale,comparabletotheonesatParis,Bologna,Oxford,Cologne,orMontpellier,thegreat
studycentersoftheorderinthatage.Itwasprobablynotevenastudiumprovinciale,whichmightoccupyaplacemidwaybetweenaprioryschoolandthegreat
centers.7Itwasrather,thinksBoyle,astudiumpersonale,foundedasanexperimentsothatThomascouldfreelyapplythereastudyprogramofhisownchoosing.In
fact,wedonotseeanyassistantoranylectoralongsideThomas,andtheenterprisedoesnotseemtohavesurvivedhisdeparturefromRome.8

TheinnovationthatThomaswouldattemptcannotbeproperlyappreciatedifwedonotrecallhisworkatOrvieto.ParalleltohiscommentariesonScripture,hehad
thetaskofformingthefriarsinmoraltheologyandinthepastoralworkofconfession,whichwentalongwiththemissionofpreachingthathadbeenentrustedtothe
order.Forthis,hehadathisdisposalthemanualspublishedbythefirstgenerationsofDominicansbutthatpredominanceofpracticaltheologyintheformationof
friars,aswehavesaid,gavethemonlyapartialandnarrowviewoftheologythisresultedinamarkedimbalance,tothedetrimentofdogmatictheology,whichcould
nothelpbutleaveThomasdissatisfied.WemustthereforereadwhathewasabouttodoinRomeasanattempttoputtheformationofthefriarsonabroaderbasis.9

HistoryhaspreservedatleasttwoindicationsofThomas'sdissatisfaction.Hetriedimmediately,aswehavesaid,toreusethecommentaryontheSentencesthathe
oncetaughtatParisforhisnewstudents.Thisdidnotappearsufficienttohim,however,andheabandonedthatattemptattheendofthefirstyear(126566)inorder
tomakeasecondeffort:thecompositionoftheSummatheologiae.Boyleseemsentirelywellfoundedinsayingthat,thoughtheexecutionoftheprojectdidnotbegin
untilthetimeofhisstayinRome,itstruecausemaybefoundinThomas'sexpe
7.
Acityofclericsandpilgrimswithaminimaleconomiclife,Romeofthethirteenthcenturywasnotatalllarge,havingonlybetween17,000and20,000inhabitants(themost
optimisticestimatesreachonly30,000),cf.J.C.Russell,MedievalRegionsandtheirCities(NewtonAbbot,1972),pp.5152.
8.
DespitethesuppositionsbyWeisheipl,pp.197and23132.
9.
Cf.L.Boyle,TheSetting,pp.15ff.

 Page145

riencesduringfouryearsteachingamongthefratrescommunesatOrvieto.Asaresultofthatexperience,Thomaswantedtocontributetothealreadylongand
remarkabletraditionofthemanualistsinhisorder,buthealsowantedtofillinthemostconspicuousgapsbygivingmoraltheologythedogmaticbasisithadbeen
lacking.

TheSummatheologiae

ThecontextwehaverecalledherepermitsusbettertounderstandtheopeningoftheSummaanditspurpose.Oftenquoted,thesefewlinesaresometimesonlyhalf
understood:

SincetheteacherofCatholictruthshouldnotonlyteachthemostadvancedbutalsoinstructthebeginners...ourintentionisthereforetoexplainwhatconcernstheChristian
religionaccordingtothemodethatisnecessaryfortheformationofbeginners.

Theintellectualgiftsofthestudentsforwhomamanualofsuchexceptionalqualitywasintendedhaveoftenbeenquestioned.ItispossiblethatThomasoverestimated
theirabilities,buthewasthinkinglessabouttheintrinsicdifficultyofthematerialbeingtaughtthanaboutitsarrangementinabodyofdoctrinethatwouldofferstudents,
notonlyasimpleseriesofquestions(sometimeswell,sometimesilljuxtaposed),butindeedanorganicsynthesisthatwouldpermitthemtograspinternallinksand
coherence:
Wehaveobservedineffectthat,intheuseofthewritingsofdiverseauthors,thenewcomerstothismaterialarehampered,sometimesbythemultiplicationofuselessquestions,
articles,andproofs,sometimesbecausewhattheymustlearnisnottreatedaccordingtothedemandofthematerialsbeingtaught[secundumordinemdisciplinae]butaccording
towhattheexplanationofbooksortheoccasionofdisputesrequires.Itmaybethatthefrequentrepetitionofthesamethingsengendersinthelistener'sspiritwearinessand
confusion.

Hereindeedwefindtheconcernsofapedagogue,andweunderstandthemmuchbetterifweknowtolistenforanechooftheOrvietoexperience.

DidThomasreallyteachthePrimaParsoftheSummaandaportionofthePrimaSecundaeinRome,asBoylesuggests,ordidheonlycomposethemthere?Itis
difficulttorespondtothisquestioninadecisiveway.IfwerememberthatthefirsttaskofthemagisterinsacrapaginainPariswas

 Page146

tocommentonScripture,wewillbetemptedtorespond''no."Butitisnotprovedbyirrefutabletextsthatthesameobligationwasappliedelsewhere.Thecourseson
SaintPaulcouldwellhavetakenplaceatthismoment,but,curiously,norecordhasbeenpreservedofit,orofwhichbookswouldhavebeencommentedonduring
theseyears.Ifweaccept,onthecontrary,thattheAnagnichaptergaveThomascarteblanche,wewouldleanrathertowardanaffirmativeresponseitwouldthenbe
necessarytorecognizethatThomaswasevenmoreofaninnovatorthanwegenerallythink.Whatiscertainisthathebeganaprojectthatwasgoingtooccupyagood
partoftherestofhislife.

ThedatesofcompositionfortheSummaarestilldebatedbyscholars.ItseemscertainthatduringthetimehewasatRome(untilSeptember1268),Thomas
composedthePrimaParsinitsentiretyandthatthisportionwasincirculationinItalyevenbeforehisreturntoParis.ThedifficultybeginswiththePrimaSecundae
itisgenerallyadmittedthatthispartwasnotbegunbeforethereturntoParis.AccordingtoGlorieuxandEschmann,whomWeisheiplfollows,10thecompletionofthe
PrimaSecundaeshouldbesituatedduringthesummerof1270.TheSecundaSecundae,begunshortlythereafter,duringthelongscholasticvacation,wouldhave
beenfinished(accordingtothesescholars)beforeDecember1271perhapsevenduringthelongvacation,somesay,butthisseemsscarcelyplausible.

Gauthier,whoatfirstacceptedthisview,11recantedandthinksnowthatthePrimaSecundaewasnotwrittenuntil1271.12Hehasaratherweightyargumentforthis
view:Thomasusesinmassivefashion(morethan100times)Aristotle'sRhetoricinMoerbeke'stranslation.Thattextdidnotcomeintohishandsuntilneartheendof
1270.Gauthieralsoagreeswiththepositiondefendedin1928byDomLottin,whohadplacedthePrimaSecundaeafterQuestionVIoftheDemalo,having
establishedthatthelatterdatesfromaroundtheendof1270.13

Themostapparentobstacletothislastpropositionstemsfromthefact
10.
P.Glorieux,"PourlachronologicdelaSomme,"MSR2(1945)5998I.T.Eschmann,"ACatalogue,"pp.38688Weisheipl,p.22122.
11.
R.A.Gauthier,"LadateduCommentairedeSaintThomassurl'EthiqueNicomaque,"RTAM18(1951)66105.
12.
Sommecontrelesgentils,p.80cf.pp.6567cf.thesameauthor'searlierview,L'EthiqueNicomaque,I,1,Introduction,2ded.,1970,pp.12829,note135.
13.
Cf.O.Lottin,PsychologieetMorale,vol.VI,pp.35372,andwhatwesaybelow(chap.IX)onthedateoftheDemaloonthispoint,LottinagreeswithP.Synave,"Leproblme
chrono1ogiquedesquestionsdisputesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,"RT31(1926)15459.

 Page147

thatitoverburdenstheendofThomas'stimeinParis.ItleadsustothinkthatineighteenmonthshewouldnotonlyhavecomposedthePrimaSecundaeandthe
enormousSecundaSecundaebutalsobeguntheTertiaPars(weacceptthatthefirst20or25questionsoftheTertiawerewritteninParis).Thisscheduleseems
hardlybelievable,butitisdifficulttoescapetheconstraintsthatimposeit.WemustthereforegobackandtrytoexplainhowThomascomposedallthatandmany
otherthingsaswellinsuchashortlapseoftime.

ThecompositionoftheTertiaParswasprobablybeguninParisattheendofthewinterof127172,andcontinuedinNaplesuntil6December1273,thedateon
whichThomasceasedwriting.Hehadbythenarrivedatthesacramentofpenance(IIIaq.90a.4).Thesequel,knownunderthenameofSupplement,was
composedbyhisdisciplesonthebasisofhiscommentaryontheSentences.14Thomaswouldthushavecarriedonwiththisworkduringthelastsevenyearsofhislife
despiteotheroccupations.Thisiswithoutdoubttheclearestsignoftheimportancethatheattachedtoit.

TheSummatheologiaeistodaystillthemostwidelyusedworkbyThomasandwithoutdoubtthebestknown,evenbythosewhoopenitonlyoccasionally.15Itisan
evengreaterpitythatthetext,publishedatthebeginningofthetwentiethcenturyamongthefirstvolumesoftheLeonineedition,isnotentirelysatisfactory.16The
criticaleditionremainstoberedoneaccordingtothecriteriathathavemadetheLeonineCommission's
14.
LikeGrabmann(Werke,pp.296301)andA.Dondaine("SermonsdeRginald,"p.378,andnote68),manypeoplebelieve,withvaryingdegreesofuncertainty,thatReginald
mighthavebeentheauthoroftheSupplementthatwasalreadytheopinionofQutifEchard,followedbyMandonnet,buttheLeonineeditionismorecircumspect(cf.Praef.,vol.
12,pp.xviff.,aswellastheintroductionbyFatherSuermondtforthereprintinthemanualedition,Turin,1963,pp.xixiii)cf.alsoEschmann,"ACatalogue,"p.388.
15.
Leonine,vols.412thissametexthasbeenreproducedinapocketeditionin3vols.,inTurin(1963),butwemightalsomentionthefivevolumeeditionpublishedbytheStudium
Dominicain,Ottawa(194145),ortheonevolumeeditionthatappearedbytheEditionsPaulines,Rome(1962),whichisperhapspreferable.ItdoesnotseemthatThomashimselfgave
thetitletotheworkweretainthemostancientandthemostwidelyattestedtitle,SummaTheologiae(nottheologica),cf.A.Walz,"DegenuinotituloSummaeTheologiae,"
Angelicum18(1941)14251.
16.
Cf.P.M.deContenson,"DocumentssurlesoriginesetlespremiresannesdelaCommissionLonine,"inCommemorativeStudiesII,pp.33188L.J.Bataillon,"L'dition
loninedesoeuvresdesaintThomasetlestudesmdivales,"inAttidell'VIIICongresso,vol.I(1981)pp.45264,notesthatthedeficienciesprimarilyconcernthePrimaParsand
thePrimaSecundae,theSecundaSecundaebeingalreadymuchimprovedcf.thesameauthor's''LeedizionidiOperaomniadegliscolasticiel'edizioneleonina,"inGliStudidi
filosofiamedievalefraottoenovecento(Rome,1991),pp.14154,cf.pp.15153.

 Page148
17 18
reputationwhatitistoday. Itdoesnotceaseinanycasetostimulatestudiesandtranslations.

TheContentsoftheSumma

Beforereturningingreaterdetailtospecificparts,ageneralpresentationoftheworkisclearlynecessary.Attheoutset,itwouldnotbeuselesstodistinguishbetween
itsplananditscontent.Manycommentatorsagreeonthesecondpoint,howevermuchtheirideasmaydifferonthefirst.TherecannotbutbeunanimitythatThomas
dividedhisworkintothreelargepartsthesecondbeingitselfsubdividedintotwosubparts.Theseinitialdata,eventoday,structuretheusualpresentationofthe
Summainfourvolumes.Togetamorepreciseideaofthecontentsthatthismaterialdivisioncovers,itsufficestorefertothePrologueofQuestion2oftheFirstPart.
Wepresenthere,inatranslationwithgloss,whatSaintThomascondensedintoafewlineswithasobrietythatnoonebuthepossessed.

SincetheprincipalpurposeofsacradoctrinaistotransmitknowledgeofGod[whichhasjustbeenexplainedinQ.1,itselfakindofdiscourseonmethod],wewill
speakfirstaboutGod(PrimaPars),thenaboutthemovementoftherationalcreaturetowardGod(SecundaPars),andfinallyaboutChristwho,accordingtohis
humanity,isforusthewaythatleadstowardGod(TertiaPars).19Thisis,therefore,theentireproposalinitsgrandsimplicityThomaswillbemoreexplicitatthe
beginningoftheSecundaParsandtheTertiaParsaboutthecontentsofeach,butheisalreadyquiteclearaboutthepurposeofthePrimaPars.

HeisgoingtospeakaboutGodfirst,accordingtowhatGodisinhimself
17.
TheworkhasinfactalreadybegunfortheTertiaPars,cf.M.Turrini,"RaynalddePipernoetletexteoriginaldelaTertiaParsdelaSommedeThologiedeThomasd'Aquin,"
RSPT73(1989)23347cf.alsoP.MGy,"LetexteoriginaldelaTertiaparsdelaSommeThologiquedeS.Thomasd'Aquindansl'apparatcritiquedel'ditionlonine:lecasde
l'eucharistie,"RSPT65(1981)60816.
18.
ThemostrecentFrenchtranslation,infourvolumes(textonlywithbriefannotations),appearedinParis(19841986)itdoesnotreplacetheolderone,thesocalled"Revuedes
jeunes"(fromthenameofthereviewthatsupportedit)in68vols.inapopulareditionthathastheaddedadvantageofgivingtheLatintextandfull,highqualityannotations.Among
EnglishtranslationsthereistheBlackfriars'edition,Summatheologiae,ed.ThomasGilbyandT.C.O'Brien,60vols.(London/NewYork,196473).
19.
WeshouldperhapsreadthistextinitsLatinoriginal:"QuiaigiturprincipalisintentiohuiussacraedoctrinaeestDeicognitionemtradere,etnonsolumsecundumquodinseest,sed
etiamsecundumquodestprincipiumrerumetfinisearum,etspecialiterrationaliscreaturae...adhuiusdoctrinaeexpositionemintendentes,primotractabimusdeDeosecundode
moturationaliscreaturaeinDeumtertiodeChristoquisecundumquodhomoviaestnobistendendiinDeum"(STIaq.2Prol.).

 Page149

(secundumquodinseest).ThesewordsannouncethefirsttwosubdivisionsofthePrimaPars:(1)thosethingsthatrefertothedivineessence(eaquaepertinent
adessentiamdivinam:QQ.226)(2)thosethatbelongtothedistinctionofpersons(eaquaepertinentaddistinctionempersonarum:QQ.2743).ButsinceGod
isalsothebeginningandtheendofallthings(sedetiamsecundumquodestprincipiumrerumetfinisearum),itisalsonecessarytospeakaboutthewaycreatures
proceedfromGodthusheannouncedtheconclusionofthePrimaPars(QQ.44119).Thatconclusionincludesthreelargesections:creationingeneral(QQ.44
46)thedistinctionofcreatures(QQ.47102),withthethreemajorsubdivisionsbeingdedicatedtoangels(QQ.5064),totheworkofthesixdaysanda
commentaryonthebiblicalstoryofcreation(QQ.6574)andtoman:firstinhisintellectualnature(treatedwithastrongAristotelianflavor),butalsoasacreature
madeintheimageofGod(QQ.75102).ThatpartfinisheswithasectionthatexplainsthewayGodgovernshiscreationbothinhimselfandthroughthemediationof
secondarycauses(QQ.10319).

Inafewwords,ThomashasthereforestatedinstageshisoverallprojectandtherelevantdetailfortheFirstPart.HewillnotbeanylessbriefintheProloguetothe
SecundaParsitisevenstrikingtoseehowheguidestheenormousandcomplexmassofhisreflections,whicharebothveryfineanddetailed,intotwoessential
categories:sincewearespeakingaboutthereturnofmantoGod,hisultimateend,thefirstconsidersthatendinitself(QQ.15:beatitude),thenthemeansbywhich
manarrivesatthatendor,onthecontrary,turnsawayfromit.

Thecategoryof"means"isvastandextendsovertwovolumes.Inthefirstphase(PrimaSecundae),Thomasstudies,inadetailedfashion,humanacts(QQ.689)as
formallyhuman,whichistosayvoluntaryandfree,andthereforecapableofbeinggoodorbad(QQ.621)thenthepassionsofthesoul(QQ.2248)afterthat,he
dealswiththeinternalprinciplesthatqualifyhumanpowers,whichistosay,thehabitus,goodorbad,whicharevirtuesandvicesintheirgenerality(QQ.4989)
finallycometheexteriorprinciplesthatinfluencehumanactivity:law(QQ.90108)andgrace(QQ.10914).

Inasecondphase(SecundaSecundae),Thomasmakesaprobingreturntothesefirstdataandgivesananalysisofthetheologicalvirtues:faith,hope,andcharity
(QQ.146)ofthecardinalvirtues:prudence,justice,temperance,andfortitude(QQ.47170),specifyingforeachofthemtheirproperactsandtheircontrarysins.
Thisreflectionconcludeswithastudy

 Page150

ofcharismsandstatesoflife,asmalltreatiseonecclesialdiversitythatendswiththecontemplativelife(QQ.17189).Herewefind,inamasterfulrecapitulation,the
definitionofbeatitudethatwasplacedatthebeginningoftheentireSecundaPars.

TheprologuetotheTertiaParsisslightlymoreexplicit:

OurSavior,theLordJesus...showedHimselftousasthewayoftruth,throughwhichitispossibleforusnowtocometoresurrectionandtobeatitudeineternallife.Andto
bringtoconclusionourentiretheologicalenterprise,wemustnow,havingstudiedtheultimateendofhumanlife,thenthevirtuesandvices,continueourstudybywayofthe
Saviorofallthings,consideredinHimself,thenbywayofthebenefitswithwhichHehasgracedthehumanrace.

Hereagainsectionsandsubsectionspresentthemselvesasevidence.ThefirstsectionisdedicatedtoJesustheChrist,theSaviorwhobringsoursalvation(QQ.159).
Thislendsitselftotwolargedevelopments:(1)themysteryoftheIncarnationinitself(QQ.126)(2)thatwhichtheWorddidandsufferedforusintheflesh
(QQ.2759).ThesecondsectionoftheTertiaParsconsistsofastudyofthesacramentsthroughwhichwearriveatsalvation:ingeneralfirst(QQ.6065),then
baptism,Eucharist,penance(QQ.6690,partlyunfinished).Thethirdwastoconsistofadetailedreflectionontheendtowhichwearecalled,eternallife,intowhich
weenterbybeingraisedthroughChrist.(Thomaswasnotabletowritethispart.)20

ThePlanoftheSummatheologiae

Allthecommentatorsagreeinrecognizingtheexistenceoftheselargepartsandsectionsthedifferencesarisethemomentweputthequestionofwhetherthis
apparentlysimpledivisiondoesnothideanother,lessevidentplan,whoseinternalmovementwouldbemuchmoreilluminatingfortheunderstandingofThomas's
purposes.

TospeaksolelyofcontemporaryThomists,thisdiscussionwasbegunin1939byM.D.Chenu,21butitwasonlyafter1950andtheappearanceofhisToward
UnderstandingSaintThomasthatstudiesbegintoappearonthistheme.22Beyondthetechnicalsideofthequestion,whatisatstake
20.
NumerousauthorshavetriedtogiveasynopsisofthecontentsoftheSummawerefer,forexample,toJ.J.Berthier,Tabulae...SummaeTheologicae(Paris,1903),orto
ThomasAquinas,Sommethologique(Paris,1984),vol.1,pp.6889.
21.
M.D.Chenu,"LeplandelaSommethologiquedesaintThomas,"RT47(1939)93107reprintedinthesameauthor's,Toward,pp.297325.
22.
Inadditiontotheworksmentionedabove,thesearesomeoftheotherprincipalstudies

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

 Page151

isnotonlytheplaceofChristintheplanoftheSumma,butindeed,forThomas,thecapacitytotakeintoaccountthehistoryofsalvation.Sharplyschematicizingand
dealingprimarilywiththeFrenchliteratureonthesubject,wecan,itseems,distinguishthreeprincipalpositions.23

1.Inthefirstphase,M.D.ChenuproposedreadingtheSummainthelightoftheNeoplatonicschemeoftheexitusandofreditus.Accordingtohim,thePrima
ParsdealswiththeemanationofthingsfromGodconsideredasprincipletheSecundaParsspeaksoftheirreturntowardGodastowardtheirultimateend.
AccordingtoChenu'sownformula,thePrimaParsandtheSecundaPars"arebetweenthemliketheexitusandreditus."Theyarestrictlyconnectedintheirunity,
whichisthatoftwoinversemovements.ThushestartsfromtheBible,whereallcreaturesgushforthfromthehandofGodandreturntowardhimaccordingtohis
design,forheguidesthehistoryofhiscreation.Likewisetheologyenvisagesreality"fromthepointofviewofGod,"secundumquodestprincipiumrerumetfinis
earum(Iaq.2Prol.).AsMaxSecklerhaswellsaid:

Inasurprisingway,thereappearhere,instrictcorrespondencewithoneanother,theoriginandendofhistory,thesourceandthecompletionofbeing,thefirstandlastcauseof
understanding,sothatnotonlycantheologyturnitselfintoa'science'ofthehistoryofsalvation,butthehistoryofsalvationitselfbearswithinitselfthefundamental
theologicaldesign.Itisnottherefore,accordingtoThomas,thetheologianwhobringsorderintothetangledeventsofsalvation,butitistheorderofsalvationthatstructures
theology.24

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)

onthesubject:A.Hayen,SaintThomasd'Aquinetlaviedel'Eglise(LouvainParis,1952)idem.,"LastructuredelaSommethologiqueetJsus,"Sc.Eccls12(1960)5982P.
E.Persson,"LeplandelaSommethologiqueetlerapportratiorevelatio,"RPL56(1958)54575Y.Congar,"Lesensde'l'Economie'salutairedansla'Thologie'deS.Thomas
d'Aquin(Sommethologique),"inFestgabeJ.Lortz,vol.2(BadenBaden,1957),pp.5982idem.,"Lemoment'conomique'etlemoment'ontologique'danslaSacraDoctrina
(Rvlation,Thologie,Sommethologique),''inMlangesoffertsM.D.Chenu,Bibl.thom.37(Paris,1967),pp.13587G.Lafont,StructuresetmthodedanslaSomme
thologiquedesaintThomasd'Aquin(ParisBrussels,1961)U.Horst,"UeberdieFrageeinerHeilskonomischenTheologiebeiThomasvonAquin.ErgebnisseundProblemeder
neuerenForschung,"MThZ12(1961)97111[reprintedinThomasvonAquin,ed.K.Bernath,vol.1,WegederForschung188(Darmstadt,1978),pp.37395]O.H.Pesch,"Um
denPlanderSummaTheologiaedeshl.ThomasvonAquin,"MThZ16(1965)128137(reprintedandcompletedin"WegederForschung188,"pp.41137)L.Elders,"Lamthode
suivieparsaintThomasd'AquindanslacompositiondelaSommedethologie,"NV66(1991)17892.
23.
SeealsothepresentationofH.D.Gardeil,inS.Thomasd'Aquin.SommeThologique:Lathologie,"Revuedesjeunes"(Paris,1968),pp.171202.
24.
Chenu,Toward,pp.297322M.Seckler,Lesalutetl'histoire.LapensedesaintThomasd'Aquinsurlathologiedel'histoire,Cogitatiofidei21(Paris,1967),pp.3031.

 Page152

2.Thisexplanation,whichhasinitsfavortheforceandtheseductivenessofsimplicity,hasthedisadvantageofnotdirectlyintegratingtheTertiaPars.AndChrist
seemstosurvive"onlyasthemeanswilledbyGod"toassureman'sreturntohisend.Chenuconcedesthishimself:"Tojudgeitabstractly,"theTertiaParsseems
"onlytoplaytheroleofapieceaddedafterthefact."H.Schillebeeckxwasoneofthefirsttopointoutthisweaknessandtoemphasizesharplythatthedifferentparts
oftheSummaspeakofonlyasinglemotusrationaliscreaturaeinDeum.25Butthemostpertinentcritiquesagainstthisscheme,whichistoosimpletotakeinto
accountthecomplexityoftheSumma'splan,wereformulatedbyA.Patfoort.26Ontheonehand,themovementofexitusisnotidentifiedwiththatofthePrima
Pars,forthereditusbeginsbeforetheendofthatpart,sinceThomasalreadyspeaksthereaboutaspectsofthereditusthatarecommontoallcreatures,before
specifyingintheSecundaParsandtheTertiaParswhatconcernsthehumanperson.Ontheotherhand,thereditusisnotlimitedtotheSecundaPars,butextends
wellintotheTertiaPars,forwhatwehaveisa"reditusperChristum.''Thereisthussimultaneouslyanoverlappingofthenotionofreditusinthedifferentpartsof
theSummaandalsoacertainequivocationinthatconcept.Paffoortproposes,therefore,abandoningthisscheme,whichdoesnotappeartohimtobetruly
explanatory,andhehimselfmakesdiversesuggestionsthatwouldbeclosertowhatThomasdid,butthatwecannotenterintohere.

3.AccordingtheM.V.Leroy,thereisnoreasontogiveuptheexitusreditusscheme,butwemustmakeitclearthatitappliesonlytothe"economic"partofthe
Summa.Beforethat,ThomassetsupanothergranddivisionthatreproducespurelyandsimplytheoneestablishedbytheFathersoftheChurchbetween"theology"
and"economy."The"theology"correspondstothebeginningofthePrimaPars(QQ.243),wherewearedealingwithGodHimselfthenthe"economy"regroupsall
therestoftheSumma(beginningatPrimaParsQ.44).Thisensembleof393questionsisitselftobeunderstoodaccordingtotheschemeexitusreditus.27

InthesecondpartofthePrimaPars(QQ.44119),thedominant(butnotunique)movementisstilltheexitus(evenifforsomecreatures,namelytheangels,the
reditusisalreadyevoked).AstotheSecundaParsandthe
25.
H.Schillebeeckx,DesacramenteleHeilseconomie(Anvers,1952),pp.118.
26.
A.M.Patfoort,"L'unitdelaIaParsetlemouvementinternedelaSommethologiquedeS.Thomasd'Aquin,"RSPT47(1963)51344(reprintedinLescls,pp.4970).
27.
M.V.Leroy,RT84(1984)298303,areviewofPatfoort'stextinLescls.

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TertiaPars,theyspeakonlyofthereditus,butinsofarasithassomethingspecificfortherationalcreature,whichistosay,formanastheimageofGod.This
movementfindsitsculminationwhenmanarrivesataperfectresemblanceinattainingcommunionwithGod(cf.Prol.,SecundaPars),throughthemediationofChrist
"quisecundumquodhomoviaestnobistendendiadDeum"(Prol.,TertiaPars).Completeandnuanced,thisexplanationseemstocorrespondwelltowhatSaint
Thomasdid.WemustneverthelessaddwithLeroythat"beforebeingNeoplatonist[thisscheme]isquitesimplyChristian."Thomasexplicitlyemphasizesthis
elsewherewhenhesayswiththebookofRevelationthatGodistheAlphaandtheOmegaofthewholecreation.28

ThePlaceoftheMysteryoftheIncarnation

TheexplanatoryvaluethatThomasattachedtohisconstructionoftheSummareceivesadoubleandinterestingconfirmation.Thefirstconfirmationisoftenused
becauseitdealswiththefrequencywithwhichthisstructureappearsindiverseworks:fromtheSentences,wherethechoiceisalreadyratherclear,29totheSumma,
wherealltheprologuesbearthemoreorlessexplicittraceofthisoption,totheContraGentiles.30Infact,thisschemaimposesitselfonalltheologythatallowsitself
tobestructuredbyfaithandtheCreed:fromGodthecreatortoGodwhoreturnsinChristtotakemanwithHimintoglory.AsJeanTonneauhasjustlyputit:"Wedo
notthinkitusefultoattributetoSaintThomasthedubioushonorofhavingimposedonthedoctrinethatheisexpoundinganinternalstructure,asequenceintheorder
ofthemysteries,otherthanthoseofrevelationandfaith."31
28.
Cf.Sent.Id.2,divisiotextusitisalsoperhapsbecauseofthisthatthisvocabulary,althoughpresentintheSentences,isnolongerfoundintheSummaT.F.O'Meara,"Grace
asTheologicalStructureintheSummaTheologiaeofThomasAquinas,"RTAM55(1988)13053,whorightlyrecallsthis,proposestoseeingracearealitypresenteverywherein
theSummaasamainthreadwhichgivesititsproperlytheologicalform:inthefirsttwopartsandineachtreatisethereisamovementofcrescendothatgoesfromessetothe
lifewithGod.Wewillseeinourfuturebookthatwecan(andthatwemust)admitthisomnipresenceofgrace,withoutnecessarilyrejectingthemovementfromexittoreturn.
29.
Cf.Sent.IIProl.:"TheologusconsideratcreaturassecundumquodaprimoprincipioexieruntetinfinemultimumordinanturquiDeusest"wewillreturninourfuturebooktothe
keytextfromSent.Id.14q.2a2.
30.
SCGI9:"primooccurritconsideratiodehisquaeDeosecundumseipsumconveniunt:secundovero,deprocessucreaturarumabipsotertioautem,deordinecreaturarumin
ipsumsicutinfinem."
31.
J.Tonneau,"LepassagedelaPrimaSecundaelaSecundaSecundae,"Bull.duCercleThomistedeCaen(1975),no.69,pp.2946,no.70,pp.2131,afterRLT11(1978),no.655,p.
212.

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ThesecondconfirmationhasperhapsbeenalittleneglectedinthisdiscussionitstemsfromthefactthatThomas'sthoughtisitselfprofoundlyimpregnatedwiththis
circularvisionoftheworld,tosuchanextentthathedoesnothesitatetosaythat"thecircularmovementisthemostperfectofallbecauseitproducesareturntothe
beginning.Inorderthattheuniversemayattaintoitsfinalperfection,itmustthereforereturntoitsbeginning."32Wecanshowthat,philosophically,thisoccurs
accordingtoatripleplan:33firstincosmology,theninmetaphysics,andfinallyinthephilosophyofknowledge.

ItsufficestorefertothebeginningoftheCommentaryontheMetaphysicstoseethatThomaswellunderstandsAristotle'sassertionthat"allmenbynaturedesireto
know."Itisonlyinthiswaythattheymayrejointheirorigin,anditisinthatoriginthattheirperfectionconsiststhatiswhythecircularmovementisperfectissimus.
ThomasdevelopsthisatlengthinhisContraGentilesinexplainingthatman,theonlybeingcapableofanexplicitreditiocompletatoitssourcethroughknowledge,
findshisbeatitudethere.34

AllthisclearlydoesnottakeonitsfullmeaningexceptinaChristianvisionofmanandtheworld.Thatiswhywefindthemostremarkableillustrationofitinthe
theologyoftheIncarnation.IntheepigraphtothePrologue,whichprecedeshiscommentaryontheThirdBookoftheSentences,Thomascitesthecelebratedbiblical
verseontheriversthatreturntotheirsource:"Adlocumundeexeunt,fluminareuertuntur,utiterumfluant"(Ecclesiastes1:7).Fromthatimageoftheeternalreturn
Thomasdoesnotconclude,asthebiblicalauthordid,thatallthingsarevanityhelinksittoanoppositeview:
ItisthemysteryoftheIncarnationthatissignifiedbythisreturnoftheriverstotheirsource...TheseriversareineffectthenaturalgiftswhichGodhasprovidedforhis
creatures:being,life,intelligence...andthesourcefromwhichtheycomeisGod...Althoughtheyfindthemselvesinadispersedconditioninallcreation,thesegoodsare
regroupedinman,forhe

32.
SCGII46,no.1230:"motuscircularisinteromnesmotus,estmaximeperfectus,quiaineisadprincipiumreditur.Adhocigiturquoduniversumcreaturarumultimam
perfectionemconsequatur,oportetcreaturasadsuumredireprincipium."
33.
Cf.J.A.Aertsen,"TheCirculationMotiveandManintheThoughtofThomasAquinas,"inL'hommeetsonuniversauMoyenAge,ed.Chr.Wenin(LouvainLaNeuve,1986),vol.
I,pp.43239idem.,NatureandCreature.ThomasAquinas'sWayofThought,StudienundTextezurGeistesgeschichtedesMittelalters21(Leiden,1988)idem.,"Natur,Menschund
derKreislaufderDingebeiThomasvonAquin,"MM21/2(1991)14360.
34.
Sent.superMetaphys,I,lect.1,no.4cf.SCGIII25.

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isasortofhorizon,thelimitwherebodilyandspiritualnaturemeetbeingakindofcenter,heparticipatesinthespiritualgoodsasintemporalgoods....Thatiswhywhenhuman
naturewasreunitedwithGodbythemysteryoftheIncarnation,alltheriversofnaturalgoodsreturnedtotheirsource.35

Placedthusintheexerguetoanentirebook,thisexplanationiscertainlynotanobiterdictum.Also,whenwefinditstatedmorebrieflyelsewhere,wecanbelieve
thatitexpressesanoptiontowhichThomashascommittedhimself:

Thetotalityofthedivineworkfindsitsculminationwhenman,thelastcreaturecreated,returnstohissourcebyakindofcircle,whenthroughtheworkoftheIncarnationhefinds
himselfunitedtotheverysourceofthingsitself.36

ItisapitythatFatherChenudidnothavethesetextsinmindinhisfirstessay,fortheyshowwithgreatclaritythatinThomas'sthoughtnotonlydoestheIncarnation
notintroduceanydisruptionintotheschemaexitusreditusbut,onthecontrary,itisonlythroughtheIncarnationthatthismovementachievesitsfruition.

Itwouldbeunjust,however,nottorepeatthatChenu'sundeniablemeritremainsinhishavingbroughttolightthisprofoundmovementoftheSumma,andprecisely
aproposofChristandoftheTertiaPars:"SaintThomas'splanmanifestsclearlythatheremainsamasteroverthePlatonicschemeattheverymomentwhenheuses
it.TheWordincarnateoftheChristianisnotthecreatorLogosofPlotinus'semanationismtheWordistheobjectofhistory,whilePlotinusevokestimeasasortof
stainandGod'slibertyasunintelligibleimperfection.TheparadoxicalresultisatheologythatknowshowtolinkwithinafeelingforthetranscendenceofGodboththe
knowledgeofnecessityandrespectforthecontingenciesofaneternallyfreelove.TheTertiaParsisanexpressionofthisresult."37
35.
Sent.IIIProl.:"EtideoquandohumananaturaperincarnationismysteriumDeoconiunctaest,omniafluminanaturaliumbonitatumadsuumprincipiumreflexaredierunt"see
onthistext:I.Biffi,"MisteridiCristo,sacramenti,escatologianelloScriptumsuperSententiisdisanTommasod'Aquino,"LaScuolaCattol.102(1974)569623,cf.pp.578ff.
36.
Compendiumtheol.201(Leonine,vol.42,p.158):"Perficituretiamperhocquodammodototiusoperisdiuiniuniuersitas,dumhomo,quiestultimocreatus,circuloquodaminsuum
reditprincipium,ipsirerumprincipioperopusincarnationisunitus"cf.alsoSent.IIId.2q.1,a.1resp.:"quiahomoestultimacreaturarum,quasiultimocreatus,cujusnatura
assumpta,ultimumconjunctumestprincipiopermodumcirculi,quaeestfigurapeffecta..."
37.
Toward,p.320.

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Finally,Thomasthusreturnstothewellknownbiblicalthemeofeschatology,whichrespondstoprotology,foronlyHehasthemasteryoftheendWhohasthe
masteryofthebeginning.Thatintuitionallowshimtoproposeanordodisciplinae,amannerofexpositionforthewholeoftheology,thankstowhichhewasableto
makeaplaceforcontingenttruthsinthehistoryofsalvation.Heknewverywellthattheologyisnotascienceofthenecessary,inthewaythatAristotleconceivedit,
butanorganizationofcontingentdatareceivedfromrevelation,uponwhichthetheologianlaborstofindthearrangementofGod'sdesign.38Thisconstrainshimto
proceedmostoftenbyargumentsoffitnessratherthanbynecessaryreasons,buthecanthusgivefullplacetothehistoryofsalvation.Infact,wemeetintheSumma
largechunksofbiblicaltheologysuchastheworkofthesixdays(IaQQ.6774),thetreatiseontheOldLaw(IaIIaeQQ.98106),thelifeofJesus(IIIaQQ.27
59)thatwouldnotfindanyplaceinaoverlydeductiveconceptionoftheology.(ItiswithregardtothesethatCajetanmadehiscelebratedstatement:Potius
meditandaquamexponenda!)Butpreciselybecauseofhisutilizationoftheexitusreditusscheme,Thomascanintegratethesebiblicalpieceswithease.

Theology,Life,andPrayer

TheimplicationsofThomas'sbasicoptioncannotbedrawnoutveryfarherewithouttrespassingintoanotherbookwhereweshalldevelopallthisfurther.Butatthe
riskofanticipatingalittle,weshouldalreadyemphasizethatthiswayofconsideringGodasthebeginningandtheendofthetheologicalenterprisehasquiteevident
repercussions.

First,ithasaprofoundlyunifyinginfluenceontheologicalknowledgeitself.ThisthesisisclearfromtheveryfirstpagesoftheSumma(PrimaParsq.1a.4)sacra
doctrinaisaknowledgethatisbothoneandunique(unascientia)for,init,everythingisfoundconsideredfromGod'spointofview.Thisisconfirmedfromthetwo
pointsofviewfromwhichwecanregardit,asspeculativeknowledgeoraspracticalknowledge.

Regardingtheologyasspeculativeknowledge,ThomasemphasizesthatGodisthe"subject"ofhis"science,"sinceeverythinginthisscienceisfoundtobetreatedfrom
thepointofviewofGod,whetherGodHimself,
38.
SeeonthisinparticularthebeginningofSTIaq.1a.8IIIaq.1a.3:"eaquaeexsolaDeivoluntateproveniunt...nobisinnotescerenonpossuntnisiquatenusinSacra
Scripturatradantur"weshouldalsorefertoanexpositionofthe"ostensive"functionoftheology,forexample,YvesM.J.Congar,"Thologic,"inDTC15/1(1946)45162.J.P.
Torrell,Lathologiecatholique,Quesaisje?1269(Paris,1994),pp.5660.

 Page157
39
ortherealitiesthatcomefromGodorthatareorderedtoHim. Thiscertainlydoesnotpreventotherrealitiesfrombecomingobjectsoftheologicalreflection,but
theywillbesoonlytotheextentthattheconnectionbetweenoriginandendisbroughttolightanditsconsequencesevaluatedinthealwaysclearconsciousnessofthe
firstend,whichrequirestheknowledgeofGodtobetheonlyendoftheology.

God,the"subjectoftheology,"iscertainlyatechnicalexpression.Butwithoutplayingtoomuchonthemeaningoftheword,itisalsothespontaneousexpressionofa
truththatshouldnotbeneglected:tospeakofGodasasubjectisalsotosaythattheologydoesnotreduceHimtoanobjectnoteventoapurifiedmentalobject
thatthetheologiancanconceptualize.Assubject,Godisapersonwhomweknowandlove(becauseHehasgivenHimselftobeknownandtobeloved),aperson
whomweinvokeandwhomwemeetinprayer.WhenThomassaysthattheologyisprincipallyspeculative,hemeansthatitisinthefirstinstancecontemplativethe
twowordsarepracticallysynonymousinThomas.40ThisiswhyweshallnotbeslowtoseethisoperativeinThomas'sliferesearch,study,reflectiononGodcan
findtheirsourceandtheircompletiononlyinprayer.TheEasternChristiansliketosayoftheologythatitisdoxologyThomaswouldaddsomefurtherclarificationsto
that,buthewouldnotrejecttheintention:thejoyoftheFriendwhoiscontemplatediscompletedinsong.

Consideredaspracticalknowledge(thatis,theologyasitdirectsChristianactionwhatiscommonlycalledmoraltheology),theologydoesnotloseits
contemplativeaim(Iaq.1a.4).ItisstillandalwaysdirectedbytheconsiderationofGod,sinceHeistheEndinviewofwhichalldecisionsaremadeandtheGoodin
connectionwithwhichallothergoodsaresituated.TospeakofGodasbeginningandasendisnotapurelytheoreticaloptionitconcernstheentireChristianlife.If
Godisthesourceofallbeingandofeverybeing,heisalsotheaccomplishmentofalldesiresandofallactions(finisomniumdesideriorumetactionumnostrarum,
STIIaIIaeq.4a.2ad3).Weshouldnotdeceiveourselves.ThomasfindshimselfhereclosertoAugustineandhisrestlessheartthantoFreudandtheinfan
39.
"OmniaautempertractanturinsacradoctrinasubrationeDei,velquiasuntipseDeus,velquiahabentordinemadDeum,utadprincipiumetfinem.UndesequiturquodDeus
veresitsubiectumhuiusscientiae"(Iaq.1a.7).
40.
Cf.S.Pinckaers,"Recherchedelasignificationvritableduterme'Spculatif,'"NRT81(1959)67395J.P.Torrell,"Thologieetsaintet,"RT71(1971)20521,onthe
contemplativefinalityoftheology,seepp.20612.

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tilemegalomaniaofdesire.ThomasknowsthatthenaturaldesiretoseeGodcannotbevain,foritisGodHimselfwhohasputitinthehumanheart.

Theupshotofalltheprecedingisthatitisimpossible,accordingtoThomas,todotheologyindependentfromfaith.OnlyfaithpermitsustoreceivetheGodwhogives
HimselfandrevealsHimselffaithisthereforetheonlythingabletogivearealobjecttothisknowledge.Itisalsothelumensubquowhichistosay,theformalpoint
ofviewunderwhicheverythingisseen.Thisisalsotruefortheologyinitspracticalfunction:justasthespeculativeintellectbecomespracticalbyextension,sofaith
wouldnotknowhowtobeitselfifitdidnotactincharity.Thatiswhywedonotknowinthisperspectivehowtopracticeanethicoutsideofthedirectinglightoffaith
anditsecclesialcontextwithoutreducingittoapurelyphilosophicalenterprise.

Thisisnotourdirectpurposehere,butitisnotwithoutvaluetosayinconcludingthispresentationoftheSummathattoimaginethatthisinnovativeprojectwas
acceptedwithenthusiasm,evenbytheDominicanconfreresofourauthor,wouldbeanerror.Foralongtime,theSentenceswerepreferredtotheSummanotonly
becauseofuniversityobligationsandintheSummaitself,the"special"moralpartbetterknownunderthenameofSecundaSecundaewasfarmorewidely
diffusedthanthedogmaticparts.41

Eventhoughitistoberegretted,thehistorianmustdeclarethatThomas'smasterworkdidnotitselfdirectlyreachaverylargepublic.Itsoptionsinquestionsofmoral
theologywouldbecirculatedmuchbetterbysomevulgarizers,suchasJohnofFreiburginhisSummaConfessorum(1298),whichwaslargelyinspiredbyThomas,
andwhich,bythatveryfact,differsininspirationfromthemanualsthatprecededThomas.Byaround1290,themasteroftheorder,JohnofVercelli,haddirected
GaliendeOrto,lectorintheprioryofPerugia,laterinViterbo,tomakeasummaryoftheSecundaSecundae.Inthecourseofthefourteenthcentury,othermanuals
ofthesametypesawthelight.ThesetooweremuchbetterdistributedthantheSummaitself:thesummaryofJohnofFreiburghimselfbyWilliamofCayeuxsurMer,
whowastheprioratSaintJacquesandvicargeneraloftheorderalittleafter1300thesimplifiedversionoftheSumma
41.
SeehereagainBoyle,TheSetting,pp.2330.

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rudium,around1333thealphabeticallyorderedsummaryunderthenameofPisanella,afterthenameofitscompiler,BartholomewofPisa,around1338(600
manuscripts).42

ThiswasnotatallthetypeofsuccessthatThomaswouldhavewisheditwasperhapsinthisway,however,thatheslowlybecame,notwithoutmisunderstandings,
the"commondoctor."43
42.
Cf.L.Boyle,"TheSummaconfessorumofJohnofFreiburgandthePopularizationoftheMoralTeachingofSt.ThomasandofSomeofHisContemporaries,"in
CommemorativeStudiesII,pp.24568,reprintedinPastoralCare,Study3.
43.
Anaddendumtonote28above:SeealsothemoreamplediscussionofThomasO'Meara'spointofviewbyR.Cessario,"IsAquinas'sSummaonlyaboutGrace?"inOrdo
sapientiaeetamoris,pp.197209.

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ChapterIX
TheOtherWritingsfromtheRomanPeriod
Viewedfromadistance,itwouldseemthatthecompositionoftheSummamusthavehavetakenupallofThomas'senergyandfreetime.Inreality,itwasfarfrom
beinghisonlyoccupation.Weonlyhavetoturn,forinstance,totheCatenaaureaThomasstillhadtofinishit(LukeandJohnremainedtobewritten).Healso
wouldhavetodedicatehimselftothestudentswhohadbeenentrustedtohim.Hisfirsttaskwasthereforetheirinstruction.Hewasalsooccupiedwithacertain
numberofotherwritings.

Astotheteaching,itisratherdifficulttoformanexactideaofwhatThomasactuallydid.IfhehadindeedgivenalialecturaontheFirstBookoftheSentences,that
meansthathedidnotrefuse(atleastatfirst)toplaytheroleofabachelorofSentencesagainforhisstudents.Wecanallowthatthiswouldhavetakenupthefirst
yearoftheRomanperiod(126566).ButitispreciselyherethatwefindthemajordifficultythatpreventsusfromfullypursuingBoyle'ssuggestionaboutThomas's
possiblyteachingthePrimaParstohisRomanstudents.GiventhatthefirstbookoftheSentencesandthePrimaParshaveexactlythesamesubject,itisdifficultto
seeThomasteachingthesamematerialovertwosuccessiveyearstothesamestudents.

Therefore,thoughwemightacceptthathegaveanewcourseontheSentences,sincethelectordidnothavethesameobligationsasthemaster(althoughTolomeo's
textonthealialecturadoesnotsaylegit,butindeed

 Page161

scripsit,andalthoughthisrevisioncouldonlyhavebeenmadeinwriting),itislesscertainthattheSummaitselfbecamethesubjectofteaching.Nothingwouldhave
preventedThomasfromalsofulfillinghisresponsibilitiesasamagisterinsacrapagina.HemayhavereturnedtoamodeofteachingwithhisRomanstudentsthat
wasratherclosetowhathehadalreadyusedinParis:offeringclosecommentaryonabookofScripture(wedonotknowwhichone),aswellassessionsifnot
daily,atleastfrequentofdisputedquestions.

TheDePotentia"cumannexis"

ThedisputedquestionsDepotentiaarepreciselysituatedinthisperiod.TotheseriesofindicationsthatthescholarshavemadeavailabletousthatfavortheRoman
period,MartinGrabmannhasaddedamanuscriptfromtheendofthethirteenthcenturyorthebeginningofthefourteenthcentury,whichclearlyspecifies:Questiones
fratrisT.deaquinoquasdisputavitrome.1IfthefrequencyofdisputationswasthesameinRomeasinParis,the83articlesofthisworkwouldcorrespondtoone
year'steaching.ButwemaydoubtthisifwethinkabouttherudeswhomadeupThomas'saudienceatthetime.Wemaythereforeimagineasomewhatslowerpace,
whichwouldhavepermittedhimtofittwootherseriesofdisputedquestionsintothethreeyearsofthisRomansojourn:thequestionDeanima(21articles)andthe
questionDespiritualibuscreaturis(11articles)inadditiontodiverseopuscula.Thoughwecannotexaminealltheseatlength,wemusttryatleasttosituatethese
worksinthattimeandsayafewwordsaboutthemostimportantofthem.

Inapioneeringarticle,2FatherGlorieuxonceproposedsituatingthequestionDeanimaatatimealittlelater,duringthesecondParisiansojourn(1269).Hewasthen
followedthirtyyearslaterbyJamesRobb,anearliereditorofthistext.3Today,thescholarsseemtoagreeindatingthis
1.
Ms.Subiaco,Bibl.del'abbaye211,f.175r,inGrabmann,Werke,p.306.
2.
P.Glorieux,"LesQuestionsdisputesdeS.Thomasetleursuitechronologique,"RTAM4(1932)533wenotethatGlorieux'ssuggestions(followedbyGrabmann,etc.),proposing
todistributetheDepotentiaandotherquestionsbetweenRomeandViterbo,losealltheircogencytheminuteweacknowledgethatThomasneverresidedatViterbo.
3.
J.H.Robb,ed.,St.ThomasAquinas.QuaestionesDeanima,AnewlyestablishedEditionoftheLatinTextwithanIntroductionandNotes(Toronto,1968),pp.2737.Usingthe
sameolddocumentation,theauthorpersistsinthisposition,cf.St.ThomasAquinas,O.P.,QuestionsontheSoul[QuaestionesdeAnima],trans,withintro.byJ.H.Robb
(Milwaukee,1984).Althoughwecannotfollowhimonthispoint,wecanprofitfromhisintroductionaboutthecontentsofthisdisputedquestion.

 Page162

QuestiontotheRomanperiod.ThustheveryelaboratedresearchesofBernardoBazn,editorofthetextfortheLeonineCommission,allowustosituatethe
disputationofthesequestionsduringtheyear126566andtheirpublicationinItalyalittlebitlater.ThiscorrespondsperfectlytoGauthier'ssuggestionthatwe
considerthisquestiona''preparatoryexercise"tothecompositionofQuestions75through89ofthePrimaPars,whichitselfdatesfromthisepoch.4Baznalso
proposesplacingtheQuestionDespiritualibuscreaturisbetweenNovember1267andSeptember1268(Thomashavingdone,inthemeantime,thecommentaryon
Aristotle'sDeanima).ThisalsocorrespondstoasimilarremarkbyGauthier,whohadnotedthat"thequestionDespiritualibuscreaturisisclearlymoreattentiveto
anexactusageoftheNoua."5ThatjudgmentisentirelyconfirmedbyBazn,whobasesitonthestudyoftheuseofothertranslationsofAristotle.Astothe
publicationoftheDespiritualibuscreaturis,itdidnotoccuruntilthereturntoParis.

WewouldemphasizewithBaznthat,assometimeshappens,Tolomeoisrelativelytrustworthyhere,sinceheplacesthetwodisputesinItaly,thefirstalittletooearly
withoutdoubt(between1261and1264,underUrbanIV),thesecondatamoreexactdate(between1265and1268,underClementIV),butrelativelyrightintheir
chronology.6Bycontrast,itislesscertainthatweoughttofollowTolomeowhenhealsoplacesduringthisperiodinRometheDemalo(101articles)andtheDe
uirtutibus(36articles),forThomas'sprogramwouldthenhavebeentoofull.Thisisaquestionthatwewillexaminefurtheron.

InsofarasitispossibletodiscernaplaninthecourseoftheDepotentia,itseemsthatwecandistinguishthefirstsixquestionsfromthelastfour.7Thefirstsixineffect
aregroupedaroundthethemeDepotentia:(1)God's
4.
B.Bazn,IntroductiontoLeonine,vol.24(forthcoming)Gauthier,Quelquesquestions,pp.45253,note44bis.wenoteheretheincisivecommentconcerningthequestionDe
anima:"doubtlesstoolongtohavebeenreally[orally]disputed"wehaveseenabove(chap.IV)thatwemustconsiderthishypothesis.
5.
Gauthier,Quelquesquestions,pp.45253thisisalsonotverydistantfromthedatingofGlorieux(andothers)whoproposed:Viterbo,SeptembertoNovember1268.Wealmost
certainlymustnowsay"Rome"andmoveupthedatebyseveralmonths,sinceThomasleftItalyaroundSeptember.UntilthetextoftheLeonineeditionappears,cf.L.W.Keeler,ed.,
S.ThomaeAquinatis.TractatusDespiritualibuscreaturis(Rome,1937)cf.thetranslationbyM.C.Fitzpatrick,OnSpiritualCreatures(Milwaukee,1949).
6.
TolomeoXXII3839(ed.A.Dondaine,p.151):"Fecitetiamtunetemporis(scil.ClementisIV)questionesdespiritualibuscreaturis,demaloetdevirtutibus."
7.
Cf.M.Bouyges,"L'idegnratriceduDepotentiadeS.Thomas,"Rev.dePhil.31(1931)1133124668withthediscussionofA.DondaineinBT4(19341936),no.196,pp.140
42.

 Page163

poweringeneral(2)thegenerativepowerofGod(3)Hiscreativepower

(4)creationofmatter(5)theconservationofcreatedthingsinbeing(6)onthemiraculous.ThelastfourquestionsbelongbycontrasttoTrinitariantheology:(7)the
simplicityofthedivineessence(8)therelationswithinGod(9)thedivinepersons(10)theprocessionofthedivinepersons.Thissimpledescriptionclearlysuggests
thattheDepotentiashowssomethinganalogoustowhatwefoundfortheDeueritate:thetitleofthefirstquestionservedtodesignatethewholeserieswithoutbeing
exactlyapplicabletoeachandeveryelement.8

TheconnectionbetweentheDeueritateandtheDepotentiasuggestsitselfformorethanonereason:notonlyisthereaseriesofquestionsdisputedinbothcases,
butwearedealingwithgreattextsbytheMaster.Hisdisciplesarehappytoemphasizetheirmetaphysicalprofundityandtheyconsiderthemahighlyimportantlinkin
theevolutionofhisthought.9Thoughnotentirelyunfounded,thiskindofcommentaryleadstoaninflationaryspiralofpraise,whichimmediatelylosesallcredibility.Itis
simplerandtruertosaythatwecannottalkaboutcertainpointsintheThomisttheologyofcreationorofdivinegovernmentwithoutrecoursetotheelucidationsof
thesequestionshere,fortheyindeedaretheirheart.

ItsufficestorunthroughthetitlestounderstandthatreflectiononthecreationoccupiesaquitecentralplaceintheDepotentia,whereitappearsattheheartof
Thomas'swork.HeiscertainlynottheonlyChristianthinkertohavedevelopedacreationistviewoftheuniversefollowingthebookofGenesis,buthehasprobably
doneitwiththegreatestrigor,notonlyindealingwithquestionsrelativetothebeginningoftheworldortoitseternity,butevenmoreperhapsinunfoldingallthe
implicationsthatstemfromthebiblicalteaching.Tosaythattheworldiscreatedsignifiesthatitisentirely,ineachandeveryelement,inarelationshipoftotal
dependenceonGod:everythingthatis,isfromGod,Godgivingtoeachexistingthingnotonlybeing,butbeingwhatitis,andthepowerofactingaccordingtothe
natureHehasgivenit.

TheoriginalityofthisthoughtalreadypresentintheContraGentilesandtobefoundagainintheSummatheologiaeisthatthistotaldepen
8.
Theancientcataloguesaremoreexactinmentioningspecifically:"DepotentiaDeietultra"(PragueCatalogue,inGrabmann,Werke,p.92)orsee:"DepotentiaDeicum
annexis"[Ms.Vat.Borghese120,quotedinBT4(193436)142].
9.
SoWeisheipl,p.200:"infact,DepotentiaischronologicallyandspeculativelytheimmediatepredecessorofthefirstpartofthetheologicalSumma."

 Page164

denceisaccompaniedbyanequallytotalautonomy,sinceGodrespectstheproperconstitutionofeachcreatureandallowsittoactaccordingtoitsownlaws.Thisis
nottheplacetodevelopfurtherthisThomisttheologyofcreation,butweshouldknowthatitcontributestotheThomisticallyinspiredspiritualityoneofitsclearest
characteristics.IthasbeenprofoundlyremarkedthatifwehadtodesignateThomasbyareligiousname,wecouldcallhim"ThomasaCreatore."Thus,wewould
expressoneofthemostprofoundintuitionsabouthisvisionoftheworld.10

TheCompendiumtheologiae

WeshouldalsospeakmorefullyabouttheCompendiumtheologiae,writtenattherequestofBrotherReginald,apparentlyduringthisperiod.Scholarlyopinionhas
waveredforalongtimeoveritsdate:aftermanydifferentviews,MandonnetandGrabmannfinallysettledontheyears127273,datessuggestedtothembythe
work'sincompletenessThomas'sdeathwouldhaveinterrupteditscomposition.ForChenu,Motte,H.Dondaine,Perrier,andfinallyGauthier,theresemblanceof
certainchaptersintheCompendiumtotheContraGentilesissostrikingthatweshouldregardthemasparallelcompositions.Moreprobably,theCompendium
wasdonealittleaftertheContraGentiles,whichistosay,aswenowknow,intheyears12651267.11

Inanycase,H.DondainetakesupasuggestionbyPerrier,furtherworkedoutbyF.VanSteenberghen,accordingtowhichweshoulddistinguishbetweenthetwo
partsoftheCompendium:thefirst(Defide:246chapters)indeedgoesbacktothisperiodthesecond(Despe),interruptedimmediatelyafterthebeginningof
chapterX,maybefromalaterperiod.OtheroccupationswouldhaveforcedThomastosuspendhiscompositionaftertheDefideonlyafterhisreturntoNaplesin
1272wouldhehavebeenabletoreturntoit,againattherequestofBrotherReginald.Ineffect,
10.
G.K.Chesterton,SaintThomasAquinas,inCollectedWorks,vol.2(SanFrancisco:IgnatiusPress,1986),p.129cf.J.Pieper,"Kreatrlichkeit.BemerkungenberdieElemente
einesGrundbegriffs,"inL.OeingHanhoff,ed.,ThomasvonAquin,1274/1974(Munich,1974),p.47.AgoodanalysisofQ.3canbefoundinWeisheipl,pp.200211inFrench
perhapsoneofthebestworksremainsA.D.Sertillanges,L'idedecrationetsesretentissementsenphilosophie(Paris,1945).Sofarasweknow,theredoesnotexistaFrench
translationofDepotentia,butthereisanEnglishone:OnthePowerofGod(QuestionesDisputaeDePotentiaDei),literallytrans.bytheEnglishDominicanFathers,3vols.
(London,193234)inItalian,LapotenzadiDioQuaestionesdisputataeDePotentiaDeiIIII,ed.A.Campodonico,introd,byL.Tuninetti(Florence,1991).
11.
Cf.abovechap.6detailedreferencestothevariousessaysmentionedherecanbefoundintheintroductionbyH.F.Dondaine,Leonine,vol.42,p.8.

 Page165

illnessanddeathwouldhavepreventedhimfromcompletingthiswork.Thisconjecturalhypothesisabouttheendoftheopusculummightindeedcorrespondtothe
reality,butwemustnotoverlookthefirstproposition:thatthedateoftheCompendiuminitsfirstpart(theDefide)isslightlylaterthanthatoftheContraGentiles
makestheCompendiumprobablycontemporarywiththeDepotentia.12

Ratherimproperlyclassifiedamongthe"opuscula,"thiswork"little"onlyincomparisonwithThomas'sgreatworks(thoughunfinished,ittakesup125pagesinthe
Leonineedition)iswithoutdoubttoolittleknown.WediscoverhereanunusualThomas(certainpeoplewouldevenspeakofastyleBonaventurianratherthan
ThomasianintheDespe).Heiscarefultobesimpleandbriefhisshortchaptersrarelytakeupmorethanacolumnandfrequentlyonlyahalfcolumn(eventhough
chapterII9goesonfor12!).Thomasthusveryhonorablytakeshisplaceintheseriesof"abbreviators"ofChristiandoctrinewhohavenotceasedtomarkthe
centuries.

AcomparisonwithSaintAugustine'sEnchiridionsuggestsitselfdoubtless,ThomasborrowsfromAugustinetheideaofbuildinghisworkonthethreetheological
virtues.AlsolikeAugustine,ThomasdevelopswhatconcernsfaithinitsrelationtothearticlesoftheCreedthoseonhopebasedonthepetitionsinthe"OurFather"
thepartoncharitytakestheDecalogueforaframework.Thisplanisrathernaturaltohim:theDearticulisfidei,too,followstheorderoftheCredo,andheusesthe
samedistributionwiththethreegreatseriesofsermonsontheCredo,thePater,andtheDecemprecepta.Wegraspheredoubtlessoneofthespontaneous
orientationsofThomas'spastoraltheology.

Thereisalsoakindofpersonaltouchherethatweshouldnotfailtonotice,forwecanaddtoThomas'sspiritualportrait.Hegivesthetitleofnobilityonceandforall
tothepopularizer'staskbyexplicitlyputtinghisproposedbrevityunderthepatronageofthekenosisofthedivineWord,WhocontractedHisimmensitytothelimitsof
oursmallnessandplaced
12.
SeetheEnglishtranslations,onebyL.Lynch(NewYork:McMullen,1947),theotherbyC.Vollert,CompendiumofTheology(St.LouisUniversity,1947St.Louis:B.Herder,
1952).TherearetwoFrenchtranslationsoftheCompendium:thefirstwasmadeinthenineteenthcenturyfromthetextoftheVivsedition,bytheabbVdrine,"Vrin
Reprise"(Paris,1984)thesecondistheworkofJ.Kreit,Thomasd'Aquin.Brefrsumdelafoichrtienne,DocteurAnglique6(Paris,1985)thishoweverwasnotdonefromthe
criticalLeonineeditiontextandweshouldmentionthatthemissingparthasbeen"completed"withvarioustextsborrowedfromSaintThomasbutoriginatingindiverseperiods.

 Page166
13
withinourreachinabrief"Summa"theentirebreadthofdoctrineinthebooksoftheBible. Thisisthefamiliarthemeoftheuerbumabbreuiatum,the"briefword,"
spokenbytheLordtotheuniverse,whichThomasborrowsfromSaintPaul.14Infact,hecontinues,salvationformankindconsistsinthreethings:toknowthetruth,
whichisentirelycontainedinthearticlesoftheCreedtopursueajustend(intentiodebitifinis),whichtheLordtaughtusinthepetitionofthePaterfinally,to
observejustice,whichissummedupinthesinglecommandmentofcharity.SaintPaulsignifiesthisinhiswaybyteachingthatperfectioninthislifeconsistsinthe
observationofthe"threethingsthatremain"SaintAugustinesaysinhisownwaythatthroughthesethreevirtuesGodistrulyhonored.15

Withthispronouncement,thegeneralplanisentirelytracedout.Hecanonlyfollowthethreevirtuesintheirtraditionalorder,"forlovewouldnotberight[rectus]if
thetrueendhadnotfirstbeenfixedbyhope,andthatisnotpossiblewithoutknowingthetruth."16Thomasthereforecanconcludeinanobservationtohisreader:
"Youmustfirsthavefaithinordertoknowtruththenhope,inordertofixyourloveonatrueendandfinallycharity,bywhichyourlovewillbetotallyrectified."17

Astotheinternalorderoftheexpositiononthefaith,theauthorisnotveryprolix.Twolargepartsneverthelesscanbediscerned:thefirstdealswiththediuinitas
Trinitatis(chaps.3184).Itsplanisrathersystematic:firsttheunityofessence,thenthetrinityofpersons,finallytheeffectsofthedivinity.18Thesecondpart
developsthatwhichpertainstoChrist'shumanity(chaps.185246)itsplanisclosertothearticlesoffaithandthereforetothehistoryofsalvation.Itbeginstherefore
withrecallingoriginalsinandcloseswiththelastjudgment.ThetwoultimatetermswillbethesameintheSumma,butwedonotfeelinreadingtheCompendiumthe
clearlyperceptibledifferencethatweseeintheTertiaParsbetween
13.
Chap.1,beginning:"EterniPatrisVerbumsuaimmensitateuniversacomprehendens...breuefierivoluitnostrabreuitateassumpta...propteroccupatossubbreuisumma
humanesalutisdoctrinamconclusit."
14.
Cf.Romans9:28weencounterthesamequotationbeginningwiththehomiliesontheTenCommandments:Manifestly,noteveryonecanpasshistimeinlaboriousstudy.Thus
Christhasgivenusalawwhosebrevitymakesitaccessibletoeveryoneand,thus,noonehastherighttobeignorantofit:suchisthelawofdivinelovethat"briefWordthatthe
LordspoketotheUniverse"(CollationesII,p.26)cf.Torrell,Lapratique,p.235.
15.
Cf.1Cor.13:13Enchiridion,chap.3(BA9,p.204).
16.
Chap.1:"Nonenimamorrectusessepotestnisiprimodebitusfinisspeistatuatur,nechocessepotestsiveritatiscognitiodesit."
17.
Ibid.
18.
Cf.theconclusionofchap.2.

 Page167

speculativeChristologyandwhatisusuallycalled"thelifeofJesus."Brieferandsimpler,theCompendiumatfirstsightappearsbetterunified,andtheresultis
undeniablyseductive.19

ExpertOpinionsonSomeContemporaryQuestions

WecanalsosituateinthisperiodthefirstofthedoctrinalconsultationsrequestedfromThomasbyJohnofVercelli,whodirectedtheDominicanOrderfrom1264to
1283.InthetextknownunderthetitleResponsiode108articulis,Thomasgiveshisopinionasatheologicalexpertoncertainpointsoftheteachingofhisconfrere
PeterofTarentaise.Beforebecomingpope,Peter,thefutureInnocentV,haddividedhistimebetweenteachinginParisanddirectingtheDominicanprovinceof
France.20Givenhisprominence,thedossieraccusinghimwoundupinthehandsofthemasteroftheorder.

WecanhardlyspecifythedatefurtherthanthegeneralframeworkoftheRomansojourn.H.Dondainerepeatswithoutquestioningfurtherthedatesproposedby
Mandonnet:12651266orbyMartin:12651267.WeknownothingmoreoftheidentityofthepersonwhohadbeendisturbedaboutPeterofTarentaise's
orthodoxytheattackmayhavecomefromoutside,butitisnotimpossiblethatitcamefromaDominican.Inanycase,Thomasisnotveryeasyontheaccuser(whom
hecallstheobiciens):"Hehasnotunderstoodthepassage,hehasunderstoodaskewanumberofhisattacksareunjusthisobjectiondoesnotstand,themajor
allegationisfalse,andanothershowsaprofoundignorance.Whatisevenworse,severaloftheextractsthatheattacksarealteredbytendentiousomissionor
addition."21Weunderstandevenbetterthesharpnessofhisreaction,becausecertaincriticismsalsotouchedThomashimselfdirectly.22Thisisindeedthesameman
whomweencounteredinthequarrelseveralyearsearlierbetweenthemendicantsandtheseculars.

Inordernottohavetoreturntothem,letusmentionheretheothertwo
19.
Cf.P.Glorieux,"LaChristologieduCompendiumtheologiae,"Sc.eccls.13(1961)734fortheproblemsposedbyoverlappingofthetwokindsofdevelopment,of.Gh.
Lafont,Structuresetmthode,pp.12431sameauthor's,"SimbolodegliApostoliemetodoteologico:ilCompendiumtheologiaediSanTommaso,"LaScuolaCattolica102
(1974)55768.
20.
Cf.above,thebeginningofchap.VI.
21.
SummedupbyH.F.Dondaine,Prface,Leonine,vol.42,p.264,fromwhomweborrowmanyotherdetailsthetextisfoundpp.27994.
22.
ThismatterhasbeenwellestablishedbyA.Dondaine,"SaintThomasetladisputedesattributsdivins(ISent.,d.2,a.3),"AFP8(1938)25362bythesameauthor,"SaintThomas
atildisputRomelaquestiondesattributsdivins?"BT3(193033)17182.

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doctrinalconsultationsthatJohnofVercellirequestedfromSaintThomas.ThefirstistheDeformaabsolutionis,probablydated22February1269thisisan
examinationofananonymouspamphletwhoseauthorisdisturbedatseeinganindicativeformulaofthesacramentofpenanceexpandingwithintheorder:"Egote
absolvo."Thomas'sdoctrineoftheinstrumentalityoftheministerinthissacramentmakesiteasyforhimtorespondtothedifficultiesraisedinthenameofthe
deprecativeformula.23

ThesecondofthesedoctrinalconsultationsforJohnofVercelli,theResponsiode43articulis,isverywelldatedtoHolyThursday,2April1271(Thomasreceiveda
letterfromhissuperioronthevigilduringtheHighMass).Thestoryunfoldswithinahighlyinterestingcontext.24Again,somepointsofdoctrineareunderdiscussion,
butherecosmologicalproblemsoccupyanimportantplace(theactionofthecelestialbodiesonterrestrialphenomena,actionoftheangelsinthisdomain,thelocation
ofhell,etc.).Sincethemasteroftheorderaddressedhimselfatthesametimetotwoothermembersoftheorder,AlbertusMagnusandRobertKilwardby,andtheir
responseshavebeenpreserved,wecanreconstructwithgreatexactitudethetextoftheincriminatedarticles,andsimultaneouslymakesomeinterestingcomparisons
abouttherespectivewaysthethreemastersapproachedtheseproblems.25

ForThomas,thisconsultationforJohnofVercellihadbeenprecededbyanotheronthesamesubjectsbythelectoroftheprioryinVenice,BaxianusdeLodi.Itis
thusthatwehaveafirstResponsiode30articulis,addressedtothelectorofVenice,ofwhich27arefound,moreorlessliterally,inthe43responsestoJohnof
Vercelli.ButbyanamusingcircumstancethatsaysagreatdealabouttheclimateofintellectualemulationatVenice,Baxianus'sstudentswroteinturntoThomasto
submitsome
23.
ComparetheeditionofthetextandthePrefacebyH.F,DondaineinLeonine,vol.40,pp.C147L.Ott,"DasOpusculumdeshl.ThomasvonAquin'Deformaabsolutionis'in
dogmengeschichtlicherBetrachtung,"inFestschriftEichmann(Paderborn,1940),pp.99135.
24.
Cf.hereagaintheeditionofthetextinthePrefacebyH.F.Dondaine,Leonine,vol.42,pp.295346.
25.
ForKilwardby'sresponse,seeM.D.Chenu,"LesrponsesdeS.ThomasetdeKilwardbylaconsultationdeJeandeVerceil(1271),"inMlangesP.Mandonnet,vol.1(Bibl.
Thom.13)(Paris,1950),pp.191221,andhiscompletetextinH.F.Dondaine,"LeDe43quaestionibusdeRobertKilwardby,"AFP47(1977)550forAlbert,D.A.Callus,"Une
oeuvrercemmentdcouvertedeS.AlbertleGrand:DeXLIIIproblematibusadMagistrumOrdinis(1271),"andhistextinJ.A.Weisheipl,"TheProblematadeterminataXLIII
ascribedtoAlbertusMagnus(1271),''MS22(1960)30354[seconded.correctedbythesameauthorinAlbertiMagniOperaomnia,ed.Coloniensis,vol.17/1(Mnster,1975),pp.45
64].Numerouseditionsmentiononly42articlesforSaintThomasitisimportanttocorrectthiserror.

 Page169

supplementarydifficulties.Hethenredidhisowncopyrecastingfourarticlesintotwo,andthenaddingfivenewones,somearisingfromtheresponsetoJohnof
Vercellithathadcomeinthemeantime.Thus,thethirtyarticlesfromtheearlierResponsioaddressedtoVenicebecomethirtysixinthesecond.26

Astothesubstanceofthesematters,acomparisonofThomas'sresponsewiththosefromtheothertwomasterspermitsustoseethathedoesnotengagethe
cosmologicalquestions.WhileKilwardbyandAlbertdonothesitatetodoso,Thomasprotestsfromtheoutsetthatthefaithisnotengagedinthatmaterial:"Anumber
ofthesearticlespertainmoretophilosophythantofaith.Wedoagreatdisservicetothedoctrinapietatis,whenweaffirmorwereproveinitsnamethingsthatdo
notbelongtoitasiftheywererelatedtosacradoctrina."27HealsodoesnotseehowthewayofinterpretingAristotlerelatestothedoctrineofthefaith.28Whether
hellisatthecenteroftheearthorelsewhere,thatdoesnotconcernfaithandfortherest,itisuselesstoworryaboutthistypeofquestion.29Withoutspendingmore
timeonthis,weshouldremarkthatThomasrigorouslyobservesthesameattitudeinhisResponsioadlectoremBisuntinumde6articulis.30

TheDeregnoadregemCypri

TheproblemsposedbytheDeregnoadregemCypriarerelativelycomplicated.Simplifyingquestionsabouttheaddressee:theoreticallywemightchoosebetween
threecontemporarykingsofCyprus.Butasinglenameseemstofitwithalltherelevantdata,HughIIofLusignan(125367).Hisprematuredeathmayhavebeenthe
causeoftheincompletenessofthework.ThiswasthepositionofEchard,acceptedbyMandonnet,whichpermittedthemtosituatetheopusculumaround1267.
Eschmann'sefforts(followedbyWeisheipl)triedtomoveuptheterminusantequemto1265,
26.
ThesetwotextshavealsobothbeeneditedbyFatherDondaine(ibid.),towhomwealsooweadebtforhavingsowelldisentangledtheirinterspersedconnections.
27.
Resp.de43art.,introductoryconsiderations,Leonine,vol.42,p.327,II.2129Thomaswillrepeatattheendofhisletterthatobedienceconstrainedhimtorespondtosome
subjectsthatwentbeyondthelimitsofthetheologyfaculty(quamuisplureseorumsintpreferlimitestheologicefacultatis),creatinganobligationforhimthathisprofessiondidnot
atallrequire:"exuestrainiunctionefactumestmichidebitumquodpropriiofficiiprofessionullatenusrequirebat."
28.
Ibid.,art.34,p.333.
29.
Ibid.,art.32,p.333.
30.
Leonine,vol.42,pp.34956H.F.Dondaineallieshimselfwiththeproposaltodatethiswritingto1271foritscontent,cf.Torrell,Lapratique,pp.22425.

 Page170

whichdoesnotseemacceptabletodaybecausethecommentaryontheEthicsthatitusesisclearlylater(1271).Ifthatwerethecase,wewouldhavetopositanother
addressee:HughIIIofAntiochLusignan(125784),whomEcharddiscarded,sincehethoughtitunlikelythatThomaswouldhavededicatedhisworktoCharlesof
Anjou'sdirectrivalforthecrownofJerusalem.Whilewewaitforfutureworksthatmaybringussomenewlightonthissubject,wemustthereforehereregistera
marginofuncertainty,whichtheLeonineeditoralsonotes,followingtheindicationsofM.Grabmann.31

Withoutenteringtoodeeplyintothesequestions,weshouldrememberherethattheincompletestateoftheworkstimulatedthezealofTolomeoofLucca,who
bestowedonit62supplementarychapters,withaviewtomakingitcorrespondtothefourbooksitannounces.Thusfortwocenturies,fromtheinventionofprinting
untilEchard,whodetectedtheinterventionofaforeignhand,theThomisticauthenticityofthisopusculumwasfrequentlyquestionedbecauseofhistoricalinexactitudes
andthedoctrinalweaknessofitschapters.Thesedoubtsstillpersistednotlongago,forsuchascholarasEschmannseriouslyquestionedtheauthenticityofthe
work.32SincetheworkoftheLeonineCommission,thisdoubtisnolongerinvogue,butitisimportanttoknowthatThomas'slegacyinthisworkstopsinthemiddle
ofchapterII8(formerlyII4).

Accordingtotheauthor'sownwords,hewantedtocomposeaworkdealingwithroyalty,inwhichhewouldexplain"theoriginofroyaltyandwhatpertainstothe
dutiesoftheking,accordingtotheauthorityofsacredScripture,andseparatingcarefullytheteachingofthephilosophersandtheexampleofthemosthighlypraised
princes"(Prol.).ButwefindthatthecontenthardlycorrespondstowhatThomassayselsewhereconcerningthebestformofgovernment.Heusuallyrecommendsa
mixedgovernment,wherethekingcollaborateswithanaristocracychosenbythewholepeoplehereherecommendsanabsolutemonarchy.Weperhapsmustsee
thereasonforthisinthatheknewthespecialsituationinCyprusduringthetimehewaswriting.Butwemustalsoemphasizetheincompletenessofthework,andthat
theauthorcouldnothavereviewedit.

Wecannotsaymuchmoreaboutthiswithoutenteringintodevelopmentsthatdonothavetheirplacehere,butthereaderwillunderstandthatitwouldbeabad
methodologytopermitoneselfonthebasisofthis
31.
Cf.H.F.Dondaine,Leonine,vol.42,pp.42425.
32.
Cf.Weisheipl,p.213,note6,andseeabove,chap.l,notes65and67.

 Page171

textaloneashasbeensometimesdonetobuildupapoliticalsystemadmentemsanctiThomae.FatherChenuoncesaiditquitewell:"TheDeRegnoisa
pedagogicalandmoraltreatisefortheuseofaprince,notanorganicworkofpoliticaltheory."33Inresponsetotheindiscreetcommentatorswhowouldtrytousethis
textinaunilateralfashion,itisusefultoreproduceH.Dondaine'swarninghere:"Incomplete,perhapsofcheckeredbackground...thisopusculumpresentsitself
undersomeratherdifficultconditionsthoseconditionscallforprudenceanddiscretioninrecoursetothetextasanexpressionofthethoughtofitsauthor."34

TheSententiaLibriDeanima

BeforeleavingthisRomansojourn,wemustmentiononeotheractivityofThomas's.Toallhisnumerousoccupations,hefoundawaytoaddstillonemore,apparently
disinterested,butwhichrequiredconsiderablelaborfromhimintheyearstocome:commentingonAristotle.AsG.Verbekeonceshowed,itisattheendofthe
RomanperiodthatwemustsituatethecommentaryontheDeanima.35AtthetimewhenThomaswroteit,heknewThemistius'sparaphraseofthistreatise.Now,
WilliamofMoerbekedidnotcompletethetranslationuntil22November1267Verbekeconcludesfromthisthattheentirecommentarywasafterthatdate,buthe
believedweshouldpushtheterminusantequemofthisworkto1270.Thus,onlythefirstbookwoulddatefromtheRomanperiod(infact,hethoughtitwasfrom
Viterbo)Thomas'ssojournhavingbeensharplycurtailed,hewouldhavehadtofinishbooksIIandIIIinParis.

FatherGauthier'smorerecentworkconfirmstheseinitialresults,buthealsocompletesandcorrectsthem.36HeemphasizesthatthisisthefirsttimeThomasusesthe
Translationoua,whichistosaytherevisionthat
33.
BTII(19271929),no.297,p.[334].
34.
Leonine,vol.42,p.424thetextisfoundonpp.44971.InEnglishthereisOnKingship,trans.G.B.PhelanandI.T.Esehmann(Toronto:PIMS,1949).TheFrenchtranslationby
M.M.Cottier,SaintThomasd'Aquin,duRoyaume.DeRegno(Paris,1946),isfromearlierthanthecriticaleditionwementionalsothetranslationbyCl.Roguet,Dugouvernement
royal(Paris,1931),withaprefacebyCharlesJournet.Inadditiontotheworksmentionedinchapter1,notes64and66,wementionalso:L.Gnicot,"LeDeRegno:spculationou
ralisme?"inAquinasandProblemsofHisTime,pp.317W.Mohr,"BemerkungenzurVerfasserschaftvonDeregimineprincipum,"inVirtusPolitica,Festgabe...A.Hufnagel,ed.
J.MllerandH.Kohlenberger(Stuattgart,1974),pp.12745,butthesetwoworksarepriortotheLeonineedition.
35.
G.Verbeke,"LessourcesetlachronologieduCommentairedeS.Thomasd'AquinauDeanimad'Aristote,"RPL45(1947)31438bythesameauthor,"Notesurladatedu
CommentairedeS.ThomasauDeanimad'Aristote,"RPL50(1952)5663.
36.
R.A.Gauthier,PrfaceSentenciaLibriDeAnima,Leonine,vol.45/1,pp.283*88*,notably.

 Page172

WilliamdidoftheTranslatiouetusoftheDeanima.WhileThomasstilldidnotknowthelatterwhenhewaswritinghisSummacontraGentiles,heshowsa
firsthandknowledgeoftheNoua(althoughinadeficienttext)intheworksthatappeararound1268,whichistosay,inadditiontotheSententiaLibriDeanima,the
PrimaPars,andtheQuestionsDeanimaandDespiritualibuscreaturis.

Toallappearances,WilliamexecutedinparallelarevisionoftheTranslatiouetusoftheDeanimaandatranslationofThemistius'sparaphrase.Thus,beforethe
closeof1267Thomascouldhavemadeuseofthisnewmaterial,anditmayindeedbethisthatwouldhaveawakenedinhimhisvocationasacommentator.Hemust
haveperformedthetaskvigorously,sincethiscommentarywaspublishedinItalybeforeSeptember1268(hisdepartureforParis)numerousmanuscriptsattesttoits
diffusionafterthatdateandanotablefactwearedealingwiththethreeBooksintheirentirety.37

Wecannotexaggeratetheimportanceofthislastfactinthemanuscripttraditionitreducestonoughtmanyotherprevioushypotheses.First,itaffectsVerbeke's
theoryaboutthecompletionoftheDeanimaatParis,butalsoM.DeCorte's.38Thelatter,whofirstdiscoveredthatThomaswasquotingThemistiusliterallyinhis
commentary,hadalsobeenstruckbytheclearlyperceptibledifferenceinthenatureofthecommentarybetweenthefirstbookontheonehandandthetwolatter
booksontheotherhand:thefirstwasmoretechnical,thetwoothersmoredoctrinal.Toaccountforthis,DeCortethoughtthatThomashadtaughttheDeanima
twice:firstinItalybefore1268,andthatwehaveonlyBooksIIandIIIfromthatperiod.AccordingtoDeCorte,theSecondtimeThomastaughtDeanimawould
havebeenatParis,fromwhichwewouldhaveonlyBookI,inthereportatioofBrotherReginald.ThepublicationofthreebooksinItalyafter1268,therefore,seems
todisputethevalidityofthishypothesis,butevenmore,weknowtodaythatthecommentariesonAristotlewereneverthesubjectofThomas'soralteaching.The
differenceinquestionisexplainedthereforesimplybythecharacterofAristotle'sbooks.39
37.
Cf.,ibid.,pp.285*86*.
38.
M.DeCorte,"ThemistiusetsaintThomasAquin,"AHDLMA7(1932)4783.
39.
SeeonthissubjectthefullexplanationsbyGauthier,Leon.,vol.45/1,pp.275*82*wecanhardlyenterhereintothecontentoftheDeanimaseetheEnglishtranslationbyK.
FosterandS.Humphries,Aristotle'sDeAnimawiththeCommentaryofSt.ThomasAquinas(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1951)thereisnoFrenchtranslation,butwecanrefer
thereadertoanItalianversion:Tommasod'Aquino,Commentarioal"DeAnima,"translation,in

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

 Page173

Letusaddinpassing,foritisappropriatehere,thatVerbeke'sandDeCorte'shypothesesholdupverywellfortheDesensuetsensato.Itwasalwaysthoughtthat
ThomashadcommentedonthislittlebookinthecourseoftheDeanima,sinceitisthenaturalextensionofthelatter.EversinceFatherGauthiernoticedthatThomas
refersheretohisowncommentaryontheDeanima,wehavebeenabletoconsiderthelatercompositionofDesensuetsensatoasanestablishedfact.Thereis
anothernewelementhere:theDesensuwasnotdiffusedinItalyatthesametimeasthethreebooksoftheDeanima.WeonlyhaveaParisuniversitycopy.Wemust
concludefromthisthat,althoughthiscommentarymayhavebeenbeguninRomebeforeSeptember1268,itwascompletedinParis,sometimein1269(before1270
inanycase,thedateoftheDeunitateintellectus).40

WewillhavetoreturnlatertoThomas'sworkasacommentatoronAristotle.Butweshouldsayhereatleastafewwordsonthemeaningofthenewrolehebeganto
fulfillfromthisdatewemaythusaddadecisivetouchtohisintellectualandspiritualportrait.Fromthefirst,wefindheremuchintellectualcuriosityandflexibility,to
whichThomashadalreadygivenwitnesswithregardtotheGreekheritageofChristianity.Afterall,healreadyknewtheDeanimaintheTranslatiouetusand
nothingpreventedhiscontinuingtousethistext,whichhehadsolongconsideredagoodone.Butonthecontrary,hequestionshisknowledgeandrightlysoforthe
firstbookbysystematicallyconsultingThemistius'sparaphraseinthemostradicalfashion.

But,sincehedidnothavetoteachAristotleandhehadsomanyothertasksinhand,whydidThomastakeupthisnewburden?IfwefollowGauthier,theansweris
simpleandconvincing:ThomaswascomposingQuestions7589ofthePrimaParsatthetime,andthequestionsDeanimaandDespiritualibuscreaturisat
almostthesametime.Allhisthinkingbeingthenconcentratedonproblemsofthesoul,theappearanceofMoerbeke'stranslationwasaninvitationtodeepenhis
knowledge

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)
troductorystudy,andnotesbyA.Caparello,2vols.(Rome,1975).SeealsoL.Elders,"LecommentairedesaintThomasd'AquinsurleDeanimad'Aristote,"inthesameauthor's
AutourdesaintThomasd'Aquin,vol.I(ParisBrussels,1987),pp.5576.
40.
R.A.Gauthier,ed.,SentencialibriDesensuetsensato,Leon.,vol.45/2weknowthatthisbookconsistsoftwotreatises:DesensuexterioriandDememoriaetreminiscentia.For
thedate,seethePreface,ibid.,pp.127*28*Thomas'sreferencetohisowncommentaryonDeanima(II20,ll.2488,pp.15253,Leon.,vol.45/1)isfoundinDesensuI4(l.163,
Leon.,vol45/2,p.30).Onthisedition,cf.R.Wielockx,"Thomasd'Aquin,commentateurduDeSensu,"Scriptorium41(1987)15057.

 Page174

ofAristotle.HedidnotputasidecompositionoftheSummarather,hewasgiventhemeanstoitcarryout:"SaintThomaswillfindthisformulasousefulthathewill
applyitagainwhen,inthemarginoftheSecundaParsoftheSummatheologiae,hewillwritehiscommentaryontheEthics."

Otheractivitiesofthiskindmayhavebeenaskedofhimowingtodiversecircumstances,butweshouldemphasizethatthisworkinitsoriginwas"bornofthepractice
ofhisprofessionoftheologian":"Textsforrefiningtheinstrumentsoftheologicalreflections,thecommentariesonAristotleformanintegralpartoftheworkofthe
theologian,andthisisparticularlytrueofthecommentaryontheDeanima."Gauthierisrighttosay:"SaintThomas'swholework,includinghiscommentarieson
Aristotle,isthereforebyitsverynatureapostolic,anditisapostolicinitsentiredevelopment,anexplanationofthetruthasarefutationoferror."41Withoutknowing
Gauthier'swork,WeisheiplnonethelessentirelyagreeswithitinemphasizingthatThomaswouldhaveneverdedicatedhistimeandenergytothesecommentariesifhe
hadnotseeninthemanurgentapostolictask.42

WilliamofMoerbeke

WilliamofMoerbeke'snamehasalreadybeenmentionedseveraltimesinthecourseoftheselastpages.Hisnameisusuallylinkedalittletoocloselybythehistorians
withthenameofThomasAquinas,whichcallsforanexplanation.Furthermore,thoughthemanisnowalittlebetterknown,somehistoriographicalcommonplaces,
nowquitedated,continueneverthelesstohauntpeople'smemories.

TheFlemishDominicanWilliamofMoerbekeisacelebratedfigure,sincehewasoneofthemosteminentandmostproductiveofthetranslatorsfromGreekintoLatin
ofthenumerousphilosophicalandscientificworksthatwerewrittenfromthefourthcenturybeforeChristtothesixthcenturyofourera.Oneofhisbiographers
emphasizesthatthethirteenthcenturyowes"aspectacularwidening"ofitsknowledgeofthetreasuresofGreekcivilizationtoWilliam'sabilitiesandhistireless
labors.43Infact,thelist
41.
Leon.,vol.45/1,pp.288*94*thequotationsrefertopp.288*90*.
42.
Weisheipl,pp.31011.
43.
L.MinioPaluello,"Moerbeke,Williamof,"Dict.ofScientificBiography9(1974)43440,cf.p.434:"AspectacularwideningandincreaseoftheGreeksources...weredueto
Moerbeke'sinsatiabledesiretopassontoLatinreadingstudentstheyetundiscoveredorrediscoveredtreasuresofGreekcivilization,hisextensivelinguisticknowledge,his
indefatigablesearch..."

 Page175
44
ofhistranslationsisimpressive,andtheirdiffusionunderlinestheirimportance.

Withoutenteringintominutedetail,weshouldrecallthefewthingsthatweknowofhislife,fordatesandplaceswillhaveadecisiveimportancehere.Williamwas
bornbetween1220and1235inthespringof1260hewasatNicea(oratNicles,inthePeloponnesus)intheautumnofthesameyear,hewasatThebes,wherethe
Dominicanshadbeensince1253andwherehedatedhistranslationoftheDepartibusanimalium.HispresenceisattestedatViterbo,atthetimethepapal
residence,from22November1267,thedatewhenhesignedthetranslationofThemistius'scommentaryontheDeanimaofAristotle,thenagaininMay1268.On
15June1271,stillatViterbo,hesignedhistranslationofSimplicius'scommentaryonAristotle'sDecaelowiththetitleofapostolicpenitentiaryitispossiblethathe
exercisedthisfunctionbeginninginNovember1267,butthisisnotsupportedbyanydocument.

Aspenitentiaryandchaplaintothepope,hispresenceisattestedin1272atOrvieto,wherethepapalcourtwasthenlocated.HisknowledgeofGreekenabledhimto
takeanimportantpartinthecouncilofLyoninMayJuly1274.FromApril1278tohisdeath,whichwasprobablyseveralmonthsbefore26October1286(thedate
ofthenominationofhissuccessor),hewouldbearchbishopofCorinth,buthedidnotdieinthatcity.WefindhimagaininItalyattheendof1283andperhaps
earlier:givenamissionon30DecemberofthesameyearbyMartinIV,hispresenceisattestedatPerugiainJanuary1284heprobablydiedthereatthepapal
court.45

Thesemeagerbiographicaldata,whichwereevenmoreskeletalatthebeginningofthiscentury,forcedearlierhistorianstoerecthypotheticalscaffoldingsaboutthis
figureoneofthemquicklybecameakindofofficialtruth,repeatedwithoutverificationforseveralgenerations.Accordingtothisstory,Thomaswouldhavebeen
appointedtoOrvietoattherequestofUrbanIV,notonlysothathemightteachintheRomancuria,butalsoinordertocollaborateinthegreatdesignthatthepope
hadconceivedof
44.
Ascholarlyconferencebroughtthissubjectuptodate,andmanydetailsthatwecannotgointoheremaybefoundinJ.BramsandW.Vanhamel,eds.,Guillaumede
Moerbeke.Recueild'tudesl'occasiondu700eanniversairedesamort(1286),Leuven,1989.
45.
WeborrowthissummaryfromA.ParaviciniBagliani,"GuillaumedeMoerbekeetlacourpontificale,"inGuillaumedeMoerbeke,pp.2352cf.sameauthor's"Nuovidocumentisu
GuglielmodaMoerbekeOP,"AFP52(1982)13543E.Panella,"NuovetestimonianzesuGuglielmodaMoerbeke,"AFP56(1986)4955.

 Page176

layingthefoundationsofaChristianAristotelianism.Towardthatend,thepopewouldhavecausedThomas'scollaborationwithWilliamofMoerbeke,which
continuedlateratViterbo.46Inthisscenario,therefore,itwouldhavebeenThomashimselfwhopushedWilliamintohistranslationenterprise,inordertohaveathand
thenecessarypiecesforthisgreatwork.47

Aftereverythingthathasbeensaiduptothispoint,itiseasytoperceivetheweakpointsinsuchasupposition.Inthefirstplace,weknowthatThomaswasassigned,
nottobelectoratthepontificalcuriainOrvieto,48buttoperformthefunctionofconventuallectoramonghisbrothersthere.Thepopecertainlyhadrecoursetohim,
butinamoreoccasionalfashion.Furthermore,in1267,theperiodinwhichweknowthatMoerbekewasatViterbo,ThomashadbeenassignedtoRomefortwo
years,andnodocumentallowsustosaythathewouldhavestayedatViterbobeforehisreturntoParis.

Inaddition,weknowthatMoerbekehadbegunhistranslationworklongbeforecomingtoItaly,andhecontinueditwellafterThomas'sdeath.Thoughitiscertainly
truethatThomasusedcertaintranslationsbyMoerbeke(butfarfromallofthem)assoonastheyweredone,heresemblesinthismanyotherauthorsofhistime.But
themostnotablethingforourpurposehasbeenpointedoutbyGauthierwithregardtothecommentaryonAristotle'sDeanima.Thomaswasindeedoneofthefirst
tousetheTranslatioNoua,whichMoerbekemadeofthistext,buthehadathisdisposalonlyanimperfectcopy,whichledhimintoerroronseveral,sometimes
important,points.49NothingwouldhavebeeneasierforThomas
46.
P.Mandonnet,SigerdeBrabantetl'averrosmelatinauXIIIesicle,lrePartie:Etudecritique,19112,pp.3941.
47.
WealreadyfindthisaffirmationinalistofThomas'sworksdatingprobablyfrom1312:"Fr.WilhelmusBrabantinus,Corinthiensis,transtulitomneslibrosnaturalisetmoralis
philosophiaedegraecoinlatinumadinstantiamfratrisThomae"(CatalogusStamsensis,ed.G.Meersseman,MOPH18,1936,p.62,no.33)althoughhedoesnotmentionWilliamby
name,itisprobablyfromthistextthatToccoborrowshisinformation:"procurauit[Thomas]quodfieretnovatranslatioquesententieAristotiliscontinetclariusueritatem"(Ystoria18,
p.252Tocco17,p.88).
48.
Cf.abovechap.VII,notes46.
49.
Cf.thelistandthecommentaryontheseerrors,Leon.,vol.45/1,pp.176*99*,andtheeloquentschemaonp.175*.WeknowthatthemanuscripttraditionofMoerbeke'sworks,
frequentlyrevisedbyhim,isoneofthemostcomplicatedcf.theillustrationgivenaboutthisinR.Wielockx,"GuillaumedeMoerbekerviseurdesarvisionduDeAnima,"RTAM54
(1987)11385cf.J.Brams,"GuillaumedeMoerbekeetAristote,"inJ.HamesseandM.Fattori,eds.,Rencontredeculturesdanslaphilosophicmdivale.Traductionsettraducteurs
del'antiquittardiveauXIVesicle,LouvainlaNeuveCassino,1990,pp.31736.

 Page177

thantoconsultMoerbekeifhadlivedinViterboatthesametimeasWilliamdid.

DespitetherecentattemptsbyC.SteeltosavewhatcanbesavedfromMandonnet'shypothesisbyshowingthattherewas,allthesame,aprivilegedrelationship
betweenthetwomen,50wemuststatethatwehavenohistoricallytrustworthyproofofanysuchcollaborationbetweenWilliamandThomas.Wehavetoadmit,with
MinioPaluelloandGauthier,thepossibilityofoccasionalcontactsduringthebrieftripsthatThomasmadetoViterboinJuly1267whilegoingtothegeneralchapterof
BolognaandinMay1268,duringthechapteroftheRomanprovince,whichWilliamattendedasanapostolicpenitentiary.51

Thequestionthatstillremainstoberesolved(butaccordingtotheexpertsitisstillunsolvable)iswhetherMoerbekeexercisedarealinfluenceonThomas.Ona
doctrinallevel,wewouldhavetoprovethatoneoranotherofhiscorrectionstothealreadyexistingtranslationshadaneffectonapositiontakenbySaintThomas.As
totheAristoteliancommentaries,exceptforMoerbeke'soriginaltranslations,whichaddedsomethingnew,wewouldhavetoestablishthatoneofthesecorrections
hadsomeimpact.Inbothcases,theverificationremainstobemadetobecomprehensive,italsooughttotrytomakesurethattheinfluenceexercisedwas,indeed,
towardtheauthenticAristotle,for,accordingtoFatherGauthier,thecorrectionsmadebyMoerbekewhowasalreadyimpregnatedwithscholasticismarenot
alwaysfelicitous.

ThuswecompleteourdescriptionofthethreeyearspassedbyFriarThomasAquinasatRome.Sentthereunderobedience("fortheremissionofhissins"),notonly
washeconcernedwithteachingthefriarswhohadbeenentrustedtohim,butheshowedhowseriouslyhetooktohearthistaskasateacherandhowdeeplyhe
soughttherestructuringthathisresponsibilitiescalledfor.ItisultimatelytohisconcernasaneducatorthatweowetheSummatheologiae,whichwouldimmortalize
hisname.At
50.
C.Steel,"GuillaumedeMoerbekeetsaintThomas,"inGuillaumedeMoerbeke,pp.5782.
51.
FatherGauthierhasreturnedseveraltimestothissubjectcf.esp.Leonine,vol.47/1,pp.232*34*and264*65*(whichMinioPaluellocallsthe"bestcriticalassessment"onthe
question)vol.48,pp.xviiixx(Frenchversionoftheprecedingtext)"QuelquesquestionsproposducommentairedeS.ThomassurleDeanima,"Angelicum51(1974)41972,cf.
pp.43842,wherehedemonstratesthatThomasneverlivedatViterbo(wemustthereforecorrecthisearliertext).HislastreturntothispointisinNouvelleintroduction,chap.II.

 Page178

thesametime,heremainedavailableformoreoccasionaltasks,andthoughwemightsuspectthatthesetasksweresometimesaburdenforhim,wemustalso
recognizedthathehonestlyforcedhimselftosatisfythosewhoappealedtohim.Finally,duringthisperiodhealsolaunchedhimselfintotheworkofcommentingon
Aristotle,whichwasgoingtobecomeaconsiderablepartofhisactivity.Andthisoccurredbecauseofhisconcernbettertofulfillhisprincipalprofessionintheservice
oftruth.Ifwerecallthathealsopreachedatthistime,52wemustrecognizethathisextraordinarygiftsdidnotremainunused,butwealsounderstandperhapsalittle
betterthestateofexhaustioninwhichhefoundhimselflessthantenyearslater.
52.
Wehaveatleastoneexample:Tocco(Ystoria53,p.365Tocco53,pp.12627)reportsthatThomaspreachedatRomeoneHolyWeekafterhispreachingonEasterday,a
womansufferingfromaflowofbloodwasfreedfromherillnessaftertouchingtheholydoctor'scape,andshewentfromSaintPeter'stoSantaSabinatorecountthisfactto
BrotherReginaldcf.Naples75,p.369:LeonardoofGaetareportsthesamething,whichhesayshegotfromReginaldhimself,butheplacesthesermonatSantaMariaMaggiore.

 Page179

ChapterX
TheNewSojourninParis:
DoctrinalConfrontations
Thomas'soccupationsduringtheyearsinRome,aswellasatOrvieto,werenumerous,ashisworksexisttotestify.Yethisliteraryoutputreflectsacalmandserenity
thathavealwaysstruckobservers.Wesuspectthatheissometimesoverburdened,butheisneitherimpatientnorirritatedwithhisdirectinterlocutors.Ifheis
sometimesangeredbycertainerrorsintheSummacontraGentilesorinthecommentaryonDeanimaitisoveraconflictofideaswithsomephilosophersofthe
past.HedoesnothavecontemporaryadversariesconfrontinghimwhodirectlymenacetheChristianfaith.ButthingsbegantochangeuponhisreturntoParisthe
worksfromthisnewperiodattesttoanagitationthatimpingesonthepeacefultoneoftheworksfromthepreviousperiod.

DateandPlaceofThomas'sDepartureforParis

WhendidThomasreturntoParis?Historianshavelongwaveredaboutthismatter.Manyhistoricalessaysdealingwiththissubjectarestillincirculation,althoughthey
arenowmostlyoutofdate.Butitwillnotbeuselesstoreviewhereforthereadersomeofthescholarlygiveandtake.

In1910,Mandonnetsummedupwithgreatperspicacitytheresultsofhisinquiry:''Allthepositivedatathatwehaveestablish,therefore,thatSaintThomasAquinas
resumedhisprofessorialdutiesattheUniversityofParisprobablyinautumn1268andcertainlybeforeEaster1269.Anditisinthiscapacitythatheundertookhisfirst
quodlibetaldispute,ifnotat

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1
Christmas,thenjustbeforeEasterofthesamescholasticyear." Today'shistorianshavetestedandfurthersharpenedthisintuition,buttheyhavealsoconfirmedit.

TheproblemwithMandonnet'sassertionisnotsomuchthedateofreturnasthepointofdepartureforThomas'sjourney.Thisquestionisimportant,foritreflectson
Thomas'splaceofresidenceduringhislastyearinItaly.AnadmonitionofthegeneralchapterofBologna(July1267)recommendsthattheRomanprovincewatch
carefullythattheprioryofthecitywherethepopeisbepeopledwithintellectuallycapablefriars.2Onthatbasis,MandonnethadconcludedthatThomasmusthave
beenassignedtoViterbosoonafterthischapter,sincethepontificalcuriawasthere.Infact,asGauthierrecalledandaswecanseeinthepassageitself(seenote2
below),thetextinquestionspeaksneitherofThomasnorofViterbo.Andtheconclusionthathewasthere,arrivedatbyapurelyimaginaryinference,isnot
supportedbyanydocument.3

AlthoughMandonnet'spositionwasadoptedbyanumberofhistorians,4nothingallowsustothinkthatThomasleftRomeforanyreasonotherthantheshortabsences
requiredbythechaptersinwhichhehadtotakepartwemustthereforeconcludethatheremainedatRomeuntilhisdepartureforParis.5

NotextallowsustospecifyexactlythedateofthisreturntoParis.Mandonnet,whohadthisjourneyleavingfromViterbo,situatesthede
1.
Mandonnet,SigerI,p.88(seealsoprecedingpages).
2.
MOPH,vol.3,p.138:"PriorprovincialisRomaneprovincie.diligenterprovideat.utconventus.ubicuriafuerit.fratresydoneoshabeatsecundumexigenciamcurie.prioremspecialiter
etlectorem."
3.
Gauthier,Quelquesquestions,pp.43842,hasretracedtheratherinstructivehistoryofthis"sojourn"atViterboitwastheGermanscholarJ.A.Endreswhofirstspokeofit(in1910)
thankingFatherMandonnetforhavingrevealedtohimthemeaningofthistextfromtheBolognachapterforMandonnettheissuewassettledfromthatpointonand,withoutgiving
furtherproof,hesummedupthesituationthus:"AtthebehestofClementIV,hewasrecalled[fromRome]tothecuriaandresidedatViterbofromautumn1267toNovember1268,
whenhewassuddenlysenttoteachasecondtimeattheUniversityofParis"(Chronologiesommaire,p.144)wecanseeinreadingthispagethatthedeterminingelementforthis
theorywasThomas's(supposed)positionas"lectortothepontificalcuria"inthiscapacity,hewassupposedtohaveresidedatAnagnibeforearrivinginOrvietoduringtheyears
125961,althoughnodocumentcanbequotedinsupportofthisdeduction.
4.
WN,p.147Weisheiplreturnedtothissubjectinhisrevisededition(pp.230,473)Whileheexpressesthepositioninahypotheticalfashion,hedoesnotseemtohaveperceivedthe
forceoftheargumentsagainsthisview.
5.
WemightaddtotheaccountofthesebriefdeparturesfromRomeavisitforaChristmasfeasttothecastleofLaMolaraontheviaLatinaalittlebeyondGrottaferrata,atthe
invitationofCardinalRichardDeAnnibaldisThomas'spreachingcausedtheconversionoftwoofthecardinals'Jewishguests(Naples86,pp.38991).

 Page181
6
partureinmidNovember1268andthearrivalinJanuary. SinceThomaspreachedtwosermonsforAdventinBolognaandMilan,Mandonnetproposedsituating
theminDecember1268,onthewayback,beforeThomastooktheroutethroughtheAlpstoFrance.

WalzandVerbekelongagoexpresseddoubtsonthedatesproposedforthesesermonsandtheplausibilityofthiscrossingoftheAlpsinthedeadofwinter7people
generallychoseabetterseasontoconfrontthisroute.AstotheAdventpreachinginBolognaandMilan,thiscanbesituatedquitewell,asTugwellsuggests,in
December1259,whichistosayseveralyearsearlier,atthetimewhenThomaswasreturningtoItalyafterhisfirstteachingassignmentatParis.8

Afterreexaminingtheevidence,FatherGauthierarrivedattheconclusionthatthedeparturefromRome(andnotfromViterbo),couldwellhavetakenplaceseveral
monthsearlier.ThecommentaryontheDeanimahavingbeencompleted,sinceithadalreadybeenpublishedinItalyintheautumnof1268,nothingpreventsusfrom
thinkingthatThomascouldhaveleftatthattime(probablyinSeptember).9

GauthierthuscametothepositionthatG.Verbekehadalreadyreachedbyanentirelydifferentroute(althoughthedetailsinhisargumentcannotbemaintainedany
longer).HealsothoughtthatwecouldsaythatThomasmusthavedepartedbefore12September1268.WemayaddtotheseconsiderationstheinvasionofRomeby
ConradininJuly1268(SantaSabinawaspillagedatthetime),whichprovidesanadditionalmotivefortheearlierdeparturedate.10ForGauthierthereisnodoubt
ThomasleftRomeinthatperiodandtravelledbyboat(thestoryaboutastormthatheandhiscompanionsenduredmaybeexplainedquitewellasanequinoctial
storm).11

ThissolutionwouldhavepermittedThomastosavetimeandfatigue(ThomascouldhaveembarkedatCivitavecchia,disembarkedatAiguesMortes,andsailedupthe
Rhonebyboat).Italsopresents,inourview,
6.
Lecteur,pp.2631.
7.
A.Walz,"WegedesAquinaten,"HistorischesJahrbuch77(1958)22128,cf.p.135cf.WN,p.151G.Verbeke,JeanPhiloponCommentairesurleDeAnimad'Aristote(Louvain
Paris,1966),pp.lxxiiilxxv,note9.
8.
Tugwell,p.221.
9.
Gauthier,Leonine,vol.45/1,p.286*87*.
10.
Cf.A.Fliche,C.Thouzellier,Y.Azais,Lachrtientromaine(11981274),Hist.del'Eglise10(Paris,1950),pp.442ff.
11.
Ystoria38,p.321(Tocco38,pp.11112)LeBrunGouanviclistsaseriesofauthorswhocallthisthirdtriptoParisavoyagebysea.

 Page182

theadvantageoffillinginalacunaofseveralmonthsintheoccupationofthesecondDominicanchairatParis.MandonnetandothersattributethischairtoThomasat
hisarrivalinJanuary1269,butwecannotsaywhooccupiedthechairforthebeginningoftheuniversityyear126869.Mandonnethadbelieveditpossibletoplace
MasterGerardReveriinit,ofwhomweknowscarcelyanythingotherthanthefactthathediedatSaintJacqueswhilehewasregent.Itwouldhavebeenhisdeath
thatcausedThomas'searlierreturnbutinfact,hisdeathwassometenyearsearlier!12

ThehypothesisthatThomasleftasearlyaspossibleandbywayofthemostrapidmeansoftravelwouldthereforeallowhimtoarriveatParisalittleafter14
September,theofficialopeningoftheschoolyear.ThiswouldfinallyreturntoMandonnet'sfirstintuition,butfreeoftheadditionalinventionsthathaveobscuredhis
positionsomewhat.Thus,itseemswecansaywithreasonablehistoricalcertitudethatThomastaughtalmostanentireyear,andweshouldspeakof126872(rather
than126972),forthissecondstintofteachinginParis.13

TheMotivesforThomas'sReturntoParis

WecanonlyguessatthereasonsthatmighthavemotivatedThomas'srecalltoParis.ForMandonnet,theAverroistcrisiswastheprincipalreasonWeisheiplthinks
insteadthatitwasanewflareupinthesecularagitationagainstthemendicants.14Verbekesumsupthissituationverywellandaddsathirdmotive:athisreturnto
Paris,Thomaswouldhaveto"struggleonthreefrontssimultaneously:hewouldhavetobattletheconservativemindsinthetheologyfacultywhosawinAristotleonly
adangerfortheChristianfaithintheotherdirection,hewouldhavetoopposetheAverroistmonopsychismandfinally,hewouldhavetoprovideanapologyforthe
mendicantordersagainsttheseculars,whowishedtoexcludethemfromuniversityteaching."15

Itisratherstrikingtonotethat,inthissameyearof1268SaintBonaventure,speakingaboutcertainerrorsthatthreatentheChristianfaith,denouncesonhisownpart
atripledanger:theeternityoftheworldthenecessitasfatalis,whichistosay,thedeterminismofthewillbythestars
12.
Mandonnet,Lecteur,p.33thetextoftheepitaphthatMandonnetquotesinsupportofhishypothesisstillstands,however:MCCLIXdie...februariiGlorieuxspeaksof
February1260,cf.RpertoireI,andtheinsetbetween22829andno.23,p.123:"GrardReveri."
13.
Tugwell,p.221,andnotes24950,p.317,himselfcomestothesameconclusion.
14.
Mandonnet,Siger,vol.I,p.88Lecteur,pp.3138Weisheipl,p.23738.
15.
Verbeke,JeanPhilopon,pp.lxxivlxxv.

 Page183
16
andtheunicityoftheintellectforallmen.Thislasterroristheworst,addsBonaventure,foritcontainstheothertwo. Bonaventureisprobablynotspeakingabout
contemporaries,butweareveryclosetotheerrorsthatThomaswilladdress.Givenalltheworkthathealreadyhadunderway,thiswas,despitehiscapacityfor
work,hisastonishingconcentration,andhisabilitytodictatetothreeandevenfoursecretariesatatime,17morethanenoughtooccupyhimandhisassistants.

ThefirstfrontonwhichThomashadtobattlewasthedefenseofthemendicantreligiouslife.Sincewehavealreadyspokenamplyaboutthisearlier,werecallhere
simplythatthisistheperiodoftheDeperfectionespiritualisvitae(early1270)andoftheContraretrahentes(betweenLentandsummer1271).Wecanalsoadd
herethatThomasusedallthemeansathisdisposal:thesewritingswereaccompaniedbytakingpositions,atfirstoralandthenwritten,inthequodlibetaldisputes
(QuodlibetIItoV,betweenChristmas1269andChristmas1271)andintheuniversitysermons,notablyOsannafilioDavid(December1270)andespeciallyExiit
quiseminar(February1271),whichcontainssomeargumentsrepeatedintheContraretrahentes.18

Inthisfirstbattle,Thomas,andtheDominicansingeneral,aswellastheFranciscans,foughtagainsttheseculars,theircommonenemy,whosawscarcelyany
differencebetweenthetwoorders.OnetestimonyamongmanyothersisprovidedforusbytherefutationsofNicholasofLisieux,whowillrespondsimultaneously
bothtoJohnPecham'sQuaestioontheevangelicalperfectionofpovertyandThomas'sContraretrahentes.Althoughthetworesponseshavetheirowntitles,they
followoneanotherinthemanuscriptsandaresometimesdesignatedbythecommontitleContraPechametThomam.19Thereisacertainironyinthis,sincethe
EnglishFranciscanJohnPecham,whobeganhisteachinginParisalittleafterThomas'sreturnandwhowouldlaterbecomearchbishopofCan
16.
St.Bonaventure,CollationesdeseptemdonisSpiritusSanctiVII,no.1619,Opera,vol.5(Quaracchi,1891),pp.49596.
17.
Thisisasubjecttowhichwewillhavetoreturn,seethesectioninchapter12titled"ThomasandHisSecretaries."
18.
Cf.Kppeli,Unaraccolta,pp.6568and7288Leonine,vol.41,p.C7.
19.
Toourknowledge,theyarestillunpublished,buttheaccompanyingletterfromNicholastoWilliamofSaintAmourcanbeseenalongwiththeresponseofthelatterinChartul,
nos.43940,pp.49599seealsoI.Brady,"JeanPecham,"DS8(1974)647Leonine,vol.41,p.C5werecallalsoP.Glorieux,"UneoffensivedeNicolasdeLisieuxcontresaintThomas
d'Aquin,"BLE39(1938)12129,whoeditedtheextractmadebyNicholasoftheerrorscontainedintheDeperfectioneandtheQuodlibetIIIfromEaster1270.

 Page184

terbury,wasalsooneofThomas'sfiercestadversaries,thetypeperhapsoftheconservativeAugustiniantendencythatopposedthenewAristotelianideas.Historyhas
preservedtwounambiguoustestimoniesofPecham'soppositiontoThomas:unfavorablewitnessfromtheDominicans,20favorablewhenPechamhimselfspeaks.21We
canconsiderthecaseoftheDeaeternitatemundiasemblematicofthissituation.

TheDeaeternitatemundi

Thisbriefiscurrentlymuchstudiedbythespecialists,withregardasmuchtothehistoricalsituationoftheopusculumastoitscontent,forintheabsenceofdecisive
externalarguments,itistoquestionsofinternalcriticismthatwemusthaverecourse.22

ThequestionoftheeternityoftheworldwastheorderofthedayaftertheintroductionofAristotle'sphilosophyhadplaceditatahighlevelofimportance.23We
knowthatthemajorityoftheologiansatthattime,amongthemBonaventureandPecham,declaredthatitwasunthinkableandthatitwaseasytoprovebyvery
effectiveargumentsthattheworldbegan.24ForThomas,onthecontrary,onlyfaithcanmakeusholdthattheworldbegan,anditisnotpossibletoprovethecontrary:
mundumnonsemperfuissesolafidetenetur,etdemonstrativeprobarinonpotest:sicutetsuprademysterioTrinitatisdictumest.25Thisclearlydoesnot
preventusfrombelievinginthefundamentalandpermanentdependenceofthe
20.
BartholomewofCapualearnedfromseveralDominicansthatJohnandThomasconfrontedeachotherinadisputeatParisandthat"dictusfraterIohannesexasperareteundem
fratremThomamverbisampullosisettumidis,nunquamtamenipsefraterThomasrestrinxitverbumhumilitatissedsempercumdulcedineethumanitaterespondit"(Naples77,p.
374cf.Ystoria26,pp.28485Tocco26,pp.99100).
21.
WepossessthreelettersinwhichPechamspeaksaboutFriarThomasbonememorieandevensanctememorieandpraiseshishumility(Chartul.,,nos.517,518,525,pp.62427,
63435).
22.
Independentofthediscussionhere,letusmentionthesymposiumheldatNimguein1986:TheEternityoftheWorldintheThoughtofThomasAquinasandHisContemporaries,
ed.J.B.M.Wissink(Leiden,1990),whichisagoodtestimonytocurrentinterest.
23.
WerefertoL.Bianchi,L'errorediAristotele.Lapolemicacontral'eternitdelmondonelXIIIsecolo(Florence,1984),aswellasR.C.Dales,MedievalDiscussionoftheEternity
oftheWorld(Leiden,1990).
24.
SeePecham'stexteditedbyBrady(above,note29)orinR.C.DalesandO.Argerami,eds.,MedievalLatinTextsontheEternityoftheWorld(Leiden,1991),pp.6987thisvolume
gatherstogetheraboutfifteentexts,fromWilliamofDorham(endofthe1220s)toJohnofJandun(1315),withoutselectionsfromThomasorBonaventure.Thisselectionshouldbe
complementedwithS.F.Brown,"TheEternityoftheWorldDiscussioninEarlyOxford,"MM21/1(1991)25980,whichstudiesRobertGrosseteste,RichardFishacre,RichardRufus,
andprintsatextbyRufus(InIISent.d.1q.1).
25.
STIaq.46a.2.

 Page185

worldonitsrelationshiptoGod.Itisthereforethisthesis,whichThomasalreadyheldintheSentencesandneverabandonedafterward,thatissummedupforcefully
andinanewlightintheDeaeternitatemundi.26

Thedateofthisworkhasbeenhighlydebatedbythescholarsformanyyears.Giventhecontextthatwehavealreadynoted,Mandonnetsituateditatfirstduringthe
secondperiodofteachinginParisand,moreprecisely,during1270.Thatperiodsawincreasedacrimonyinthecontroversythattemporarilyculminatedinthe
condemnationof10December1270,pronouncedbythebishopofParis,StephenTempier.27Mandonnetadmitted,however,thatthisopusculummightbesituated
oneortwoyearslater.

Theplausibilityofthispositionhasledthegreatmajorityofspecialistsexceptforsomedissentingvoices(F.Pelster,F.HendrickxandTh.P.Bukovski,whowished
tomovethistexttoamuchearlierdate,betweentheSentencesandtheSumma)toadoptit.Whilerecallingthecontraryopinions,theLeonineeditionalsoaccepts
thistheory.28Butinsearchingforamoreprecisecontext,IgnatiusBradypublishedanoriginalessayontheoccasionoftheseventhcentenaryofSaintThomas'sdeath.
HeproposedtherethatDeaeternitatemundibeconsideredasareplydirectedagainstJohnPechamandbeseenastheresultofthedisputethatToccoand
BartholomewofCapuamention.29

Duringhisinaugurallecture,inthepresenceofGerardofAbbevilleandThomasAquinas,Pechamineffectwouldhavepassionatelyupheldthethesisopposedto
Thomas'sabouttheeternityoftheworld.Outofrespectforthecandidateformastership,Thomaskeptsilentbutuponleavingtheceremony,hisindignantstudents
pressedhimtointervene.Thenextday,therefore,duringPecham'sresumptioofthethesisexpoundedthepreviousevening,Thomasintervenedcalmlybutfirmlyin
26.
Cf.Sent.IId.1q.1a.5,whichrespondstoBonaventureSCGII3238DePot.III17STIaq.46a.2.
27.
Chartul.,no.432,p.487,prop.5:"Quodmundusesteternus."
28.
Leonine,vol.43,pp.5458(fortheintroductionofH.F.Dondaine,withearlierbibliographicalreferencesupto1976)and8589(forthetext)trans.AbbBandel,inOpusculesdeS.
Thomasd'Aquin,VrinReprise6(Paris,1984),Bukovskireturnedtothissubjectatalaterdate,notablyin"RejectingMandonnet'sDatingofSt.Thomas'sDeaeternitatemundi,"
Gregorianum71(1990)76375.
29.
I.Brady,"JohnPechamandtheBackgroundofAquinas'sDeAeternitateMundi,"inCommemorativeStudiesII,pp.14178,withtheeditionofPecham'stextcf.Ystoria26,p.284
85(Tocco26,pp.99100)Naples77,p.374weshouldaddthattheagreementamongthediscipleswhopressedThomastointervenedidnotincludehisownbachelorofthe
Sentenceswho,thatsameyear(127071),foundthereasonsgivennotcogentes,preferringhimselftomaintainthecommonopinion(opposedtoThomas'sview),cf.Leonine,vol.42,
p.56,note10.

 Page186

ordertoshowhisopponentthefragilityofhisposition.Nothingremainsfromthatoralintervention,butalittlelaterThomaswroteDeaeternitatemundi.Toall
appearances,thisopusculumrepeatsthesameargumentsthathadbeendevelopedorally,forThomasrefutesPecham'sargumentsstepbystep.

AfterfirstacceptingBrady'spropositiononthissubject,Weisheiplbeganhisowndetailedexamination.30Weisheiplarrivedatseveralconclusions,thefirstsomewhat
offthemainlineofthediscussionbutnotwithoutinterest,sinceitemphasizesthatthisopusculumisnotaphilosophicalbutratheratheologicaltext.31Second,
Weisheiplthinksthatweshouldlooknotforadirectrefutationofanythingbutsimplythemanifestationinbroaddaylightofanopinionthathadcometomaturity.Ifwe
recognizePecham'sargumentshere,Thomasinfactstrikes,withoutspecifying,allwhoopposehisposition.Inreality,thesamereasonsarefoundasacommonplace
amongallthosewhomtheoverlystrongpresenceofAristotleinthisfieldhaddisturbed.

Astothedate,WeisheipldrawsonastudybyJohnF.Wippel,whichhadputallthetextswhereThomasspeaksofthesubjectinchronologicalperspective.32Wippel
remarkedthatThomashadnotalwaysheldexactlythesamepositionatfirst,influencedbyMaimonides,whohadstronglycontestedAristotle'sthesis,Thomas
believedthatthePhilosopherhimselfconsideredhisargumentsasonlyprobablenotwishingtogivethemagreaterforcethantheirauthorhad,hethereforecontented
himselfwithsayingthatitwasnotpossibletoproveperemptorilythebeginningorthenonbeginningoftheworld.ButafterhavingcommentedhimselfonBookEightof
thePhysics,ThomasperceivedthatAristotle'sconvictionwasmuchmoreconstrainingthanhehadpreviouslythought.33Thisnewcer
30.
J.A.Weisheipl,"TheDateandContextofAquinas'sDeaeternitatemundi,"inGracefulReason.Essays...PresentedtoJosephOwens,ed.L.P.Gerson(Toronto,1983),pp.
23971,withaverycarefulstatusquaestionis.
31.
Weisheiplissupportedhere,andrightlyitseemstous,byF.J.A.DeGrijs,"TheTheologicalCharacterofAquinas'sDeaeternitatemundi,"inWissink,TheEternity,pp.18this
positionisdisputedbyJ.A.Aertsen,"TheEternityoftheWorld:TheBelievingandthePhilosophicalThomas.SomeComments,"ibid.,p.919.
32.
J.F.Wippel,MetaphysicalThemesinThomasAquinas,Washington,1984,p.191214:"ThomasAquinasonthePossibilityofEternalCreation"thisstudyhadappearedearlier
underthetitle:"DidThomasAquinasdefendthePossibilityofanEternallyCreatedWorld?(TheDeaeternitatemundiRevisited),"JournaloftheHistoryofPhilosophy19(1981)21
37withadetailedrecordofthevariouspositions.
33.
InVIIIPhysic.,lib.8,lect.2(ed.P.M.Maggiolo)(Turin,1954),no.986:"perpetuitatetemporisetmotusquasiprincipioutitur(Aristoteles)adprobandumprimumprincipiumesse,et

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titudefoundexpressionintheopusculumweareconsidering:notonlyhasthenoneternityoftheworldnotbeendemonstratednotonlycanitnotbedemonstratedbut
indeed,aworldeternallycreatedispossible.34

TheinterestofthisdevelopmentforourinquiryisthatitplacestheDeaeternitatemundialittleafterthecommentaryonthePhysics(126869).Anditconfirms,
therefore,itslatedate,ifnotexactlyinthesametermsasMandonnet,atleastwithanewforce,sincewecanthusshowthatitissituatedattheendofanentire
evolutioninThomas'sthought.Inourunderstanding,contrarytowhatWeisheiplbelieved,thisdoesnotatallforceustorenounceBrady'sreading,whichhasthemerit
ofgivingtheopusculumaplausiblecontext.35ThedebatewithPechamwouldhavebeenthespurtoThomas'sexpressingwithfullclaritythecertitudeatwhichhe
arrivedbyhisfrequentrecoursetoAristotle.36

TheUnicityofSubstantialForm

Afterwhatwehavejustseen,weunderstandhowPechamretainedastingingmemoryofhismeetingwithThomasbutwhatsetthesetwomastersatoddswasmuch
moreseriousthanasimplequestionofpersonalopinion.WehavespokenofAugustinianismagainstAristotelianismthatisonlypartlytrue.Todayitiswidely
recognizedthatthepartisansofthepluralityofformsclaimedthemselvestobeintheschoolofAristotleastoThomas,hecouldhaveplacedhimselfinanauthentic
lineofdescentfromAugustine.37Withmuchtruth,SaintBonaventurehadalreadyseeninthesecontrastingintellectualpositionsareflectionofthedifferencesinspirit
betweenthetwogreatorders:"Thefirst[certainlythepreachers],applythemselvesfirsttospeculation,fromwhichtheyeventaketheir

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)
hicinoctavoetinXIIMetaphys.undemanifestumest,quodsupponithoctanquamprobatum"seeonthisC.Stroick,"DieEwigkeitderWeltindenAristoteleskommentarendes
ThomasvonAquin,"RTAM51(1984)4368.
34.
SeethetextsreviewedbyJ.F.Wippel:Sent.IId.1q.1a.5SCGII3138DePot.III17Compendiumtheol.I9899STIaq.46Quodl.IIIq.14a.2DeaeternitatemundiQuodl.
XIIq.6a.1(wewillreestablishthemostprobablechronologicalorderinourview).ThispositionofWippel'shasbeencontestedbyT.Bukovski,"UnderstandingSt.Thomasonthe
EternityoftheWorld:HelpfromGilesofRome,"RTAM58(1991)11325,inwhoseopinionThomasheldthesamepositionthroughouthiscareer.
35.
Wippelaccommodatesitquitewell,cf.p.213.
36.
Weisheipl,"TheDate,"p.249,usescertaininexactitudesinToccotoconcludethatthiscannotbePecham'sresumptioBradyrespondedtothatobjectioninadvanceby
emphasizingthatwecannottakeTocco'sstoryliterally,sinceheisnotoriouslyuninformedaboutthepracticesofParisuniversities.
37.
Cf.L.Elders,"LescitationsdesaintAugustindanslaSommeThologiquedesaintThomasd'Aquin,"Doctorcommunis40(1987)11567.

 Page188

name,andinthesecondplacetounctiontheothers[thefriarsminor]aimfirstatunction,thenatspeculation." 38

Eventhisdoesnotsufficetoexplaintheviolenceoftheconfrontation,formanyDominicansalsoopposedThomasonthesamesubjects,suchasRobertKilwardby.
TherewastheconvictionthatThomas'sthesisontheunicityofsubstantialformandontheeternityoftheworldputthefaithindangerpureandsimple.Astothe
eternityoftheworld,wehaveseen,Thomaswasnotatallconvincedofitandperseveredinhispositionuntiltheend.Withtheunicityofsubstantialform,thedebate
movedfromthedomainofcreationtheologytothedomainofanthropology.

Farfrombeingnoveltoourepoch,thisproblemoccupiedmindsforoverfiftyyears.DomLottinoncethoughthecouldconcludethataround1230amongthinkers
suchasRolandofCremonaandPhiliptheChancellor,JohndeLaRochelleandevenAlexanderofHalesthereexistedveritableunanimityagainstthepluralityofthe
forms,andthatonewouldnotdreamofcitingtheauthorityofSaintAugustineinitsfavor.Rather,accordingtoLottin,itwasthoughtcharacteristicoftheJewish
philosopherAvicebron(IbnGebirol).39

Numerousotherworkssince40havemodifiedthisfirstapproachandshowonthecontrarythatthegreatestdiversityreignedduringthefirstscholasticism.The
partisansofthepluralityofformsmadeusenotonlyofAvicebron'sname,butalsoespeciallyofAvicenna'sand,throughhim,ofAlFarabi.41AstoSaintAugustine,the
uncertaintyofhispositiononthissubjectledthosewhowishedtousehisnametotrytoreconcilehimwiththeAristoteliandoctrine.Thusscholarswereledtoidentify
thetraditionaldoctrinebeforeSaintThomasasaneclecticAristotelianism,42or
38.
"Aliiprincipaliterintenduntspeculationi,aquoetiamnomenacceperunt,etposteaunctioni.Aliiprincipaliterunctionietposteaspeculationi"(InHexaemeron,XXII21,
Opera,ed.Quaracchi,vol.V(1891),p.440).
39.
O.Lottin,"LapluralitdesformessubstantiellesavantsaintThomasd'Aquin,"RNS34(1932)44967,withareviewofthepreviousstudies.
40.
InadditiontoZavalloniandBazn,citedabove,wementiononlyD.A.Callus,"TheOriginsoftheProblemoftheUnityofForm,"TheThomist24(1961)25685wereferespecially
toE.H.Wber,LapersonnehumaineauXIIIesicle,Bibl.thomiste46(Paris,1991)17119(fortheperiodbeforeThomas),12098(AlbertandThomas)thebibliographyisfairlyupto
date,butseealsonote63below.
41.
R.Zavalloni,RicharddeMediavillaetlacontroversesurlapluralitdesformes.Textesinditsettudescritiques,Philosophesmdivaux2(Louvain,1951)whileagreeingona
numberofpointswiththisfundamentalstudy,B.Bazn,"Pluralismedeformesoudualismedesubstances.Lapenseprthomistetouchantlanaturedel'me,"RPL67(1969)3173,
thinksthatitisbettertospeakofadualismofsubstancestocharacterizethepreThomistepoch.
42.
Bothlabelscan,withoutdoubt,bediscussed,butthewayinwhichZavallonisumsup

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43
inevenamorenuancedfashion,eclecticneoPlatonizingAristotelianism,emphasizingagainAvicebron'sinfluenceonit.

Alreadylivelyonthestrictlyphilosophicallevel,thediscussionbecameevensharperinpassingintothetheologicaldomain.Thepointofcrystallizationforthequarrel
wasoneofthosequestionstowhichthescholasticshadthesecret.44ItrecursunderdiverseformsinthequodlibetsthatThomaswasobligedtoundertakeduringLent
andAdventintheyears126970.Atthebeginningonequestionappearsthatseemsharmlessatfirst:''Aretheprecedingformsannihilatedbythearrivalofthe
intellectualsoul?"Thefirstquestionbringswithitaseriesofothersthatareapparentlygratuitous:"DidChristremainmanduringhisthreedaysinthetomb?"oreven
franklyoutlandish:"AfterHisdeath,wasChrist'seye'really'aneyeoronlyinanequivocalfashion?"rightdowntothequestiononwhichwemustpauseforamoment:
"DidChrist'sbodyremainnumericallythesameontheCrossandinthetomb?"45Theconstantreturnofthesequestionsindicatesthepreoccupationofcertainminds
theyappearfutiletoamodernperson.Buttheyreallyraisethemostfundamentalproblemsof

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)
thediversepositionshasatleastthemeritofnuancinginasensiblefashionanoverlyManicheanvisionofthesituation:"Thedoctrinaldebateofthethirteenthcentury
scholasticsisnotinvolvedinchoosingbetweenAugustinianismandAristotelianism,butinchoosingbetweenthetraditionaldoctrineandtheThomistdoctrine.Thetraditional
doctrinegraftsitself,asdoestheThomistdoctrine,ontosomeconceptionsofAristotelianorigin.Theexpressionthatmightbestcharacterizethetraditionaldoctrinewouldbean
eclecticAristotelianism,toopposeittotheradicalAristotelianismofSigerofBrabantandtothepersonalAristotelianismofSaintThomas.EclecticAristotelianismpresentsa
differenttintinvariousauthorsaccordingtothepredominantinfluencethattheyhaveundergone.ThuswecanspeakofaneoPlatonizingAristotelianisminRogerBacon,an
AugustinianizingAristotelianisminThomasofYork,SaintBonaventure,andRogerMarston,andofanAugustinoAvicennicizingAristotelianismforRichardof
Mediavilla"(Zavalloni,Richard,p.472).
43.
ThisisBazn'sposition(above,note41),whoagreesinusingthislabelwithF.VanSteenberghen,Laphilosophie,pp.181ff.(2ded.1991,pp.169ff.).
44.
ForthedebatepriortoThomas,seeA.M.Landgraf,"DasProblemUtrumChristusfuerithomointriduomortisinderFrhscholastik,"inMlangesAugustePelzer(Louvain,
1947),pp.10958.
45.
Cf.Quodl.Iq.4a.1[6](Lent1269):"Utrumformaepraecedentescorrumpunturperadventumanimae?"IIq.1a.1(Advent1269):"UtrumChristusidemintriduo<mortis>fuerit
homo?"IIIq.2a.2[4](Lent1270):"UtrumoculusChristipostmortemfueritoculusequivoce?"IVq.5a.1[8](Lent1271):"UtrumcorpusChristiincruceetinsepulcrositunum
numero?"werecallthatthesetitleswerenotgivenbyThomashimself,butaretakenfromthetextofthequestion.Zavalloni(pp.48789)believeshecandetectanevolutionbetween
Quodl.IIIandQuodl.IV,whicharefoundononesideandtheotheroftheepiscopalcondemnationinDecember1270.Astothefirstcase,ThomasconcludedthatChrist'seyewas
notaneyeinanequivocalfashion,asadeadeyethecondemnationledhimto"insistfurtherontheidentityofthelivingbodyofChristandofhiscadaver."Doubtless,butweought
toaddwithZavalloni:moreaverbalthanadoctrinaldifference.

 Page190
46
christologicalanthropology.AndwhoevergoesthroughQ.50oftheTertiaPars,forexample,willeasilyseeit. Inarticle5,Thomasreturnstothequestionwhich
hadalreadybeenputtohimindiverseformsduringthequodlibets:"DidthebodyofChristremainnumericallythesamebeforeandafterhisdeath?"

Tosumupthesemattersinasomewhatsimplisticfashion,forThomasinaccordwiththehylomorphicdoctrinehegotfromAristotletheintellectualsoulistheonly
substantialformofthehumancomposite,anditexertsthisfunctionatdifferentlevelsofthelifeofthatcomposite:vegetative,sensible,intellectual.Hisadversariesheld,
onthecontrary,forapluralityofformsaccordingtothedifferentlevelsand,intheeyesoftheseadversaries,Thomas'sdoctrinewasheretical,foritputindoubtthe
numericalidentityofChrist'sbodybeforeandafterhisdeath.Ineffect,thesoulbeingtheuniqueformofthebodyandChrist'sbodybeingdeprivedofittemporarily
bydeath,onecouldnolongersaythatthebodyinthetombwasthesameasthebodyofthelivingChrist.Itwasnecessarythereforetoadmitinadditiontothesoul,a
"corporalform"(orformacorporeitatis)thatremainedthesame,inheringinthebodybeforeandafterdeath,andthuswasabletoassurethecontinuityandtheunity
betweenthesetwostatesofChrist'sbody.

NomorethanhisadversariesdidThomasdoubtthenumericalidentityofChrist'sbodybeforeandafterhisdeathforhimneverthelessitisnotacorporalformthat
conservesitbut,indeed,thehypostaticunion.Abeingremainsnumericallythesame,heexplains,whenithasthesamesupposit,whichistosaythesamehypostasis.
NowithasbeenwellestablishedthatChrist'sbody,livingordead,hadneverhadanotherhypostasisthanthatoftheWord,forthehypostaticunionofthepersonof
theWordwithhissoulandhisbodydidnotceaseatJesus'death.ThebodyandsoulofJesusthusconservedtheirrelationtotheuniquepersonoftheWord.Andit
wasthisthatmaintainedtheirnumericalidentity.Thereisthereforenoneedtoinvokeahypotheticalcorporalformherewhenwehavetheguaranteeofanentirely
certaindogmaticdatum,definedatthetimeofthestruggleagainsttheApollinarians:thepermanenceofthehypostaticunionbeyonddeath.47
46.
ItwaspreciselywiththisquestionthatPechamquarreledinhisQuodl.IV,q.2,responsio[ed.G.J.Etzkorn(Grottaferrata,1989),pp.19798cf.L.J.Bataillon,RSPT75(1991)
510].
47.
Cf.STIIIaq.50a.5,withtheresponsestotheobjectionsausefulsummaryofthequestionanditsroleinthedebatecomesfromthepenofP.Synave,S.Thomasd'Aquin,Somme

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TheDeunitateintellectus

Onthefrontoppositetotheconservatives,Thomasalsohadtobattlewhatwasoncecalled"Averroism."Inthe10December1270condemnationoftheerrorsofthis
heterodoxtendency,StephenTempier,bishopofParis,assembledthirteenpropositions,whichwecansumupunderfourprincipalpoints:theeternityoftheworld,
thedenialofGod'suniversalprovidence,unicityoftheintellectualsoulforallmen(ormonopsychism),anddeterminism.48Representativesoftheseviewswerefound
primarilyintheartsfaculty,andwecaneasilybringforwardSigerofBrabantasthebestknown.49Recentworkshaveestablishedthatwehaveperhapsemphasized
Sigertoomuch.Hebeganpublishingin1265.Andifhefurnishedthelargestpartofthepropositionscondemnedin1270and1277bythebishopofParis,heisfar
frombeingtheonlyoneinvolved.Furthermore,thelackofpublisheddocumentsshouldnotleadusintoanerrorofperspective.50Aswegraduallycometoknowthe
periodbetter,weseethatBoethiusofDaciaandotherswerealsotargets,andBoethiusnolessthanSiger.51

Infactallourknowledgeofthisperiodhasbeendeeplyadvancedbycomparisonwithwhereitstoodatthebeginningofthetwentiethcentury52

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)
Thologique("RevuedesJeunes"),ViedeJsus,vol.IV(Paris,1931),pp.34554,AppendixII:"LecorpsduChristpendantlestroisjoursdesamort"cf.alsoL.B.Gillon,"La
pluralitdesformes,""Thomasd'Aquin,"DTC15/l(1946),cols.67884.
48.
Chartul.,no.432,pp.48687.
49.
InadditiontotheSigerbyMandonnet(1911),cf.F.VanSteenberghen,MatreSigerdeBrabant(LouvainParis,1977)B.Bazn,ed.,SigerdeBrabant.QuaestionesinTertiumde
anima.Deanimaintellectiva.Deaeternitatemundi(LouvainParis,1972)cf.alsotheeditionsofthedifferentreportationesontheMetaphysicsbyW.Dunphy,SigerdeBrabant,
QuaestionesinMetaphysicam(LouvainlaNeuve,1981),andbyA.Maurer,SigerdeBrabant,QuaestionesinMetaphysicam(LouvainlaNeuve,1985).
50.
Cf.R.Hissette,Enqutesurles219articlescondamnsParisle7mars1277(Philosophesmdivaux22)(LouvainParis,1977)wealsonotethat,in1277,Sigerhadalready
retiredfromteaching(andconverted!).HewasatOrvieto,perhapsforsomethingtodowiththechapterofLige,whenhedied,stabbedbyhissecretary(clericus),whohadgone
mad,duringthepapacyofMartinIV(128185).
51.
BoethiusofDacia(orofDenmark)isnotwellknownallthatweknowisthathewasamasterintheartsfacultyfrom1270to1280andthatheisdesignatedincertainmanuscriptsas
principalisassertorofthepropositionscondemnedin1277.Heleftrelativelyabundantwritings,thecriticaleditionofwhichhasnowbeencompletedintheCorpusPhilosophicorum
DanicorumMediiAeviwecanalsorecommendtheModisignificandisivequaestionessuperPriscianumMaiorem,ed.J.Pinborg,H.Roos,S.S.Jensen(Copenhagen,1969)(vol.
IV/I),and,moreimportanthere,theDeaeternitatemundi,ed.N.G.GreenPedersen(Copenhagen,1976)(vol.VI/II)cf.alsoG.Saj,UntraitrcemmentdcouvertdeBocedeDacia
Demundiaeternitate(Budapest,1954).
52.
SeeheretheinstructiveretrospectiveonthehistoriographyofAverroismbyR.Imbach,

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itisuseful,therefore,todoabriefretrospectiveonthissubjectinordernot"totraveltodaywithamapfromyesterday."Oncecalled(followingRenanand
Mandonnet)"LatinAverroism"thistendencywascharacterizedafterwardbyVanSteenberghenasbeinginsteadaradicalorheterodox(lesshappyqualifiers)
Aristotelianism.ButR.A.Gauthierhasshownthatthesemattersarerathercomplex.53

Inthefirstplace,astothedateofAverroes'entranceintotheWest,wemustplaceitatleastin1225,whichistosayatleastfiveyearsearlierthanthe1230
commonlyacceptedashortwhileagobutwealsohavetolookattheappreciationthatthirteenthcenturywritersshowedforhim.Inafirstphase,upuntilaround
1250,thescholasticssawinAverroesacommentatoronAristotlewhoshouldbepreferredtoAvicenna.Avicennahadmadetheagentintellectaseparatepower,
whichisamistake,whileAverroesmadeitapowerofthesoul,whichisthetruth.Duringthisentireperiodandbeyond,acertainnumberofotherthesesfromArabic
philosophypassedintouseintheschoolsandwouldbesohighlyassimilatedthattheirAverroistoriginwouldbelost(whichexplains,amongotherthings,howitisthat
ThomasfrequentlyusesAverroeswithoutquotinghim).

Butitwasonlyin1250,underaninitiallyvagueforminAlbertusMagnus,thenin1252,inamorepreciseforminRobertKilwardby,thatAverroeswillbeaccusedof
havingsaidthatthereisonlyasinglesoulforallmen.Meanwhile,SaintBonaventure,inhiscommentaryonBookIIoftheSentences,willformulateinadefinitiveway
the"Averroist"error:"Thereisonlyoneintellectualsoulforallmen,andthatnotonlyquantumadintellectumagentem,sedetiamquantumadintellectum
possibilem."54

AsGauthiersayswithoutmuchbeatingaboutthebush:"Everythinginvitesus,therefore,tobelievethat'LatinAverroism'istheinventionoftheologians.Ineffect,we
admitmoreandmoretodaythatAverroeswasnotanAverroist."55That"tendentious"readingspreadveryquickly,and

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)

"L'averrosmelatinduXIIIesicle,"inGliStudidiFilosofiaMedievalefraOttoetNovecento,acuradiR.ImbachandA.Maier(Rome,1991),p.191208.
53.
R.A.Gauthier,"Notessurlesdbuts(12251240)dupremier'averrosme,'"RSPT66(1982)32774"Prface"totheSentencialibriDeanima,Leonine,vol.45/1,pp.218*35*.
54.
St.Bonaventure,IISent.,d.18a.2q.1,OperaII,pp.44647.
55.
Gauthier,Leonine,vol.45/1,p.222*,withreferencetoS.GomezNogales,"SaintThomas,Averrosetl'averrosme,"inAquinasandProblemsofhisTime,ed.G.VerbekeandD.
Verhelst(Leuven,1976),pp.16177,whosayswell:"AverroesisnotAverroist.Ifitistrue

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Thomas,preparedbyhisMasterAlbert,tookitfromBonaventureanddenounceditinhisowncommentaryontheSentences.IfonethinksthatSigerofBrabant
foundthisthesisinSaintThomas,whomhereadassiduously,andnotinAverroes,theparadoxisnotminor:that"heresy"whichdidnotexistbeforethetheologians
denouncedit,existsfromthenonthankstothem.56

HadThomasalreadyheardsomeechooftheteachingofSigerandofhiscolleaguesonmonopsychismwhilehewasstillinItaly?FatherH.F.Dondainesuggeststhis
inreferringtotwoarticlesoftheQuestionDespiritualibuscreaturis(a.2anda.5)andtwootherarticlesoftheQuestionDeanima(a.2anda.3).57

Inreality,thisseemshardlyprobable.Ifwerecallthedateofthesetwoquestions(126566fortheDeanima126768,fortheDespiritualibuscreaturis)and
rememberthattheQuaestionesinTertiumDeanimabySigerarefromthescholasticyear126970,Thomascertainlycouldnothaveknownthembeforehisreturn
toParis.Itisscarcelyplausibleeither,intheabsenceofanytext,thatThomaswouldhaveknownoftheseideasthroughthereportationesofastudent.

Furthermore,asBernardoBaznhasshown,ifwelookcarefullyathowThomasdiscussesAverroes'noeticinthesearticles,nothingpermitsustosuspectthatheis
thinkingaboutcontemporaryauthors.58ItisratherathisreturntoParis,afterreadingthereportationesofthemastersoftheartsfaculty(andnotonlyofSiger),that
hetakesthemeasureofthedangerandsketcheshisDeunitateintellectuscontraaverroistas,justlyconsideredpivotaltothecontroversy.59

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)
thattherehavebeenAverroistswhohaveadmittedtheunicityofthehumanintellect,thatisnotthecaseforAverroeshimself,whoadmitstheindividualimmortalityofthehuman
soul,eveninthematerialintellect"(p.177)seealsothesimilarpositionsofM.R.RubenHayounandA.deLibera,Averrosandl'averrosme,QueSaisJe?2631(Paris,1991),pp.
78ff.opposedtothem,B.G.Bazn,"LeCommentairedeS.Thomasd'AquinsurleTraitdeI'me,"RSPT69(1985)52147,thinksthatAverroes'Grandcommentaireindeed
containstheerrorthatthetheologiansdenounceinit(cf.pp.52931).
56.
Gauthier,Leon.,vol.45/1,p.222*forSigerasareaderofThomascf.R.A.Gauthier,"NotessurSigerdeBrabant.I.Sigeren1265,"RSPT67(1983)21232,whoretraces,with
textualsupports,theroutethatwehavejustdescribed.OnThomas'suseofAverroes,seethelistcompiledbyC.Vansteenkiste,"SanTommasod'AquinoedAverro,"Rivistadegli
StudiOrientali32(1957)58523andthebrieferoverview:L.Elders,"AverrosetsaintThomasd'Aquin,"Doctorcommunis45(1992)4656.Morespecificandmoreample,cf.J.M.
CasciaroRamirez,LasfuentesarabesyrabinicasenladoctrinadeSto.TomssobrelaProfecia(Rome,1971).
57.
Cf.referencetoDeunitateintellectus,Leonine,vol.43,p249.
58.
Cf.Bazn,SigerdeBrabant,QuaestionesinTertiumDeanima,pp.70*74*.
59.
ThetextoftheDeunitateintellectuscontraaverroistasisfoundintheLeonineedition,

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

 Page194

Thomasdidnotthinkhimselflesswellarmedthanhisadversaries,andhefollowedthemontotheirterraininaclosediscussionofthetexts.Makinguseofthemost
recenttranslationsofAristotleandhiscommentators,heshowsthemhowmuch"Averroes"(inreality,Averroes"reread"bythetheologians)isopposed
simultaneouslybothtoAristotle'sdoctrineandtheChristianfaith.Hechallengesthemthereforetotakeintoaccountthisdataofcommonexperience:Hichomo
singularisintelligit.60

Theargumentseemstohavetroubledthem,Sigernotably,sincehewasalreadyareaderoftheThomasoftheSentences.SigerwasledtoreadThomasfrequently,
andseemstohaveevolvedafterwardtowardlessheterodoxpositions.WeknowthatinhisDeanimaintellectiva,whichappearedaftertheDeunitateintellectus,
whilecontinuingtopithisownexegesisofAristotleagainstThomas's,henamesThomasincompanywithSaintAlbertasbeing,bothofthem,praecipuiviriin
philosophiaandconcedesthattheintellect"intelligendoestoperansintrinsecumadcorpuspersuamnaturam."61Goingstillfurther,hewillwriteinhisSuperDe
causis:"Intellectus...naturaliterestunituscorpori...animaintellectivaestcorporisperfectioetforma."62ThiswritingmanifestlyusesThomas'sSuperDecausis,
aswellasthePrimaParsandtheSuperPhysicam.63

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)
vol.43,pp.289314lackingthat,onemightusetheeditionbyL.W.Keeler,S.ThomaeAquinatisTractatusdeunitateintellectuscontraaverroistas,Textusetdocumenta,Series
philosophica12(Rome,1936)(seetheremarksbyF.VanSteenberghen,"CorrectionsautextesduDeunitateintellectusdeThomasd'Aquin,"Bull.SIEPM19(1977)6567,
especiallyproposKeeler'sedition)FrenchtranslationbytheAbbBandel,VrinReprise3(Paris,1984)therearealsotranslationsinvariouslanguages(English,Spanish,
Italian).SeeCatalogueattheendofthepresentvolume.SincetheFrencheditionofthisbook,afirstrankbookonthissubjecthasappeared:Thomasd'Aquin,L'Unitde
l'intellectcontrelesaverrostes,suividestextescontreAverrsantrieurs1270,trans,andintro.A.deLibera(Paris:GFFlammarion,1994).
60.
ThiswasalreadytheargumentintheQ.Deanima,a.2:"Siautemintellectuspossibilisessetsubstantiaseparata,impossibileessetquodeointelligerethomo."
61.
Siger,Deanimaintellectiva,ed.Bazn,pp.81and85itwasthoughtuntilashortwhileagothattherehadbeenbetweenthesetwowritingsaDeintellectu,bySiger,directly
addressedtoThomas,inwhichtheauthorshowedhimselfstilltobeveryradicalaccordingtothefragmentsthatwereknownofit(cf.Bazn,ibid.,p.75),butsomeseriousdoubts
haverecentlyemergedabouttheexistenceofthistext,andthefragmentsinquestionseemtobelongrathertotheTertiumDeanima.Cf.A.Pattin,"Notesconcernantquelquescrits
attribusSigerdeBrabant,"Bull.dePhil.mdivale29(1987)17377.
62.
Siger,SuperDecausis,ed.Marlasca,p.106,quotedbyLeonine,vol.45,p.250.
63.
Cf.Bazan,Siger,ibid.,p.74*77*H.F.Dondaine,Leonine,vol.43,pp.24851VanSteenberghen,LaphilosophieauXIIIesicle,pp.43056(2ded.1991,pp.38798).The
Leoninegivesthefollowingchronology:(1)Thomas,SentencialibriDeanima(2)Siger,In

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

 Page195

Thesediscussions,toobrieflydescribedhere,arenotofpurelyintellectualinteresttheyarealsoimportanttoanunderstandingofThomas'spersonality.The
biographicalsourcesunderlineThomas'sgoodwillandhishumilityinconfrontationwithPechaminspiteofthelatter'simpetuosity,anditistruethatPechamhimself(a
proposofanotherepisode?)emphasizesThomas'shumility.64ButweshouldalsostressthatinthesecontroversiesThomasappearshimselfagain:abattlerwhodoes
nothesitatetofightwhenitisnecessaryandwhoisreadytorespondtoanychallenge.65Loyalandrigorouscertainly,butalsoimpatientinpolemicswhenfacedwith
adversarieswhodonotunderstandtheweightofanargument,indignantwhentheyquestionthingsinvolvingthefaith66andevenironic,aswhenheaddresseshimself
tothem,paraphrasingJob12:2,asiftheyweretheonlyreasonablebeingsamongwhomwisdomhadappeared.67

Morethanthesecharactertraits,however,whichdonotshowThomasinthebestlightbutdotranslateintheirwaytheardorofthecontroversyandtheconcernofthe
believeratthesequestionings,weretainfromallthisThomas'sdesirenottocompromisethefaithunderpretextofdefendingitbyineffectiveargument.Thisoccurs
sometimesintheologicalcircles,whenthefaithissurreptitiouslyinvokedtogiveaforcetoargumentsthattheythemselvesdonotalwayshave.Thomasthinksabout
theimagethattheologygivesofitselftosomeredoubtabledialecticiansinthefacultyofartsand,attheriskofrenderingthetasktemporarilymoredifficult,herefuses
todepreciatethedemandsofreason.

Thushenotonlygivesaproofofhisintellectualloyaltybutalsoelicitsrespectfromhistoughestadversaries,whowillthusacceptdialoguewithhimSigerfor
example.HethinksalsoofGod'stranscendence,whichinadequateapologistsrenderridiculous.Thisisnotsimplytheattitudeof

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)
TertiumDeanima(126970)(3)Thomas,Deunitateintellectus(1270)Siger,Deintellectu(1270butcf.above,note52)[theCensureofthetenpropositions(10December
1270)](5)Thomas,SuperDecausis(1272)(6)Siger,Deanimaintellectiva(127374)(7)Siger,SuperDecausis(127476).FortherelationsbetweenThomasandSigerwe
shouldrecalltheimportantstudybyB.C.Bazn,"LedialoguephilosophiqueentreSigerdeBrabantetThomasd'Aquin.Aproposd'unouvragercentdeE.H.WberO.P.,"RPL
72(1974)53155,whopertinentlydiscussesthethesesofL'hommeendiscussionl'UniversitdeParisen1270.Lacontroversede1270l'UniversitdeParisetson
retentissementsurlapensedeS.Thomasd'Aquin,Bibl.thom.40(Paris,1970).
64.
Cf.above,note21.
65.
Deunitate,conclusion.
66.
DeunitateIV,ll.31519ibid.V,ll.42230.
67.
Deaeternitate,Leonine,vol.43,p.88,l.254cf.pp.8687,ll.11517.

 Page196

athinkerandprofessor,itisalsothatofaconcernedpreacherofthefaithtoafaithfulpeople.InthesermonAttenditeafalsisprophetis,whichdenouncesilliqui
dicuntquodmundusestaeternus,heputsonguardthosewhoraiseobjectionsthattheydonotknowhowtoresolve,foronethusgivesoverreasontothe
adversary:"Idemestdubitationemmovereeteamnonsolvere,quodeamconcedere."68
68.
Sermonesetopusculaconcionatoria,ed.J.B.Raulx,vol.I(Paris,1881),pp.48687(ed.S.E.Frett[Vivs],vol.32,p.676)cf.V.Serverat,"L'irrisiofideichezRaymondLulleet
S.Thomasd'Aquin,"RT90(1990)43648.

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ChapterXI
TheSecondPeriodofTeachingatParis:
(12681272)
ThemotivesforThomas'sreturntoParishaveledustospeakfirstofhisengagementincontemporarycontroversies.Itisimportant,nevertheless,nottocommita
frequenterrorofperspectiveandtoimaginethathewasmixedupinthesematterstosuchanextentthathededicatedallhistimetothem.Farfromit!Hisprincipal
occupationremainedteachingsacrapagina,anditistothisperiodthatweowesomeofhismostcelebratedworks:thescripturalcommentariesanddisputed
questions.

I
ScripturalCommentariesandDisputedQuestions

WealreadyknowthatwemustsituateduringthissojournthelecturesontheGospelofSaintMatthew,reportedonbyPeterd'AndriaandLgerdeBesanon,which
toallappearanceswerethesubjectofThomas'scoursesintheacademicyear126970.1Itstillremainsforustosituatethetwogreatworks:thelecturesonthe
FourthGospelandontheEpistlesofSaintPaul.Thequestionsabouttheseworksarenumerousandtheywillremainsoforalongtimeuntilthecriticaleditionofthe
textswillhaveallowedustoreplacehypotheses,ifnotalwayswithcertitude,thenatleastwithmorecertaindata.
1.
Cf.above,ourchap.IV.

 Page198

TheLecturasuperIoannem

ItseemsthatwemayattributetheLecturasuperIoannemwithsufficientcertitudetothissecondperiodofteachingatParis.Unlesswearemistaken,themajorityof
authors(Glorieux,Eschmann,Weisheipl),agreeonthistemporalframework,butwithoutbeinganymoreprecisethanthat.Mandonnet,whoplacedtheIn
MatthaeumduringthefirstperiodofteachingatParis,andtheExpositioinJobatthebeginningofthesecond(accordingtohim,JanuarytoJune1269),thoughthe
couldsituatetheSuperloannemduringthefollowingtwoyears,1269to1271.2

ThetentativechronologyfortheSuperMatthaeumleadsusrathertoshiftthisproposalbyayear.ThecourseonSaintJohn,therefore,wouldhavebeengivenin
1270to1272.3Butthequestionsonthispointarestillmorenumerousthantheanswers.IfasMandonnetbelievedhejudgedonthebasisofthenumberoflectures
aswefindthemintheprintededitionsThomasneededtwoyearstoteachSaintJohn,wewouldthenhavetoshiftthelecturesonSaintPaultotheperiodatNaples.
Thisappearsplausible,aswewillsee,butweshouldnotbaseitonMandonnet'sreasoning.Weknowtodaythatthedivisionsoftheprintedtextsdonotcorrespond
tothosethatwefindinthemanuscriptstherewouldnot,therefore,beanythingconstraininginthedivisions,andwecouldenvisageanotherwayofviewingthings.

ItistruethatthesizeoftheSuperloanneminvitesusatfirsttoallowitmoretime,butitisalsopossiblethatthisgreaterextensionstemsfromarewritingdoneeither
byThomas(ratherunlikely)orbyReginald(morelikely).4Weknow,throughthetestimonyoftheprincipalmanuscripts,thatReginaldreportedonthiscourseonSaint
Johnattherequestofcertainconfreres,especiallytheprovostofSaintOmer.Thispassageisimportantenoughtowarranttranslation:
HerethereforeiswhatI,FriarReginaldofPiperno,oftheOrderofPreachers,attherequestofcertaincompanionsandparticularlyattheorderofthereverendFatherLordProvost
ofSaintOmer,havegatheredtogetherinfol

2.
Mandonnet,Chronologiedescritsscripturaires,pp.5059.
3.
WethusagreewithC.Spicq'ssuggestion,Esquisse,p.311,whosuggests127071without,however,explaininghimselfWeisheipl(p.372)heldtotheframework126972without
specifyingfurther.
4.
WecanverifypreciselythisphenomenonofamplificationinthecaseofthepreachingontheDecalogue,whereweseeanincrease,sometimesoftwotoone,incomparingthe
rewrittentextwiththetextofthereportatio.Cf.Collationes,ed.Torrell,pp.1718.

 Page199
5
lowingFatherThomasAquinasjustlikehewhogathersthegrapes[left]aftertheharvest.PleaseGodthatitisnottooinadequatetothework.

Theprovost,identifiedelsewhereashavingbeenAdenulfofAnagni,wasatthetimeoneofThomas'sstudents,andprobablycontributedtotheincidentalcostsofthe
operation(parchment,recopying).6AsthislaborofreportingwascustomaryforReginaldandhewasnotalwaysspecificaboutit,wemustdoubtlessunderstandin
thisreferencethathenotonlytooknoteslisteningtohismasterbutalsoclarifiedthematAdenulf'srequest.Thiswouldhavebeengreatlyfacilitatedforhimfurtherby
thefactthatThomashadalreadycomposedtheCatenaonJohn,andReginalddrewmassivelyonthatworkthatisalsowhywefindthesamepatristicsources,
ChrysostomandAugustine,inparticularinthetwoworks.7

WerecallthatBartholomewofCapuaandTolomeoofLuccastatethatthisReportatiowasrevisedbyThomas.Inlightofhisotheroccupationsduringthistime(we
willreturntothislater),thisseemsimprobableenoughReginaldwouldnothavefailedtoemphasizeitand,ifThomashaddonetherevision,Reginaldwouldnever
havedaredtowriteutinamnondiminute.Thereasonthat''wedonotfindabetter"reportatiothanthisshouldratherbesoughtinthecarefulworkthathecarried
out.Ifthishypothesisofanamplifiedrevisioniswellfounded,wecanthengeneralizewithanobservation(towhichwewillsoonreturn)aboutthefrequencyofthe
disputedquestions.Andwemaysupposethat,forthecourseonSaintJohn,Thomasadoptedalightenedteachingloadinordertoreservemoretimeforhisother
works.

Toallappearances,ThomastookthebooksoftheNewTestamentintheircanonicalorder.InpassingdirectlyfromMatthewtoJohn,hemusthavethoughtthat
MatthewtooktheplaceofthetwootherSynoptics,whileJohnhadsomethingspecialtosay.Furthermore,heisclearenoughon
5.
"HaecergosuntquaeegoFraterReginaldusdePiperno,ordinisPraedicatorum,adprecesquorundamsociorumetspecialiteradmandatumReverendiParrisDominipraepositi
SanctiAudomaripostfratremThomamdeAquino,quasiquicolligitracemospostvindemiam,utinamnondiminute,collegi"(colophonofms.Paris,Mazarine,801(177),
accordingtoMandonnet,Descritsauthentiques,p.39,notel).ThesametextistranscribedalittlemorefullybyGauthier,Angelicum51(1974)456.
6.
Cf.Mandonnet,Chronologiedescritsscripturaires,pp.5658Adenulf,nephewofPopeGregoryIX,canonofNotreDame,masteroftheologyin1272,electedbishopofParisin
1288,hadhimselfcarried,alreadyill,toSaintVictor,wherehediedinmonk'sgarbin1289.Cf.LexikondesMittel.1(1980),col.149.
7.
ThismatterhasbeenestablishedbeyondalldisputebyConticello,SanTommasoediPadri,pp.7986.

 Page200

thissubjectinhisPrologue:"TheotherevangelistsdealprincipallywiththemysteriesofChrist'shumanityinhisGospel,JohnputsfirstandinaspecialwayChrist's
divinity."

Thesefewwordsfurnishthereaderwithapreciousreadingguide,forthissamestatementreturnsattheendofthebook.WhenhecommentsontherisenJesus'
appearancetotheapostlewhohadnotbelievedupuntilthenandwhocriedout"MyLordandMyGod,"Thomasexplainswhathadoccurredtohispatronsaintthus:
"Inconfessingthetruefaith,Thomasimmediatelybecameagoodtheologian[statimfactusestThomasbonustheologus,veramfidemconfitendo][who
recognized]Christ'shumanity...andhisdivinity."ItwaswithoutdoubtforthesamereasonthatThomas,atthebeginningofhisLecturafollowingthewhole
traditionpresentstheApostleJohnasaverymodelofthecontemplative,whohasasharpawarenessoftheinsufficiencyoftheologicaldiscourseaboutChrist:
ThewordsanddeedsofChristarealsothewordsanddeedsofGod.Ifsomeonewishedtowritethemortorecountthemindetail,hewouldnotknowhowtodoso.Indeed,the
entireworldwouldnotsuffice.AninfinityofhumanwordscouldnotattaintotheuniqueWordofGod.SincethebeginningoftheChurch,wehavealwayswrittenaboutChrist
neverenoughhowever.Eveniftheworldweretoendureforhundredsofthousandsofyears,thebooksthatwecouldwriteonthissubjectwouldneversucceedinperfectly
elucidatinghisdeedsandwords.8

ItwouldbeabitfoolishtotrydrawinguparankingofThomas'sbestscripturalcommentaries,butitiscertainthatwecouldclassifythisonealongwiththe
commentaryonJoborontheEpistletotheRomansasamongthemostfullyfinishedandmostprofoundthathehasleftus.Certainpeopledonothesitatetosaythatit
holdsamongthema"uniqueplace,"andthatwecouldevensaythatitis"thetheologicalworkparexcellencebySaintThomas."Thisstatementcanbeexplainedifwe
recallthat"John'sgospelcontainstheultimateinrevelation."9
8.
Superloan.,finale,no.2660:"VerbaautemetfactaChristisuntetiamDei.Siquisautemvelleteorumrationempersingulascriberevelnarrare,nullomodopossetimmoetiamnec
totusmundushocpotest.InfinitaenimverbahominumnonpossuntattingereunumDeiVerbum.AprincipioenimEcclesiaesemperscriptasuntdeChristo,nectamensufficienter
immosiduraretmunduspercentummilliaannorumpossentlibrifierideChristo,necadperfectionempersingula,factaetdictasuaenuclearentur."
9.
M.D.Philippeinhisfullandbeautifulprefaceto:SaintThomasd'Aquin,Commentairesurl'EvangiledesaintJean,VersaillesBuxy,3vols.nowavailable(uptochapterVlll)1981,
1982,1987werecommendthistranslation,whichwasdonewithmuchcare,andhasbenefittedfromthecorrectionsoftheLeonineeditionandthusimprovesupontheCaiedition
(Marietti).

 Page201

Iwillnotlingeronthepointhere.ButwecannotrecommendtoohighlyareadingofthesuperblecturesonthemysteryoftheIncarnationastheypertaintoJohn's
Prologue,orthenolessbeautifullectureconcerningtheHolySpirit,regardingthe"windthatblowswhereitwill,"andthe"springoflivingwaterthatgushesfromhis
breast,"andtheParacleteinchaptersfourteentosixteen,whocompletesJesus'workandleadustowardalltruth.Thomasrevealshimselfhereasoneofthe
contemplativesofwhomSaintJohnisthemodel.10

DisputedQuestions:
DemaloandOthers

AstothedisputationsthatThomasbegantoholdagainwithintheframeworkofhisuniversityactivity,scholarsarefarfromagreement.Notlongago,inlightof
Mandonnet,11Weisheipl,whoplacedtheDemaloandtheDespiritualibuscreaturisatRome,assignedtothesecondperiodofteachinginParisthedisputed
questionsDeanima,Deuirtutibusincommuni,Decaritate,Decorrectionefraterna,Despe,Deuirtutibuscardinalibus,aswellthequestionDeunioniVerbi
incarnati(whichMandonnerputatViterbo).12

Thisclumpoftitlesallowsustoseethedifficultythatonceexistedinestablishingtheexactdateofthesedisputessolelyonthebasisofinternalcriteria.Nevertheless,
sincetherecentlaborsoftheLeonineeditors,weseeherealittlemoreclearly,andweknowatleastthatweshouldplacethequestionsDeanima(126566)andDe
spiritualibuscreaturis(126768)duringtheRomanperiod13butwemustalsoundertakeanexaminationofthedateandplaceofthewritingofDemalo,whichwe
leftunresolved.

TolomeoputstheDemaloinItalyinthetimeofClementIV(12651268)14manyhistorianshavebelievedthisstatement,butwecannottrustourselvestoitblindly.
Withoutgoingoverindetailthediversepositions,15
10.
Numerousstudieshaveappearedonthiscommentarywenoteherestudiesofgeneralinterest:J.A.Weisheipl,"AnIntroductiontotheCommentaryontheGospelofSaint
John,"inSaintThomasAquinas,CommentaryontheGospelofSaintJohn,PartI(Albany,N.Y.,1980),319S.Cipriani,"Riflessioniesegetichesu'SuperS.JoannisEvangelium
lectura'diS.Tommaso,"inTommasod'AquinonelsuosettimoCentenario,vol.4(Naples,1976),pp.4159A.Cirillo,CristoRivelatoredelPadrenelVangelodiS.Giovanni
secondoilCommentodiSanTommasod'Aquino,Diss.,Angelicurn(Rome,1988).
11.
Mandonnet,Chronologiedesquestionsdisputes,p.354.
12.
Weisheipl,pp.30712and36566.
13.
Cf.above,chap.IX.
14.
Tolomeo,XXII39(ed.A.Dondaine,p.151,1.50).
15.
0Cf.onthisO.Lottin,"LadatedelaquestiondisputeDemalodesaintThomasd'Aquin,"inPsychologieetMoraleauxXIIeetXIIIesicles,vol.VI(Gembloux,1960),pp.35372:
whichwasthestatusquestionisatthetimenowseeLeonine,vol.23,(1982),pp.3*5*.

 Page202

wecansayherethatthediscussionturnsprincipallyonthedoctrinalevolutionthatQuestion6atteststoandthatpermitsustoproposethefollowingreferencepoints
forapotentialchronology.ThisQuestion6ispriortoQuestions910ofthePrimaSecundaeandthereforetothatentirepartoftheSumma.IfthePrimaSecundae
hadbeenbeguninItaly,asissometimessaid,itwouldbenecessarytosituatethefirstsixquestionsoftheDemalobeforethedeparturefromRome.

ButatthesametimethisveryQuestion6iswithoutdoubtlaterthanQuodlibetI,whichgenerallyhasbeendatedtoEaster1269(Pelster:Christmas1269).Anditis
admittedthatthisquestionreflectsthesituationinParisalittlebeforeoralittleafterthecondemnationof10December1270.Wemustthereforealsoadmitthatthe
PrimaSecundaewasnotbegununtilafterthatdate.ThisputsindoubtthedateproposedbyGlorieux,16aswehavesaid,butitleadsinthedirectionsuggestedby
Gauthier,forwhomthemassiveuseofAristotle'sRhetoricinthePrimaSecundaemeantthatitwasbegunafter1270.17

WithoutyetknowingGauthier'ssuggestions,FatherBataillonhadrecommendedcaution:"Asomewhatsimultaneouscompositionofthesetwoworkswouldexplain
ratherwellboththedisputedquestionandtheSumma,whichseemstogivethefinalpositionofSaintThomas'sthought."18Bataillondistinguishescarefullythe
respectivedatesofdispute,redaction,andpublicationofthequestionsDemalo.Forthefirst,itisdifficultifnotimpossibletobemoreprecise,butfortheediting
therearesomesolidfacts:becauseoftheuseoftheSimplicius'scommentaryontheCategoriesinQ.l,wemustplaceitafterMarch126619thesamegoesforarticle
12ofQ.16,whichissituatedafterNovember1267,sinceitcitesThemistius'scommentaryontheDeanima.20AstoQ.6,aswehavejustsaid,itsredaction
supposesthecontextoftheDecember1270condemnation.Itmustthereforebeplacedalittlebeforeorafterthatevent.21
16.
Glorieux,ChronologiedelaSomme,p.94:hesaysitwasbegunuponthereturntoParisinthebeginningofJanuaryoralittlebitearlier.
17.
Cf.above,chap.VIII.
18.
PrefacetothecriticaleditiontotheDemalo(byP.M.Gils),Leonine,vol.23,p.5*.
19.
Cf.DemaloQ.1a.1ad2,7,11forthedateofthetranslation,cf.A.Pattin,ed.,Simplicius,CommentairesurlesCatgoriesd'Aristote,TraductiondeGuillaumedeMoerbeke
(LouvainParis,1971),pp.xixii.
20.
Cf.Demalo,Q.16a.12adlcf.G.Verbeke,ed.,Thmistius,Commentairesurletraitdel'med'Aristote,TraductiondeGuillaumedeMoerbeke(LouvainParis,1957),p.lxiii.
21.
Leonine,vol.23,p.4*note7,connectsproposition3andtheDemalo,Q.6,arg.1,1.4prop.9andibid.,arg.7,11.6063,andreferstoA.SanCristobalSebastian,Controversias
acercadelavoluntaddesde1270a1300(Madrid,1958),pp.1320.

 Page203

Astothedateofpublication,wealsohavesomeprecisedata,forthetextualcriticismcarriedoutbytheLeonineCommissionhasallowedustoestablishthatthe
wholemanuscripttraditionstemsfromasingleParisiancopy.ThisalreadypointstowardaParisiansourceforthework.Furthermore,thefactthattheoldest
manuscriptsstopatpiece23andcontainonlythefirstfifteenquestions,invitesustothinkthattheworkhadfirstcirculatedinthisshorterformQuestion16would
havebeenaddedalittlelaterwiththeauthor'spermission,withoutdoubtbeforehisdepartureforItalyinthespringof1272.Ineffect,thefirsttaxationlistsfromthe
bookshops,around127580,attesttotheexistenceofthecompleteworkin28pieces.22Bataillonadvances,therefore,asastronglyplausiblehypothesispublication
intwophases:onewithoutdoubtaround1270forQuestions115theother,probably1272,forQuestion16.

AstoQuestion6,which,ithasbeenquiteoftenpointedout,breakstheregularflowoftheDemalo,itisquiteremarkablethatitnevercirculatedseparately"Itisnow
certainthatThomashimselfplaceditwhereitisfoundintheseriesofthesequestions."23Thereisnothingillogicalinthis,FatherBataillonremarksitisevenentirely
comprehensiblethat,afterhavingspokenaboutoriginalsin,Thomasdecidedtobringthesubjectoffreewilluptodatebeforepassingtotheexaminationofactualsin.

Astheselastreflectionssuggest,weshouldnowsayafewwordsaboutthecontentofthisseriesofquestions.Thefirstquestionhasgivenitsnametothewhole,butit
istheonlyonethatspeaksexplicitlyoftheproblemofevilingeneral.WemustthereforereaditinconnectionwithThomas'sothergreatexplanationsinordertohave
hisfullthoughtonthesubject.24Twoquestionsthenfollowonsinanditscauses(DepeccatisandDecausapeccati,Questions2and3),andtwoothersonoriginal
sinandthepunishmentthatfollowedit(Questions4and5).Question6,Deelectione
22.
Chartul.no.530,p.646Deniflesituatesthislistbetween1275and1286,butDestreznotesthatitstilldoesnotshowtheTertiaParsandthatwemustthereforebringitcloser
tothefirstofthetwodates(cf.Leonine,vol.23,p.3,n.8)cf.Chartul.ll,no.642,p.108:thelistfor1304.
23.
Leonine,vol.23,p.5*.
24.
SeeinparticularSummaTheologiae,laqq.4849,with,forexample,theannotationsbyA.D.SertillangesintheeditionoftheRevuedesJeunes,withtheappendixV,pp.27380
Sent.11d.34and37SCG111515,71Compendiumtheol.11418,14142.WereferalsotothefullerworkbyL.Sentis,SaintThomasd'Aquinetlemal,Foichrtienneetthodice
(Paris,1992),whichstudiesThomas'sevolutionbeginningwiththeSentences,passingthroughtheSummacontraGentiles,andtheSummatheDemaloisstudiedonpp.161204,
withsomelargetranslatedextractsfromQ.1(cf.however,thestrictrecensionofS.Th.Bonino,inRT95(1995)51218).

 Page204
25
humana,shouldalsobereadinthecontextofothergreatdevelopmentsinThomasonliberty, butthisisasubjecttowhichwewillreturn.Wethenapproachthe
questionofvenialsin(Question7),followedbyageneralquestiononprideandthesevendeadlysins(Question8),whicharepresentedinthisorder:vainglory,envy,
sloth,anger,avarice,gluttony,luxury(Questions915).Finally,question16offersthereaderanexpositionofdemonologyrelativelycompleteintwelvearticles.26

Untilthecriticaleditioniscompleted,wewillbehamperedindatingtheotherDisputedQuestionsinamoreprecisefashionifwehavetriedtodosohere,itisonly
throughwhatseemsplausible.Withoutneglectingthedegreeofuncertaintythisentails,wecanreasonablythinkthat,sincethequestionsDepotentia,Deanima,and
DespiritualibuscreaturisbelongtotheRomanperiod,thisconstitutesasupplementaryindicationtothealreadynumerousdatathatorientustowardthesecond
teachingperiodinParisforthepublicdisputeonthequestionsDemalo.Thomas'sotherworkssawveryrapidpublication,andthereisnoreasonthisoneshouldhave
beenanexception.Withasingledifference,wethereforefind,byanentirelydifferentroute,thechronologyonceproposedbyPalmonGlorieux.27

ThequestionnowistoknowifweshouldputDemaloatthebeginningortheendoftheperiod.GlorieuxthoughtweshouldplacethedisputeDeanimainParis,
betweenJanuaryandJune1269,andheplacedtheDeuirtutibusanditsthirtysixarticlesatthebeginningofthescholasticyear126970.28Hewasthusledtoput
Questions15oftheDemalointhespringof1270,whileQuestions616werespreadfromSeptember1270toEaster1272.Bythen,nothingmorewouldhave
remainedtobedisputed
25.
SeeonthisSummaTheologiae,PrimaPars,Question83withitsparallelsandtheannotationsbyS.Pinckaers,inthevolumeLesacteshumains,RevuedesJeunes,vol.2(2d
ed.Paris,1966),pp.24973seethesameauthor'sTheSourcesofChristianEthics,trans.Sr.MaryThomasNoble(Washington,D.C.,1995),pp.35499H.M.ManteauBonnamy,
"Lalibertdel'hommescionThomasd'Aquin.LadatationdelaQuestiondisputeDemalo,"AHDLMA46(1979)734.
26.
ThereisanEnglishtranslation,whichwasdonebeforethecriticaledition:SaintThomasAquinas,DisputedQuestionsonEvil,trans.J.J.Oesterle(NotreDame,1983).
27.
P.Glorieux,"LesQuestionsDisputesdeS.Thomasetleursuitechronologique,"RTAM(1932)533cf.pp.22ff.exceptforafewthings(theDespiritualibuscreaturis,whichhe
wishedtoplaceatParis,forcinghimtoshifttheDemaloalittlebit),wehaveP.Synave'schronologyhereaswell,Leproblmechronologique,pp.15758.
28.
ThisfigurecorrespondstothesumtotalofwhathasbeendividedintheprintededitionsbetweenthequestionsDeuirtutibusincommuni,Decaritate,Decorrectionefraterna,
Despe,Deuirtutibuscardinalibus.

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thantheDeunioneVerbiincarnati,inMay1272,beforethereturntoItaly.

WhatwenowknowofthediffusionofthemanuscriptoftheDemalo(alreadybeginningaround1270),seemstocallmoreforsituatingthedisputesthatpreceded
redactionandpublicationtothebeginningofthissecondParisianperiod.Thus,theseriesDeuirtutibus,followedbytheDeunioneUerbi,wouldbeplacedinstead
attheend.Thiswouldnotchangeagreatdealabouttheannualaverageofsomefortydisputes(identifiedinthearticles)thatpermittedGlorieuxtoarriveathis
division.IfwetakeawaytheQuestionDeanima,thataveragegoesdownbyfive,butthisdoesnotconstituteaninsurmountableobstacleifwethinkthatthe
scholasticyear127172wasprobablyshortened.Inanycase,wearemuchbelowtheaverageofmorethaneightyannualdisputes,whichhadtakenplacefortheDe
ueritate.Wemustthereforeconcludeaboutthisthat,inconformitywithwhatwehavealreadyverifiedinRome,inhismaturityThomasnoticeablyreducedthe
frequencyofhisordinarydisputessoastoreserveforhimselfalittlemorefreetimeforhisotheroccupations.

Amongtheadvantagesofthechronologyproposedhere,thereisthatformerlyexploitedbyGlorieux(andGauthiermorerecentlyinanotherform)toshowhowthe
writingofthevariousdisputesandAristoteliancommentariestookplaceinparallelwiththecompositionoftheSummatheologiae.FriarThomaswascertainlyagreat
andrapidworker,butheknewhownottodispersehisconcentrationorhisforces.IftheDemaloQ.6precedestheopeningofthePrimaSecundaealittle,theDe
uirtutibusaccompaniesquitewellsomeotherpassagesfromthispartorfromtheSecundaSecundae.29

Thisisnottosaythatthereistotalsimultaneitybetweenthetwoelementsofeachoftheseparallels,butitcertainlypointsustowardtemporalproximity.Indeed,inthis
light,webelievethatwecanclarifythequestionofthedateoftheDeunioneUerbiincarnati.Weknowthedoctrinalissuesinvolvedfromtheanteriorityorthe
posteriorityofarticle4totheTertiaParsq.17a.2:DidThomaschangehisopinionandadmitattheendofhislifethattherearetwoesseinChristonetheprincipal
esse,theother
29.
Withoutenteringintothedetailshere,comparetheQ.DeanimawiththePrimaPars,QQ.7587theDemaloIandXVIwithPrima,QQ.4864theDemalo11VIIwithPrima
Secundae,QQ.7189theDemalo715withSecundaSecundae,QQ.35153theDeuirtutibusIandVwithPrimaSecundae,QQ.5569theDeuirtutibusIIXVwithSecunda
Secundae,QQ.1733andfinallytheDeunioneuerbiincarnatiwiththeTertiaPars,Q.17.Thesecomparisonsseemquiteconvincingcf.thetableinGlorieux,LesQuestions
Disputes,p.33.

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secondarycorrespondingtohistwonatures(whichistheteachingoftheDeunione)?Orindeeddoesheadmitdefinitivelyonlyasingleesse,ashehadalwayssaid
elsewhereandrepeatsintheTertia?Butthenhowshallweinterpretthe"fauxpas"oftheDeunione?30

Wedonothavetoenterherefurtherintothisquestion,whichhasoccupiedThomistsforalongtime(630years,asPelstertoldusin1925).Someofthem(Cajetan)
saythattheDeunioneisayouthfulworkandthatThomasretracteditothers(Billot)gosofarastodeclareitunauthentic.TheLeonineCommission'slaborsno
longerleaveanydoubtaboutitsauthenticity,sincethetextofthisQuestionwasalreadytransmittedinmanuscriptsfromtheendofthethirteenthcenturyanditis
includedintheworksannouncedbythebooksellersinthetaxationlistsofthemostancientcatalogues.31

Thisquestionhasexperiencedaconsiderablereturntorelevanceinourcentury.32Ifwesticktothesimplequestionofdatingandifwejudgeinthelightoftheparallels
mentionedabove,itishighlyimplausiblethatThomaswouldhaveinsertedthisdisputeinhisteachingprogram,outsideofanylinkwithworksthenunderwayor
foreseenfortheimmediatefuture.

TheendofhisItaliansojournorthebeginningofhislastParisianperioddonotlendthemselvesverymuchtothisscenarioonthecontrary,thespringof1272when
theTertiaParswasnearlyreadytobewrittenifnotalreadybegunwouldfitbetterwiththesefactors.PelsterconsidersascertainadiscussioninNaplesin1272
73,33butthetestimonyofthecataloguesdoesnotleaveanydoubt:thethirdseriesofThomas'sdisputeswasheldsecundauiceParisius.34Weinclineratherto
acceptthoseauthorswhosituatethisquestiontowardtheendofthesecondperiodofteach
30.
SeetheprincipalplaceswhereThomasspokeaboutthisquestion:Sent.IIId.6q.2a.2Quodlib.IXq.2a.2:Comp.theol.1212Q.Deunionea.4STIIIaq.17a.2.Inallthese
passages,ThomasrepeatsunumesseinChristo,exceptintheDeunione:"Estautemetaliudessehuiussuppositi...inquantumesttemporaliterhomofactum.Quod...non...
estesseprincipalesuisuppositi,sedsecundarium."
31.
PrefacetotheLeonineedition,vol.24,inpreparation.
32.
TheprincipalworkonthisisbyA.Patfoort,L'unitd'tredansleChristd'aprsS.Thomas.Alacroisedel'ontologieetdelachristologie(Paris,1964),inwhichwefindthe
priorliteratureseealsothereviewbyM.D.Philippe,PhilosophicalStudies16(1967)29199,andthe"compterendu"byM.L.B.GurarddesLauriers,BT12(196365)5168.
33.
F.Pelster,"LaQuaestiodisputatadesaintThomasDeunioneverbiincarnati,"Arch.dePhil.3(1925)19845cf.thereviewbyP.Synave,BT1(1926)3,pp.[1][21].
34.
ThePragueList(Grabmann,Werke,p.92)"aliamsecundaviceParisius,scilicetdevirtutibusetultra"cf.Chartul.I,p.646II,p.108(booksellerslistfrom1275[?]and1304,which
mentionsonlyDeuirtutibus,butthenumberof"pieces"witnessesthattheDeunionewasincluded).

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35
inginParis:beforeEaster,earlyinApril(Weisheipl)orMay(Glorieux)1272.

TheQuodlibetalDisputes

Tobecomplete,thisscanningofthehorizonshouldalsomentionthequodlibetaldisputesthatwereaddedtotheordinarydisputes.Thisacademicactivity,so
characteristicofthemedievaluniversity,hasbeenthesubjectofnumerousstudiesand,withouthavingyieldedallitssecrets,isnowwellunderstood.36Weknowthat
thesedisputestookplacetwotimesayear,duringLentandduringAdvent(wecurrentlysayEasterandChristmasforconvenience)andthattheydevelopedovertwo
sessions.Inthefirst,asthenameindicates,thosepresent,whethertheyweremastersorstudentsoreventhesimplycurious,couldraiseallsortsofquestions(de
quolibetadvoluntatemcuiuslibet).37Themasternormallylethisbachelorrespondanddidnotinterveneunlesshegotintodifficultythemasterreservedtherightto
givehismagisterialdeterminationinthesecondsession,whichtookplaceeitherthenextdayorseveraldayslater.

Althoughreservedformasters,thisactivitydidnot,however,constituteanobligationforthem.Ifitisanexaggerationtosaythatonlythegreatestfiguresdareddeliver
themselvesovertothisperilousexercise,itistruethatnotallofthemsubmittedtoit.Itisfurthermorewellknownthatcertainmasters,forexample,HenryofGhent,
GodfreyofFontaines,JohnofPouilly,etc.,tookpleasureinthemandmadetheoccasionapreferredformofexpression.Theundisputedchampioninthisformatis
GerardofAbbeville,asecularmasterandrivalofThomasAquinas,whomwehavealreadymet.Weknowoftwentyquodlibetsbyhim.38Asonecanseeinreading
thelistsoftheproposedsubjects,libertytospeakwasreal,buttheexercisewasnotpurelyspontaneous.Themastercouldhimselfproposecertainquestionsand
makecertainpersonsbachelorsorstudentsin
35.
Weisheipl,pp.30712(analysisofthecontentsoftheQuestion)36566Glorieux,LesQuestionsDisputes,pp.3031.
36.
ThepioneerinthisfieldisP.Glorieuxamonghisnumerousworks,werecallLalittraturequodlibtiquede12601320,Bibliothquethomiste5and21(Paris,1925and1935)
(thissubjectisdealtwithmorebrieflyinGlorieux'sL'enseignement,pp.12834)wecanbringthisuptodatethankstotheremarkablesynthesizingstudybyJ.F.Wippel,"Quodlibetal
QuestionsChieflyinTheologyFaculties,"inB.Bazn,et.al.,LesQuestionsdisputes,pp.151222.Wippelupdatesandgivesasurveyoftheliteraturepriorto1985.
37.
HumbertofRomans,Operadevitaregulari,ed.J.J.Berthier,II,p.260.
38.
Forhispart,ThomashasonlytwelveofthemGodfreyandHenryfifteencf.Glorieux,L'enseignement,pp.12834.

 Page208

tervene.Hecouldalsorefusetorespondtothisorthatinterventionifhejudgeditfrivolousoroutofplace,buttoofrequentrefusalsclearlywouldhaveharmedhis
reputation.39

Givenitsverystyle,thequodlibetalliteratureisdeeplyrootedinactualuniversitylifewehavealreadyseenthiswithregardtothequarrelbetweenthemendicantsand
theseculars,aswellasintheconfrontationbetweenThomasandtheFranciscansontheunicityorthepluralityofforms,buttheseareonlytwoquestionsamongmany
others.Wealsofindmoredowntoearthquestionsthatletusglimpsethemoreimmediateconcernsofthepersonswhoarepresent.Madeupinlargepartofclerics,
thispublicallowsitspastoralpreoccupationsconcerningprivatemoralsorsocialandeconomicsubjectstoappear.Thusalongwiththelifeoftheuniversity,itisthe
entirelifeofanepochthatisreflectedhereandthatinfactmakesthequodlibetsafascinatingsubjectofstudy.40

ItwouldbeimpossibletoenumerateallthesubjectsdealtwithbyThomasinthesepublicdiscussionswithoutrunningtheriskoftiringthereader(thereare260such
subjects,whichgivesanaverageofmorethan20foreachsession),41butitisnecessarytoknowthatifquestionsofhighspeculationarewellrepresented,practical
problemsarenotatallabsent.BoylehasdrawnupaninstructivelistoftheseandhasshownthatitisinpartthankstothesemoralcasesthatThomas'squodlibets
foundanentirelyunexpectedaudience,farbeyondthesmallcircleofhislisteners.

WefindthatamongstudentsofthissecondperiodofteachinginParis,therewasaJohnofFreiburg,whomwehavealreadymetasthevulgarizeroftheSecunda
Pars.WhenhewascomposinghisSummaConfessorumin1298,hedrewlargelyontheteachingofhisformermasterandnotablyinsertedanentireseriesof
twentytwoquestionsonpracticalmoralscomingdirectlyfromthesequodlibetaldisputes,eachoneamongthembeingproperlyintroducedbythesameformula:
secundumThomaminquadamquestionedequolibet.Thisdisciple'sworkwasmuchmorewidelydistributedthanthemaster's.Thus,itwasbythisindirectroute
thatThomas'sideashadamuchbroaderdiffusion.42

Astodates,afterthefirsttentativesteps,theresearchershavereachedagreementondividingthequodlibetsintotwogroupsaccordingtothetwo
39.
Cf.Wippel,"QuodlibetalQuestions,"pp.17172199201.
40.
L.Boyle,"TheQuodlibetsofSt.ThomasandPastoralCare,"inBoyle'sPastoralCare,Study2(whichfirstappearedinTheThomist38(1974)23256).
41.
Cf.thecompletelistinGlorieux,LalittraturequodlibtiqueII,pp.27690.
42.
Cf.Boyle,TheQuodlibets,pp.25256.

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Parisiansojourns:QuodlibetsVIIXIbelongtothefirstperiod,whileQuodlibetsIVIandXII(thereportatioonthislatterwasnotrevisedbyThomas)belongtothe
second.Apartfromthisgeneralframework,therearestillmanydifferencesamongscholarsaboutassigningthemtoChristmasortoEasterofoneyearoranother.
Onlythepublicationofthelargestpossiblenumberoftextsandabetterknowledgeofcontemporaryeventswillpermitustoachievelittlebylittlethosecertitudesthat
arestilllackingtous.Table1sumsuptheprincipalpositions.

Wecannotleavethequodlibetswithouttryingtoseewhattheyteachusabouttheirauthor.Thoughcarefullyreviewedbyhim,thesetextsechothediscussionsfrom
whichtheycame,andsomeclearlyshowThomas'sconsciousnessofhispositionasamasterintheology.ItisworthlookingattheEaster1269quodlibet,which
examineswhetheritisawasteoftimetodedicateoneselftostudyorteaching.43

Thomasaddressesthesethingsfromagreatheightandcomparespastoralactiontotheconstructionofanedifice,forwhichbotharchitectsandmanuallaborersare
neededthefirstcarryoutanoblertaskthanthesecondandreceiveabetterpaymentfortheirlabor.Thesameistrueintheconstructionofthespiritualedificethatis
theChurch:
Therearethosewhomwecancomparetomanuallaborerswhoareespeciallyemployedinthecareofsouls,forexample,inadministeringthesacramentsandinothersimilartasks.
Butthosewhoarecomparabletothearchitectsherearethebishopswhodirectthetaskoftheearliergroupandarrangethewayinwhichtheyoughttoaccomplishtheiroffice
thatiswhy,furthermore,wecallthem''bishops,"whichistosay"superintendents."Similarly,thedoctorsintheologyarealsoarchitects,whoresearchandteachhowothers
oughttoworktowardthesalvationofsouls.44Speakingabsolutely,itisbettertoteachsacradoctrinaandmoremeritorious,ifthisisdonewithagoodintentionthanto
consecrateoneselftoaparticularcareofthisorthatindividual.Thisiswhytheapostlesaysofhimself:Christhassentmenottobaptizebuttopreach(1Corinthiansl:17),
althoughtobaptize

43.
Quodl.Iq.7a.2[14](cf.abovechap.5)seeonthispointthelongnoteintheLeonineeditionbyFr.GauthierontheAristoteliansenseofarchitector(andnotarchitectus,
thoughabetterLatinform),whichisquitestronglyseizedupon,itseems,intheglossoniCorinthians3:10:nothewhodrawsuptheplanofthehouse,but"hewholaysthefirst
stone."
44.
Thiscomparisonwillberepeatedseveralyearslaterbyacanonregular,Gervais(orServais)ofMontSaintEloi:"arsdisputatoriaestarchitectonieaetpredicatoriaestmanu
operativaetideominusnobilisetminusmeritoria,manuoperativiminusmerenturquamarchitectonici,"Quodl.Iq.40,ed.byJ.Leclercq,"L'idalduthologienaumoyenge.Textes
indits,"RevScRel.21(1947)12148,cf.p.130.

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istheworkmostfittingforthesalvationofsouls.SaintPaulalsosays:Recommendthefaithfulwhoarecapableofittoinstructothersintheirturn(2Tim.2:2).Reasonitself
demonstratesthatitismoreprofitabletoinstructintheknowledgeofsalvationthosewhocanmakeprogressinit,bothforthemselvesandforothers,thantoinstructthesimple
whocanprofitonlyforthemselves.However,incaseofimminentnecessity,bishopsanddoctorsoughttoleavetheirproperofficetodedicatethemselvestothesalvationof
particularsouls.

Thistextdoubtlesscontainssomethingalittleastonishingforatwentiethcenturyreader,whoperhapsrisksbeingshockedatseeingthepastorsofsoulsconsideredas
simplemanualworkers,whilethetheologianissetupasanaristocrat,likeamasterofthework.Thehearersofthispropositionwouldhardlyhavebeensurprisedthe
textconveysnotonlythehighsocialpositionofthemastersoftheUniversityofParis(letusrecallthattherewerehardlyahandfulforallofChristendom)italso
expressesthecom
THEDATESOFTHEQUODLIBETS

WehavemadeuseofthetabledrawnupbyFatherBoyle(p.239)towhichweaddhereFatherGauthier'sproposals,whichhehaskindlycommunicatedtousinanticipationofthe
publicationofVolume25oftheLeonineedition(Paris,1996),whichhehasprepared.

Theabbreviationsusedareasfollows:E=Easter(theprecedingLent)C=Christmas(theprecedingAdvent).Thecompletetitlesmaybefoundinthebibliography:

Mandonner1=P.Mandonnet,Siger,vol.1,2911,p.8587.

Mandonnet2=P.Mandonnet,Chronologiesommaire,p.148.

Destrez=J.Destrez,LesDisputes,p.151.

Synave1=P.Synave,rev.byDestrez,BT1(1924)[32][50].

Glorieux1=P.Glorieux,LittratureI,p.276290.

Mandonnet3=P.Mandonnet,S.Thomascrateurdeladispute.

Synave2=P.Synave,L'ordredesQuodlibetsVIIXI.

Pelster1=F.Pelster,BeitrgezurChronologie.

Glorieux2=P.Glorieux,LittratureII,p.272.

VanSteenberghen=F.VanSteenberghen,SigerII,p.541.

Glorieux3=P.Glorieux,LesQuodlibetsVIIXI.

Pelster2=F.Pelster,LiterarischeProbleme.

Isaac=J.Isaac,rev.byPelster2,BT8(19471953)16972.

Marc=lntroductiototheSummacontraGentilesI,p.412.

Weisheipl=J.A.Weisheipl,FriarThomas,p.367.

Gauthier=R.A.Gauthier,Prface,Leon.,vol.25.

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plementarityoftasksintheecclesialbody.Finally,byconcludingthissubjectwiththeneedtogiveahandinthelaboriftheneedarises,itreestablishes,without
mincingwords,thetruehierarchyofvalues.

Thomas,therefore,didnotfeartomaketheofficeofteacherandthatofthebishopparallel.Farfrombeingaslip,thisappearsfrequentlyinhisworkandhepurposely
comparesthecathedrapontificalisandthecathedramagistralis.45Forboth,itisadutytoteachsacredScripturethedifference
45.
Cf.Quodl.IIIq.4a.1[9].

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liesinthis,thatthefirstproceedsbyvirtueoftheofficiumpraelationis:hewhopreachesteachesandcannotarrogatethatroletohimselfwithoutamandate.The
seconddoessobyvirtueoftheofficiummagisteriithemannerinwhichthemastersintheologyteach.Butthetaskofoneandtheother,bishopsanddoctors,has
thesamefinalend,whichwasthatoftheauthorsofthesacredScripture:toleadmentoeternallife.46Thisrequiresoneithersideahighmorality,47butonthesideof
thedoctorsitdemandsagreateruniversityknowledge,forinthatarea,asisnotorious,theprelatesdonotknowverymuch.48

Wewoulddeceiveourselvesifweviewedthisassomesortofcorporatistrevengeofthe"theologians"againstthe"magisterium,"aswassaidlater.Toappreciatethese
proposalswithoutanachronism,wemustrecallthatThomasstillwaversoverthesacramentalityoftheepiscopaloffice.49Inhisthought,bishops(orratherprelatesas
hesaysmorecurrently)anddoctorsareequallysubjecttothejudgmentoftheChurch.Whatheexpresseshereistheveryhighconsciousnesshehasofthedutyofthe
doctor,andhecannotbetteremphasizeitthanbysettinginreliefitspastoralend.50

II
ConsultationsandDiverseWorks

ThepublicactivitiesofpolemicsandofteachingshouldnothidetheintensepersonalworkthatthemasterofSaintJacquescontinuedtoaccomplish.Theyears1268
72aretheoneswhenThomascomposedtheenormousSecundaParsoftheSummatheologiae(probablybetweenJanuary1271andEaster1272)andbegan
compositionoftheTertiaPars.Hedidnotceaserespondingtotheoccasionaldemandsonhisintellectualcharityduringthistime,whichsometimesputhispatienceto
thetest.AswasthecaseatOrvietoandatRome,thislastParisiansojournbroughtitsshareofpersonalconsultationsfromwhichhedoubtlesscouldnotextricate
himself.Wehavealreadymentionedsomeofthese,butwemustnowaddseveralothers.
46.
Cf.Sent.IVd.19q.2a.2qc.3sol.2ad4.
47.
ThereismuchtomeditateonintheQuodl.V.q.12a.24:UtrumillequisemperpropterinanemgloriamdocuitperpenitentiamaureolamrecuperetathemerepeatedbyRainierde
Clairmarais,around129596:Quodl.Iq.2,inLeclercq,L'idalduthologien,p.143.
48.
C.impugnantes2,l.449f.:...doctrinascolasticacuipraelatinonmultumintendunt.
49.
Cf.abovechap.5,n.46.
50.
ForadditionalreflectionsonthissubjectseeTorrell,"Lapratiquepastorale,"pp.24344.

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DemixtioneelementorumDemotucordis

Wefirstencountertwobrieftexts(153and259lines)thatinourtimewewouldexpectnotfromthepenofamasterintheologybutratherfromascientificwriter.The
Demixtioneelementorumdealswiththefourelements(water,air,earth,andfire),theirqualities(coldandhot,dryandmoist),andtherolethatancientmedicinehad
themplayinthetheoriesofhumorsandoftemperaments.IntheMiddleAges,theology,queenofthesciences,couldnotbeuninterestedinthesematters,andThomas
saysnothingthatwouldallowustobelievethathiscorrespondentforceshimtogobeyondthelimitsofhisknowledge.Onthecontrary,notonlyhadhespokenabout
thesemattersseveraltimes51(anumberofhiscontemporariesalsodealtwiththem),butthesubjectofpurephysics,whichappearstobewithouttheologicalbearing,
becametheobjectofbitterdiscussionamongpartisansandadversariesoftheunicityofsubstantialform.52Inanycase,thetextenjoyedanexcellentdiffusion,sincewe
knowof117manuscriptsand35editions.

AstotheDemotucordis,itscentralthesisisthatthemovementoftheheartinanimalsandinmenisanaturalmovementandnotviolentasAlfreddeSareshelheldin
histextofthesamename.Withoutcitingthelatter,Thomasprobablyaimstorectifyandgobeyondit.Hehimselfwasinterestedinthissubjectinrelationtothe
commandthatthewillcouldexerciseoverthelimbsofthebody:iftheheartescapesfromthisrule,heexplained,thisindeedisaproofthatithasanaturalmovement.
Theideathatheexploitshereisthatthemovementoftheheartinanimalsisthesameasthemovementoftheheavensintheworld.53Onesignoftheinterestthatthis
textaroused:weknowof126manuscriptsand33printededitions.

MasterPhilip,therecipientofthesetwoopuscula,wasoriginallyfromCastrocielo,acommuneveryclosetoRoccasecca.Heisknowntousas
51.
Cf.Sent,IId.12a.4IVd.44q.1a.1qc.1ad4SuperBoetiumdeTrin.q.4a.36STIaq.76a.4ad4Quodl.Iq.4a.6ad3Q.Deanimaa.9ad10.
52.
Cf.thePrefacebyH.F.Dondaine,inhiseditionofthetext:Leonine,vol.43,pp.13537thisopusculumhasscarcelybeenstudied,butwetakenoteofL.Robles,"Unopusculo
ignoradodeTomsdeAquino,El'Demixtioneelementorum,'"EstudiosFilosoficos23(1974)23959.
53.
Demotucordis,ll.16465(Leonine,vol.43,p.129):"Sicenimestmotuscordisinanimalsicutmotusceliinmundo"ThomasreturnstothissubjectinSTIaIIaeq.17a.9.Seealso
onthistexttheprobingstudybyE.Paschetta,"LanaturadelmoroinbasealDemotucordisdiS.Tommaso,"MM19(1988)24760.

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aprofessorofmedicineinBolognaandNaplesand,accordingtoMandonnet,itisnotimpossiblethathewasThomas'sclassmateatNaplesduringthetimewhenthe
youngAquinaswasstudyingthere(123944).Hewouldalsohavebeenhiscolleaguewhenhereturnedtherein127274.54Ifthatwasthecase,weunderstandthatit
wouldhavebeendifficultforFriarThomasnottorespondtoarequestfromMasterPhilip.

Wecanhardlygofurtherintryingtospecifythedateofthesetwoopuscula.SinceMandonnet,theDemixtionehasbeenplacedduringthesecondperiodofteaching
atParis,andsinceitshowsnosignofpolemics,wecanbelieveitprecedesthediscussionsof1270ontheunicityofsubstantialform.AstotheDemotucordis,the
sameauthorputsitscompositionalittlelater,atNaplesin1273,relyingontheplausibilityoftherelationshipbetweenthetwocolleaguesatthattime.FatherH.
Dondaine,editoroftheseopusculafortheLeonineedition,hasacceptedthesepropositions.Weisheipl,followingEschmann,placestheDemotucordisaswellasthe
DemixtioneelementoruminParisbetween1270and1271.55

Deoperationibusoccultisnaturae

These"hiddenoperationsofnature"clearlyhavesomethingtodowithmagic,whichChristianthought,forbetterorworse,hashadtoconfrontsinceitsbeginning.
FollowingSaintAugustineinparticular,56Thomasencounteredthesameprobleminhisowntime,buthisAristotelianformationallowedhimtoapproachitinamore
rationalway.Hethereforetriestodiscernwhatamountstothesecretactionofnaturalbuthiddencausesandwhatmightbeattributedtotheinterventionofanevil
spirit.Thomasaddresseswhatrelatestothefourelements,mixedbodies,livingthings,celestialbodies,andfinally,separatedsubstances.Hecan,therefore,conclude
bydenouncingthepretensionsofastrology:thefactofbeingbornunderanastralconjunctionortherecoursetoamuletsortomagicformulasconnectedwithsuch
constellations,cannothaveanyneweffects.Ifthesesimulacraorformulashaveextraordinaryeffects,wemustattributethemtotheinterventionofspirits.
54.
Cf.Mandonnet,"Les'Opuscules,'"RT32(1927),pp.13738(cf.p.Marc,introductiontotheMariettieditionoftheSCG,p.418,no.1,whoreproducesthedocumentsonwhich
Mandonnetbasedhiswork)thewholeissummedupbyH.F.Dondaine,prefacetoDemotucordis:Leonine,vol.43,p.95.
55.
Eschmann,"ACatalogue,"pp.41920Weisheipl,pp.39495.
56.
Cf.Augustine,DecivitateDeiXxiaccordingtoGauthier,onQuodl.IIq.7a.l[13],theothermajorsourceforThomasonmagicisAlkindi,Deradiis(Leonine,vol.45/2,pp.96*
*
97 ).

 Page215

Weknowtwoparallelplacesforthisexposition(Quodl.XIIq.9a.13IIaIIaeq.96a.2ad2),bothdatingfromthesecondperiodofteachingatParis.Mandonnet
sawinthisaninvitationtodatetheopusculumtothisperiod.Ifso,theMilesultramontanustowhomitisaddressedshouldbethoughtofaslivinginItalythiswould
accordwellenoughwithwhatweknowelsewhereconcerningthevogueofmagicalartsinthatcountryinthethirteenthcentury,whichwasmuchgreater,itseems,
thaninParisorOxford.57

Deiudiciisastrorum

Evenshorterthantheprecedingtexts(56lines),thisletterwhoserecipientmaybeReginald(tojudgefromitsfamiliartone,notfromthetestimonyofthe
manuscripts,whichdonotsayanythingofthekind)showshowwidespread,thenasnow,astrologicalsuperstitionswere.Butthisisonlyanechoofthequestionthat
FriarThomasamplytreatedelsewhere.58

Thomasdoesnotdisputetheinfluenceofthestarson"corporaleffects"inourworld,andthatiswhyitisusefultobeawareoflunarphasesinagriculture,inmedicine,
orinnavigation.Butheaccordsonlyaverylimitedvaluetoexplanationsofthepredictionsthatastrologersdrawupfromtheirobservationsofdreams,auguries,and
geomancy:allthatmakeslittlesense(hocmodicamrationemhabet).Onthecontrary,heisquitefirm(iftherecouldbeanydoubt)inhisdefenseofhumanliberty:
"Thewillofmanisnotsubjecttothenecessityofthestars,foriffreewillweretodisappear,wewouldnolongerbeabletoimputemerittogoodworksnorfaultto
evilones.TheChristianmustthereforeholdasverycertainthatwhatdependsonthewillforexample,humanactsisnotsubjecttothestarsbynecessity."59

Desortibus

GiacomodeTonengo,therecipientofthisopusculum,isratherwellknown:chaplaintothepope,originallyfromTonengointhePiedmont
57.
Cf.J.B.McAllister,TheLetterofsaintThomasAquinasDeoccultisoperationibusnaturaeadquendammilitemultramontanum(Washington,1939)Wemustnevertheless
saythatwhilethetermUltramontanuswasknowninItalyatthistime,itwasstillunknowninGaul.
58.
Cf.SGGIII8287and154STIaq.115IaIlaeq.9a.5IlaIlaeq.95a.2DesortibusIVforThomasandastrology,cf.LynnThorndike,HistoryofMagicandExperimental
Science,II(2ded.NewYork,1929),pp.60812Th.Litt,Lescorpsclestesdansl'universdesaintThomasd'Aquin(LouvainParis,1963),pp.22041.
59.
Deiudiciisastrorum,ll.2835,Leon.,vol.43,p.20lnoindicationallowsustofixadateforthisMandonnetproposed126972(cf.Chronologicsommaire,p.151).

 Page216
60
provinceofAsti,heismentionedseveraltimesintheregistersofthecuriain1263whenThomasalsowasatOrvieto. Itmusthavebeenduringthistime,without
doubt,thattheyformedthefriendshiptowhichThomasalludesinhisintroduction.FollowinganingenioushypothesisbyDondaineandPeters,wecan,asafirst
approximation,situatetheopusculumbetweenNovember1268andSeptember1271,duringthevacancyofthepontificalseat.ThecanonsofthedioceseofVercelli,
amongwhomwasGiacomodeTonengo,notarrivingintimetoagreeontheelectionoftheirbishopandweariedfromexpectinganinterventionbytheHolySee
(whichcouldnotarriveowingtothelackofapope),reachedanagreementtodrawlotsitisonthisproposalthatFriarThomas'sfriendwouldhaveconsultedhim.
Hegavehisresponseduringthelongvacationswhichlefthim,hesays,alittlefreetime.61Reasoningwithinthisgeneralframework,then,wecanpresumethatthe
opusculumwascomposedduringthesummerof1270or1271.

Inspiteoftheslightnessofthesubject,Thomasgaveitverycareful,andevennewandoriginal,study.Infivechapters,heexploresthereasonsthatonemighthave
recoursetodrawinglots,towardwhatend,inwhatway,whatistheirefficacy,andif,accordingtotheChristianfaith,itislicittohaverecoursetothem.Theinterestof
thisopusculumliesinthefactthatThomasdevelopsherewhathedoesnottouchonelsewhereexceptbriefly,andhedoesitonthebasisofhistoricaldocumentation
ofthebestquality.Thispermitshiseditortorecommendittothereader"notonlyinordertodiscoveraminordimensionoftheauthor'sgenius:this'opusculum'isa
modelofitsgenre,andamongthebestbySaintThomas."62

Themostinterestingthingforareadertodaywithoutdoubtischapterfour,whereThomasdelivershimselfonwhatwemightcallthe"critiqueofefficacy"ontheuseof
lotstopredictthefuture.Heengages"anentiredoctrineoffreewillinthefaceofchanceintheorderoftheuniverse,andfinallyadoctrineofProvidencethe
theologianresumeshisofficehere:amagnificentshortcut(4,212249)evokesthefreeplayofProvidencebeyondallcauses,allhumanprojects,whichdoesnot
scorntorevealitswill
60.
Cf.A.Dondaine,J.Peters,"JacquesdeTonengoetGiffredusd'AnagniauditeursdesaintThomas,"AFP29(1959)5366itisfromthisstudythatweborrowthefollowing
information,alsoreprintedbytheLeonineedition,vol.43,pp.2078.
61.
Desortibus,Prol.,Leonine,vol.43,p.229:"intermissispaulisperoccupationummearumstudiis,solempniumuacationumtempore."
62.
WereproducehereH.F.Dondaine'sjudgment,whogiveswelldocumentedreasonsforit,Leonine,vol.43,pp.2089.

 Page217
63
bywayoflots(4,267ff.)." Thesearetheprinciplesfordiscerningthecasesinwhichitisorisnotpermittedtoresorttolots.

Desecreto

Beforepassingtomoreextensiveworks,letusmentionagainthiscuriousandlittleknowntext.Itisnot,properlyspeaking,oneofThomas'sworks,butratherakind
ofcompterendufromaconsultationbyJohnofVercelliduringthegeneralchapterofPentecost1269thiswasthereforejustafterThomas'sreturntoParis.As
HyacintheDondainesumsitup:"Itdealswithsixcaseshavingtodowiththelimitsofthepowerofareligioussuperiorovertheconscienceofasubordinatewhois
accusedofasecretfaultorknowstheunknownauthorofamisdeed."64WemaysupposethattheseweredifficultiesactuallyencounteredandthatJohnofVercelli,as
wellasthecapitulariesgatheredaroundhim,desiredtoclarifytheirconductbytakingadvantageofthepresenceamongthemoftheorder'sintellectualelite.

InadditiontoThomas,thecommissiontowhichhadbeenassignedtheexaminationofthesequestionsincludedfiveothermembers,allmastersfromParis:
Bonhomme,PeterofTarentaise,BartholomewofTours,BeaudouindeMaflix,andGilbertdeOvis,orvanEyen.65Theypronouncedthemselvesintotalagreement
exceptforThomas,whobecamea"loneknight"ontwoquestions.Toquestionfour,Thomassaidthatifitwasacaseofajudicialprocedure,whereaciviljudge
coulddemandanoath,thereligioussuperiorcouldprescribeitinthenameofobedience.Questionsixconcernedtheunknownauthorofamisdeeddiscoveredinthe
monastery(theft,fire):unliketheothermasters,Thomasbelievedthatthesuperiorcouldissueageneralprecepttorevealtheauthorofthemisdeedinsuchawaythat
itwouldhaveboundinconscienceanyonewhoknewaboutit.ThefirstresponseconformscompletelywithQuodlibetIa.16,whichdatesfromthesameperiod.The
secondhasembarrassedcommentatorswhofindit"weak."66WeretainfromthisepisodeatleastthedoubleechoofThomas'sparticipationintheactivitiesofthe
order,andofhisindependenceofspirit.
63.
Ibid.,p.209.
64.
Leonine,vol.42,p.475thetextmaybefoundonpages48788,ll.95101and11721,forThomas'sresponse.
65.
OnthesefiguresseeGlorieux'scomments,RpertoireI,andKppeli'sScriptores.
66.
CajetaninIIaIIaeq.69a.2:"proinfirmahabetur"cf.Leonine,vol.42,p.476Tugwell,p.231,emphasizes,quiterightly,Thomas'soriginalityhere.

 Page218

TheLettertotheCountessofFlanders

ThisisanotherseriesofresponsestoquestionsthatwefindinthetextpublishedbytheLeonineeditionunderthetitleEpistolaadducissamBrabantiae,butwhich
somemanuscriptscall,withTolomeo,adcomitissamFlandrie.Itisalsostillknown,somewhatimproperly,astheDeregimineIudeorum.67Thisnameisimproper
because,formorethanhalfofitsshortlength,thistextspeaksofthenonJewishsubjectsoftherecipientandcouldbebettercalled"Deregiminesubditorum."

Theidentityoftherecipienthasintriguedhistoriansforsometime:PirennesawinherAlix(orAdelaide)ofBurgundyandproposeddatingtheletterafterthedeathof
herhusband,HenryIIIofBrabant,in1261(hiswillcontainssomeclausesabouttheJews)forGlorieux,therecipientwouldberatherMargaretofFrance,daughter
ofLouisIX,wifeofDukeJohn,andthiswouldmeantheyear1270.Summinguptheresearchin1979,FatherH.Dondainestatedwithhiscustomaryreserve:"The
twohypotheses...havetheirplausibilityandalsotheirweakness,thelatterinparticular."68

Inthesamevein,RaymondVanUytvenpublishedin1983theresultsofaseriousinvestigationthatpermittedhimtoconcluderesolutelyinfavorofAdelaideof
BurgundythedateofThomas'stextwouldthereforebedeterminedbyherrule(126167),but1266seemstobeaterminusantequem,theyears126365being
themostfavorable.69Weoughttosaythattwoelementsseemstronglyinfavorofthisposition:70firstthepreciseparallelsbetweenthecount'swillandThomas'sletter
thenthefactthattherewerenoJewsinFlandersatthetimeandBrabantistheonlyareaintheregionwheretheJewishpresenceisadequatelyattestedinthisepoch.

VanUytvenunfortunatelywasunawareofthedataprovidedbyastudythatappearedalittleafterhisandthathasnotablymodifiedthesituation.Althoughinhisfirst
edition,Weisheiplhadoptedforthesecondhypothesis,hechangedhismindinthesecondeditioninordertofollowLeonardBoyle'sposition,whichhadbeen
publishedinthemeantime.71Forthe
67.
Leonine,vol.42,pp.36078,withaprefacebyH.F.Dondaine.
68.
Leonine,vol.42,p.363.
69.
R.VanUytven,"TheDateofThomasAquinas'sEpistolaadDucissamBrabantiae,"inPascuaMediaevalia.StudiesvoorProf.Dr.J.M.DeSmet,ed.R.Lievens,E.VanMingroot,
W.Verbeke(Leuven,1983),pp.63143.
70.
Cf.C.VansteenkisteinRLT19(1986),no.76,pp.4243,and20(1987),no.11,pp.42324.
71.
L.E.Boyle,"ThomasAquinasandtheDuchessofBrabant,"ProceedingsofthePMR

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

 Page219

latter,wearedealingwiththedaughterofBaudouinI,countofFlandersandfirstemperorofConstantinople,MargaretofConstantinople,whowascountessof
Flandersfor33years(124578),agreatandconstantbenefactressoftheDominicans.ThomascouldhavemetheratValenciennesin1259,whereshereceivedthe
generalchapterinatowninhercountythismayexplainwhyheaddressedhimselftoherinarelativelyfamiliartone.Iftrue,Thomas'stextwouldbeplacedatParis,in
1271,andthiswouldexplain(sincethecountesswasalreadyratherelderly)whyhemighthavewishedhertoreignperlongioratempora.

ThisattributionwhichwasalreadymadebyTolomeoandwhichQutifEchardrepeatedwithouthesitationisnowconfirmedinanewway,sinceBoylehas
discoveredasimilarletterbyJohnPechamtothesameperson,properlyidentified,whichrespondstosamequestions,asingleoneexcepted.Furthermore,Gilbert
Dahanhasnoticedthatthecountesshadalsobeenwrittentobyasecularjurist(perhapsGerardofAbbeville)towhomshehadposedthesamequestions.72She
thereforewouldhavelaunchedaratherlargeconsultationandwecanlineupotherpiecesalongsideThomas'stext.

Itnowremainstosumupbrieflythecontentsofthistext.TheeightconcretequestionstowhichThomashadtorespondhardlylendthemselvestogreatdevelopments
andinsteadleaveusglimpsesofthepreoccupationsontherecipient'smind:''CanshelevytaxesontheJews?CanshepunishwithafineaJewwhoisatfault,butwho
livesbyusury?CansheacceptavoluntarygiftfromaJew?IfherestoresasumgreaterthantheChristianwhohasbeenharmedasks,cansheacceptit?Canshesell
orpawnpublicofficesraisefundsfromChristiansusethemoniesirregularlyextortedbyducalofficersthatcometoher?Finally,isitpropertoobligetheJewsto
wearasignthatdistinguishesthemfromothers?"73

Itwouldseemthat,sinceJohnPechamhaddealtrathercompletelywiththequestion,Thomaswasnotmovedtorespondtotheserequestshedoesnothidethathe
hasagreatdealofotherworkandthathewouldhavepreferredthattheduchessaddressherselftosomeonemorecompetentinthespecificsubject.Hetherefore
writesbrieflyandinalesscarefulway

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)
Conference8(1983)2335amongtheotherinterestingcontributionsofthisstudy,thetextoftheLeonineeditionmustbecorrectedandreestablishedatline242(p.378),
potentiaminallthemanuscriptsthatH.Dondainethoughtoughttobemodifiedintoprouinciam.
72.
G.Dahan,reviewofthestudybyBoyleinBTAM14(198690)no.1121,pp.53031.
73.
SummarybyH.F.Dondaine,Leonine,vol.42,p.363.

 Page220

thanusual,itseems,withoutmakinganyspecialeffortsatoriginality.AbouttheJewsinparticular,hecontentshimselfwithreproducingthecommondoctrineofhis
timeonthestateofservitudethatbelongstothem.Heunderlines,however,thatwemusttreatthemwithmoderationandthatifitisnecessarytopunishthemfor
practicingusury,weshouldpunishthemjustthesameasallotherusurers.Infact,theprincipalinterestofthesepagesresideslessinthetreatmenthereservesforthe
Jewsthaninthegeneralprinciplethatsupportsthelegitimacyoftaxesimposedbytheprince,whichispublicutility(communispopuliutilitas).74

TheDesubstantiisseparatis

Inthiscategoryofworksrespondingtoaprivaterequest,weshouldalsoputthesmallincompletebookwhosetwentychaptersoccupyfortyorsopagesinthe
Leonineedition.75Thoughitdoesnotexplicitlysayso,wemight,withtheancientcatalogues,identifytherecipientashavingbeenFriarReginaldhimself.Wecansee
anindicationofthisinthe"confidentialcharacter"oftheprologuewhereThomasalludestocircumstancesthatonlyaclosecolleaguewouldhaveknown:"Sincewe
cannotparticipateinthesolemnitiessacredtotheangels,wemustnotletourtimesofdevotionpasswithoutdoinganythingwemustthereforecompensate,withthe
laborofwriting,whateveristakenawayfromtheofficeofsingingthePsalms.76

MuchcommentaryhasbeendevotedtothereasonsthatmighthavepreventedThomasfrombeingatthedivineofficewemightimaginesomeindisposition,butalsoa
dispensationfromthechoirgrantedtothemastersintheologybytheDominicanconstitutions.Itseemsthatweshouldnotpresstheinvocationofangels,asifhewere
speakingofaspecificliturgicalfeastitismoreprobable,however,that,inpreparinghimselftowrite,Thomaswouldhaverememberedthemonasticthemeofthe
psalmodyasanangelicoffice,somethingofwhichtheDominicantraditionalsowasaware.77
74.
Amongthenumerousstudiesdedicatedtothisopusculum,see:H.Liebeschutz,"JudaismandJewryintheSocialDoctrineofThomasAquinas,"TheJournalofJewishStudies
13(1962)5781B.Blumenkranz,"LeDeregimineJudaeorum:sesmodles,sonexample,"inAquinasandProblemsofHisTime,G.VerbekeandD.Verhelst,eds.(LeuvenThe
Hague,1976),pp.10117.
75.
Leonine,vol.40,pp.D4180ed.andintro,byH.F.DondaineanoldFrenchtrans.byabbBandelisinthecollectionVrinReprise,vol.3(Paris,1984),pp.153248(thechapters
arenotthesameasintheLeonineedition).
76.
Prol,ll.14:"Quiasacrisangelorumsolemniisinteressenonpossumus,nondebetnobisdevotionistempustransireinvacuum,sedquodpsallendiofficiosubtrahiturscribendi
studiocompensetur."
77.
HumbertofRomans:conveniuntangelisancticumpsallentibus(DevitaregulariII,ed.

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

 Page221

Astotheauthor'sdesign,itisquiteclearlyexpressedintheprologue:hewantstospeakabouttheholyangels,butheproposestolookfirst,inaconjecturalway,at
whatantiquitythoughtaboutthem.Ifhefindssomethinginaccordwiththefaith,hewillmakeuseofit,buthewillrefutewhateveriscontrarytoCatholicdoctrine.78
Thetwophasesannouncedhereareagainquiteclearlymarkedatthebeginningofchapter18:"Sincewehaveshownwhatthegreatphilosophers[PlatoandAristotle]
havethoughtonthesubjectofspiritualsubstances,theirorigin,thecreationoftheirnature,theirdistinction,andthemannerinwhichtheyareruled,itremainsforusto
shownowwhatistheteachingoftheChristianreligionaboutthem.ForthispurposewewillmakeuseprimarilyofthebooksofDionysiuswhohasdealtbetterthanall
theotherswithwhatconcernsspiritualsubstances."79Thesecondpartofhisproposalwasbarelybegun,sinceThomasstopsatchaptertwenty,rightinthemiddleofa
passageonthesinsofangels,aboutwhichhehasjustsaidthatitpresentsmanydifficultiestoreflection.

Thesebriefindicationssufficetoshowthathisintentionwasprimarilytheological,andtheyexplainalsothewaveringsinthemanuscripttradition,whichsometimes
speaksofthisbookasaDeangelis.ButweshouldalsoaddthattheimportanceofthistreatiseisnottobemeasuredbyitsthicknessEschmannspeaksofitas"one
ofthemostimportantmetaphysicalwritingsbyAquinas,"whileHenleconsiderswhatissaidaboutPlatointhefirstchapterasthemostdevelopedPlatonicsynthesisin
Thomas.80

Astothedate,thistreatiseisnotonlylaterthanMay1268,thedateofthecompletionofMoerbeke'stranslationofProclus'sElementatiotheologica,whichitcites
attwopointsinchaptertwenty,butalsoafterthecondemnationofDecember1270,towhichitmakesseveralallusionsfinally,heknowstheBookLambdaofthe
MetaphysicsasBookXII.Wecanthensituateitafterthefirsthalfof1271,butitisnoteasytobemorepreciseortodecidewhetheritwaswritteninParisor
Naples.81

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)
Berthier(1889),p.83cf.ibid.,I,p.174)HumberthimselfreferstoanexpressionbySaintBernard(InCant.,sermon7,n.4).
78.
Prol.ll.410:"Intendentesigitursanctorumangelorumexcellentiamutcumquedepromere,incipiendumvideturabhisquaedeangelisantiquitushumanaconiecturaaestimavitutsi
quidinvenerimusfideiconsonumaccipiamus,quaevetodoctrinaecatholicaerepugnantrefutemus."FatherDondaineproperlyunderlinesthesimilarityofthistwostageproposalwith
thatoftheSummacontraGentiles(I9).
79.
Desubst.separatis,chap.18,ll.312(Leonine,vol.40,p.D71).
80.
Cf.thereferencesinLescoe(followingnote),p.51.
81.
Cf.Leonine,vol.40,pp.D67F.J.Lescoe'sexamination,writtenseveralyearslater,

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 Page222

TheSuperLibrumDecausis

AlthoughtheSuperdeCausisisnotaworkcomposed"byrequest,"itisrighttospeakofitherebecauseofitsprobabledateanditsrelationshipwiththeDe
substantiisseparatis.HavinglongbeenconsideredaworkbyAristotle,despiteseveraldoubts,theDecausiswasdesignatedinthefacultyofartsasoneofthe
Philosopher'sworksthathadtobecommentedonoverthecourseofsevenweeks.82Eventoday,itsauthorisnotcertain,butthankstoWilliamofMoerbeke's1268
translationofProclus'sElementatiotheologicaProcluswasoneofPlato'slastsuccessorsintheAthenianAcademyThomaswasthefirsttoidentifytheauthoras
anArabicphilosopherwhoborrowedfromthisworkbyProclus.83

Tocommentonthistextwas,therefore,forThomastopursueanewdialoguewithNeoplatonicphilosophy,alreadyslantedbytheauthoroftheDecausistoward
monotheismandmoderaterealism.AsHenriDominiqueSaffreyhaswellsaidinhisremarkableprefacetothecriticaleditionthathehasproduced,whenhe
commentedonthistext,SaintThomashadthreebooksopeninfrontofhim:"ThetextoftheLiber,amanuscriptoftheElementatio,andDionysius'corpus.Thetexts
ofthesethreeauthorsarequotedadlitteram,theotherauthorsused,principallyAristotle,arequotedadmentem."Inthisresidestheparticularinterestofthe
undertaking:"SaintThomas'strueintentiointhiscommentaryistocomparethethreetexts.Thisisthewholeargumentoftheworkanditisperhapsauniquecasein
theSaint'sentireoeuvre."Thushewillbeabletovalueeachone,positionhimselfvisvisProclus,authoroftheLiber,andDionysius,"whoseconnectionswith
AristotleorSaintAugustineheemphasizes.''Thus,herejectsseparatedformsanddivinehypostases,whichistosayNeoplatonicpolytheism,aswellasits
emanationismand

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)
"Desubstantiisseparatis:TitleandDate,"CommemorativeStudiesI,pp.5166,arrivesatthesameconclusions.
82.
Chartul.no.246,p.278Thomashimself,atthebeginningofhiscareer,alsoattributedthisworktoAristotle,cf.SuperBoetiumDeTrin.q.6a.1,Ulterius,arg.2goingalittle
outsideoursubject,wecanrefertoE.P.BosandP.A.Meijer,eds.,OnProclusandHisInfluenceinMedievalPhilosophy,PhilosophiaAntiqua53(Leiden,1992).
83.
Prooemium(ed.Saffrey,p.3):"EtingraecoquideminvenitursictraditusliberPROCLIPLATONICI,continensccxipropositiones,quiintitulaturElementatiotheologicainarabico
veroinveniturhicliberquiapudLatinosDecausisdicitur,quemconstatdearabicoessetranslatumetingraecopenitusnonhaberi:undevideturabaliquophilosophorumarabumex
praedictolibroPROCLIexcerptus,praesertimquiaomniaquaeinhoclibrocontinentur,multopleniusetdiffusiuscontinenturinillo."

 Page223

thepriorityoftheoneandofthegoodoverbeing,"buthewillalsocarefullypreserveinhissynthesisthegreatordersofcreation.Being,livingthings,intelligences,and
Godoverandaboveall."84

Astothedate,ithardlypresentsadifficulty.ThecontinualuseoftheElementatiotheologica,completedbyMoerbekeon18May1268,situatesthisworkafterthat
datebutthedesignationoftheBookLambdaasBookXIIoftheMetaphysicsalsoplacesitafterthefirsthalfof1271.Thesetwocharacteristics,whicharealso
foundinthedatingoftheDesubstantiisseparatis,ledFatherSaffreytoconsiderthesetwoworksascontemporary.Furthermore,acarefulcomparisonof
QuodlibetVq.4a.7disputedChristmas1271withtheproposition2oftheSuperdecausissuggeststhepriorityofthequodlibettothecommentary.Saffrey
thereforeconcludesthatthelattershouldbedatedto"thefirsthalfof1272."85

Inconclusion,ifweattempttoestablishprovisionallywherewearewithregardtothetextspresentedinthischapter,wearecertainlystruckbytheirnumber,buteven
moreperhapsbytheirdiversity.Knowinghistitleasmagisterinsacrapagina,wewouldmoreorlessexpecttoseeinThomasthemanofasinglebook,theBible.
Heiscertainlythat,byprofessionandbypredilection(hisexpositionsontheNewTestamentremainattheheartofhisactivity),butwearealsoimpressedbythe
varietyofhisoutput(thedifferentshorttextsthatwehavementionedtestifytoit)andbyhispresenceinthemidstofcontemporaryquestions:whetheritisacaseof
thesecularsorof"averroism,"weseeThomasactiveonallfrontsandthequodlibetsconfirmit.Tothisrangeofactivities,wemusthoweveraddafinalcategory:
ThomaswasalsoacommentatoronAristotle.
84.
SanctiThomaedeAquinosuperLibrumDecausisExpositio,ed.H.D.Saffrey,TextusphilosophiciFriburgenses4/5(Fribourg,1954),Prface,pp.xxxvixxxvii.
85.
Saffrey,ibid.,pp.xxxiiixxxviwiththeexceptionoftheverylastpoint,whichseemstohimtoospeculativeEschmann,"ACatalogue,"p.407,acceptsthislineofargumentthe
sameistrueofWeisheipl,p.383.Theworkhasbeencarefullyexaminedandwerecallhereseveralofthemorerecentstudies:ThomasAquinas,CommentoalLibrodelleCause,a
curadiC.D'AnconaCosta(Milan,1986)(withanimportantintroductionandbibliography)L.Elders,"SaintThomasd'AquinetlamtaphysiqueduLiberdeCausis,"RT89(1989)
42742A.deLibera,"AlbertleGrandetThomasd'AquininterprtesduLiberdecausis,"RSPT74(1990)34778.C.D'AnconaCosta,"SaintThomaslecteurdu'LiberdeCausis.'Bilan
desrecherchescontemporainesconcernantle'DeCausis'etanalysedel'interprtationthomiste,''RT92(1992)785817,whichappearedtoolateforinclusioninthisdiscussion,has
beenreprintedinRecherchessurleLiberdecausis,Etudesdephilosophiemdivale,vol.72(Paris:Vrin,1995),pp.22958.

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ChapterXII
TheCommentatoronAristotle
ThelastmajoroccupationduringthisthirdParisiansojournwasThomas'scommentingonAristotle.Thisactivity,whichThomashadbegunwiththeDeanimainthe
lastyearofhissojourninRome,wascontinuedinParisatanacceleratedpace.Sincehecouldnothavedoneitearlier,hefirstcompletedtheDesensuetsensato
sometimearound1269,whichistosaybeforetheDeunitateintellectus.Hemusthavecontinuedthistaskwithoutceasingsincethecommentariesmultiplybeginning
aroundthisdate.Apparentlyhedidthemalongsideoneanother,becausealltheconfirmingevidencethatwecanfindleadtodatesthatareveryclose.Inwhatfollows
wewillnotsee,therefore,astrictchronologicalorder,whichisverydifficulttoestablishifindeedonecaneverbeestablishedatall.

TheExpositioLibriPeryermenias

InthecurrentstateofresearchthankstoFatherGauthier'sreeditingoftheearliestvolumesoftheLeonineeditiontheExpositioLibriPeryermeniasappearsto
beoneofthefirstcommentariesfromthisperiod.1ThededicationofthisworktoGuillaumeBerthout,provostofLouvain,furnishesuswithameansofapproximating
itsdate.Berthout,thenstudyingunderThomasatParis,wasnamedprovostofSaintPierreinLouvainattheendof1269or1270(hispredecessordied18
November1269or1270).
1.
Usuallythistitleiswrittenintwowords:PeriHermeneias.WeretainheretheusagethatwasThomas'sownandhasbeenrestoredbyR.A.Gauthier,editor,Expositiolibri
Peryermenias,editioalteraretracta,Leonine,vol.I*1(Rome,1989).

 Page225

SinceThomasalludestotheerrorsofthemodernionfreewill(I14),whichwerecondemnedon10December1270,theopeningofhisbookmustbelaterthanthe
condemnationandalmostcontemporaneouswithQ.6oftheDeMaloandofQQ.913ofthePrimaSecundae.Astothemomentwhenthecompositionceases,we
needtosituateitbeforetheendof1271,whichwaswhenThomasadoptedthenumberingofthebooksoftheMetaphysicsofWilliamofMoerbeke'stranslation.2

WecantakeafurtherstepandsituatetheendofcompositiontowardthemiddleofOctober1271on15October,GuillaumeBerthoutwasprobablyinLouvainfor
business.ItislikelythatThomastooktheoccasionofhisdeparturetoabandonthistask,whichheseemstohaveundertakenagainsthiswill,3anditisthusthatthis
commentaryremainedunfinished.ThomashowevertookthemanuscriptwithhimtoNaplesafterhisdeaththistextwassentfromNaplesbacktoParis,alongwith
theexpositionofthePosteriorAnalytics,attherequestofthemastersoftheartsfacultywhohadwishedtopossessthesetwobooks.Thisexplainswhytherewas
noItalianedition,butonlyaParisianoneofthesetwoworksthatwerehardlyknownuntil1275.4

ThemastersinartsinParishadsomereasonforclaimingthesecommentariestheyrecognizedinthemthetechniqueofexpositionthat
2.
ThisfactistoolittleknownbytheaveragereaderofSaintThomas,butitsimportanceisgreat.UntilMoerbeke'stranslation,onereferrredtotheMetaphysicsaccordingtothe
translationbyMichaelScotoraccordingtotheTranslatiomedia,whichwasanonymousbothhavingomittedbookKappa,thebookdesignatedLambdawasalsoreferredtoas
bookXI.
WilliamofMoerbekeisthefirsttotranslatebookKappa,whichinhistranslationwillbecomeXI,whilethebookLambdawillbecomebookXII.Thiscriterionhaspermittedusto
divideSaintThomas'sworksintotwoseries,theonewhichdatesbeforetheMoerbecana,wherethebookLambdaiscalledXI,theotherwhichdatesfromaftertheMoerbecana,
whenbookLambdaiscalledXII.TheexpositionofthePeryermeniasbelongsinthefirstseries,whichalsoincludesthefirstworksfromSaintThomas'ssecondperiodofteachingat
Paris:theDeunitateintellectus,thequestionsDemalo,thePrimasecundaeinitsentirety.ThesecondseriesincludestheSecundaSecundae(beginningwithq,1,a.8,arg.1),the
CommentaryontheEthics(beginningfrom16),apartoftheCommentaryontheMetaphysics,thecommentariesonDecausis,Decaelo,andDegeneratione,theDesubstanciis
separatisandtheTertiaPars.Thekeydate,whichistosaythedatewhenSaintThomasknewtheMoerbecanaoftheMetaphysics,issituatedtowardthemiddleortheendof1271.
(R.A.Gauthier,PrfacetotheExpositiolibriPeryermenias,Leonine,I*1,pp.8586seealsoonthispointtheSommecontrelesgentils,introduction,chap.II,pp.6267,wherethe
authorrecommendstheflexibilitynecessaryinusingthiscriterion).
3.
Aftereverythingthatwehavesaid,itwillbeunderstoodthattheevocationinhisdedicationofmultiplicesoccupationummearumsollicitudinesmaynotbeasimplefigureof
speech.
4.
Gauthier,Leonine,vol.I*1,pp.85*88*.

 Page226

Thomashadborrowedfromthem(somethinghehadalreadydoneintheSententialibriDeanima).Here,inanycase,thesententia,whichconsistsofasimple
doctrinalsummary,giveswayratherfrequentlytotheexplicationoftheletter(thisiswithoutdoubtwhy,inhisdedication,hehimselfdesignateshisworkasan
expositio).5Astothecontentproperlyspeaking,itisnotpossibletosumupatreatiseoflogic,butwecouldsaythat,withsomeexceptions,Thomasentrustedhimself
totwoprincipalsources,BoethiusandAmmonius,whomhedocilelyfollowswithoutevernamingthem,exceptwhenhedepartsfromtheirviewsfaithfulinthistothe
customofallhiscontemporaries.Headdstothemsometimescertainthingsfromhisowngenius:"Inthefirstplaceconcisionandclarity...[but]particularlya
coherentphilosophy,whicheverywhereunderliesthetechnicalexplanationsandassurestheirintelligibility."6

TheExpositioLibriPosteriorum

ThisbookissituatedintheimmediatetemporalneighborhoodofthecommentaryonthePeryermenias.FatherGauthierhasbeenabletoestablishthatchaptersI1
26ofthecommentaryonthePosteriorastillusetheancienttextbyJamesofVenice,butthatThomashadalreadybeguntofamiliariazehimselfwithMoerbeke's
translation.Toallappearances,hemusthavereceivedthetranslatiomoerbecanaofthePosteriorAnalyticsalmostatthesametimeasthetranslationofthe
Metaphysics,towardthemiddleof1271.Wecanthereforedatefromthismomentthebeginningofthisnewcommentary,andperhapsitisnottooartificialtoseeit
immediatelysucceedingthePeryermenias(haltedinOctober,letusrecall).Ashehardlyhadleisuretoworkonit,thecommentarywasnotatalladvancedwhenhe
hadtoleaveParisforNaplesatEaster1272(24April).

Thoughwecannotprovidecertainproof,itseemsthatthechangeofplacealsoledtoachangeinthetranslationbeingused:fromI,27toII,20,Thomascommentson
Moerbeke'stext.Thusthecompositionoftheworkextendedfromtheendof1271inParistotheendof1272inNaples.
5.
Forthedifferencesamonglectura,sententia,andexpositio,werefertoR.A.Gauthier,"Lecourssurl'Ethicanouad'unmatressartsdeParis(12351240),"AHDLMA43
(1975)71141,cf.pp.7677.
6.
Gauthier,ibid.,pp.82*84*tocompletethisbriefpresentation,seeJ.Isaac,LePeriHermeneiasenOccidentdeBoceasaintThomas,Bibl.,thom.29(Paris,1953)(Gauthierhas
reservationsaboutpp.14851,whichgivesa"displeasingimageofThomas")G.Mura,"Ermeneutica,gnoseologiaemetafisica.AttualitdelcommentodiS.Tommasoal
PerihermeneiasdiAristotele,"EuntesDocete40(1987)36189.

 Page227

ItwasfromNaples,too,that,toward1275,thecommentarywassenttoParisattherequestofthemastersoftheartsfaculty,whotookituponthemselvestohavean
exemplarmade,whichwouldassureitsdiffusion.7

Despitetheirtechnicalcharacter,orperhapsevenbecauseofit,thesetwoworksfoundaratherlargeaudience:twentyonemanuscriptsmoreorlesscompleteforthe
PeryermeniasmorethanfiftyfourforthePosteriorAnalyticsastotheeditionsthathaveveryoftenputthemtogether,theynumberthirtyone(includingtheonein
theIndexThomisticus).

TheSententiaLibriEthicorum

TrustinginsomeindicationsinTolomeo,historiansforalongtimeattributedthiscommentarytoThomas'sRomanperiod.Progressinresearchhastaughtscholarsto
bewaryofTolomeo'sinformation,andmorethanfortyyearsagoFatherGauthier,inaradicalchangeofperspective,proposedsituatingthiscommentaryduringthe
secondperiodofteachinginParis.8Themonumentaleditionthathehasdonesince9permitsustoconfirmandspecifyfurtherhisfirstjudgment:thecommentaryonthe
EthicswascomposedinParisin127172,asthespecialistshavenowagreed.10

WedonotneedtogooverherethedetailsthatledtothisdatingtounderstandthatitisThomas'sadoptioninParisofthenumberingoftheTranslatioMoerbecana's
booksoftheMetaphysicsandtheparallelismbetweencertainpassagesofthecommentaryontheEthicsandtheSecundaSecundaethathavebeenthedecisive
elements.PerhapswemightaddtakingintoaccountsomeofGauthier'slaterpropositionsaboutthebeginningofthecompositionofthePrimaSecundaein1271
thattheSecunda
7.
Cf.Gauthier,Leonine,vol.I*2,pp.50*54'and73*77*cf.above,whatwehavesaidaboutthePeryermenias,whichfollowedthesamecourse.ThiscommentarybySaint
ThomashasscarcelybeenstudiedinitselfwenotetherecentthesispresentedbyC.Marabelli,"NotepreliminariallostudiodelcommentodiS.Tommasoai'SecondiAnalitici'di
Aristotele,"DTP88(1985)7788(unfortunatelypriortothenewLeonineedition).
8.
R.A.Gauthier,"LadateducommentairedesaintThomassurl'EthiqueNicomaque,"RTAM18(1951)66105asummaryofpriorhesitationsonthepointmaybefoundthere,but
alsosomeviewsthathavebeenmodifiedabitbywhatfollowed.
9.
Cf.SententialibriEthicorum,Leonine,vol.47/1and2,1969foranyonewhowouldhavedifficultyinmasteringthelearnedLatinofthePreface,werefertothesummaryofitthat
theauthorhasgivenintheLeonine,vol.48,pp.ixxv,"SaintThomasetl'EthiqueNicomaque."
10.
Cf.O.Lottin,BTAM6(19501953),no.1799,p.550L.J.Bataillon,BT9(195456)no.120,pp.8991Eschmann,ACatalogue,pp.4045Weisheipl,p.380.C.Vansteenkiste,RLT4
(1972)no.58,pp.2930,leanstowardamoreancientdate(withareviewofthediverseearlieropinions).

 Page228

Secundaeprobablywasnotbegunbeforethelongvacationsofthatsameyear.

WecannotenterhereintothecontentsofthecommentarywithoutbeingledtotracetheoutlinesofThomistmoralteaching,andthatwouldcauseustoencroachon
ourfuturevolume.TheworkisindeedaSententia,whichistosayasummaryandratherdoctrinalexplication,andnotanexpositio,anindepthcommentarywith
textualdiscussions.Thisisimportant,wehastentosay,ifwearetoappreciatecorrectlyThomas'seffortvisvisAristotle:hedidnotwishtomakeacritical
commentary,andhistitlesufficientlyindicatesasmuch.

Butifwewishtoavoidequivocations,wemustalsoaddthatasacommentatorThomasdoesnotleaveAristotletohimself.IthastoooftenbeensaidthatThomas
wasthemostfaithfulandpenetratingofthecommentatorsonAristotlethisistoforgetthatbetweentheirtwomoralitiesliestheentiredifferenceaddedbytheGospel.
WhileAristotlemovesintheorderofadeeplypaganethic,ThomasplaceshimselfexplicitlyintheChristianperspectiveandarrangesthingssoastohavethe
PhilosopherspeakofthecontemplativefinalityinwhichThomashimselfseesthehappinessofbeatitude.11FatherGauthierexplainsbetterthananyoneelsewhathas
happened:"SothatAristotle'sethics,whichhardlyspeaksofanythingotherthanman,canspeakofGod,SaintThomas,withoutwishingit,withouthisevennoticingit,
hadtotransformitprofoundly.Ifhehadwantedtoperformtheworkofahistorianorofacritic,ahistorianorcriticwouldhavebeenrighttojudgehisworkandto
finditwanting.ButThomaswantedonlytocomposeaworkofwisdom."12

WewilldoubtlessbetterunderstandwhatThomaswantedtodoifwerecallthatthesecommentarieswerenotcourseshewouldhavegiventohisstudents.Theyare
rathertheequivalentofapersonalreadingmadewithpeninhandtoconstrainhimselftopenetratethetextofAristotleinordertopreparehimselfforthecomposition
ofthemoralpartofthe
11.
ThishadalreadybeenproperlyseenbyF.Copleston,AHistoryofPhilosophy,vol.II:MediaevalPhilosophy.AugustinetoScotus(London,1959),chap.39,PP.398411.On
thisseealsoA.Thiry."SaintThomasetlamoraled'Aristote,"inAristoteetsaintThomasd'Aquin,pp.22958L.Elders,"SaintThomasAquinas'sCommentaryonthe
NicomacheanEthics,"insameauthor'sAutourdesaintThomas,pp.77122.
12.
Leonine,vol.48,pp.xxivxxvwealsoreferwiththeauthortothedeliberatelyparadoxicalpageswhereheshowsthattheaffirmationofGodasthehighestendofmanledThomas
toturntheAristoteliandoctrineofphronesisupsidedown,R.A.Gauthier,Aristote.L'EthiqueNicomaque(2ded.,Louvain,1970),vol.I,1,pp.27383seeibid.,pp.12834,forthe
radicalchangebetweenAristotleandThomasaswellasthereasonfortheattacksbySt.BonaventureagainsttheNicomacheanEthicsreadbythemastersinarts.

 Page229

Summatheologiae.HehadalreadyusedthisprocedurewiththeSententialibriDeanimawithafirmconstancyhecontinuedhiseffortuntiltheend.Thereishere
inanyeventanewelementtestifiedtobyaratherlittleknownwork.

TheTabulaLibriEthicorum

WehavealreadyspokenbrieflyofthisTablewithrespecttotheattentionthatThomascontinuedtodevotetotheliteraryoutputofhismaster,Albert.Itisnotidleto
returntoithere,foritisrichinteachingsthatenableustoachieveabetterfamiliaritywithourauthor.

ThiscuriouslittleworkposedauniqueproblemtotheeditorsoftheLeonineedition:neverpublishedpriorto1971andtotallyforgottensincethefifteenthcentury,it
wasnotmentionedbyanyhistorianeither.Itappearshoweverinagoodplaceinoneofthemostancient(25February1304)bookseller'slistsofThomas'sworksas
anexemplarineightpieces,thatcouldbeborrowedforthesumoffivedeniers.13Furthermore,itfurnishedStephenTempierwiththematerialforoneofthe
propositionshecondemnedin1277.Wehavethusfromtwodifferentsourcesadoubleconfirmationofitsauthenticityanditsancientdiffusion.14

Asitsnameindicates,thisisatableofcontentsand,moreprecisely,whatwewouldcalltodayanindexoftheprincipalthemes(indexrerumnotabilium)ofthe
NicomacheanEthicsandthecommentarythatAlberttheGreathadoncemadeonit.Atthetimewhenhewaspreparinghimselftocomposethemoralsectionofthe
Summatheologiae,Thomasreturnedtothesethingsindepth:heproceededwithawrittencommentaryonthisworkbyAristotlehealsoreviewsthecommentaryof
hisformermaster,Albert,andhashissecretariescompilefilesthatindicatetheprincipalreferencesinbothauthors.Thatthisworkfirsttooktheformoffilesisclear
enoughfromthefactthatwecanfindsomerepetitions,somesentencesoutofplace,andotheranomaliesthatwouldcertainlyhavebeennoticedandeliminatedifthe
authorhadbeenabletosupervisethecleancopy.15

Thisworkremainsincomplete,anditisplausiblethathisownwork
13.
Chartul.II,no.642,p.108cf.Gauthier,Leonine,vol.48,pp.B56.
14.
Thecondemnedpropositionwasno.178:"Quodfinisterribiliumestmors"(Chartul.no.473,P.553)cf.R.Hissette,Enqutesurles219articles,pp.3047(proposition213inhis
set).NoteinLeonine,vol.48,theadditionbyGauthiertothelistoftheAddendaetemendanda(B50),whereheemphasizesthatthisexpressioniscommoninThomas,whousesit
seventimesoutsideoftheTabulathecontextofthesesevenusestakesawayanypossibilityofabadinterpretationitisthereforefromtheTabulathatthecondemnedproposition
wouldhavebeenextracted.
15.
Cf.Gauthier,Leonine,vol.48,pp.B4547.

 Page230

hadconvincedThomasthathenolongerneededtodependonthemasterwhohadguidedhisfirststeps.Suchasitis,however,itisnotonlyarevelationofthe
seriousnesswithwhichThomaswaspreparingtowritetheSecundaParsitalsocastsapreciselightonhisworkmethods.StudyingthefilesoftheTabulaconfirms
whatwehadsensedduringthecompositionoftheCatenaaurea:Thomas'ssecretarieswerenotsimplecopyistswritingunderdictationorpureexecutants.He
allowedthemacertainliberty,reservingtohimselfthefinaltouchwhenitcametimetoputthingsindefinitiveform.Inthepresentcase,thismethodexplainsnotonly
theblemishesthatwehavenoticedbut,inaddition,certainthingsthatThomashimselfcouldnothavewritten,suchasarepetitionofexegesesthathehadalready
chosentodiscard.Thatthesehavecomedowntousshowsonlythathewasnotabletorereadthiswork,andevenperhapsthatitwasnotintendedforpublication.

ThisTableinterestlyisthesecondexampleofthisgenrethatweknowof.Beforethesummerof1259,atthetimeofhisfirstteachingassignmentinParistherefore,
ThomashadhadcopiedforhisownuseaCorpusoftheParuanaturaliabySaintAlbert.NowthefirstnotebookofthisvolumecontainspreciselyatableofAlbert's
commentaryonthePhysics,writtenbythepersondesignatedassecretaryD,forlackofknowledgeofhisname.PerhapsThomashadotherlaborsofthiskind
carriedoutforhimthesesufficetoshowthatThomasdidnotdisdainusingthoseworkinstrumentsthathaveremainedourown.16

ThisnewstroketoThomas'sportraitisperhapslesssurprisingthanthosethatcomefromhiswriting,butitdoesnotcontradictthem.WellbeforeGils'sconclusions
wereknown,andsolelyonthebasisoftheparticularitiesoftheTabula'scomposition,Gauthierfelthimselfentitledtowritethathehadfoundinthisworkallthe
characteristictraitsofourauthor:"HistextofAristotle,hisdevotiontoSaintAlbert,theexpressionsthatwerecommontohimandmoregenerallythatmixtureof
carefulnessandofnegligence,ofclarityofthoughtandlibertyofform,whichcharacterizehisintellectualphysiognomy,thosethousanddetailsthatacounterfeiter
couldnothavecopied."17

AstothedateofthecompositionoftheTabula,Gauthierthinks"intheneighborhoodof1270"thisspringsfromeverythingthatthetextof
16.
Cf.Gauthier,Leonine,vol.48,pp.B5155forsecretaryD,seeA.Dondaine,SecrtairesdesaintThomas,pp.2640and18598.
17.
Ibid.,p.B51ouremphasis.

 Page231

Aristotleusedforthisworksuggests.Butitisalsoconsistentwitheverythingweknowotherwise.Thedatewouldalsohavetheadvantageofrespondingtothe
questionposedbythelongintervalseparatingthePrimaParsfromthePrimaSecundae.IfThomas'snumerousotheroccupationsdidnotpermithimtodevote
himselftothecompositionoftheSummabetweenSeptember1268andthebeginningof1271,heneverthelessdidnotceasethinkingaboutit,andthecompositionof
theTabulalibriEthicorumisaneloquentindicationofthis.

CommentariesonthePhysicsandtheMetaphysics

Wecannotdealfullywiththenumerouscommentariesthatdatefromthisperiodwemust,therefore,speakbrieflyofthem,fortheastonishingmultiplicationin
Thomas'sliteraryoutputoneperhapsoughttosayhis"explosion"posesaproblemtotheresearcher.Notonlytheproblemoftheirordersincewemust
conceiveoftheircompositionasalmostsimultaneous,thedatesnecessarilyoverlaponeanotherbutindeedwemustquestiontheverypossibilityofsomany
publicationswithinthegiventime.

ThecommentaryontheeightbooksofthePhysicshadoncebeenassignedbyMandonnettotheRomanperiod,in1265,priortothePrimaPars.Buthewaslittle
followedinthisview.Severalauthorsdoubtedthedating(Grabmann,Castagnoli,Mansion),andEschmannproposedsituatingthecommentaryinParisbetween1268
and1271.Morerecently,Weisheiplhasmaintainedthat,inthiswork,ThomasrefersindifferentlytobookLambdaoftheMetaphysicsasBookXIorXIIthiswould
signifythathehadlearnedoftheexistenceoftheBookKappawhilewritingthecommentaryandwouldinviteustosituateitscompositionduringtheyear1271,since
itistowardthemiddleofthatyearthatthischangeintitlebegantoappear.18Surprisedbythisaffirmation,FatherGauthierwaskindenoughtoperformforusa
provisionalsearchofthemanuscripts,fromwhichitisclearthatThomasspeaksonlyofaBookXItheerrorcameinwiththeprintededition.Gauthierproposesthe
scholasticyear126869asthedate,perhapsthebeginningofthesecondperiodofteachinginParis.19Thomas'smotivesfortheselaborsarecertainlytobefoundin
the
18.
Weisheipl,pp.37576,acorrectionfromin1983,butwithoutotherproofforthisaffirmation.
29.
Leonine,vol.45/1,p.270*a,withthereferencetoamorecomprehensivestudybyMansiononceagainIthankFatherGauthierfortheresearchheperformedonthisoccasion.

 Page232

interestofAristotle'sworkinitselfwerecallthatitopenswithanentirebookdedicatedtodisengagingtheprinciplesofbecomingandofnaturalbeings,anditcloses
withthedemonstrationoftheexistenceofthePrimeMover.20

Inpreparationformanyyears,theSententiasuperMetaphysicamposesseveralformidableproblemsfortheeditors:itssize,theversionsofthetextofAristotle
Thomasused(notfewerthanfiveitseems),andalsoitsdate.TheexaminationoftheoriginalmanuscriptallowsustounderstandthatThomascouldnothavefollowed
theorderofAristotle'sbooksinthecommentaryandthat,inaddition,hereturnedtothepartsalreadycomposedtomakesomecorrections.

Evenlessthaninothercases,wecannotenterhereintothesequestions,whicharehighlycomplexsufficeittosaythatthewayofquotingbookLambdaofthe
Metaphysicsalwaysservesasavaluablecriterionforestablishingthedateofcomposition.Greatlysimplifyingthemostreliableresultsatwhichresearchershave
arrived,wehavesaidthatThomasbegantodesignatebookLambdaasBookXIIbeginningwiththecommentaryonBookVIIandthathedoesnotchangeuntilthe
endofBookXIIthispartcannotthereforehavebeencomposedbeforethebeginningof1271.Thebeginningofthecommentarycouldthereforedatefromthe
universityyear127071,butBooksIIandIIIposeaspecialproblemtheycouldbethefruiteitherofselfcorrectionorevenofasecondredaction,afterthechange
inthenameofBookLambdawentintoeffect(thus,towardtheendof1271attheearliest).IfweretainthesedatesadaptedfromthoseproposedbyDuin21
compositioncouldhaveoccurredinParis,atleastinpart,butauthorssuchasEschmannandWeisheiplalsothinkitmayhavebeenNaples.22JamesDoigalsoleaves
openthishypothesis,which
20.
ThetextmaybefoundinLeonine,vol.2,1884(althoughtheLatintextofAristotlemaynotbetheonethatSaintThomasknew)reproducedwithsomechangesinthe
presentationbyP.M.Maggiolo(Turin,1954).AnEnglishtranslationexists:ThomasDeAquino,CommentaryonAristotle'sPhysics,trans.R.J.Blackwell,R.J.Spath,andW.E.
Thirlkel,intro,byV.J.Bourke(NewHaven,1963).Forthecontentsofthiswork,werefertotherapidbutprecisepresentationbyL.Elders,"St.ThomasAquinas'Commentaryon
thePhysicsofAristotle,"inAutourdesaintThomas,vol.1,pp.2363of.B.Harkins,GodinSt.Thomas'CommentariesonAristotle'sPhysicsandMetaphysics,diss.Pontifical
UniversityofSt.Thomas(Rome,1986)J.M.Vernier,"PhysiquearistotlicienneetmtaphysiqueThomiste,"RT91(1991)533393413.
21.
J.J.Duin,"NouvellesprcisionssurlachronologieduCommentuminMetaphysicamdeS.Thomas,"RPL53(1955)51124thishighlytechnicalstudysumsupandrendersmore
precisethepreviouslaborsbyTh.KppelliandA.DondaineontheNaplesmanuscript.
22.
Eschmann,"ACatalogue,"p.404Weisheipl,pp.41213.

 Page233
23
doesnotexcludethepossibilityofafirstversiongoingbacktotheRomanperiod. Aslongasthecriticaleditionremainsunpublished,wecannothopeforanything
betterthantheseapproximations.24Theonly,thingthatresearchersareentirelycertainofisthatthecommentaryontheMetaphysicsispriortothecommentaryonDe
caeloetmundo.

UncompletedWorks

SententialibriPoliticorum

EversinceTolomeo,25ithasbeenknownthatthisworkwasleftunfinishedcompletedbyPeterofAuvergne,itsauthenticportionceasesatBookIII6.However,all
oftheprintededitionsupuntiltheLeonineversionin1971havetransmitteda''completetext"ineightBooks,whichcanbeexplainedbecausetheyallgobacktothe
editiondoneinRomebyLouisofValencia,in1492.Thisisafirstreasontobewaryofcurrenteditions,butthereisasecondthatpreventsusfromusingeventhefirst
threeBookswithconfidence:thefirsteditorpitilesslymutilatedThomas'stext,eliminatingGreekwordsthatThomashadobtainedfromWilliamofMoerbeke's
translationaswellastheirexplanationsand"improving"theauthor'sLatintorenderitmoreinkeepingwiththetasteofRenaissancehumanists.26TheLeoninetextis
thereforenotjustrecommendedhere,itisindispensable.

AftertheresearchperformedbytheLeonineeditorsandinthecurrentstateofthedocumentation(whichistosay,whilethecriticaleditionofAlbert'scommentaryon
thePoliticsremainsundone),itseemsindeedthat
23.
J.C.Doig,AquinasontheMetaphysics.AHistoricoDoctrinalStudyoftheCommentaryontheMetphysics(TheHague,1972)thisbookisthefirstimportanthistorical
monographdedicatedtothewholecommentaryandfocusesnotablyoncomparingAvicenna'sexegesis,Averroes'sandAlbertusMagnus's,withThomas'swhotakeshis
positioninrelationtothem.RathercavalierlytreatedbyV.J.Bourke[TheThomist37(1973)24143],theauthorhasdefendedtheseriousnessofhiswork(ibid.,pp.82642),but
hisinterpretationofThomas'smetaphysicshasbeenquestionedbyotherauthors(RLT7,1975,no.557,pp.20818,inpartbyG.Perini,whoreturnstothepointatgreaterlength
inDTP77(1974)20645).
24.
Thisbookhasbeenlessstudiedthanonewouldexpect.Wementionhereseveralofthemorerecentstudies:S.Mansion,"L'intelligibilitmtaphysiqued'aprsleProoemiumdu
CommentairedesaintThomasMtaphysiqued'Aristote,"RFNS70(1978)4962L.Elders,"St.ThomasAquinas'sCommentaryontheMetaphysicsofAristotle,"inthesame
author'sAutourdesaintThomasd'Aquin,vol.1,pp.12345J.F.Wippel,"TheLatinAvicennaasaSourceofThomasAquinas'sMetaphysics,"FZPT37(1990)5190.
25.
TolomeoXXIII11(ed.Dondaine,p.125):"Scripsitetiamsuperphysicam,etsuperdecaelo,etsuperdegenerationesednoncomplevit,etsimiliterpoliticamsedhoslibros
complevitmagisterPetrusdeAlverniafidelissimusdiscipuluseius."
26.
Cf.C.Martin,"TheVulgateTextofAquinas'sCommentaryonAristotle'sPolitics,"DominicanStudies5(1952)3564PrfacetotheeditionofthetextintheLeonine,vol.48,pp.A
1518.

 Page234

Thomas'scommentaryislaterthanAlbert's,andthathehadacertainknowledgeofhismaster'stextanddrewcertainadvantagesfromit.Toallappearances,this
commentaryisconnectedtothesameperiodinParisastheprecedingworks.Astheindicationsinthemanuscripttraditiondonotprovideuswithcertainty,itisthe
frequentquotationsfromthisbookinthePrimaSecundaeandtheSecundaSecundaethatledEschmanntoproposeamoreorlesssimultaneouscompositionofa
paraphraseofAristotleandofthatpartoftheSummatheLeonineeditorsalignthemselveswithhisproposition.27

Decaeloetmundo

ForthisworkwehavethegoodfortuneofknowingwithcertaintytheterminuspostquemofThomas'scommentary.HeusedSimplicius'scommentaryonthisbook
ofAristotle'sintheversionthatWilliamofMoerbekehadprovided,andMoerbekedateshistranslation5June1271.Thomas'stextisthereforenecessarilylaterthan
thatdate,butinaddition,heshowshimselfmuchmorefamiliarwiththisworkbySimpliciusthanhewaswhenhecommentedonBookLambdaoftheMetaphysics,
wherehestillmakescertainerrorsconcerningtheancientastronomers.ThelattercircumstancepermitsusthereforetosituateitaftertheMetaphysicsandprobablyin
Naplesin127273.28DidillnessanddeathpreventThomasfromcompletingthiscommentary?Perhapsitwassimplyovercommitment.Inanycase,whileAristotle's
worknumbersfourbooks,Thomas'sstopsalittleafterthebeginningofBookIII.29

Astothesubject,itdealswithcosmologyandwefindinitsomequiteprobingconsiderations,withoutinterestforourimmediatepurposes,ontheuniverse,celestial
bodies,theirincorruptibility,thedivinityoftheheavens,theiranimation,eternity,etc.Itisclearthat,heremorethanelsewhere,ThomasreinterpretsAristotleinthe
directionoftheChristianfaith,andwecanseethisquitewellwhenheagaintakesupthequestion
27.
Cf.Eschmann,"ACatalogue,"p.405Leonine,vol.48,p.A8,withreferencetothedifferentauthorsastothecontents,wemustwaitforstudiesbasedonthenewedition,but
wecanconsultH.Keraly,PrfacelaPolitique,AvantPropos,trans,andexplanation(Paris,1974)J.Quillet,"L'artdelapolitiqueselonsaintThomas,"MM19(1988)27885.
28.
Thefactthatthemastersofarts,intheirlettertothegeneralchapterafterThomas'sdeath,claimtheSimpliciustextthathehadpromisedthempresupposesthatthisbookwasnot
tobefoundinParis,of.Chartul.,no.447,P.505.
29.
SeethetextintheLeonine,vol.3(1886),reprintedintheeditionofA.Spiazzi(Turin,1952)(onvols.2and3oftheLeonine,alreadybetterthanvol.1,cf.Bataillon,L'ditionlonine,
pp.45657)forquestionsofdating,of.Eschmann,"ACatalogue,"p.402Weisheipl,pp.37677.

 Page235

oftheeternityoftheworld.Allthistestifiestotheknowledgeanderuditionofourauthor,butthisAristoteliancosmologywouldhaveforusonlyhistoricalinterestif
Thomashadnotcompleteditwithhisownmetaphysicalviews,whichstilldeservetobebetterknown.30

Degenerationeetcorruptione

This,too,isanincompletecommentary,barelybegun,oneoughttosay,sinceThomasdidnotevenfinishthefifthchapterofBookI(therearetwobooksinAristotle's
text).31ThetextiscertainlylaterthanthecommentariesontheDecaeloandonthePhysicssinceThomasrefersexplicitlytothesetwoworks.32Inhisdeposition
duringtheprocessinNaples,WilliamofToccosaysthathesawthesaintintheprocessofwritingthisbookandheeventhoughtthatitwashislastworkin
philosophy.33EverthingagreesthereforeinsituatingthisworkinNaplesin1272or1273,inthelastmonthofthemaster'sactivity(beforeDecember1273).

SuperMeteora

Althoughittoowasnotfinished,theSuperMeteoradoesnotpermitanypreciseconclusionsastoitsdateofcomposition.ThetranslationofAristotle'streatiseby
WilliamofMoerbeke,completedin1260,wasalreadyknownamongtheLatinsin1267.Thomas'scommentarytheoreticallycouldhavebeendonearoundthatdate
butthemajorityofauthorssituateitduringhissecondperiodofteachinginParis,orevenafterhisreturntoNaples,sometimebetween1269and1273.34Anew
element,however,hastobeplacedinthefile,sinceithasbeennoticedthatThomas'stextwasusedbyMahieuleVilaininhistranslationoftheMeteora,aworkthat
hiseditorsinclinedtoplacebefore1270.Ifthatdatewerecertain,thiswouldinviteustoplaceThomas'scommentaryeven
30.
WecangetamorecompleteideaofthisbookthankstoJ.A.Weisheipl,"TheCommentaryofSt.ThomasAquinasontheDecaeloofAristotle,"Sapientia(BuenosAires)29
(1974)1134L.J.Elders,"LecommentairedesaintThomasd'AquinsurleDecaelod'Aristote,"inProceedingsoftheWorldCongressonAristotle(ThessalonikiAugust714,
1978)vol.II(Athens,1981),pp.17387A.Caparello,"LaterminologiagrecanelCommentarioalDecaelo:Tommasod'Aquinoelinguagreca,''Angelicum55(1978)41457.
31.
ThetextfromtheLeonine,vol.3,PP.261322,isreprintedbySpiazzi(Turin,1952)inthetwovolumeswefindinadditiontheapocryphaltexts,inspiredbySaintAlbert,withwhich
Thomas'stexthadbeencompleted.
32.
Degeneratione,lect.7(Spiazzi,no.52):manifestavimusinVIIIPhysic.etinIDecaelo.
33.
Naples58,p.345:"vidieumscribentemsuperlibrum'Degenerationeetcorruptione',quodcreditfuisseultimumopussuuminphilosophia."
34.
Cf.Grabmann,Werke,p.278Eschmann,"ACatalogue,"pp.4023Weisheipl,pp.37778.

 Page236

earlier.TheonlyplausiblethingherewouldbeitspriorityinconnectiontoMahieu,butwecannotgomuchfurtherwiththisinvestigationuntilthecriticaleditionis
completed.35

Thetextcirculatedinprintededitionsupuntiltheendofthenineteenthcenturywasrathergravelydeficient,foritwastheeditionthatappearedinVenicein1532and
attributestoThomasacompletecommentaryonthefourbooks.Wehaveknownforsometimethathecommentedononlytwoofthem.Theeditionproducedbythe
Leoninecommissionin1886clearedthetextoftheseinauthenticadditions,butitsuffersinturnfromthenarrownessofitsdocumentarybase(onlytwomanuscripts
wereused)ittakestoomuchawayfromtheVenetianeditionanddoesnotreproduceThomas'stextinitsintegralcharacter.36DondaineandBataillon'sworkonthe
manuscripttradition"perhapsthemostdisorderedamongthosewhichhavetransmittedSaintThomas'sworkstous"allowedthemtoconsultaboutadozenother
manuscriptsandtorestoretoourauthorthreesupplementarylessons.Thispermitsthemtoassureusthat"SaintThomasexplicatedtheMeteoraupuntilthenextto
lastchapterofBookII."37Inanycase,arevisedtheedition,whichwouldtakeintoaccountthesenewdata,remainstobedone.38

ThomasandAristotle

Inandofitself,thislistofcommentariesonAristotle'sworkswouldsufficetotestifytotheintensityoftheworkThomascarriedoutandtoitsrapidity.Astoitsquality,
opinionsdiffer.Soonafterhisdeath,hisadversariesveryseriouslyputindoubthisfidelitytoAristotleonsomespecificpoints,aswellasthewayinwhichheapplies
thenotionofscientiatotheology.OnthispointThomas'sfollowershavetoconcedethattheirmasterhadto"extend"thePhilosopher.39
35.
Cf.K.White,"ThreePreviouslyUnpublishedChaptersfromSt.ThomasAquinas'sCommentaryonAristotle'sMeteora:SentenciasuperMeteora2,1315,"MS54(1992)49
93,cf.pp.6768,notes4345,referringtoMahieuleVilain,LesMetheoresd'Aristote:TraductionduXIIIe,silepubliepourlapremirefois,ed.RolfEdgren(Uppsala,1945),
pp.viiixvi.
36.
Leonine,vol.3,PP.323421(theapocryphaltextofBooksIIIandIVisreproducedinanappendixinthesamevolume)thesameremarksapplytotheeditionbySpiazzi,who
reprintsthisvolumefromtheLeonineedition.
37.
A.DondaineandL.J.Bataillon,"LecommentairedesaintThomassurlesMtores,"AFP36(1966)81152.
38.
K.White,whohaspublishedthesethreesupplementaryreadings(seeabove,note35),isalsopreparingthisnewLeonineedition.Untilthateditionisready,alltechnicalstudieson
Thomas'sGreekremainhamperedbyuncertainty,cf.A.Caparello,"Terminologiagrecatomistanel'commentariumadMeteorologica,'"SacraDoctrina23,no.87(1978)24387.
39.
Cf.C.Dumont,"Larflexionsurlamthodethologique.Unmomentcapital:ledilemmeposauXIIIesicle,"NRT83(1961)1034105084(1962)1735cf.p.30.

 Page237
40
Withoutgoingoverthiswholehistoryonceagain,letusrecallthewayinwhichMartinGrabmannsynthesizeditthreequartersofacenturyago. Onthequestionof
theusethatcanbemadeofthesecommentariestoreconstructThomas'sthought,theThomistshaverespondedinthreedifferentways.Thefirstgrouphasemphasized
theobjectivityandfidelityofthecommentator,whosepersonalopinionalwaysremainsinreserve.ToputitinthewordsofCharlesJourdain,"SaintThomas's
commentaries...rarelyofferatraceofhisownopinions.HespeaksinthemalmostalwaysaccordingtoAristotle,rarelyashimself:wecouldcountthepassages
wherehedepartsfromthatrule."Grabmannnotedthat,whilethisisapplicabletoacertainextentforcertaincommentaries,wemustnotextendittoothertexts
withoutqualification.

Contrarytothisfirstposition,anothergroup(amongitsmembersL.SchtzandE.Rolfes)emphasizedthatThomasdoesnotrefrainatallfromexpressinghispersonal
pointofview,rectifyingandamplifyingAristotlewhenhethinksitnecessarythuswecandependonthesecommentariestoreconstructThomas'sthought.Between
thesefirsttwogroups,athirdhastriedtofindanintermediarypositionthatislesssummary:itmaintainsthatthereisbasicallyanobjectivefidelityintheinterpretation,
butsinceThomasalsoexpresseshispointofview,wecanusethesecommentariestoreconstructhisthinkingeachtimethatitmatchesadoctrineexpressedinother
works.Grabmannplaceshimselfinthethirdgroup,butwecanalsocountamongauthorsofthistypeEschmann,Chenu,orGilson,forexample.

Thiswayofposingtheproblemhadalreadyrunitscourseinthesecondquarterofthetwentiethcentury41withoutlosingallrelevance,thisapproachgavewaylong
agotomoreradicalquestionsamongmanycontemporaryauthorswhoquestionnotonlytheoriginalityoftheThomistexegesis,butevenmoreitsfidelity.

Astotheoriginalityofthemethodandthetechnique,thereasonforthesehasbeenunderstoodforalongtime:fromthefirstlaborsofDomLottintothemorerecent
researchbyFatherGauthier,noonemaintainsanylonger,asMandonnetoncedid,thatThomaswastheinventorofliteralexegesisofthismaterial.Farfrombeing
particularlyoriginal,hedoes
40.
M.Grabmann,"DieAristoteleskommentaredesheiligenThomasvonAquin,"insameauthor'sMittelalterlicheGeisteslebenI(Munich,1926),pp.266313cf.pp.297300fora
summaryofthethreecontendingpositions.
41.
SeeanillustrationofthisinthestudybyT.R.Heath,"St.ThomasandtheAristotelianMetaphysics,"NS34(1960)42860,andthefurtherrefinementsofW.H.Turner,"St.
Thomas'sExpositionofAristotle.ARejoinder,"NS35(1961)21024.

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42
onlywhatothershadbeendoingintheartsfacultyinParissincearound1230. Thisdoesnottakeawayallmeritfromhiminthisfield,sinceThomasknewhowto
getratherremarkableresultsoutofthisinstrument,butitleadsusclosertothetruthaboutthefacts.

AstothefidelityofthisexegesistoAristotle,thehistorianshavegenerallybecomemoreandmorecritical.Thecommentaryiscertainlyrecognizedasbothintelligent
andprofound,frequentlyliteral,butithasnonethelessslantedAristotle'steachingoncertaindecisivepoints,suchaswherethecommentaryontheEthicsisguidedby
theexplicitlyChristianideaofthebeatificvision,43orwheretheMetaphysicsisorientedtowardametaphysicsofbeing,whichwouldhavebeenentirelyforeignto
Aristotle.44Thisistosaynothingofthecreationistmetaphysicsortheabandonmentofpolytheism!Asitwasoncepleasantlyputbyoneofthemostprofound
contemporaryinterpreters,Thomas"baptized"Aristotle,45unlessonepreferstosaywithGauthierthatThomasinheritedanAristotle"alreadyentirelyChristian"and
thathiseffortwastogivehimacertainpurity,tomakehimanewinstrumentofhisowntheologicalreflection.46EventhosewhotodaywanttodefendThomas's
substantialfidelitytoAristotlemustadmitthatittakesplacebymeansofa''deepeningandsurpassingofAristotle'stext."47

Toourwayofthinking,manyerrorscanbeavoidedifwetakeintoaccountThomas'srealintention.Accordingtoaformulathathefrequentlyrepeatsandnotonly
aboutAristotlehewishestouncovertheintentioauctoris.Thatisoneoftherulesoftheexpositioreuerentialis,letussayofthemedievalhermeneutic,whoseend
istofindwhattheauthor"wishedtosay."InordertounderstandAristotlewemustthereforeexertourselvestofindtheoverallmovementofhisthoughtandtorecall
thetruthinsearchofwhichhesetoutandthatheseeks,moreorlessclumsily,toexpress.Atthisprecisepoint,Thomasfeelshimselfauthorizedtosubstitutefor
Aristotleinorderto"extend"himandmakehimsaysomethings
42.
In1934,DomLottinwrote:"ItiscapricioustoseeinS.ThomasAquinasthecreatorofliteralexegesisonthesesubjects"seePsychologieetMorale,vol.6,p.230.
43.
Cf.H.V.Jaffa,ThomismandAristotelianism:AStudyoftheCommentarybyThomasAquinasontheNicomacheanEthics(Chicago,1952).
44.
ThusJ.Owens,"AquinasasAristotelianCommentator,"inCommemorativeStudiesI,pp.21338.
45.
L.B.Geiger,"SaintThomasetlamtaphysiqued'Aristote,"inAristoteetSaintThomasd'Aquin(ParisLouvain,1957),pp.175220,especiallyp.179seeinthesamevolumethe
importantstudybyD.A.Callus,"LessourcesdesaintThomas,"pp.93174.
46.
R.A.Gauthier,IntroductionAnonymiLecturainLibrumDeanima,p.22.
47.
TheexpressionisfromL.Elders,"SaintThomasd'AquinetAristote,"RT88(1988)35776.

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thathewouldnotevenhavebeenabletothink.TheexacthistoricalreconstructionofAristotle'sthoughtdoesnotinteresthiminitself.Evenifhisscholarlyresources
werelessgreatthanthoseofahistoriantoday,heknewquitewellwhattoholdontomostofthetime.ButhealsowantedtogoalongfurtherwithinAristotle'saim
andtoleadtoitsfruitiontheintuitionthathethoughthadbeenAristotle's.Aristotlewasincapableofverifyingsuchthings,owingtoalackofthelightofChristian
revelation,Thomasthought,butthisiswhathe"wantedtosay."

Atfirstsight,thehistorianofdoctrine,formedaccordingtotherigorousmethodsthatarenowours,canonlyjudgethisenterpriseseverely.Butcanweexpectwithout
anachronismthatThomaswouldconducthimselfasatwentiethcenturyhistorianofdoctrine?...Wecannotaskfromhimwhathedoesnotclaimtogive.Without
engaginginashamelessapologeticthatfinallydoesadisservicetohiscause,wecansaythatwewillappreciatehisworkmoreequitablyifwerememberthathe
undertookthesecommentariesinanapostolicperspectiveinorderbettertocarryouthisjobasatheologian,andbettertoaccomplishhislaborofwisdomsuchashe
wouldunderstanditinthedoubleschoolofSaintPaulandAristotle:toproclaimthetruthandrefuteerror.48

Itcertainlywouldnotbeoutofplacetoinvokeinconclusionthereflectionthathemadeelsewhereproposofthefirststepsandhesitationsofthegreatphilosophers
ofantiquityconcerningtheultimatehappinessofman.Inshort,withaburstoftrueintellectualcharity,hesharedthe"anguishofthesegreatspirits"whodidnotknow
thatweawaitfinalfelicityafterthislifeinourknowledgeofGod.49Intryingtoexpresswhattheyhad"wishedtosay,"Thomasshowedwhattheyreallysoughtwithout
knowingitasSaintPaulatAthenshadmethisinterlocutorsontheAreopagus.

ThomasandHisSecretaries

TheconclusionofthechapterontheRomanperiodemphasizedthelargequantityofworkThomasdidduringthosethreeyears.Ifwenowcastaretrospectiveglance
onhisproductivityduringthesecondParisian
48.
Forfullerdevelopmentsofthissubject,werefertotheenlighteningexplanationsbyFatherGauthier,Leonine,vol.45/1,pp.288*94*.
49.
SCGIII48.Inavaluablelittlebookwhichcameintomyhandstoolatetobeutilizedhere(ThomasvonAquin.PrologezudenAristoteleskommentaren,edited,translated,and
introducedbyF.ChenevalandR.Imbach[Frankfurt/Main,1993]),theauthorshavegatheredtogetherandtranslatedthetwelveprologuestothecommentariesonAristotle,aswellas
theprologuetoSuperDecausis.ThecarefulreadingofthesetextsisenlighteningfortheintentioofThomashimselfandperfectlyjustifiestheopinionsoftheauthors(pp.lxlxiv),
whoemphasizethathispurposeistonotonlyexplainthePhilosopher,butindeedtoseekthetruth.

 Page240

period,wecanonlybestruckwithastonishment.Asummaryoftheworksprobablyfromthatepochrendersthefollowinglist:LecturaonMatthew,Lecturaon
John,andalso,perhaps,acourseontheEpistletotheRomanstheSecundaParsoftheSummatheologiaeinitsentirety,plussometwentyfivequestionsofthe
TertiaadozenorsocommentariesonAristotle,someofthemunfinished,othersquitehuge,towhichwemustaddtheSuperdecausistheQuestionsDemalo
(101articles),Deuirtutibus(36articles),DeunioneVerbiincarnati(4articles)sevenseriesofquodlibets(176articles)aseriesof14"opuscula,"amongthemthe
Deaeternitatemundi,Deunitateintellectus,Deperfectioneuitaespiritualis,Contraretrahentes,Desubstantiisseparatis,tomentiononlythemostimportant
ones.

Ifthehistoricalprobabilitiesandsometimesthecertaintieswerenotsostrong,itwouldbenotmereastonishmentthatthislistwouldprovokebutsheerincredulity.
Ithasbeennecessary,therefore,toaskandtrytoverifyifthisthingwasmateriallypossibleandunderwhatconditions.Wewillrunthroughseveralnumerical
calculationsthatwehopewillbeexcusedbythefactthatwehavekeptthemtoabareminimum.Theymaybetakencumgranosalisgivenouruncertaintyonthe
exactdatesofcomposition.ButtheaccountingintheIndexThomisticusbeingotherwiseveryprecise,thedegreeofapproximationis,inshort,notlarge.

AnumericalevaluationofThomas'sworkduringtheperiodthatrunsfromOctober1268totheendofApril1272,i.e.around1253possibleworkdays,50givesa
totalof4061pagesaccordingtotheMariettimanualedition(whichcorrespondsexceptforafewthingstoasmanycolumnsoftheOperaomniainR.Busa'sedition
fortheIndexThomisticus51).Thiscorrespondstoanaverageof3.24pagesaday,ortoadailywordcountof2403(742wordsperpage).Ifweonlyconsiderthe
sixteenmonthsofthefinalperiod(127172)keepinginmindthefactthatcertainworksstraddle1January1271thenumberrisestoaround2747pages
composedin466days,oradailyaverageof5.89pages,clearlysuperiortotheearlierfigure.52Afinalfigureperhapswillhelptovisualizetheworkac
50.
Wehavechosenperhapsalittlearbitrarily350workdaysperyear,inordertotakeintoaccountpossibleindispositionsorobstacles.WecanbecertainthatThomaskept
thesetoaminimum.
51.
Thetextscommentedon(theBibleorAristotle)ortheeditor'snotesbeingcarefullyexcludedfromtheMariettitext,acolumninBusa=1.024Mariettipages.
52.
IfwemustwithdrawthecommentaryontheEpistletotheRomansfromtheParisianperiodandsituateitatNaples,aswewillseeinthefollowingchapter,theaveragesshouldbe

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

 Page241

complished:atypicalsheetofpaperinEuropetodaywillholdaround350closelytypedwords.Thomaswrote12.48ofthemaday.

ThisresultcannotbeexplainedbyThomas'slaboralone.Severaltimesearlier,wehavehadtomentiontheteamofsecretarieshehadathisdisposal.Theybecame
hereapalpablenecessity.TheyarealreadymentionedduringthefirststayinParis,andtheirpresenceisdiscoveredconstantlyafterward.Reginald'shand,for
example,isrecognizableindifferentmanuscripts,JacobinusofAsti'salsoperhaps.Thoughwecannotalwaysidentifytheirhandwriting,weknowthenamesofseveral
secretaries:RaymondSeveri,NicholasofMarsillac,PeterofAndriawere,allthree,Dominicans.EvanGarvit,asecularclericofwhomwewillsoonhavetospeak
again,mayhavebeenaprofessionalsecretary,whileLgerofBesanon,thereporterontheLecturasuperMatthaeum,seemstohavebeenonlyThomas's
student.53

ToccofrequentlyrepeatsthatThomasspentmostofhistimewritingor,better,dictating.54Wemaysupposethatthesecondoccupationcametopredominatewith
time,fortherareautographsthathavecomedowntousareofworksthatbelongtothefirstpartofhiscareer(SuperIsaiam,SuperBoetium,SentencesIII).The
ContraGentilesseemstobethelastknownexample.PerhapsThomasnotedthathisownhandwritingwastoodifficultfortheaveragescribetodecipher,butwe
haveproofoftheexistenceofsecretariesfromhisstartasateacher.Andwealsoknowthathehadthehabitofdictatingtoseveralpersonssimultaneously.

ThusBartholomewofCapua,recountingthewayinwhichThomashadorganizedhisdays,reportsthatafterhavingcelebratedMassandgivenhiscourse,"hebegan
writinganddictatingtoseveralsecretaries."55Toccoalsoechoesthesamefactthatheclaimstohavelearnedfromthe"truerelationofhissocius,fromhisstudents
andhissecretaries."Accordingtothesewitnesses,themaster"dictatedatthesametimeondiversesubjects

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)

modifiedasfollows:forthewholeperiod126872,wethenhaveatotalof3896.3pagesandadailyaverageof3.10pages(2298words)forthelastsixteenmonths,wewouldhave
atotalof2581pagesandtheaveragewouldbe5.50pagesaday(or4081words11.65closepagesintoday'stypicaltypedformat).
53.
WeshouldreferheretothemasterworkbyA.Dondaine,SecrtairesdesaintThomas(Rome,1956),particularlychaps.I1,pp.125,andII4,pp.186208,andtotheimportant
studybyH.D.Saffrey,"SaintThomasd'Aquinetsessecrtaires,"RSPT41(1957)4974.SeealsoG.Cappelluti,"FraPietrodiAndriaeiSegretaridiS.Tommaso,"Memorie
Domenicane6(1975)15165.
54.
Ystoria28,p.29129,p.29530,p.299(Tocco2850,pp.1025).
55.
Naples77,P.373:"ponebatseadscribendumetdictandumpluribusscriptoribus."

 Page242
56
tothreesecretariesandsometimesfour." ToccocontinueswithananecdotefromThomas'ssecretary(scriptorsuus)EvanGarvit,aBretonfromthedioceseof
Trguier,accordingtowhom"afterdictatingtohimandtotwoothersecretariesthathe[Thomas]had,sittingtorestforabit,hefellasleepandcontinueddictating
evenwhilesleeping."57Whateverinterpretationshouldbegiventothisstrangewayofdictating,thestoryisrichininformation:wewouldretainfromitanother
testimonytoamultiplicityofsimultaneoussecretaries,ofwhomone,thesecretarynamed,wasasecularcleric.58ButwealsoseeThomas'sweariness.

Simultaneousdictationtoseveralsecretariesisnotunknowninhistory.ThefactisreportedofCaesarandofNapoleon.Inourday,wearenotastonishedtoseechess
playersabletoplayseveralgamessimultaneously.ExamplesofthiskinddoubtlesshelpustounderstandsomethingofwhatmayhavehappenedinThomas'scase.His
legendaryabstractiomentiswasthentheindispensableconditiontocarryoutalltheseworks.Butwearealsoledtothinkhehadestablishedarealorganizationand
awellthoughtoutmethodtospeeduphiswork.WeglimpseitinthecompositionoftheCatenaaureaandtheconsiderabledocumentaryresearchthatit
presupposes.WeapproachevenclosertoitwiththeDeueritatewherethefilesThomasusedarementioned.Andwetouchitwithourfinger,sotospeak,withthe
TabulaLibriEthicorum,whichwehave,almostintheroughstateoftheworkofthesecretaries,priortothemaster'srevision.59

AcuriousexamplewillperhapscastsomeadditionallightonThomas'sworkmethods.IthasbeenlongnotedthatthetextoftheIIaIIaeq.10a.12(Utrumpueri
Iudaeorum...sintinuitisparentibusbaptizandi)isaliteralrepetition(includingbothargumentsandresponses)ofQuodlibetIIq.4a.2[7],withtheexceptionof
anomissionthroughhomoeoteleuton
56.
Ystoria18,p.253(Tocco17,p.89):"Namutuerarelationesuisociietsuorumstudentiumetscriptorumueraciterestcompertum,predictusdoctordediversismateriistribus
scriptoribusetaliquandoquatuorinsuacamera...dictabat."
57.
"Dequo(Thoma)retulitscriptorsuus,quidamBricto,EuenusGaruithTrecorensisdyocesis,quodpostquamdictaueratsibietduobusaliisscriptoribusquoshabebat,tanquam
fessusprelaboredictandi,ponebatsedictusdoctorpropausationisgratiaadquietem,inquaetiamdormiendodictabat."NotetheGaruith(usuallyGarnitaccordingtoPrmmer).
Therewerealsodoubtsabouthishomediocese:TruierinBrittany,orCorkinIreland.LeBrunGouanvic(inanoteonthispassage)hasreestablishedthecorrectorthographyofhis
nameandsaysthatnoMShasthereadingCrocarensis.
58.
WeshouldnotbesurprisedtoseeasecularinThomas'sservice.Itwasexpresslyprovidedthatsecularscouldbeemployedassecretaries.Cf.HumbertofRomans,Devita
regulari,II,pp.26768.
59.
Tugwell,p.616,expresseshisincredulityonthis.Inouropinion,hehasnotsufficientlyexploredthewayweshouldreadthesedata.

 Page243

andsomesmallcopyist'serrors.WemightthinkherethatThomasgavethetexttooneofhisassistantstoberecopiedanddidnotrereadit.Withoutalwaysusing
exceptionalcaseslikethisone,wemaysupposethatthesecretariesalsofrequentlypreparedmaterialsthatthemasteronlyhadtoputintoproperform.Every
professorwhohasbenefittedfromthecollaborationofacompetentassistantwilleasilyunderstandtheprocedure.Wewouldnotbegoingtoofar,therefore,we
believe,inportrayingThomas'scollaboratorsasorganizedintoaveritableworkshopforliteraryproductionaccordingtothewellknownexampleoftheschoolsof
painting,tosaynothingofthe"ghostwriters"wellknowninliterarycircles.ThereishardlyanyotherplausiblewaytoexplainThomas'sproductivity.

ThetextquotedontheprecedingpagethatdrawsattentiontoThomas'sfatigueunderscoresanotheraspectofthesematterstoolittlenoticed:onlylateeveningsor
evenallnightworkpermittedThomastoaddressallthesefrontsatthesametime,andthatclearlylefthimsubjecttotheconsequencesofexcess.Fallingasleep
whereverhehappenedtobewasthemostbenignformthistook.AccidentsensuedsometimeswehaveamemoryofThomasburninghimselfwithacandlewithout
noticingitwhilehewasdictatingsomethingontheTrinity.60ReginaldalsorememberedhavingbeenawakenedduringthenighttoheardictatedapassageonIsaiah.
ButwhileReginaldslept,Thomaswasawakeandprayedorreflectedaloud.61

Thoughwellknown,thesestoriesareoftendiscountedbecauseoftheiranecdotalaspectorthepiousinterpretationsthataccompanythem.Itwouldbeashame
becauseofthesefactorstoneglecttherealfactsthattheyreport,thoughweneednotputthemintheforeground.Mentalithistoryhasrecommendedforalongtime
thatresearchersreadmiraculaasiftheywerepalimpsests.62Ifwekeepallthatinmind,wewilleasilyunderstandthatTocco'sstoryaboutthelastdaysinNaples
onlyrelatesthestricttruthandthatThomas'sregimethenwasprobablythesamethathehadfollowedforalongtime:
60.
Ystoria47,P.348(Tocco47,P.121).ThisdoubtlessreferstotheSuperBoetiumDeTrinitate,andthereforetakesusbacktothefirststayinParis.
61.
Ystoria31,p.302(Tocco31,P.105)Naples59,P.34693,P.399.JohnGiudice,wholivedclosebyThomas'scell,reportsasimilarfact:"frequenteraudiuitipsumloquentemcum
aliquoetsepiusdisputantem,cumsolusetsinesocioinipsa(cella)maneret"(Ystoria31,P.304fourthversionofTocco:notintheFontes).
62.
Cf.G.Bedouelle,L'histoiredel'Eglise.Sciencehumaineouthologie?(Paris,1992),pp.44ff.

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Everyday,FriarThomascelebratedMassearlyinthemorninginthechapelofSaintNicholas.Anotherpriestimmediatelyfollowedhim,whocelebratedmassinturn.Afterhaving
heardit,[Thomas]tookoffhis[priestly]vestments,andimmediatelygavehiscourse.Thatdone,hebeganwritinganddictatingtoseveralsecretaries.Afterthat,heate,returned
tohisroomwhereheattendedtodivinethingsuntilresttime.Afterrest,hebeganagaintowrite,anditwasthusthatheorderedhiswholelifetoGod.63

Certainly,thereisnothingherebutwhatwasveryordinaryforareligiousofthattime,butitishardlynecessarytoquestionthetexttounderstandthatThomasdidnot
loseaminutefrommorninguntilevening.Whenthebiographersmentionhismassiveproductivity,theywillinglyseesomethingmiraculousinit.Iftherewasamiracle,it
shouldperhapsbeseeninthefactthathekeptthispacewithincreasingintensityforsometwentyfiveyears.

AttheendofthissecondperiodofteachinginParis,sorichincontroversies,inpublications,inThomas'sownlaborsdoubtlessinhumancontactsalso,butcontacts
thatescapeusandthatwecanonlysuspectweglimpseamanattheheightofhispowers,infullmasteryofhisknowledge,overflowingwithactivityandprojects.

Wealreadyknowfromhisreactionsinthecontroversieshegotmixedupinthatheremainedtruetohimself,livelyandimpatient,withoutoverindulgenceforthebad
faithhedetectedinsomeadversariesorfortheirintellectuallimitations.However,ifwedonotwishtorestcontentwithappearances,wemusttrytoseebehindallthis
towhatmaystillrevealsomethingofhispersonalitytous.Inthatperiod,wemayremarkinhiswritingsaratherclearlyperceptiblechangeinhispositionsinseveral
areas.Andthisperhapsallowsustoseeacertainmodificationinhisspiritualphysiognomy.

DomLottinhadalreadynotedthisshiftwithrespecttoThomas'sviewsonfreewillbetweenQuestion6oftheDemaloandQuestions9and10ofthePrima
Secundae,64whereweseeamuchmorenuancedexplanationofthecausesthatresultinthefreeact.Whileearlier,reasonaloneseemedinvolvedthefreedomofthe
deliberativewillbeingbasedontheindeterminacyoftheprecedingjudgmentThomashenceforthunderscorestheconfluenceoffourfactors:reasonasformalcause
thepassionsofthe
63.
BartholomewofCapua:Naples77,P.373.
64.
O.Lottin,Psychologieetmorale,vol.1,pp.22562.

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sensitiveappetite,whichinfluencethewayinwhichtheobjectispresentedtothewillthewillthatmovesitselfbecauseoftheendthatitpursuesandfinallyGod
Himself.Anexterioreventmayhaveplayedarolehere,sincetheDecember1270condemnationofthesesdenyinglibertyhadintervened(someofThomas'steachings
mayhavebeenimplicatedinthecondemnation).ButwemustalsoseeamaturationinThomas'spositions,whichspringsfromamuchmorecomplexgraspofhuman
realitythantheonesuggestedbytheearliestanalyses.

FatherRamirez,withanexcellentknowledgeoftheSecundaPars,tryingtofindtheexactplaceThomasoccupiedinthetwogreatschoolsofthethirteenthcentury
one"affective"ofAugustiniantendencies,theother"speculative"ofAristotelianorientationwasledtoemphasizetheevolutioninthewayThomasspokeofthe
theologicalvirtueoffaithand,asaconsequence,ofthegiftsofintelligenceandwisdomthataccompanyit.Whilefaithwasconsideredapurelyspeculativevirtueinthe
Deueritate,withscantvalueinthepracticalorder,exceptfortheremoteoccasionofactingwell(occasioremotaaliquidoperandi),65everythingchangesinthe
SecundaPars.FirstTruth,theproperobjectoffaith,beingalso"theendofallourdesiresandofallouractions,"faithmustworkthroughcharity.Initially
contemplative,faiththereforebecomespractical,asdoesthespeculativeintellect,byextension.66Ramirezsawhere,asinmanyotherplaces,anincreasinginfluenceof
SaintAugustineinThomas'sthoughtasitcomesintoitsmaturity.67Infact,Thomasrefersexplicitlytohiminthispassage,buthealsoreferstoAristotle.Iftheformer
furnishedhimwiththeauctoritasneeded,thelattergavehimthetechnicalmeanstotakeitintoaccount.

WecouldextendtheseenquirieswithFatherGauthier'sobservationofananalogousevolutionconcerningtheseatofcontinenceandofperseverance.Throughoutthe
firstpartofhiscareer,uptoandincludingtheSecundaSecundae,Thomasplacedtheminthereasoninthestrictsenseoftheword.BeginningwithQuestion155of
theSecundaSecundae,he
65.
Deueritate,q.14a.4,line114(Leonine,vol.22/2,p.450.).
66.
STIIaIIaeq.4a.2ad3:"Sedquiaueritasprima,quaeestfideiobiectum,estfinisomniumdesideriorumetactionumnostrarum,utpatetperAugustinuminIDeTrinitate,indeest
quodperdilectionemoperatur.Sicutetiamintellectusspeculatiuusextensionefitpracticus,utdiciturinIIIDeanima."
67.
J.M.Ramirez,Dehominisbeatitudine.Tractatustheologicus,vol.3(Madrid,1947),pp.19293.Forintelligenceandwisdom,giftsoftheHolySpirit,compareSentencesIIId.34q.
1a.2,andIaIIaeontheonehand,withIIaIIaeq.8a.6and3ontheotherhand.

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willthereafterplacetheminthewill.AccordingtoGauthier,thisevolutionconsistsinallowingthemoralityoftheEthicstobenefitfromtheenrichmentsofthe
AristotelianpsychologyinDeanima.Wemustseeherethesignofamitigationof"theexcessiveintellectualismthathehadfirstprofessed."68

Isitnecessarytogofurtherandevoke,asWeisheipldoes,Eschmann'sperplexity,whodeclaredhimselfunabletoaccountforthechangeintonebetweenthefirsttwo
partsoftheSumma?Contrarytothecoollymetaphysical,dryandintransigentstyleofthePrimaPars,theSecundaParswouldshowitselfprofoundlyhuman,fullof
delicacyandnuance.Weisheipl,whoreproducestheseremarksonhisownauthority,suggestsseekingthecauseofthechangeinsomedeepspiritualexperiencethat
affectedThomas'spersonality,hisperceptionofreality,and,asaconsequence,hiswritings.69

Thiscannotatallbeexcluded,andwehaveemphasizedintheOrvietoperiodtheturningpointthecompositionoftheOfficeoftheBlessedSacramentseemstohave
represented.ButthereissurelynoplacetohardenintooppositionthedifferencethatwecanseebetweenthePrimaandtheSecundaPars.Wemustrathernotice
severalconvergingfactorsthatmayalreadyexplain,humanlyspeaking,thisevolution.First,thematerialitselfcallsforanentirelydifferenttreatment.Itisnormaltocall
uponexperiencewhenwearedealingwiththelawsofhumanaction.WemightnoteananalogouschangeinAristotleashegoesfromthePhysicsortheMetaphysics
totheEthicsandtheRhetoric.Furthermore,thefirsttwopartsoftheSummaareseparatedbyanintervalofalmostthreeyears.Thomashadtimetochangeduring
thatperiod.Finally,thattimehadbeenspentinpartonthecommentaryontheDeanimaandinabetterknowledgeoftheRhetoricandtheEthics,soabundantly
usedintheSecundaPars.Thereishardlyanydoubtthat,despitethemodificationsthathemadetoAristotle'smoralsandpsychology,Thomashimselfwasinfluenced
bytheminreturn.

Theseattemptsatexplanationarepartialandhypothetical,andtheyperhapsdonotentirelysufficetoaccountforthephenomenon.Butwecanhardlygoanyfurther
untilthereisafullstudyofthisevolution.ForabetterknowledgeofSaintThomas,itwouldbeimportanttospelloutitsbreadthanddepth.
68.
Gauthier,Ladatedel'Ethique,pp.98104.
69.
Weisheipl,pp.24445.

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ChapterXIII
LastPeriodofTeaching:
Naples(12721273)
ThomasleftParisinthespringof1272,afterasojournofalmostfouryears.SinceLent,theuniversityhadbeenlivingagainthroughaperiodofagitation:aconflictnot
atallclearforuspittedthemastersagainstthebishopofParis,andastrikehadbeenannouncedthatwassupposedtolastfromLentuntiltheFeastofSaintJohnthe
Baptist,whichistosay,theendofthescholasticyear.Infact,onlythelawfacultywouldobserveittotheendtheotherfacultiesoratleastthechairsofthe
regularsdonotseemtohavebeeninvolvedtothesameextent.1

Asisoftenthecasewhenitisamatterofdates,wemustconfessheretorelativeuncertaity.ItiscertainthatThomashadbeenabletoholdhisquodlibetaldisputefor
Lentof1272,2asignthatforhimuniversityactivitywasnottotallysuspended,oratleastthatthestrikedidnotaffectthetheologyfaculty.However,alittleafter
Pentecostofthatveryyear(12June1272),thechapteroftheRomanprovince,meetinginFlorence,gavehimthetaskoforganizingastudiumgeneraleoftheology,
andlefthimthefreechoiceofthesite,thestaff,andthenumberofstudents.3

Thisdecisionisanindicationofthefactthathehadalreadyreturned,
1.
Chartul.,no.445,pp.5023cf.Mandonnet,Siger,pp.2026.
2.
AccordingtoGauthier,thisisQuodlibetXII,whosereportatiohadnotbeenreviewedbyThomasTugwell,pp.31819,note262,alsoheldthisopinion.
3.
MOPH20,p.39:"Studiumgeneraletheologiequantumadlocumetpersonasetnumerumstudentiumcommittimusplenariefr.ThomedeAquino."

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orwasonthepointofreturningtoItaly.Wecanbasethisonaletter,writtenafterThomas'sdeathtothechaptergeneralmeetingatLyontwoyearslater,inwhichthe
mastersoftheartsfacultyrecallthattheyhadthenaskedatthegeneralchapterofFlorence(it,too,Pentecost1272)forhisreturntoParis.4TheParisianmasters
askedthechaptertohavesenttothemcertainbooksthatThomashadpromisedthemandsignofthegreatesteemthattheyborehimtogivethematleastrelicsof
thepersontheyhadbeenunabletoretainwhilealive.PaulSynaveinterpretsdifferentlythe1272requesttowhichthislettermakesallusion:heseesinitanultimate
attempttoretainThomasinParis,forifhehadalreadylefttheIledeFrance,therequestwouldnotanylongerhavehadachanceofarrivingandthehopeofseeing
himreturnwouldhavebeenvain.5

Ifweapplyherethecriterionusedonotheroccasions,wemaydoubtthatthisvoyagewouldhavebeenundertakenafterthescholasticyear,whichistosayduringthe
hottestpartofthesummeritseems,therefore,morenaturaltosituateitinspring,alittlebitafterEaster.Thomaswouldhavetakenthetimetoinstallhissuccessor,
RomanoofRome,whohadbeenhisbachelorofSentencesfrom1270to1272andwoulddielessthanayearlater,before28May1273.6Buthemusthaveleft
ParisforNaplesshortlyafter.Whateverthemeansoftravelchosen,throughtheAlpsorbysea,hecouldhavebeeninItalyatPentecost.Severaldocumentsofwhich
wewillspeakagainattesttohispresenceatNaplesby10September1272.7

Contrarytowhatonemightbelieve,thechoiceofNaplesasaplaceforthenewcenterofstudiesthathehadbeenchargedwithwasnotasubjectivematterfor
Thomas.Thisplacehadalreadybeendesignatedforthatpurposebyapreviousprovincialchapter,whichhaddecidedonthecreationoftwostudiageneraliaforthe
Romanprovince,oneatNaples,theotheratOrvieto8thisdecision,madein1269,whichistosaythreeyearsearlier,hadwithoutdoubtatleastbeguntobe
executed:aminimumoforganizationmusthavebeeninplacetoreceivethestudentssentbythepriories
4.
Chartul.,no.447,p.504,letterdated2May1274.
5.
P.Synave,Leproblme,p.159.
6.
RomanoRossiOrsini,theyoungerbrotherofGardinalMatthewtowhomwewillreturn,cousinofthefutureNicholasIIIhiscommentaryonthefirsttwobooksoftheSentencesand
somesermonshavebeenpreserved,of.Glorieux,RpertoireI,no.28,p.129Kppeli,ScriptoresIII,pp.33233.ToccoreportsavisionthatThomashadofRomanoafterthelatter's
death(Ystoria45,PP.34244Tocco45,PP.11819).
7.
Documenta2528,pp.57580.
8.
MOPH20,p.36.

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oftheprovince.Furthermore,someothercompletelyobjectivereasonsimposedsuchachoice,inasmuchas,amongthepossiblecities,Napleswastheresidenceof
themostpowerfulItalianprinceandwastheonlysuchcitytopossessacertainuniversitytraditionsincethefoundationbyFrederickIIandtheattemptatrestoration
byCharlesI.

Thus,althoughitisnotimpossiblethatThomasleftParisforthesimplereasonthathehadalreadytaughtthereforfouryearsandthepolicyoftheorderalways
favoredarapidrotatationofmasters,itremainsquitepossibleandevenseemslikelythatCharlesofAnjouwasatthebottomofthisreturnandthatheexerted
pressurethathiscapitalbechosenandawellknownmasterbeinstalledthereattheheadofthisnewcenteroftheology.Infact,inaletterof31July1272,hetriedto
profitfromthestrikeatParisandinvitemastersandstudentstocometohiscitywhosecharmsandamenitieshevauntssothattheycancontinuetheirstudies.9We
knowatleastthreemasterswhoallowedthemselvestobetempted,10andweknowalsothatThomaswillreceivefromthekinganounceofgoldamonthasasalary
forhisteaching.11

Weknownothingaboutwhathadbeendonebeforehisarrival,noranythingabouttheconcreteorganizationthatheputinplace.Butwecansaythatthisnew
foundationwasnotsimplya''moreeminentcenterafterthefashionoftheRomanprovince."12Thedecisionoftheprovincemustbeplacedinthecontextofsimilar
decisionstakenbythegeneralchapterofFlorence(1272)andBudapest(1273),whichwantedtobringupfromfourtosixthenumberofstudiageneraliaforthe
entireorder.13Inrefusingthethirdapprovalrequired,the1274chapterofLyoninterruptedtheprocessthusbegun,butthispermitsustounderstandtheoverall
directionofthenewfoundation.14WithouthavingtheimportanceoftheoneinParis,themendicantsinthestudiuminNaples,forpracticalpurposes,constitutedthe
facultyoftheologyoftheuniversity,thereasinBologna,Padua,orMontpellier.
9.
Chartul.,no.443,pp.5012:Naplesis"aerispuritatesalubris,lociamenitateconspicua,ubertatererumomniumopulenta."
10.
PeterofBlois,RobertofCourton,andJohnofCentenovilla,ibid.,p.502note.
11.
Documenta28,pp.57980wewillreturntothispointinthefollowingchapter.
12.
ContrarytoWN,p.175,whichWeisheiplaccepted,p.29596.
13.
Cf.MOPH3,pp.164and167.
14.
Itwasonlyin1303thatNaplesgotafullstudiumgenerale,butatthetimethesouthofItalywouldbeconstitutedintoaprovinceindependentfromthatofRomeitisindeed
remarkablethatthechapterofBesanon,whichmadethisdecision,makesitadinstanciamdominiregisCicilie(MOPH3,P.325).

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TheCourseonthePaulineLetters

AstothematerialtaughtduringtheselastmonthsofThomas'slife,allindicationsthatwehavetodaypointtowardacourseontheepistlesofSaintPaul,andmore
preciselyontheEpistletotheRomans.Foralongtimedoubthadbeentheruleamongtheresearchersonthissubject.Wecanevensaythat,fromMandonnetto
WeisheiplandpassingthroughGlorieux,thegreatestdiversityreignedandthemostingenioushypotheseswereformulated.Althoughitbecamenecessarytorevise
themcompletelyinthelightoftheachievementsofthemostrecentresearchtowhichwehavehadaccessthankstotheworksoftheLeonineCommission15we
canstillperhapsprofitfromsomeoftheirsuggestions.

AccordingtoMandonnet,ThomastaughtSaintPaulintwophases:thefirsttimeinItaly(OrvietoRome)from1259to1268asecondtimeatNaples,fromOctober
1272toDecember1273themotivethesecondtimewouldhavebeenThomas'sdissatisfactionabouthisfirstcourse,butthenewenterprisewasinterruptedbyhis
death.FromthesecondseriessolelytheexpositiosketchedbyThomashimselfontheepistletotheRomanshascomedowntousandthefirstpartof1Corinthians.
FromthefirstserieswehaveonlyReginald'sreportationesbeginningfromchapterXIofthefirstlettertotheCorinthians,fortheexistenceofthemorecomplete
expositiowouldhavemadehimneglectthecorrespondingparts,whichweresolelyreported.16

Startingfromthiswayoflookingatthings,therearesomeconfirmingindicationsfromthecatalogues,whichdrawaneatdistinctionbetweentheSuperepistolamad
RomanosandtheSuperprimamadCorinthioscapitulaXI(orX),ontheonehand,whicharerangedinthefirstcategoryofworksattributedtoThomas,andthe
LecturasuperPaulumaXIcapituloprimeadCorinthiosusqueadfinem,ontheotherhand,whichtakesitsplaceamongthereportationesmadebyReginaldof
Piperno.17Thisfactdoubtlessexplainsinpartwhy,despitemanycriticismsofdetail,thegen
15.
WewarmlythankFatherGillesdeGrandproftheCanadiansection(Ottawa)oftheLeoninecommission,whoispreparingtheeditionofthecommentariesonSaintPaul,and
whohasgenerouslycommunicatedtoussomeofthisinformationfirsthand.
16.
Mandonnet,Chronologiedescritsseripturaires,pp.7093.
17.
ThereareconcordantindicationsfromthetwolistsofPrague(Grabmann,Werke,pp.9299)andfromBartholomewofCapua(Naples85,pp.38889)Tolomeo(XXIII15,p.155)
expresseshimselfdifferently,butunderlinesthedifferencebetweenRomans(notCorinthians)andtherestoftheepistles.Romansapart,noneofthesetextsspeaksofanexpositioin
itsownright(Prague2:glosas).

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18
eralframeworkproposedbyMandonnethasbeenkeptbynumerousresearchers. Toourknowledge,theonlyexceptionwasWeisheipl,whowishedtoplacethe
lecturaontheRomansinthesecondParisianperiod.Butthatisdifficulttosustain,giventhediffusionofthemanuscriptsofthiswork,whichseemstohaveoriginated
inItaly.19

Acceptingthishypothesis,manyspecialistshavethoughttheycouldsupportitbysomeinternalcriticism:theteachingofthecommentaryontheRomanswouldtestify
toaratheradvanceddoctrinalevolutioncomparedwithwhatisevidentintheremainderofthecommentariesontheepistles(onthesinofdrunkenness,thesalvationof
infidels,orthegiftsoftheHolySpirit).20CertainthinkersbelievedtheyhadfoundthereasonforthisinthefactthatthisparthadbeencomposeddirectlybyThomas
butthatdoesnotseemtosuffice,andtheincontestabledoctrinalevolutionsupposesaratherlongtemporalintervalbetweenReginald'sreportatioandthisnew
redaction.

Thoughthisgeneralframeworkisperhapsstillviable,Mandonnet'sviewscallforseriousreworkingoncertainpoints.Thusnoonetodayholdsanylongerwhat
appearedtoMandonnetevident:thatThomascommentedinaparallelwayontwobooksoftheBible,onefromtheOldandtheotherfromtheNewTestament.But
ofevenmoredirectrelevance,wedonotknowwhatThomasdidfrom1259to1261further,weknowthattheperiodatOrvieto(126165)wasthetimeofthe
ExpositioinJob(Mandonnet,whomwehavejustseenputitinParis,wasnotbotheredbythis)itwasalsotheperiodofthecompletionoftheContraGentilesand
ofbeginningcomposition(onMatthew,atleast)oftheCatenaaurea.WouldithavebeenphysicallypossibleforThomastoteachsimultaneouslyonSaintPaul?This
iswhy,ifwemustretainthehypothesisofafirstteachingonSaintPaulinthisepoch,wewouldbeinclinedtothinkthattheperiodthatwouldbestfitwastheRoman
soujourn(126568).21Butforthatit
18.
Sufficetoenumerate:Spicq,Esquisse,pp.3056Glorieux,"Lescommentairesscripturaires,"pp.25458Eschmann,"ACatalogue,"p.399Weisheipl,pp.37273.
19.
ItistruewemightthinkofsomepresentationofthiscourseonRomansduringthesecondParisianyearanditsdiffusionattheplacewhereitwasgivenwouldhavebeenhindered
bytheThomas'sdeparture(moreorlesshasty)toItaly.
20.
SeeonthisinparticularH.Bouillard,ConversionetgrcechezS.Thomasd'Aquin.Etudehistorique,Thologie1(Paris,1944),pp.22541:"DateduCommentairedesaintThomas
surl'ptreauxRomains."
21.
WeagreeherewithanindicationfromP.Synave,"LesCommentairesscripturairesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,"VS8(1923)464,cf.45569,whodoesnotgiveanyreasonforit,
however.

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wouldbenecessarytoacceptthehypothesissuggestedabove,thatneitherthealialecturaontheSentencesnorthePrimaParswereusedinteachingandthat
ThomascontinuedtogivehisdailylectureonScripturePaul'sepistlescouldthenhavefurnishedthematerialforthem,butnothingislesscertain.22

Inadditiontothedatainthecatalogues,whichcanbereadinthisway,thesoleexternaldatumthatpermitssupportfortheprecedinghypothesisisthedifficultythat
wewouldhaveinplacingallthesecoursesonSaintPaulinthosefewmonthsofthelastperiodofteachingatNaples.Butuntilfuturelaborsonthecriticaleditionare
completed,itisimpossibletoverifythevalidityoftheseviewsmorefully.

Researchis,however,ratheradvancedontheEpistletotheRomansandenableustosaythatthetwomajorwitnessestothetexthadadirectaccesstothe
documentsleftbyThomas.23Thefirsteightchapterscarrytracesofnumerouseditorialinterventions,whosefrequencydiminishesveryrapidlyinwhatfollows.These
arenotarbitraryinterventionsowingtothecopyistortotheeditorswhoguidedtheirwork,asoftenhappens,butsomerapidcorrectionsbytheauthorthatthe
perplexedscribeshadahardtimeintroducingintheirexactplaces,fortheywerepoorlyindicated.Insupportoftheobservationstowhichthetwomanuscripts
concernedlendthemselves,wecanbringforwardthetestimonyofTolomeo.WhenhespeaksofthepostillesuperomnesepistolasPauli,hereservesaspecial
placeforthepartsonRomansinadding:"preterepistolamadRomanosquamipscnotavit,quasegovidietlegi."Thisformulaceasestoappearstrangeifwethinkof
theoriginalmanuscriptwiththecorrectionsbyThomashimselfthatthescribesfromNaplesandDubrovnikhadahard
22.
Oneortwootherdifficultiescomeintoplayagainstthisdating,accordingtoHenle,SaintThomasandPlatonism,pp.4748.ThecommentaryonColossians(I,lect.4,no.39
41),wouldcontainaratherlongpassagethatdrawsontheElementatiotheologicaofProclus(Props.101and103)nowthetranslationofthistextwasonlyfinishedbyMoerbeke
on15May1268itwouldhavehadtocomeintoThomas'shandsveryquicklyforhimtoutilizeitwhilehewasstillinRomethisdoesnotseematallimpossible,andshouldnotbe
consideredanabsoluteimpossibility,andfurthermoreitdoesnotappeartoustobeevidentthattheElementatiotheologicaisinquestionhereDionysiusandtheLiberde
causiswouldsufficetoexplainthispassage.AstotheallusiontothePrimaPars,whichwefindinthecommentaryontheLettertotheHebrews(4,lect.1,no.203),ifitisnotan
interpolation,itcouldbeexplainedwithoutdifficulty,sinceinthatperiodthePrimaParswasalreadywritten.
23.
SeethemanuscriptNaples,Bibl.Naz.VII.A.17(Shooner,Codices,III,no.1907)andthemanuscriptDubrovnik,DominikanskaBibl.,11(36III4),(DondaineShooner,Godices,I,
no.670),whichmustberetaineduntilthecriticaleditionbyG.deGrandprappearsmanydetailsofmytextoriginateindocumentationthathehadsenttome(March1992).

 Page253

timedecipheringandthatTolomeomaywellindeedhavehadinhisownhands.Wehavenoreasontodoubthisinsistence.

Withoutbeingabletosay,properlyspeaking,thatwhatwehaveisa"revision,"forthelaborwouldhavebeendoneinarathernegligentfashion,everythingseemsto
indicatethatThomasindeedgaveacourseatNaplesonRomans,ofwhichherapidlycorrectedthefirsteightchapters,buttheresthascomedowntousinthe
conditionofnotesfromthecourseareportatio.ProbablythetextwasdiffusedfromNaples,aswasthecasewithoutdoubtfortherestofthePaulinecorpus.24
ThereisnoindicationinthemanuscripttraditioninanycasethatthetextswerediffusedfromParis(thisisthemainargumentthatweakensWeisheipl'sthesis).

Insupportofthisreading,wemightagaininvokewiththeusualreservationsthestoriesofthebiographers:thetraditionmaintainsamemoryofThomasteaching
SaintPaulinNaples.Tolomeoreportsahighlysignificantanecdoteundertheformofadreamthataholyfriarfromthatprioryhad.Thomaswasseatedinhis
magisterialchair,intheprocessofcommentingontheepistles,when,behold,theApostlehimselfenteredthelecturehall,whichwasalreadyfilledwithadistinguished
crowd.ThomasinterruptedhimselftogivewitnesstohisreverencefortheApostleand,afterafewcasualwordsofconversation,askedhimifhewasexplaining
Paul'stextaccordingtothemeaningthathehadwantedtogiveit.TothisquestiontheApostlerespondedthatThomasindeedwasteachingwhatcouldbeunderstood
fromhisepistlesduringthislifebutatimewouldcomewhenhewouldunderstandthemaccordingtotheirwholetruth.Sayingthis,hetookhimbythecapeand
draggedhimalongwithhim.ThreedayslaterThomas'sdeathbecameknownatNaples.25Thepremonitioninthisdreamhaslessimportanceherethanthe
identificationofThomasasacommentatoronPaulbyhiscontemporariesinthelastmonthsofhislife.

ItistruethatthehagiographicaltraditionhasalsotransmittedamemoryoflessonsonSaintPaulatParis.InrecallingthatThomaswasrecommendingthestudyofthe
epistlesinpreferencetoalltheotherbooksofScripture,withtheexceptionoftheGospels,Toccoaddsthatitwaswhile
24.
WemightmentionherealsothediffusionoftheCommentaryonJob,whichisnotwithoutanalogytothediffusionofthePaulinecorpus,cf.Leonine,vol.26,pp.18*b9*a.
25.
TolomeoXXIII9(Ferrua,no.177,PP.36263)Toccoknowsthenameofthevisionary(PaulofAquila,inquisitorinNaplesin1274),butexceptforafewthings,reportsthesame
story:Ystoria60,pp.38586(Tocco60,pp.13334).

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26
hewasgivingtheexpositioatParisthathewouldhavehadavisionofSaintPaul. Itisdifficult,however,toaccordthesameweighttothisstoryaswehavegivento
thepreviousone,fornotestimonyinthetextualcriticismcomestothesupportofthissecondcase.Ifitisnotmerelyanattempttocorrectaninopportuneimpression
(ThomashadnottaughtatParissolelyonMatthewandJohn,butalsoonPaul),wemustseeheresimplyoneofthoseerrorsoflocalizationquitefrequentinstoriesof
thistype.27

Fortheotherepistles,thingsarealittlelessclear.WeknoweffectivelyoftwoversionsforthefirstsevenchaptersoftheEpistletotheHebrewsandforchapters11to
13oftheFirstLettertotheCorinthians,28butthespecialistsarehardlyinclinedheretospeakofarevision.FortheEpistletotheHebrews,thesecondversion
longerthanthefirst(theMariettieditiongivesextractsfromitinsmallletters)presentsthisparticularity,ofbeingtheonethatReginaldofPipernousesbychoice.
AntoineDondainethoughtthatthisversionwasReginald'sownreportatio.29Astothedoubleversionofchapters1113of1Corinthians,itmaybeduesimplytothe
momentarypresenceofasecondreporter.

If,despitealltheuncertaintiesthatwehavespokenof,wenowtrytosumupwhatseemtobethebestexplanationscurrentlyavailable,wemightcharacterizethestate
inwhichThomas'sPaulinecorpuspresentsitselfthus:

(1)ThepartwherehishandseemsratherdirectlyperceptiblecomprisesthefirsteightchaptersofRomanstherestofthiscommentaryonRomanshasnotbeen
correctedinallprobabilitythiscoursedatesfromthelastyearsofThomas'slife,whichistosay,fromNaplesin127273.

(2)Wecannotsayanythingpreciseconcerningthecourseonchapters110oftheFirstLettertotheCorinthians,whichthecataloguestreatseparately,ifonly
because,foranunknownreason(perhapssimplybecauseoftheabsenceofthereporter)Thomas'scommentaryon1Corinthiansfrom7:10totheendofchapter10
islostitwasreplacedveryearlyinthemanuscriptsandthe
26.
Ystoria18,p.251(Tocco17,p.88):"ScripsitsuperepistolasbeatiPauliomnes,quarumscripturampreterevangelicamsuperomnesaliascommendabat,inquarumexpositione
Parisiusuisionemprefatiapostolidiciturhabuisse."
27.
Tugwell,pp.24748,takessupportfromtherepetitionofthisanecdotetosuggestthatThomascouldhavetaughtonSaintPaulatParisandNapleswewereourselvestempted
bythishypothesisbuttheinformationobtainedthroughexaminationofthemanuscripttraditionhasledustoabandonit.
28.
Cf.H.V.Shooner,reviewedbyStegmller,BT10(195759),no.180,p.111A.Dondaine,SermonsdeRginald,pp.39094.
29.
AwrittencommunicationfromFatherBataillon(7May1992).

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30
printededitionswiththetextborrowedfromPeterofTarentaise(inaversionattributedtoNicholasGorran).

(3)ThereportatiobyReginaldofPipernoextendsfrom1Corinthian11uptotheEpistletotheHebrewsinclusivelythiscouldbethefruitofThomas'steachingfrom
theyears1265to1268inRome.WeknowoftwoeditionsofthefirstsevenchaptersofthecommentaryontheHebrews,andthesecondseemstobeReginald's.
Therearealsotwoeditionsofthecourseonchapters1113of1Corinthians,butwecannotdrawfromthatanyconclusion.31

Despitetheheterogeneityofthesepieces,itisnonethelesscertainthatThomasthoughtofhiscommentaryasawhole.TheproofofthisisgivenintheProloguethathe
placedattheheadofthiswhole.HeproposesthereageneralplanofthePaulineepistles,accordingtowhicheachonecorrespondstoaprecisedesign.Certainly,he
couldhaveplacedthishereatthetimeofasecondversion,butinfacthereferstothisplanatthestartofeachepistle,whichshowsquitewellthathewasconsciousof
theunityofhisintention,evenforthepartssimplyreportedon.Wewilltranslatearatherlengthypassagefromthistext,foritisbothveryclearonthisglobalvisionand
significant,atthesametime,forhismethod:

TheApostlewrotefourteenepistles:nineoftheminstructtheChurchoftheGentilesfourtheprelatesandprincesoftheChurch,aswellaskingsthelastisaddressedtothe
Hebrews,thesonsofIsrael.TheteachingbearsentirelyonChrist'sgrace,whichwecanconsiderunderatriplemodality.

Inthefirstplace,accordingtoitsexistenceintheHeadhimself,Christ,anditisthusthatwefinditintheEpistletotheHebrewsthen,asitisintheprincipalmembersofthe
mysticalbody,anditisthusthatwefinditintheepistlesaddressedtotheprelates[thepastoralepistles]finally,accordingasitisinthemysticalbodyitself,whichistheChurch,
anditisthusthatwefinditintheepistlesaddressedtotheGentiles.

30.
Cf.Mandonnet,Chronologiedescritsscripturaires,pp.8992H.D.Simonin,"LescritsdePierredeTarentaise,"inBeatusInnocentiuspp.V(PetrusdeTarentasiaO.P.),
StudiaetDocumenta(Rome,1943),p.228,note53intheCaiedition(Marietti),thisapocryphalpartextendsfromno.336tono.581inclusive.Thereareinfacttwoeditionsofthis
textbyPeterofTarentaiseitisthesecondthatwefindintheprintededitionsthefirstistransmittedbythreeothertestimonies.
31.
AccordingtoFatherdeGrandprfromwhomItakeseveralindicationsexceptforthemanuscripttraditionofItalianorigin,whichpresentsthePaulinecorpusinauniform
fashion,wemustdistinguish,fromthepointofviewoftextualcriticism,fourblocks:(1)Rom.(+1Cor.17)(2)(1Cor.17+)1Cor.10+2Cor.+Gal.+Eph.(3)Phil.+Col.+12Thes.
+12Tim.+Tit.+Philem.(4)Hebr.buttheseareonlytheexteriorcharacteristicsofthemanuscripttransmissionandwemustadd,"theplaceofeachofthesectionsinthemorevast
wholeofthePaulinecorpusisevidentandeachoneofthesectionsisanintegralpartofthecorpusinseparably,onquestionsofdate,ofauthenticity,etc."

 Page256

[Inthelastinstance,]thereisanotherdistinction,forChrist'sgraceissusceptibleofatripleconsideration.First,initself,asintheEpistletotheRomans.Second,inthesacraments
ofgrace,asinthetwoepistlestotheCorinthiansofwhichthefirsttreatsofthesacramentsthemselvesandsecondofthedignityoftheirministersandintheEpistletothe
Galatians,inwhicharefoundexcludedsuperfluoussacraments[superfluasacramenta]againstthosewhowishtoaddtheancientsacramentstonewones[ueterasacramenta
nouisadiungere].Third,Christ'sgraceisconsideredaccordingtotheworkofunitythatitrealizeswithintheChurch.

[Fromthislastpointofview,]theapostlethereforetreatsfirstofthefoundation[institutio]ofecclesialunityintheEpistletotheEphesiansthenitsconfirmationanditsprogress
intheEpistletothePhilippiansthenitsdefense:againsterrorsintheEpistletotheColossians,againstthepresentpersecutionsinthefirstlettertotheThessalonians,against
futurepersecutionsand,aboveall,persecutionsinthetimeoftheAntichristinsecondThessalonians.

AstoChurchprelates,itinstructsequallythespiritualaswellasthetemporal.Forthespiritual,hespeaksofthefoundation,oftheconstruction,andofthegovernmentof
ecclesialunityinthefirstlettertoTimothyoffirmnessagainstpersecutorsinthesecondofthedefenseagainsthereticsintheEpistletoTitus.Astotemporallords,heinstructs
themintheEpistletoPhilemon.

Herethereforearethereasonsforthedistinctionandtheorderofalltheepistles.32

Today'sreader,usedtoanentirelydifferentapproachtotheBible,whetherscientificorpastoral,cannothelpbutbesurprisedatthissystematicexposition.Thomas
doesnotseemtorealizethatPaul'slettersarenothingmorethanoccasionalwritingsandthatnothingwasfurtherfromtheApostle'sthinkingthantowishtotransmitso
stronglyconstructedateachingaboutChrist'sgrace.Wemust,nonetheless,notthinkThomasmorenaivethanhewas,northatheimaginedhimselftohavediscerned
alltherichnessofPaul'stext.

ThislongtextdoesnotemphasizesolelytheunityofThomas'spurposeitalsoshowstowhatextenttheecclesialperspectiveispresentinhisthinking.Thiswillbe
preciousforuslaterinunderstandingsomethingabouthisspiritualtheology.Oneneedonlyskimhiscommentarytofindnumerousindicationsinthisregard.Before
returningmorefullytothisin
32.
Prol.,ed.Cai(TurinRome,1953),no.11wetranslateherefromthecriticaltextbyFatherdeGrandpr.

 Page257

ournextvolume,andbywayofexampleandinvitation,wewilltranslateheresomelinesontheHolySpiritasapendanttothetextonChristquotedabove.Thisisa
proposofRomans8:2:"ThelawoftheSpirit,whogiveslifeinJesusChrist":
Inafirstsense,thislawistheHolySpirititself.SothatbythelawoftheSpiritwemustunderstandthelawthatistheSpirit.Theproperqualityofthelaw,ineffect,istoincite
mantodothegood.AccordingtothePhilosopher...thelegislator'sintentionistoproducegoodcitizensnowhumanlawcandothisonlyinmakingthemknowthegoodand
thenecessitytodoit.TheHolySpiritHimself,whoabidesinthesoul,notonlyteachesthatwhichitisnecessarytodobyilluminatingintelligence,butalsoinclinestheaffections
towardactingrightiy....Inasecondsense,thislawcanbeunderstoodasthepropereffectoftheHolySpirit,whichistosay,ofthefaiththatoperatesthroughcharity.Ittoo
teachesinteriorlywhatitisnecessarytodoaccordingtotheversefrom1John2:Hisunctionteachesyouallthings,butitalsospursthewilltowardaction,accordingto2
Corinithians5:Christ'sloveconstrainsus.ThislawthereforeiscalledanewlawbecauseitisidentifiedwiththeHolySpirit,orbecausetheSpirititselfcarriesitoutwithinus....
AndiftheApostleaddsinJesusChrist,thatisbecausethisSpiritisgivenonlytothosewhoareinJesusChrist.Asthenaturalvitalbreathdoesnotcometothememberswho
arenotjoinedwiththehead,inthesameway,theHolySpiritdoesnotcometothememberswhoarenotlinkedtotheirchief,Christ.33

TheCourseonthePsalms

OutsideoftheEpistletotheRomans,wedonotexactlyknowwhatsubjectscouldhavebeentaughtduringtheyear127273.Nodisputedquestioncanbeassigned
tothisperiod,anditseemsindeedthattherewere
33.
InRoman.8,lect.1,no.601606.SeeF.R.Larcher'stranslation,CommentaryonSt.Paul'sEpistletotheGalatians(Albany,N.Y.:MagiBooks,1966),andM.L.Lamb's
translation,CommentaryonSt.Paul'sEpistletotheEphesians(Albany,N.Y.:MagiBooks,1966).ApartfromtheabbBral'stranslation,whichappearedin1874publishedby
Vivs,thereexistsinFrench,toourknowledge,onlythetranslationbyA.Charlier,SaintThomasd'Aquin,CommentairedelasecondeptreauxCorinthiens(Paris,1980),2vol.
wementionagainseveralstudiesofgeneralinterest:O.H.Pesch,"PaulasProfessorofTheology.TheImageoftheApostleinSt.Thomas'sTheology,"TheThomist38(1974)
584605W.Swierzawski,"GodandtheMysteryofHisWisdominthePaulineCommentariesofSaintThomasAquinas,"DTP74(1971)466500Th.Domanyi,Der
RmerbriefkommentardesThomasyonAquin.EinBeitragzurUntersuchungseinerAuslegungsmethoden(Bern,1979)M.Hendrickx,SagessedeDieuetsagessedeshommes.
Lecommentairede1Co14etsaconfrontationaveclagrandeglosedePierreLombard(LouvainlaNeuve,1987)J.TiTiChen,LaunidaddelalglesiasegnsantoTomsen
laepistolaalosEfesios(Pamplona,1979).

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34
none. SinceMandonnet,onegenerallysaysthatThomasgaveacourseonthePsalter,butthathewasinterruptedbyillnessanddeathandthathecouldexplicate
onlythefirstfiftyfourpsalms.35ThisopinionissharedbyGlorieux,Eschmann,Weisheipl.ButjudgesasgoodasFatherBatailIonsaythatthesetextshardly
correspondtothematurityofthisperiodandwecanaskourselveswhyThomaswouldhavewaitedsolongbeforecommentingonsofundamentalatextasthe
Psalter.36Butitistruethattheinterruptionpointsusinacertaindirection.IfwemustabandonthehypothesisofMandonnet,ofacoursesimultaneouslyonRomans
andthePsalter(onalternatingdays,or,indeed,onecourseinthemorningandanotherintheevening),wecouldlooktowardthebeginningofSeptemberOctober
1273,whichwouldleadusthentotheverylastdaysofThomas'steachingandwouldexplainperhapscertainparticularitiesofthetextthathascomedowntous.

ThecataloguesineffectattributethereportatioonittoReginald,butwhereasthePraguelistspeaksofa"Lecturasupertresnocturnos[psalterii],"37Bartholomewof
Capuaspeaksofa"Lecturasuperquatuornocturnospsalterii."38Thismattermightbeexplainedthus:asweknow,the"nocturnals"alludetotheliturgicalofficeof
matins,wherethePsalmsweredividedaccordingtothedaysoftheweek.ThethreenocturnalsfromthePraguelistcorrespondtothePsalmsofthefirstthreedays
(Sunday,Monday,Tuesday),whichgouptoandincludePsalm51.Theraremanuscriptsthattransmitthisworkdonotcontainmore,andeventodaythe
contemporaryprintededitionsdonotknowofanyfurthermaterial.

Wehadtowaituntil1880forPaoloUccellitodiscoverinthearchivesofNaplesanewmanuscriptoftheLecturaonthePsalms,wherewefindthelessonsonthe
threefollowingPsalms(5254).39Beyondthisfragment
34.
DespitetheattemptsbyPelstertosituatetheQ.DeunioneuerbiincarnatiatNaples(cf.above,chapterXI,note33).
35.
Mandonnet,Chronologiedescritsscripturaires,pp.5970.
36.
Tugwell,p.248andnote474,receivesthissuggestionfavorablyandbelievesitmaybelongtotheverybeginningofThomas'scareer.Sincethepublicationoftheoriginal,French
editionofthisbook,oneinformedreviewerhasfurnishedmewithtwosupplementarypiecesofinformationthatfavoralaterdating:(1)theevolutionofThomas'stheologyofthe
episcopate(2)theallusiontothesanctityofSt.Louis[kingofFrance](seeA.Bandera,CienciaTomista120[1993]636).Further,evenFatherBataillonseemstohavebeenconvinced
byourargumentation:"ThecommentaryonthePsalmsisalmostcertainlythelastinstructionofThomas"(seehis"LadiffusionemanoscrittaestampatadeicommentibiblicidiSan
Tommasod'Aquino,"Angelicum71[1994]57990,esp.589).
37.
Grabmann,Werke,p.93.
38.
Naples85,p.389.
39.
P.A.Uccelli,S.ThomaeAquinatisinIsaiamprophetam,intrespsalmosDavid,in

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

 Page259

ofThomas'sauthenticwork,thehighinterestofthisdiscoveryresidesinthecolophonofthatmanuscript,whichspecifiesthatithadbeencopiedfromtheexemplarby
ReginaldofPiperno,andthatnomoreofitwastobefound.40BartholomewofCapua,whoknewbothThomasandReginaldinthisperiodatNaples,waswell
situatedtoknowwhetherThomashadcommentedonthePsalmsofthefourthnocturnal,thoseofWednesdayhesimplyomitstellingusthattheworkwasnot
finished.ThisiswithoutdoubtthestrongestindicationforsituatingthisworkinthelastweeksofThomas'steaching,butwecansaynomoreaboutit.41

Theprologueismostinstructiveforgraspingthemethodandintentionofourauthor,whosethimselftocommentingonthistreasureofecclesialprayer.Asenlightening
ashiscommentsonSt.Paulcitedaboveandcomplementarytothem,itillustratesthewayinwhichThomasapproacheshisvariouscommentariesonScripture.He
wishestoemphasizeits''cause,"whichisquadruple:matter,form,end,agent(materia,modusseuforma,finisetagens):"Itsmatterisuniversalwhileeachofthe
canonicalbookshasitsspecialmaterial,thisonerangesoverthematerialofalltheology."Thiscanbeverifiedinseveraldomains,butaboveallinwhatconcernsthe
workofsalvationcarriedoutbyChrist:
EverythingthatbearsontheendoftheIncarnationisexpressedinthisbookinsoclearawaythatonemightbelieveoneselffacetofacewiththeGospel,notwithprophecy....
ThisplenitudeisthereasonwhytheChurchreturnsceaselesslytothePsalter,foritcontainsallScripture.42

Afterdealingwiththematter,heseekstocharacterizethemodeortheformofthisbook:
ThemodeofsacredScriptureisineffectmultiple.Itcanbenarrative...asinhistoricalbookscommemorative,exhortative,andprescriptive...asintheLaw,theProphets,orin
theWisdomBooksdisputative,as

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)

BoetiumdeHebdomadibusetdeTrinitateexpositiones(Rome,1880),pp.xvxviand24154thismanuscriptdescribedbyH.V.Shooner,Codices,vol.3,no.1959,pp,3031,
accordingtonotestakenbyJ.DestrezandT.KppeliwasdestroyedbyfirefollowingthebombardmentofNaplesduringtheSecondWorldWar,30September1943.
40.
"Explicitpostillasuperpartempsalterijsecundumfratremthomamdeaquinoordinispredicatorum,quianoninveniturplusinexemplarifratrisRaynaldidepipernoquifuitsocius
fratristhomeusqueadmortemethabuitomniascriptasua,"accordingtoShooner,ibid.cf.Mandonnet,Chronologiedescritsscripturaires,p.68.
41.
WemightsimplyunderlinethatasinthecaseofthePaulineCorpusthemanuscriptdiffusionbeganfromNaples.
42.
ProoemiuminPsalm,Vivsed.,vol.18,p.228.

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inJoborSaintPauldeprecativeorlaudatory,ashere.Ineffect,everythingthatintheotherbooksisdealtwithaccordingtoaprecisemodeisherefoundundertheformofpraise
andofprayer....Itisfromthisthatthebooktakesitsrifle:ThebeginningoftheBookofHymns,whichistosay,ofthesoliloquiesoftheprophetDavidaboutChrist.Thehymn
isapraiseofGodundertheformofasong.Thesongistheexaltationofthesouloverthesubjectofeternalrealitiesthatareexpressedbythevoice.Itteachesthereforetopraise
Godinjoy.ThesoliloquyisthepersonalcolloquyofmanwithGodor,indeed,onlywithhimselfandthisisnecessaryforwhoeverpraisesorprays.

AstotheendofthisScripture,itisprayer,elevationofthesoultowardGod....ItispossibleforthesoultoelevateitselftowardGodinfourways:byadmiringthegreatnessof
hispower...theelevationoffaithbyextendingitselftowardtheexcellenceofitseternalbeatitude...theelevationofhopebyattachingitselfstrictlytodivinegoodnessandits
holiness...elevationofcharitybyimitatingthedivinejusticeanditsaction...theelevationofjustice.[ThesedifferentpointsareinsinuatedintothevariousPsalms],thisis
whySaintGregorysaysthatifthePsalmodyisaccompaniedbytheintentionoftheheart,itpreparesinthesoulapathforGod,whoinfusesintoitthemysteriesofprophecyor
thegraceofcompunction.

Astotheauthorofthiswork,itisevidentlyGodHimself,sincethesacredScripturesarenotthefruitofahumanwillbutindeedofdivineinspiration,whichisaroused
inappropriateinstruments.Thomasendshisintroduction,therefore,withseveralindicationsonthewayinwhichpropheticrevelationoccurs,butthisisnottheplaceto
tarryonthispointexcepttosaythatThomasretainstheplayofsecondarycauses.43

Instructiveandastonishingastoitsmethod,thistextofthePrologueisslightlydeceptiveinitscontentforanuninitiatedreader.Butwhoeverreturnsfrequentlyto
Thomas'sreadingofthePsalmswillnotregretit.Hisdrynessallowsustoguessthatthereporterhasnotedonlytheessentialideas,andhaspermittedtheescapeof
thenuancedexplicationsandthewarmthoflivingspeechthatmakeoforalteachingsomethingentirelydifferentthanthesimplecoursenotes,howeverwelltheyhave
beentaken.Wemustknowhowtoreadthistextsothatitwilldeliverupalittleofitsrichness,goingbacktothesourcesandseeingwhatGregoryorAugustinesaid,
inordermoreorlesstoreconstructwhathemustreallyhavesaid.
43.
Cf.STIIaIIaeqq.17174Deuer.,q.12J.P.Torrell,"LetraitdelaprophtiedeS.Thomasd'Aquinetlathologiedelarvlation,"StudiTomistici37(1990)17195.

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WecantakeasanexamplethecommentaryonPsalm3:3:Egodormivietsoporatussum,whichevokesinawordthebirthoftheChurchfromthepiercedsideof
Christsleepinginthesleepofdeath,signifiedbythebirthofEvefromthesideofAdamsleepinginthemorningofGenesis.44Thomasgiveshereanechoofatrue
patristiccommonplace,whichextendsthePaulineparallelbetweenthetwoAdamsthroughaparallelalsodeartoIrenaeus,thatofthetwoEvestheChurchbeing
thenew"motheroftheliving"whichwastransmittedtoThomasbytwofamiliarauthors,AugustineandChrysostom.Similarcasescouldbemultipliedwithregardto
prayer,affectivity,thedesireofGod,etc.Wecannotoveremphasizetowhoeverwouldattemptatranslationofthescripturalcommentaries,thatitwouldnotbeuseful
orfruitfulunlessaccompaniedbynotesthatextendthetextinthesensesketchedhere,forthedifficultyislessintheLatinthaninwhatisnotsaidinthesetexts.

The"LifeofJesus"

UponleavingParis,aswehavesaid,Thomastookwithhimacertainnumberofbooksalreadyunderway.Amongthemostimportanttasksstillpending,thefirstwas
certainlythecompletionoftheSumma.AthisarrivalinNaples,onlythefirstquestionsoftheTertiaParshadbeenwritten(20,accordingtoEschmann,or25,
accordingtoGlorieux,butnotwithoutsomequestions).ThiscorrespondsroughlytotheproperlyspeculativepartofthetheologyofChrist,thestudyofthehypostatic
unionanditsconsequences.Itis,therefore,duringtheNaplesperiodthatThomascomposedtheremainderofthesequestionsonChristandthebeginningofhis
theologyofthesacraments.Wecanputasideherewhateverconcernshissacramentaltheology,45butwemustspeakatleastbrieflyaboutthispartofhischristology.

PopularizedinFranceunderthenameViedeJsus(LifeofJesus),theseQuestions2759oftheTertiarevealascripturalandpatristicreturnto
44.
InPs.3:3(Vivs,vol.18,p.242):"IstesoporsignaturinsoporeAdam...quiadelatereChristiincrucemortuiformataestEcclesia."
45.
Thereismuchheretograsp.Thinkofwhatwehavealreadysaidabove(chapter7)abouttheEucharistbutwemightalsothinkaboutthehighly"personalist"approachthat
Thomastooktothesacramentofreconciliationwhichhecalledpenitence.Cf.C.E.O'Neill,SacramentalRealism.AGeneralTheoryoftheSacraments(Wilmington,Del.,1983),pp.
16484.WealsorefertothestudybyL.G.Walsh,"TheDivineandtheHumaninSt.Thomas'sTheologyofSacraments,"inOrdosapientiaeetamoris,pp.32152,thisstudyshows
quitewelltheintimatelinksthatconnectthetheoryofcausalityatworkinthesacramentaltheologytothetheorythatThomasusesinhisdoctrineofcreationandhisanthropology.

 Page262

sourcesthatwouldastonishthosewhodonotwishtoseeinThomasanythingotherthananimpenitentAristotelian.Thereishere,onthecontrary,nothingsurprising
foronewhohasstudiedThomas'sscripturalcommentariesandknowsthegiganticeffortofresearchintothepatristicheritagerepresentedbytheCatenaaurea.We
mustspeakaboutthisatsomelength,foritisprobablythemostoriginalpartofhischristology,andwewillbeabletoobservemorethanonepointofcontactbetween
thesepagesandThomas'sevolutioninthelastmonthsofhislife.

ThetitleLifeofJesusis,however,misleadingThomassaysmoreexactlythathewishestospeakabout"whattheIncarnateSonofGoddidandsufferedinthe
humannaturethatwasunitedtohim,"46oraccordingtoaformulathatoccursseveraltimesoftheactaetpassaChristiincarne.Tounderstandtheextentto
whichthisgoesbeyondwhatwewouldnormallymeanbytheterm"life"moreorlesshistoricallyunderstooditissufficienttorecalltheplanannouncedbythe
author.Hedevelopsitinfoursections,aboutwhichwedonothavetocommentontheirrelationtotheconstructionoftheSummatheologiaeitself:

(1)Theentrance(ingressus)oftheSonofGodintothisworld(QQ.2739).Thisistheoccasionforspeakingofhismother,theVirginMary,ofhersanctificationin
utero(asweknow,ThomasdidnotaccepttheImmaculateConception),ofhervirginity,ofhermarriagewithJoseph(atruemarriage),oftheannunciationbythe
angel,etc.OnesometimesspeakshereofThomas's"Mariology,"quiteimproperlywithoutdoubt,butitistruethatdespitethecompletelyoutofdatephysiological
data,onecanprofitfromseveralstrikingintuitions(Marygiving,inthenameofallhumanity,herconsenttothecomingtotheSavior:locototiushumanaenaturae).47
Inreality,wearealwaysdealingwithchristology,andeverythingisseeninrelationtoJesus'birthandtothevariouscircumstancesthatwereconnectedwithit.

(2)Thedevelopment(progressus)ofhislifeinthisworld(QQ.4045).ThisiswhatonecommonlycallsthepubliclifeofChrist:thetypeoflifethatheled
(conuersatio)andtheteachingthatonecandrawfromitforthosewhowishtoannouncehismessagetoday,histemptationinthedesertanditsmeaninginsalvation
history,histeaching,hismiracles,andhisTransfiguration.Rathercuriously,ThomashasconnectedChrist'sbaptismtohisfirstsection,butheseesitasalsointroducing
thefullmanifestationofChrist.

(3)Hisdeparture(exitus)fromthisworld,whichistosay,HisPassionand
46.
IIIaq.27Prol.
47.
STIIaa.30a.1.

 Page263

death(QQ.4652).Undersomeconventionalscholasticheadings,Thomastreatsthemostburningsubjectsinourcontemporarytheologyofredemption.His
considerationofthe"efficientcause"ofthePassionprobestheresponsibilityofitsauthorsnotonlythatoftheJewsortheRomans,butourown,andeventhatofthe
Father.The"efficientmodality"ofthePassionwhichistosay,thewayinwhichiteffectsoursalvationputspreciselyinplacenotionsofmerit,satisfaction,
sacrifice,redemption,reservingforChristalonethehonorofbeing"the"Redeemer,foronlythepersonoftheWordcouldgivesuchvaluetohumanacts.Ifitis
necessaryforthetheologianwhowantstousethesetextstodaytoworkupaminimumofhermeneutic(asforallthetextsofthepast),itisnolesscertainthatwefind
herepracticallyalltheelementsofasoteriology.

(4)Hisexaltation(exaltatio),orHistriumphafterthislife(QQ.5359).ItisevidentlyherethatthetermLifeofJesusreachesitslimitsasadescriptionofThomas's
undertaking,sincewearefromthispointonbeyondhistory.Theselastquestionsexamine,therefore,thefinalunfoldingofthemysteryofChrist:theResurrection,the
Ascension,thesittingattherighthandoftheFather,andthepowerthengiventoJesustobeequaltotheFatherandwithHishumanity,thejudgeofthelivingand
thedead.ThomasdiscoversdoubtlessonceagaintheorderoftheCredo,whichisfamiliartohim,butitisalsostrikingtoobservethefacilitywithwhichthis
theoretician,whohasnoproblemwithachristology"fromabove,"alsoengagesinthechristology"frombelow"oftheveryfirstChristiangenerations.

Thissimpleenumerationofsomeofthethemesdealtwithpermitsustoseealittlebettertheauthor'srealpurpose.Theunfoldingofevangelicalhistoryhasprovided
himwithaprecioushistoricalframework,sinceitpermittedhimtopassinreviewalltheeventsofChrist'slife,thesmallestaswellasthegreatest,givinghimalso
occasiontodealwithsubjectsratherbadlyunderstoodbyanumberoftheologians,suchasbaptism,Christ'stemptations,orthewayinwhichHelivedamidthe
crowd.HewishestoshowthattheWordwasmademaninthemosthumanwayandthatthereisherematerialnotonlyfortheologicalreflection,butforspiritual
meditation,repeatedwithoutceasinginordertodeepenthemysteryoftheIncarnationandtoclarifytheChristianlife.ThisisadecidedreturntotheGospelasithad
beendefinedwithregardtotheCatenaaurea,for"itistherethathasbeentransmittedtousthesubstanceoftheCatholicfaithandthenormforourentireChristian
life."48
48.
"Inevangelioprecipueformafideicatholicaetraditurettotiusvitaeregulachristianae,"DedicatoryLettertotheCatenaaureaaddressedtoUrbanIV.

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Incontrasttothosetheologianswhoseemtoreducetheworkofsalvationtotheparoxysmofpainanddeath,Thomasdoesnotthinkthatthebirth,thehumbleyears
ofthehiddenlifeareasuperfluousprefacetothedeathontheCross,asifitweretheonlythingthatcounts.Nothingismoreforeigntohimthanthisfocusonsorrow,
andherepeatspeacefully:"TheleastofChrist'ssufferings[minimapassio]wouldhavesufficedtoredeemthehumanrace."49Inmanyotherplacesaswell,theword
passiohaskeptitsetymologicalsenseanddoesnotnecessarilysignify"suffering":actaetpassaChristisignifiesindeedeverythingthattheWorddidandendured,
experiencedinourhumancondition.Thistheologian,whoisbelievedtobeabstract,knowstheweightofthehistoricalinsertionoftheIncarnateWord,anditisthathe
laborstotakeintoaccount.

Togiveititstruename,whatThomaswishedtodowasa"theologyofthemysteries"ofthelifeofJesus.Wewilleasilyunderstandwhatthismeansifwerecallthatthe
musterionofSaintPaulsumsupatoncethedivineplanforsalvationandthewayinwhichthatplanwasachievedinJesus.IftheentirelifeofChristisitselfthe
mysteryoftheloveofGodthatrevealsitselfandactsinhistory,eachoneofHisactsisalsoa"mystery"inthesensethatitsignifiesandrealizesthistotal"mystery."

Profoundlytraditional,thisperceptionofthingsalreadyshowsitselfinIgnatiusofAntiochandMelitonofSardes,inOrigenaboveall,whowasthefirsttovenerate
Jesus'humanitywithatruetenderness,butitisalsofromAmbroseandfromAugustine,thatThomashasmostdirectlyreceivedtheseideas.Theseideaswere
furthermorenotunknownamongthescholastics,bothThomas'spredecessorsandhiscontemporaries,butThomasrevealshimselfprofoundlyoriginalforheisthefirst
andtheonlyoneforalongtime(itwouldbenecessarytowaituntilSuarez)todealwiththesethingsapartfromspeculativechristologyandtoorganizethemina
coherentfashion.50Thereisherecertainlyadeliberatewilltoconstructwhatmightbecalledaconcreteorexistentialchristologyquitecloseinintentiontothe
attemptsatanarrativetheologythatareflourishingtowardtheendofthetwentiethcentury.Wecanregretthatthishasbeenmisunderstoodforsuchalongtimeby
someThomists.51
49.
STIIIaq.46a.5ad3.
50.
WereferheretotheremarkablestudybyL.Scheffczyk,"DieStellungdesThomasvonAquininderEntwicklungderLehrevondenMysteriaVitaeChristi,"inM.GerwingundG.
Ruppert,eds.,RenovatioetReformatio...FestschriftfrLudwigHdl...(Mnster,1986),pp.4470.
51.
ThingshavechangedinthepastfewyearswementionagainL.Scheffczyk,"DieBedeutungderMysteriendesLebensJesufrGlaubenundLebendesChristen,"inthesame
editor's

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

 Page265

Bywayofillustrationoftheselastremarks,itwouldbeusefultoreproduceanexampleofthewayinwhichThomasproceedsinthislastpartoftheSumma.He
probesintothequestionofknowingifGodwouldhavehadathisdisposalamoresuitablemeansthanthePassionofChristtosavethehumanrace:

Ameansismuchmore"convenient"toanendwhenitbringstothatendagreaternumberofadvantages.Now,fromthefactthatmanwasdeliveredbyChrist'sPassion,that
Passion,beyondliberationfromsin,hasgainedforhimmanyadvantagesforhissalvation.

1.Throughit,weknowhowmuchGodlovedusandthroughthatknowledgewehavebeenmovedtoloveGodanditisinthatlovethatconsiststheperfectionofoursalvation.
ThusSaintPaulsays(Romans5:8):"TheproofthatGodlovesusisthatChrist,whilewewerestillsinners,diedforus."

2.ThroughhisPassion,Christgaveustheexampleofobedience,humility,constancy,justice,andothervirtuesnecessarytooursalvation.AsSaintPetersays(IPeter2:21):
"Christsufferedforus,leavingusamodelsothatwecouldfollowinhissteps."

3.Christ,throughHisPassion,notonlydeliveredusfromsinHefurthermoremeritedforusthegraceofjustificationandthegloryofbeatitude,aswewillspeakoffurtheron.

4.ThroughthefactofthePassion,weunderstandthatweareobligedtokeepourselvespurefromallsin,sincewebelievethatwehavebeenredeemedfromsinbyChrist'sblood,
accordingtoSaintPaul(ICorinthians6:20):"Youhavebeenredeemedatgreatprice!ThereforeglorifyGodinyourbodies."

5.ThePassionconferredonusahigherdignity:conqueredanddeceivedbytheDevil,wemustinturnconquerhimhavingmeriteddeath,itwasnecessaryalso,indying,to
dominatedeathitself,andSaintPaulsaystous(1Corinthians15:57):"RenderthanksuntoGodwhohasgivenusthevictorythroughJesusChrist."

Forallthesereasons,itwasmore"convenient"thatwebeliberatedbyChrist'sPassionratherthanbyGod'swillalone.52

Chosenfromamongmanyothertextsthatarealsoquitesignificant,thistexthastheinterestofshowinginactionthetheologian'smethodinthispart.Hedoesnottryto
provethenecessityofthePassion(heevensaid

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)

DieMysteriendesLebensJesuunddiechristlieheExistenz(Aschaffenburg,1984),pp.1734I.Biffi,inIMisteridiChristoinTommasod'Aquino(Milan:JacaBook,1994),has
investigatedthisquestioninallThomas'sworks,thusshowingitsomnipresenceanditsfecundity.
52.
STIIIaq.46a.3.

 Page266
53
thatitwasnot"necessary"inthestrictsense),itisforhimafacthewishessolelytogivefullweighttothatwhichhecallsits"convenience." Knowingeverythingthat
heotherwiseknowsaboutGod'sdesignforhumanity,helaborstomakeeffectiveallthereasonsthatpermitustounderstanditasthesupremeactofChrist'sand
God'slovewithrespecttohumanity.Hethusreconstructsanetworkofconvergencesthatsuggestthatsuchanact,withoutdoubtbeyondreason,isnot,however,
withoutreasons.Theologyhereisnolongerdemonstrative(itrarelyis,totellthetruth),itbecomesostensive.Itshowstowhoeverwishestoseeitthatitisindeed
thisthatthetextssayinthemselvesandthatiswhywemustadhereverycloselytothedata(here,fourargumentsoutoffivearedirectlytakenfromtheNew
Testamentelsewhere,patristictextswillbeusedwiththesameprofusion).Inthesamemotion,theologybecomesexhortative(followingthatwhichwehavereadin
thePrologueofhiscourseonthePsalms):thatprovocationtoloveonthepartofGodcannotremainwithouteffectforthetheologiannorforhisreader!Somuchis
thistruethatforThomas,theology,ifwelldone,endsupbeingpastoral.

Thomascontinued,however,tobeverymuchtakenupwithothertasksthandirectteachingandthecompletionofhisSummatheologiae.Wehavealreadyseenin
theprecedingchapter,hehadtofinishhisSententiaontheMetaphysicsandtheExpositiolibriPosteriorumandhealsobeganvariouscommentariesthatheleft
unfinished(Decaeloetmundo,Degenerationeetcorruptione).Healsocontinuedtorespondtofriendlyrequests(Demotucordis,perhapsDemixtione
elementorum),andnotablytothatofReginald,forwhomhereturnedtohislaborontheCompendiumtheologiae,beginningthentheDespethathewouldalsonot
finish.Finally,weknowthathepreachedduringthisperiod,ifnotnecessarilyontheDecalogueandtheCredo,asMandonnetthought,54atleastprobablyonthe
Pater,andtothefaithfulinhisnativelanguage,asthewitnessesattheprocessofcanonizationtestified.55Inshort,ifweareabletosupposeauniversityyearrelatively
leisurelycomparedwiththeonesatParis,itcertainlywasnotanidleone.Furthermore,hisreturntoNaples,whichbroughthimnearertohisfamily,didnotoccur
withoutcausinghimsomesmalladditionalworries.
53.
Althoughlargelyneglecteduntilnow,thistypeofreasoningfinallyisnowdrawingtheinterestthatitdeserves,cf.G.Narcisse,"Lesenjeuxpistmolgiquesdel'argumentde
convenanceselonsaintThomasd'Aquin,"inOrdosapientiaeetamoris,pp.14367.
54.
Cf.abovechap.IV,n.75.
55.
Cf.Collationes,ed.Torrell,pp.917Lapratique,pp.21517.

 Page267

ChapterXIV
TheLastMonthsandDeath
AnotherThomasbeginstoappearuponhisreturntoItaly.Oratleastanentirelynewaspectofhispersonality,heretoforelittleknown,connectsusagaintothefirst
daysofhischildhood.Itseemsalittleasifthefactofreturningtohisnativesoilmademanyfamiliarpersonsriseuparoundhim.Hehadcertainlynotlostallcontact
withthemduringhisyearsinParisorRome,butthemessages,writtenororal,whichcouldhaveexisted,havenotcomedowntous.

ThePeopleWhoKnewThomas

Theperiodthatbeganatthispointwas,ofhiswholelife,theonefromwhichwehavethegreatestamountofconcretedata.Thisisnotanaccident,becausethis
periodalsopresentsuswithnamesamonghisconfreresorhisfriendsandfamilymemberswhoarelinkedtoThomasashisdisciples.Wefindthemaswitnessesatthe
twocanonizationproceedings.1Onlythefirstofthesetwoproceedingsinterestsushere,theprocessatNaples(whichwasheldfrom21Julyto18September1319).
Atthesecondprocess(Fossanova,1020Novembera1321),theinquirerswerenotgiventheresponsibilitytolookintothelifeandvirtuesofthesaint,butwere
solelytoinquireaboutmiraclesafterhisdeath.2Thenumbersthatfollowconcern,therefore,onlythedepositionsattheprocessinNaples.

AmongthefortytwowitnesseswhogavetestimonyattheNaples
1.
WN,pp.178ff.givesacompletelistofthem.
2.
Cf.theintroductionsbyM.H.Laurent:Naples,pp.26566Fossanova,pp.40910.

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proceedings,onlysixteenwereeyewitnessesthirteenotherswerenoneyewitnessesbuthadatleastapartoftheirinformationfrompersonswhoknewThomas
directly.Thethirteenremainingwitnesseshadtheirinformationatsecondorthirdhand.Amongtheeyewitnesses,wecanidentifyelevenreligious(sixDominicans,five
Cistercians)andfivelaypeople.Amongthenoneyewitnesseswhohadfirsthandinformation,theproportionisalmostthesame:fiveDominicans,fourCistercians,four
laypeople.Aswemightexpect,thenumberofreligiouswitnessesorclericsishigherthanthenumberoflaywitnesses,buttheselatterarehonorablyenough
represented.

AmongtheDominicans,besidesWilliamofTocco,ofwhomwewillspeakagainmorefully,therewasConradofSuessa:priest,seventysevenyearsoldatthetimeof
theprocess,helivedwithThomasatNaples,Rome,andOrvieto(inthatorder).Thisisentirelypossible,thoughhemayhavemixeduphisdatesalittle.3Nextin
alphabeticalorder,comesGiacomoofCaiazzo,whowastobecometheprovincialoftheRomanprovinceandwhoknewThomasinNaplesandinCapuahegives
somedetailsontheregularobservancecarriedoutbytheMaster.4JohnofBoiano,apriest,alsogiveshistestimonytotheregularlifeleadbyThomas:study,austerity,
pietyhesawReginaldofPipernogivearelicofthesaint(athumbinaperfectstateofpreservationfromthehandthathadmadeitswaytoDameTheodora)to
CardinalHughofOstia.5SimilarlyLeonardofGaetaemphasizesThomas'swayoflifeandthelittletimehedevotedtoeatingandsleephehadheardReginaldrecount
themiracleoftheRomanladycuredfromherfluxofbloodononeofthedaysofEaster.6PeterofSanFelice,whoendsthislittleseriesofwitnesses,livedanentire
yearinNaplesinFriarThomas'scompanyhegivesaphysicalportraitandapplieshimselftodescribingThomas'sexemplarylife,bothinreligiousobservanceandin
study.HeremarkedthatThomasneverwoundedanypersonbyhaughtyorinjuriouswords.7Onthewhole,thesewitnessesaddonlyafewthingsatthehistorical
levelprincipallytheyretainedthememoryofareligiousmanleadinganexemplarylife.8
3.
Naples47,pp.12627wemayreadhistextasatestimonytoThomas'ssojourninNaplesbetween1256and1261.
4.
Naples42,pp.31819.
5.
Naples89,pp.39394.
6.
Naples75,PP.36870.
7.
Naples45,PP.32223.
8.
ManyusefulthingsconcerningthepeoplementionedheremaybefoundinI.Taurisano,

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ThenumberofCisterciansamongtheseeyewitnessesisnotatallastonishing.TheywerewithThomasashelayonhisdeathbed:wearespeakingofNicholas,the
futureabbotofFossanova,apriestofNicholasofFresolino,afriarandchoristerofNicholasofPiperno,alaybrotherofOctavianoofBabuco,apriest,andof
PeterofMontesangiovanni,apriest.AlthoughtheyknewThomasonlyashorttime,theinterestingthingabouttheirtestimonyisevident:theyarethesourceofcertain
thingsthatBartholomewofCapuaandToccoknowaboutonlythroughthem(andthereforetransmitonlyatsecondhand).Wheredifferencesariseinaccounts,itisto
theseCisterciansthatwemustgivepreference.9

Astothelayfigures,wehavefourmenoflawandamiles.WeshallencounterBartholomewofCapuaagainquitesoon,butwemustpresentthefourothersbriefly.
JohnBlasio,judgeatNaples,wasarelativeofQueenMariaofSicilyhistestimonyhasalwaysraisedmuchsuspicion:heclaimstohaveheardThomaspreachfor
morethantenyears,includinganentireLentontheAveMaria,allofwhichisquitesimplyafantasyhesaysthathewitnessedthedevilphysicallyattackThomason
theterracenearThomas'scell.10JohnCoppaofNaplespresentshimselfasanotariushewasstillaboywhenhemetthesaintgoingtovisithisDominicanbrother
Bonofilio,whowasintheserviceoftheMasterhespeaksaboutThomas'spreachingonthePater.11JohnofGaeta,too,rememberssomepreachinginNaples.John
wasazeccadenarius,adoctoroflawhehadalsoheardpeoplespeakingaboutvariousmiracles.12PeterBrancaccio,miles,alsorecallsthepreachingonthePater
whenhewasmultumiuuenishealsoheardReginaldrecountthenocturnalconversationthatThomashadwithSaintsPeterandPaulaboutadifficultyinthebookof
Isaiah.13

Ifwetrytodeterminewhat,inthismassofmaterial,presentsthehistorianwithsomethingusefultowardabetterknowledgeofThomas'slifeandpersonalityi.e.,if
wesubtractthemiraclesandtheposthumouseventswewouldfindabout36percentofthetestimonyuseful.Thisdoesnotmeanthateventhisportionisentirely
usablewithoutreservations,

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)
''DiscepoliebiografidiS.Tommaso,"inS.Tommasod'AquinoO.P.,Miscellaneastoricoartistica(Rome,1924),pp.11186.
9.
Inorderthenumbersoftheirrespectivedepositions:Naples891011192115184955(pp.2767928082290932859033042).
10.
Naples70,pp.36163cf.Torrell,"Lapratique,"p.216.
11.
Naples87,pp.39192cf.Torrell,ibid.
12.
Naples88,pp.39293.
13.
Naples93,PP.399400.

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butitisherethatwemustseeksomechanceofapproachingreality.Wecannotgooveralltheotherwitnessesherewewillencounterthemaswegoalongandwe
willlearnsomethingfromtheirdepositions.Butitisnecessarytointroducetwotowhomweoweaconsiderabledebt.

WealreadyknowWilliamofToccoandwewillsoonseehimatworkintheprocessofcanonization.HelivedwithThomasduringthelastperiodhedoesnotappear
tohavebeenformallyhisstudent,givenhisage(hewasaroundthirty).HemayhaveattendedlecturesthatThomasmayhavegivenforthefriarsattheNaplespriory
(rememberthatallthebrotherswereobligedtofollowthecourseontheBiblethatwasgiventhere).OriginallyfromBenevento,preachergeneralin1288,Tocco
wouldlaterfillvariousposts,14butthethingforwhichheisbestknowntousisthebiographyofThomas,which,despiteitsweaknesses,stillremainsanunrivaled
source.Weshallreturntoitsoon.

EvenmoreillustriousthanWilliamwasBartholomewofCapua(bornin1248inCapua,diedin1328atNaples).Hewasadoctoroflawin1278andseemstohave
beenaprofessoruntil1289(thisprofessorialactivityisonlywellestablishedfor128284).AfavoriteoftheSicilianking,CharlesIandhissuccessors,Bartholomew
wasnamedbyCharlesIIprotonotaryofthekingdomin1290andlogothete(theequivalentofaprimeminister)in1296.Hewasgivenvariousdiplomaticmissionsin
thefollowingyearshealsoplayedanimportantroleinrecastingtheconstitutionsofthekingdom,whenhetriedtoharmonizethecentralizingtraditionsoftheAngevin
kingsandthefeudalstructureinsouthernItaly.15

Bartholomewwasthereforequiteaconsiderablefigure,butitisnotanyofthisthatgivesvaluetohislongdepositionatthecanonizationprocess.Neitherdoeshislist
ofSaintThomas'sworkswehaveknownforsometimethatthislisthasnorighttothetitle"officialcatalogue,"whichitwasgivenbyMandonnet.Ifhistestimony
remainsprecious,itisbecausehefrequentedtheprioryatNaplesasaveryyoungman(multumiuuenis)whileThomaswasstillaliveandheclaimstohaveseenhim
severaltimes(quitestrangelyhedoesnotsaythatheheardhim)hethereforeconveysseveralpointsthatheassembledfrompeoplewhoknewThomaswell,notably:
JohnofCaiazzo,whowasThomas'sstudentinParisJohnofSan
14.
HewillbepriorinNaplesin1289,inBenevento(twotimes:1287,1319)hewasalsoinquisitorforthekingdomofNaplesandheismentionedseveraltimesinthisposition
between1292and1300.Cf.Kppeli,Scriptores,vol.2,pp.13567LeBrunGouanvic,IntroductiontoYstoria,passim.
15.
Cf.G.DiRenzoVillata,"6.B.v.Capua,"LexikondesMittelalters1(1980)14931494.

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Giuliano,avenerableoldmanwhohadoncebeenThomas'sspiritualfatherbutespeciallyReginaldofPipernoandJohndelGiudice,whowasThomas'sconfessor.
BartholomewthusknowsthingsattimesthatToccodoesnot,andsometimesthelatterreportsonthingshehaslearnedfromBartholomew.16

Amongthepeoplewhowerenotabletotestifyattheprocesswhoareimportantfiguresforourresearch,wemustmentionTolomeodegliFiadoni,betterknown
underhisnameTolomeoofLuccaaswewillunderstandshortly.HemayhavebeenThomas'sstudentduringtheOrvietoorRomanperiod,butwehavenocertainty
aboutthis.WeknowonlythathewasThomas'stravelcompanionduringaportionofthereturntripfromParistoNaplesdoubtlessbeginninginRome,forhe
himselfrecountsamiracleperformedatthecastleofLaMolarawheretheyhadstopped.BymeansoftherelicsofSaintAgnesthathecarriedwithhim,Thomashad
curedhiscompanionReginald,whowasinthegripofastrongfever.Tocelebratethememoryofthisevent,Thomasdeclaredthathewantedtogivehisstudentsa
gooddinnereachyearforthesaint'sfeast.Hehardlyhadthetimetodoitonce,remarksthestoryteller,forhediedthefollowingyear.17

TolomeosaysthatheknewThomaswell,thathehadlivedlongwithhimatNaplesevidentlyoversomeeighteenmonthsthathehadbeenThomas'sauditorand
frequentlyheardhisconfession.18AccordingtoA.Dondaine,TolomeomayalsohavebeenoneoftheyoungteachingcolleaguesofwhosecollaborationThomas
wouldhavebeenassureduponhisreturn.19Hewouldhavebeenabouttwentyeightatthattimewefindhim,amongthediverseofficesthathelaterfilled,fourtimes
theprioratSantoRomanoofLuccain1285(thefourthtimeafteraperiodaspriorinFlorence)healsowasaprofessorandlivedthereforaboutthirtyyears.
Elevatedtoabishop'sseatin1318,hebecamethebishopofTorcello,andtherehefinishedhislifeinsomeagitation(hediedinthespringof1327).20Hewasthen
aboutninetyyearsoldandhiscontemporariesthoughthimsenile
16.
Naples7686,pp.370391.
17.
TolomeoXXIII10themiraclethereforeissituatedinthespringorinearlysummer1272thefeastdaydinneron21January1273thenextyearThomaswasillandalreadyonthe
waytoLyon.
18.
TolomeoXXIII8:"...quemegoprobavi...quisuamconfessionemsepeaudivietcumipsomultotemporeconversatussumfamiliariministerioacipsiusauditorfui."
19.
ThisdoesnotagreewithwhatToccosaysattheprocessofcanonization.HespeaksofTolomeoonlyasastudensofThomas's(Naples60,pp.34748).
20.
Cf.A.Dondaine,LesOpuscula,pp.14345.

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hisHistoriaecclesiastica,writtenseveralyearsearlier,between1312and1317,atatimewhenhewas75or80yearsold,perhapsalreadybetrayshisadvanced
age,andthatwouldexcuse"numerouschronologicalerrorsandinexactitudes...lapsesthatescapedamemoryinitsdecline."21Hismemoriesarecertainlyprecious
andhislistofThomas'sworksisnotwithoutvalue,butthislittlebiographicalsummarysufficestoexplainthat,eventhoughWehaveusedhistestimonyseveraltimes,
wealsofrequentlyhavehadtorejectit.

Wewillpausehereononlytwoothernames,quitemodestanddifferentfromalltheotherwellknownfigureswhowereinThomas'sservice.Theywerealreadydead
atthetimeoftheNeopolitanprocessandwecannotreachbacktothemexceptindirectly.First,BonofilioCoppa,probablyalaybrotherintheorder,whowasa
witness,withhisvisitingyoungbrotherJohn,tothemiracleofthestarrestingabovethesickThomas'sbed.ItisJohn,becomenotariusinthemeantime,whowilllater
recountthefacttotheinquirersattheprocess.22Then,intheverylastdays,wemeetupwithFriarJamesofSalernowho,inReginald'scompany,escortedThomason
hisjourneyfirsttoSanSeverino,theninthefinaljourneytoLyon.23Bothofthem,BonofilioandJames,arecalled"friars,"butthetextsalsosayfamulusorservitor,
whichcanonlybetranslated"domesticservant."24MustweunderstandthattheillThomashadreceivedspecialfavorinbeingthusaccompanied?Itseemsmore
probablethat,Reginaldhavingassumedthelaborsofasecretary,anotherfriarwasputinchargeofmaterialneeds.Ofthesetwo,weknowonlytheirnamesandtheir
devotiontothemantheyserved(theyhidthemselvesinordertowatchhimpray).Smallorgreat,itisbecauseofthemthatweknowthemanaswellastheauthora
littlebetter.

ReginaldofPiperno

Amongallthesemoreorlessclosewitnesses,Reginald(orRaynald)ofPiperno(acorruptionofPrivernumcurrentlyPrivernoinsouthernLatium)warrantsspecial
mention.Numerouswitnessesattheprocessin
21.
A.Dondaine,"LesOpuscula,"pp.15864thesameauthorreports(p.169)thejudgmentbythedogeofVenice,JohnSoranzo:"tuncipseepiscopusnoneratinstatusensati
hominissedalieniamenteetinintellectutanquampuer."
22.
Ystoria54,pp.36768(Tocco54,P.127)Naples87,pp.39192.
23.
Ystoria33,pp.307308Naples50,p.334:PeterofMontesangiovannimentions"quidamfamulusdictifratrisThomequivocabaturIacobusdeSalerno."
24.
Famulus,cf.precedingnoteservitoris,cf.Ystoria54.

 Page273
25
NaplesintroducehimasThomas'ssociuscontinuus. AccordingtoHumbertofRomans,these"companions"whomtheorderputattheserviceofitslecturersand
mastersintheologyfollowedthemeverywhere,ontripsaswellasinthepriory,andhelpedthempersonallyinthepreparationoftheirlessons.Theyservednotas
domestics(wehavejustseenthatThomashadsomeoneelseforthattask)butasassistantsandsecretaries.26Inthepresentcase,thingswentevenfurtherthanthat
for,ifwecanbelieveReginald,heexercisedtheroleofThomas's"nurse"(quasinutricisofficium),eventothepointofwatchingoverhisdietandmakinghimeatso
thathisdistraction(abstractiomentis)wouldnotbeharmfultohishealth.27

ThiscontinualclosenesscreatedsomelinksoffriendshipbetweenamasterandhissociusweeasilydetectthembetweenThomasandReginald.Attherequestofthe
latter,ThomaswroteanddedicatedtohimtheCompendiumtheologiae,whichisveryexplicitaboutthepersonforwhomitwaswritten,anddescribeshimas"a
verydearson."Accordingtothecataloguesoftheopuscula,theDesubstantiisseparatisandtheDeiudiciisastrorumwerealsowrittenforhim.28Reginaldwasnot
theonlysecretarytoThomas,buthewashisonlypermanentsociusandweseehimatThomas'sdispositioneveninthemiddleofthenightsomepeopleeventhink
thattheircollaborationgoesbacktothetimewhenThomaswasstillinParis.29ThereisthecelebratedanecdoteaboutthedifficultpassageoftheSuperIsaiam,when
SaintsPeterandPaulexplainedthemeaningtoThomastheLeonineeditors,followingA.Dondaine,prudentlyinferfromthisthatReginaldcouldhavebeenwith
ThomaswhenhewascomposingtheSuperIsaiam.30Butthismatterbecomesproblematicifweaccepttheproposition,describedearlier,thatwouldputthe
compositionof
25.
Naples89,p.394cf.chaps.27,45,53,75,78,79,81cf.onhimA.Dondaine,"SermonsdeRginalddePiperno,"MlangesEugneTisserantVI,StudieTesti236(VaticanCity,
1964),pp.35794,PP.369379forthebiographicaldata.
26.
OperaII,p.255.
27.
Cf.themovingdiscoursethatToccohashimgivetothemonksatFossanovaatthemomentofhismaster'sdeath:Ystoria63,p.391(Tocco63,p.136).
28.
Compendiumtheologiae,Leonine,vol.42,pp.1205(theworkwasneverfinished,aswehavesaid)Desubstantiisseparatis,Leonine,vol.40,pp.D187Deiudiciisastrorum,
Leonine,vol.43,pp.187201intruth,theselasttwoworksarenotdedicatedexplicitlytoReginald,butheisthepersonforwhomtheyaremostprobablyintended.Seeinearlier
chapterswhatwehavesaidabouttheseworks.
29.
Naples59,PP.34647repeatedbyTocco:Ystoria31,p.302(Tocco31,pp.1056).
30.
Leonine,vol.28,p.18*A.Dondaine,Secrtaires,pp.198202howevercallinghim"son"inplaceof"brother"suggeststhatReginaldwasyoungerthanThomas,andthiswould
makeitdifficultforhimtohavebeenpresentinParisduringthefirstperiodofteaching.

 Page274

theSuperIsaiamduringtheCologneperiod.Itisnotplausiblethatsomeonewhowasthenayoungfriarwouldalreadyhaveasociusathisdisposal.

ThisdetailtakesnothingawayfromthestrongfriendshipbetweenThomasandReginald,andwerecallthatThomasperformedamiraclebyhealingReginaldfroma
highfeverbytheimpositionofarelicofSaintAgnesthathealwayscarriedwithhim.31ItwasReginald,whiletheywerebothatthehomeofThomas'ssister,whowas
worriedabouthiscondition,andwhoreceivedthepoignantconfidenceofThomas'slastdays:"omniaquaescripsividenturmichipalee."32HealsoheardThomas'slast
confession.33Accordingtoamanuscriptthathasdisappeared,Reginaldwas,finally,Thomas's"heir,"sincehepreservedallthemanuscriptsinThomas'sown
handwrittencopies(habuitomniascriptasua),34andafterThomas'sdeathhefilledtheofficeoflecturerintheprioryatNaples.In1275,hewouldbeelectedbishop
ofMarsicobythechapterofthecathedral,buthiselectionwasnotconfirmed,perhapsbecauseJohnofVercelli,themasteroftheorder,didnotwanttofreehimfor
thattask.Infact,wefindhimagainalittlelaterasthesociusofthedefinitorofhisprovinceatthegeneralchapterofMilanin1278,butwedonotknowtheexactdate
ofhisdeath(sometimebetween1285and1295).

Inadditiontohisinvaluablememories,ReginaldhasalsogivenusseveralreportationesonThomas'swork.First,theSuperPaulumabXIcapituloprimeAd
Corinthiosusqueinfinem,whichistosay,practicallyallofSaintPaul,uptoandincludingtheepistletotheHebrews.35Then,theLecturasuperIohannem,of
whichitissaidthatabettercannotbefound(quanoninvenituraliamelior)Bartholomewaddsthatitwasrevisedby
31.
TolomeoXXIII10cf.Naples60,p.348.
32.
Naples79,p.377Ystoria47,p.347(Tocco47,p.120).
33.
Ystoria63,p.390(Tocco63,p.136)cf.Ystoria27,pp.28788(Tocco27,pp.100101)wecannotconcludefromthis,asWeisheipldoes(p.320)thatthismentionofaconfession
inultimismeansReginaldwasThomas'shabitualconfessor.
34.
Cf.Leonine,vol.28,p.18*,n.3,withthecommentarybyFatherGauthier,p.14*giventhatDominicanlegislationonpovertywasopposedtoallpersonalpossessions,wemust
understandthatifReginaldusedthesemanuscriptsinThomas'shandwriting,theywereinfactthepropertyoftheNaplesmonastery.
35.
WefollowherethecatalogofthePraguemanuscript,Metr.kap.A17/1,whichistheoldestthatwepossess(probablybefore1293cf.onthissubjectR.A.Gauthier,Quelques
questions,pp.454ff.,orJ.P.Torrell,Collationes,p.6acompletelistmaybefoundinGrabmann,Werke,pp.9293).DespiteMandonnet'sremarksaboutthe"official"natureof
BartholomewofCapua'slist(Naples85,p.389),itisfromalmosttwentyyearslaterandfarfromcarryingthesameweight.Tolomeo(XXIII15,p.155)believesthatallthereportationes
onSaintPaulwererevisedbyThomaswiththeexceptionoftheoneontheepistletotheRomansquamipscnotavitwehaveseenthemeaningthatshouldbegiventothisremark.

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Thomashimself(correxiteamfraterThomas),andTolomeoofLuccaevenbelievesthatThomasannotatedfivechaptersinhisownhand(dequaipsesuper
quinquecapitulapropriostylonotavit),buttheirassertionspresentdifficultiesthatwehavealreadymentioned.ReginaldalsoreportedontheLecturasupertres
nocturnos"Psalterii,"thecollationesonthePaterandtheCredoandsomecollationsfortheSundaysandfeastsofLent.Itwasgenerallythoughtthatthe
catalogues(includingheretheoneinPraguealso)mentionedaLecturasuperprimumdeanima,butR.A.Gauthierhasshownthatthisisanerroronthepartofthe
compiler.36

EventhoughReginaldhasleftseveralsermonsandweperhapsowetohimthecompletionoftheSummatheologiaebytheadditionofasupplement,37itgoeswithout
sayingthattheMaster'scelebrityhadtoeclipsehiscompanion's.ButitisonlyfairtorememberthatThomascouldnothavedoneeverythingthathedid,perhapsnot
eventohavebeenallthathewas,withoutthiscollaboratorandconfidantinallhisvariousactivities.

ThomasandHisFamily

Wecansettlehereseveralmattersthatarehistoricallywellattested.38On10September1272,KingCharlesIinformedtheadministratorofthegoodsoftheCrown
thatFriarThomasAquinashadbeendesignatedbyhisbrotherinlaw,RogerofAquila,countofTraetto,astheexecutorofhiswill.Anotherdocument,dated20
September,saysthatinthisrolehewastodivideamongtheheirs,accordingtotheinstructionsofthedeceased,differenttypesofgoods:mules,mares,colts,saddles,
tunics,robes,grain,etc.Severaldayslater,on2October,thekingwroteagaintotheadministratorthattheinstructionsleftbyRogerprovidedthatThomasshould
restoresomelandsthatthedeceasedhadunjustlyappropriatedandthat,forsomeotherrestitutions,hecouldusetherevenuesoftheScaurimills.Heistherefore
authorizedtokeepcontroloverthatmoneyuntiltheseoperationsarecompleted,andtheofficersoftheCrownshouldnotputobstaclesinhisway.
36.
R.A.Gauthier,Quelquesquestions,pp.45463wemayalsoaskwiththeauthor(cf.Leonine,vol.45/1,pp.279*81*)whetherReginaldwouldhavebeencapableofreporting
onsomethinginadditiontothescripturalcommentariesorthespiritualconferencesthepartsofthecommentaryontheMetaphysicsthatwerecopiedbyhim(aneasiertaskthan
reportatio)bearwitnesstosome"seriousblunders."
37.
OnthequestionoftheauthorshipoftheSupplement,seechapterVIII,n.14Reginald'ssermonstestifyinparticulartohisknowledgeofhismaster'swork.Cf.A.Dondaine,
"Sermons,"PP.37994.
38.
Cf.Documenta2527,pp.57579.

 Page276

OneisalittlesurprisedatfirsttoseeThomasinvolvedinthistypeofbusiness,whichrequiresapracticalsensethatwehardlyexpectfromhim.Tosatisfyeveryone
undertheseconditionsrequiresdexterity,andifweknowhowtoreadthedocumentsproperly,wecanseethatThomasknewhowtouseacertaindiplomacy.He
hadtocarryoutsomedelicatenegotiationsoveratrustworthytutorforthechildren.Sincehewasdealingwithanobleofthekingdom,thekinghadalreadyentrusted
thetutoringofthefourchildrentothe"masterprocuratorofthetillagelands[TerradiLavoro],"butforsomeunderstandablereasons,FriarThomaspreferredthatthis
responsibilityremaininthefamily.HethereforewenttomeetthekingatCapuaandobtainedhisagreementthatthetutoringwouldbeassignedtoRogerofSan
Severino,countofMarsico,hisotherbrotherinlaw,whowouldexerciseitjointlywithAdelasia,thechildren'smother.39

Thekingthereforehadgivenintothereasoningoftheexecutorofthewill,andthatwithrathergoodgrace,ifwecanjudgefromthetermsusedabouthim(dilectus
amicusnoster).DidThomastakeadvantageofthisoccasiontostatehisowncaseorratherthatofhisprioryofmendicants?Wecanonlyposethequestion,but
severaldaysafterthisvisittotheking,Thomasreceivedfromhimasalaryofanounceofgoldpermonthforteachingtheology.40AsWalzjustlyremarks,thissumwas
nothingextraordinary:"ToappreciatethistreatmentweshouldknowthatKingConradhadalreadygiven12ouncesofgoldperyeartoaprofessor,andthatCharles
II,inthecourseoftheyearsfrom1302to1306,spent150ouncesofgoldannuallyfortheteachingoftheologyinthethreeconventualschoolsinNaples."41Itwould
furthermorebewrongtoimaginethissalaryasdirectlydisbursedtoThomashimselfwhowouldthenhaveuseditinprivatelife(milesfromthatpovertyforwhichhe
hadoncefought)thetextisveryclearonthismatter:themoneywouldbedisbursedtotheprioroftheNaplesprioryortohisrepresentative(adrequisitionem
priorisfratrum...inNeapoli,velcertinunciieius).

Thereishere,however,astrongandinterestingparallelinthelifeofJamesofViterbo.Sometwentyyearslater,in1294,theprovincialchapter
39.
Wefindtheroyaldocument,dated25November1272,inScandone,"Lavita,"p.67seealsothefollowingpagescf.pp.2126fortheothertextsonthissuccession.
Bartholomew,whowasthenaminorofficerintheroyalcourt,saysthathesawThomasatCapuaonlyonetime:hewastoldthatThomaswenttheretodealwiththeaffairsofhis
nephew,thecountofFondi(Naples77,P.374).
40.
Documenta28,pp.57980.
41.
WN,p.180.

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oftheHermitsofSaintAugustinegrantedhiminhisroleasnewmaster(magistronostronovo)anannualprovisionofeightgoldflorinstowhichitaddedasumof
twentyfivegoldflorinsfortheoccasionalexpensesowingtohispromotiontomastership.Theannualprovisionwasrenewedthetwofollowingyears,andthegeneral
chapterof1295,takingasimilarstep,justifieditinthefollowingway:"GiventhatourintentionandourwillisthatFriarJamesofViterbo,masterinsacratheologia,
shouldwriteandmakebooks(debeatscribereetfacereoperainsacrapagina),wedeclarethatheshouldreceiveeachyearagoldflorinfromeachprovinceofthe
order,forhissecretaries,parchments,andothernecessities."42Toourknowledge,wehavenosimilardocumentconcerningFriarThomasAquinas,butitisnot
implausiblethathe,too,wouldhavereceivedanallocationpermittinghimtodefraythecostsofhissecularsecretariesandalsotoofferthecelebrationontheFeastof
SaintAgnes.

ToreturntotheotheraffairsthatoccupiedThomas,thetextsintheirdrynessdonotsayeverything,butwecanguesswithoutdifficultytheconversationsthatmust
haveoccurredoverdividingtheinheritance,thediscussionsaboutthetutoringofthechildren,thevarioustripstoputtheseaffairsinorder.HehadtogotoCapuato
seethekinghealsohadtogotoMarsicotoappraisethingsmorepreciselyonthespot.Werealizethatallthishadtocutdeeplyintohistimeforstudyandteaching.
Butthefamilydidnothesitatetousethisnewrelationshiptoobtainapassportfromtheking,throughThomas'sintervention,sothathisnieceFrancescacouldgoto
takethecureatthewatersofPozzuoli.43OriginallyfromthekingdomofNaples,shewouldnothaveneededthisauthorization,butshewasthewifeofAnnibaldof
Ceccanowho,havingjoinedConradin'spartyseveralyearsearlier,hadbeendeclaredatraitortotheAngevincause.44Heruncle'sinfluencewasusefultoherthen,
butshefullyrepaidthisservice:duringhisillnessseveralmonthslater,itisatthehomeoftheCeccanos,inMaenza,thatThomaswassheltered.ItwasFrancescawho
firstcametoFossanovauponlearningofhisdeath.45Werethereotherinterventionsofthiskind?Wedonotknow,butitisclearthatwefindhereamanstrongly
linkedtohisfamilialmilieu,aswehavealreadyfoundatthebeginningofthisbook.
42.
Chartul.II,no.585,p.68.
43.
Documenta29,p.581thedocumentisdated3April1273andthebeneficiarydesignatedasneptisvenerabilisfratrisThomasiideAquino,whichisherrecommendation.
44.
Cf.Scandone,"Lavita,"p.81.
45.
Ystoria62,p.388(Tocco62,p.135).

 Page278

APreliminaryPortrait

Ifwemayleaveforafewmomentsthesolidterrainofthesetextsanddates,wewouldnowliketotryassembling,fromthosewhoknewThomas,someindicationsof
him,bothasamanandasaint.Thetaskisnoteasy.Wehavelongknownthelimitsofhagiographyandithasbeenjustlyemphasizedthatstoriesofthattypehavenot
beenabsentfromthebiographyToccocomposed.46Thesameistrueforthecanonizationprocesswhere,aswehavesaid,theproportionofhistorically"useful"
witnessesisweakcomparedwiththestereotypicaldata.Inmanycases,wecanonlyarriveattheideathatThomas'scontemporarieshadofhim,andtheimagewas
filteredthroughtheirconceptionofsanctity.Butitwouldbewrong,webelieve,tosinthroughexcessofskepticisminrefusingtoexaminesystematicallyeverythingthat
wemaylearnalongthispath.Certainpersonaldetails,whichdonotatallharmonizewithmodernideasofAquinas,haveperhapssomechanceofbeingtrue.

Firstletusconsiderhisphysicalportrait.Thewitnessesareinagreement:hewaslargeandheavyandhadabaldforehead:"fuitmagnestatureetpinguisetcalvus
suprafrontem,"saysaCistercianfromFossanova.47ThomasdoubtlessgothisheightfromhisNormanancestorshisheight,aswellashisstoutness,werementioned
byasecondwitnesswhorepeats:fuitmagnestatureetcalvusetquodfuitetiamgrossusetbrunus.48RemigioofFlorence,whowashisstudentinParis,doesnot
balkatemphasizingthathewasveryfat:pinguissimus.49

Tocco,delicatelysuggestingacertaincorpulence,expresseshimselfmorefully:"Astothenaturaldispositionofhisbodyandmind,itissaidthathewaslargeinbody
(magnusincorpore),tallandstraightinstature,whichcorrespondedtotherectitudeofhissoulhewasblondasthecolorofwheat(coloristriticei),anindicationof
hiswellbalancedtemperamenthehadalargeheadastheperfectionsofthesensoryfacultiesinservicetoreasonrequire.Hishairwasthin(aliquantulumcaluus)."50
46.
W.P.Eckert,"StilisierungundUmdeutung"E.Colledge,"TheLegend"LeBrunGouanvic,IntroductiontoYstoria,pp.7297.
47.
OctavianoofBabuco,apriest:Naples15,p.287cf.Naples42,p.31945,P.323.
48.
NicolasdePiperno,laybrother,Naples19,p.291.
49.
InasermononSaintJerome:"aliquienimsuntpinguesnaturaliter,undepinguissimusfraterThomassapientissimusfuit,"inE.Panella,"NotedibiografiadomenicanatraXIIIeXIV
secolo,"AFP54(1984)23180,cf.p.268.
50.
Ystoria38,p.321(Tocco38,pp.11112):"Fuitmagnusincorpore,procereetrecte

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

 Page279
51
Thisnobleportraitbasicallyagreeswiththemoresummarydeclarationsbytwomonks, butToccoalsowishestoshowthatthesephysicaltraitsarerelatedtoa
spiritualphysiognomyinthatthereisanidealconnectionbetweenmoralperfectionandbeauty.52Wecanrecallheretheannecdotealreadyquotedandreportedby
Reginald'smother:''WhenThomaswaspassingthroughthecountryside,thepeoplewhowereworkinginthefieldslefttheirlaborsandrantomeethim,admiringthe
imposingstatureofhisbodyandthebeautyofhishumanfeatures.Theywentbeforehimmoreindeedbecauseofhisbeautythanonaccountofhissanctityornoble
origin."53

InTocco'stextaswellthereisanotherepisodeinsupportofthisidealportrait.ThebiographercontinuesbyemphasizingthatThomas'sflesh,ofadelicatecomplexion,
revealedthecapacityofhisintellect.54Andhissoul,fullofvirileforce,wascapableofmakingthisbodyobeyitandtofearabsolutelynothing.Toillustratethis,Tocco
reportstheepisodeofaterriblestormatseaduringavoyagetoParis,whenthesailorsthemselvesfearedfortheirlives.Thomastrustedinprovidenceandwasnot
troubledinanyway.

SofaraswecangraspThomas'sportraitbymeansofthesenotations,heseemsamanatoncerobustanddelicate.Hissensibilitytopainstruckhiscontemporaries:
heaskedthattheywarnhimbeforeproceedingwithacauterizationorableeding,sothathemightwardoffthepainbyconcentratingonsomeelevatedsubject.55As
tohisrobustness,wecandeducethisfromtherarenessofanyhealthproblems.Thebleedingjustmentioneddoesnotcontradictthisbleedingwaspartoftheregular
healthregimeintheMiddleAgesthecauterizationofhislegmaymakeusthinkbycontrastaboutavaricoseulcer.Oneepisodeshowshimpreytotheonsetofa
tertian

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)
stature,querectitudinianimeresponderetcoloristriticei,adtemperateeiuscomplexionisindiciummagnumhabenscaputsicutperfectionesuirtutumanimaliumquerationi
deseruiuntorganaperfectarequirunt."
51.
Withtheexceptionofhiscoloring!Wemaysuppose,withGauthier,thatonespeaksabouthairandtheotherofskincolor...
52.
A.Vauchez,LaSaintetenOccidentauxdernierssiclesduMoyenAged'aprslesprocsdecanonisationetlesdocumentshagiographiques(Rome,1981),pp.50911.
53.
M.H.Laurent,"Unlgendierdominicainpeuconnu,"p.43.
54.
FatherGauthier,whogivesanexcellentcommentaryonthisportrait(Leonine,vol45/1,p.287*),refersheretoAristotle(DeAnimaII19,421a2526)forwhomthesoftnessofthe
fleshwasasignofintelligence.
55.
Ystoria47,p.349(Tocco47,P.121):miromodopassibilisetideosubitolesiuocorporisturbabaturwemightcomparethisnotationwiththatoftheportrait:fuittenerrime
complexionisincarne.

 Page280
56
fever(aformofmalaria?) anothermorecomicalincidentshowshimbotheredbyasuperfluoustooththathadsuddenlysproutedandhinderedhisspeech.Sincehe
wasafraidofextraction,heobtainedliberationfromitthroughprayer.57WearetoldelsewherethathecelebratedMasseveryday,"ifsomeinfirmitydidnotprevent
him."58Apartfromthelastweek'sofThomas'slife,whenreportsofthiskindmultiplied,theywereratherrare.

Histravelsandespeciallythelongwalksheundertooktoarriveattheplacesofhismeetingsargueforhisrobustness.Ifhehadtocoveronfootthedistancefrom
NaplestoParis,thentoCologneandback,thenfromParistoRomeandback,andagainfromParistoNaples,inadditiontothevarioustripstogotoprovincial
chapters,onewouldcalculatethathemusthavecovered15,000kilometers(9,000miles)onfoot.59Thisignoresthepossibilityalmostacertaintythatseveralof
thesetripscouldhavebeenmadeatleastinpartbyseaorbyriver.Thestormheconfronted(probablyonthereturntoParisin1268)isaproofofthisananecdote
fromthefourthversionofTocco,andplausiblyfromthesameperiod,evenshowshimtowingaboatbyhimselfandagainstthecurrent,whenthesailorshadgreat
troublepulling.ThisatleastisaremembranceofarivervoyageandanechoofThomas'sphysicalpower.60

Ifwecouldopenapaththroughtheaccumulationoftheusualcommonplacesthatclaimtodescribethesacredpersoninthesepassages,wemightperceivesomething
ofThomasthemanhereandthere.Bartholomewreportsthisasthecommonopinionamongeveryonehehadbeenabletoquestion:"TheybelievedthattheHoly
Spiritwastrulywithhim,forhealwayshadahappycountenance,sweetandaffable...."61Toccoreflectstheinfectiousqualityofthistrait:heinspiredjoyinall
thosewholookeduponhim.62Insupportofthissupernaturaljoy,wecanaddan
56.
TolomeoXXIII10(Ferrua,p.363).
57.
Ystoria51,pp.35859(Tocco51,pp.12425).
58.
Ystoria29,p.293(Tocco29,p.103):nisieuminfirmitasimpedisset.
59.
Vicaire,"L'hommequefutS.Thomas,"p.25andn.75.
60.
Ystoria38,pp.32122(notinTocco)thisepisodeimmediatelyfollowsthestoryaboutthestorm:Thomasandhiscompanionsareontheriverand,theforceofoarsnotsufficing
againstthecurrent,someofthesailorspulltheboatfromthebankseeingthemweary,Thomasproposestohiscompanionsthattheyhelpthem.
61.
Naples77,p.372:"IpsiverecredebantSpiritumSanctumessecumeo,quiasempervidebantipsumhaberealacremvultum,mitemetsuavem...."
62.
Ystoria36,p.315(Tocco36,p.110)"quotienspredictumdoctoremcumaffectudeuotionisaspiceret,totiensexeiusaspectuetlocutionegratiamletitiespiritualisauriret,quodsine
Spiritussanctipresentiaessenonpoterat,dequofantagratiaprocedebat"itmaybethatTocco'ssourceisthesameasBartholomew's,EufranonofSalerno,whowasthepriorat
Naplesin1269.

 Page281

unusualdetail(theonlyconcreteecho,toourknowledge,thathascomedowntousfromThomas'scourses!),whichshowsthathewasnotwithoutasenseofhumor.
RemigioofFlorencerecountsthathemadejokingallusiontotheexceptionalsolemnityoftheliturgicalcelebrationsofSaintMartin,whenthepeasantswereso
devotedtheyputSaintMartinaboveSaintPeter,sincetheharvestthatautumnleftthemswimminginabundance.63

Wehavenoindicationofthefrequencyofsuchsallies,butwhatweknowfromothersourcesaboutthevivacityofThomas'sreactionsinclinesustothinkthatthey
werenotrare.However,ithasalsobeensaidthathepossessedararehumilityandpatienceandthatheneverhurtanyonethroughinjuriouswords.64Bartholomew
emphasizesthat,evenindisputes,whereitiscommontogotoofar,hewasalwayssweetandhumble,neverusinglarge,affectedwords.65Duringthedifferenceof
opinionwithPecham,thestoryhappilycontraststhedifferenceinthetwoprotagonists'attitudesandjustlyattributestoThomas'shumblemagnanimityaconcernnotto
spoilthenewmaster'sprincipium.66

ThislastepisodepermitsustoreturntoamorefamiliarThomas,themasterwhomhisstudentstrustedandwhoneverforbadethemtospeakfranklyortojokewith
him.Italsoshowshimtousamonghisyoungfriars,outforawalkorcomingfromasolemnsessionattheuniversity.67Sometimesthesestoriesdatefromthefirst
Parisianperiod:theepisodesfromNaplesshowThomasmoregrudgingofhistimeandnothesitatingtoleavecommonrecreationsiftimewouldbelosttherein
frivolousconversa
63.
ThisisfromthesermononSaintMartin:"EtquomodorusticipropterbeneficiapretuleruntbeatumMartinumbeatoPetroapostolo,utlusoriereferebatmagistermeusfrater
ThomasdeAquinoinfestoenimbeatiPetriomniabonavidenturdeficerequeinfestobeatiMartiniinveniunturhabundare,"quotedbyE.Panella,"Notedibiografiadomenicana,"
p.266.WereferheretoM.Hubert,"L'humourdeS.Thomasd'Aquinenfacedelascolastique,"in1274Annecharnire,pp.72739,butnotwithoutremarkingalongwiththe
authorthat"thehumorinquestionhasnothinghumorousaboutit"itisacaseratherofanattitudeofcriticaldetachment.
64.
PeterofSanFelice,Naples45,p.322:"Thomasfuithomo...mirehumilitatisetpatientie,adeoquodnunquamaliquemcorruscavitaliquoverboampullosoautcontumelioso."
65.
Naples77P.373:"immoindisputationibus,inquibusconsueverunthominesaliquandomodumexcedere,semperinveniebaturmitisethumilis,nullisverbisgloriosisetampullosis
utens."
66.
Ystoria26,p.284(Tocco26,p.99):"uirillepatientissimus...quasiuerehumilis,quisuicontemptumutmagnanimuscontempnebat...."
67.
Ystoria26,p.284(Tocco26,p.99:Thomas'sstudentsurgedhimtointerveneagainstPecham)Ystoria42,p.332(Tocco42,p.115:returningfromawalkwithhimatSaintDenis,the
studentsshowedhimParis,whichcouldbeseenfromafarand,beingcarriedawayaboutitsrichness,askedhimifhewouldliketobethelordofsuchacity).

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68
tions. Hemuchpreferredwalkingaloneinthecloistersorinthegardenandreturningtheretohishabitualreflectionsafterhehadexpeditedthebusinessforwhichhe
wasdrawnintotheparlor.69

Atthissametime(andithadprobablyalreadybeenlikethisforalongperiod),heledaveryretiredlife.Hespenttheleastpossibletimeineatingandsleepingiteven
seemsthathedidnoteatmorethanonceaday.70Attheawakeningduringthenight(Matins),hewasinthechurchbeforeanyoneelse,butwithdrewwhenheheard
theothersarrive71withfewexceptions,wedonotseehimpresentatanyotherofficethanCompline.72ThoughhecelebratedMasseverydayandheardasecond
Massjustasoften,hereturnedimmediatelytohisroomtowork.73

ThismeansthathedidnotattendtheconventualMasswiththecommunity,butwedonotseeherethesignofanasocialtemperamentinthisperiodtheDominican
constitutionsalreadyprovidedfordispensationfromthechoir(aswellasfromvariousothernormalobligations)forteacherswiththeexceptionofCompline.
Thomaswasthusfollowingthenormforhisfellowlecturers.74WehaveseenthathedidnotrefusejoyfulcommunalcelebrationssuchastheSaintAgnesDaydinner
thatheofferedtohisstudentstocommemorateReginald'srecovery.

WeshouldbecautiousaboutjudgingThomas'ssociallife,asareligiousofthethirteenthcentury,accordingtothemodelofourcontemporaryworldlyrelationships.
Wedonotknowofanyrelationshipswithwomenthathelpusseehisemotionsmorefully(suchaswecaninthecaseofJordanofSaxonyandDianed'Andalo75).We
think,nevertheless,thatheknewwhatadeepfriendshipwasandhehadfriends,includingsomeofhisrelatives.Everythingthatweknowofhisfamilyrelations
indicatesthattheywereaffectionate.Astohisfriends,itisenoughtothinkofReginaldorAnnibaldod'Annibaldi,hisformerstudentandsuccessor,latertobe
68.
Ystoria29,p.295(Tocco29,p.104)48,p.351(48,p.122)Naples77,p.373cf.BouthillierTorrell,"QuandS.Thomas,"p.46.
69.
Ystoria29,p.295(Tocco29,p.104):"...reliquumsisuperfuissettempus,priusquamadcameramsuamcompletalocutioneredisset,sicutnonaduertensdiuinisintentus,
discurrensperclaustrumuelortum,consuetissuismeditationibusetspeculationibusexpendebat."
70.
Naples48,p.328Naples70,p.362:"sempercommedebatinrefectoriofratrumetsemelindietantum"(althoughthiscomesfromJohnBlasio,thislasttraitisnotverysurprising).
71.
Naples77,p.573Ystoria34,p.309(Tocco34,p.108).
72.
Ystoria29,p.294(Tocco29,p.103)33,P.307(Tocco33,p.107).
73.
Naples77,P.373.
74.
HumbertofRomans,OperaII,pp.2930p.255.
75.
Cf.G.Emery,"Amitietviespirituelle:JourdaindeSaxeetDianed'Andalo,"Sources18(1992)97108.

 Page283

comecardinal,towhomhespeaksexplicitlyoftheoldfriendship(antiquadilectio)hefeelsforhim.Wemustaboveallrecallthefinenesswithwhichhecommented
onBooksVIIIandIXoftheEthics,whereAristotleexplainshisideaoffriendshipweknowthatThomasmadefriendshipthekeynotioninhistreatiseoncharity.His
preachingitselfreferswithadelicatesensibilitytotheexperiencethatwehaveoffriendshiptosuggestthedemandingqualityofourlinkswithGod.76Itisdifficultto
thinkthatthemanwhospokeinthiswayhadnothingbutaliteraryknowledgeofaffection.

AManofGreatContemplation

ThissouthernItalian,withstronglinkstohisfamily,hadaveryconcrete,incarnatepiety.WehavejustrecalledtheepisodewhenhecuredReginaldbytheimposition
ofarelicofSaintAgnes,whichhecarriedwithhimoutofdevotion.77Wemayhaveahardtimebelievingit,buthewouldhavedonethesamethingabouttheextra
tooththatwasmiraculouslyremoved.78ExceptforSaintPaul,nothingissaidaboutparticularreverenceforothersaintsiftheVirginMaryisnotabsent,sheissurely
lesspresentthaninnumerousothersaints'lives.ThomaswaswithoutdoubtcommittedtotheMariandevotionoftheDominicanOrder(thesequenceSalve,
Magnificat,andofficeDeBeata),butthewitnessesattheprocessofcanonizationdonotmentionanythinginparticularinthisregard.79
76.
STIIaIIaeq.23a.1:Utrumcaritassitamicitiaforthepreaching,cf.Torrell,"Lapratique,"p.226.
77.
Ystoria50,p.356(Tocco50,p.124TolomeoXXIII10):"reliquiasdictesancte,quasadpoctussuspensasexdeuotioneportabat."Weisheipl(p.297)maintainsthatweshouldnot
seehereasignofThomas'spersonaldevotionthisisperhapstoomuchtoclaim,foritissurelynotbychancethatThomaswascarryinghisrelicswithhimofItalianorigin,Agnes
wastheobjectofapopularcultdatingfromthefourthcentury,whichThomasdoubtlesshadknownsincechildhood.WefindinhisworkatleasttwomentionsofSaintAgnesasan
exampleofpuritytothepointofmartyrdom(IVSent.,d.49q.5qc.3ad9Quodl.IIIq.6a.3[17]ad3).
78.
Ystoria51,p.358(Tocco51,p.124):"Quemdentem,adrecolendumdiuinebeneficiumpietatis,magnotemporesecuredetulit."
79.
ForSaintPaul,itisenoughtothinkaboutthestoriesalreadymentionedofapparitionslinkedtodifficultiesinexegesisYstoria32,p.306(Tocco32,p.107),mentionsanapparition
oftheVirginMary,whoassuresThomasthateverythingheaskeddeliberatethroughherinterventionhasbeengrantedhim(thisletsussupposeaspontaneousandmorefrequent
kindofprayer)wemightalsorecallherethepreachingontheAveMaria(Naples70,p.362cf.Torrell,"Lapratique,"p.216),butthereisnolingeringoverthesceneofababyfiercely
holdingontoapieceofparchmentonwhichAveMariawaswritten:evenamongthosewhoreportit,thestoryisnotatallinterpretedasaMarianevent(cf.Ystoria4,P.198Tocco3,
P.68Naples90,p.395).WearenotobligedtofollowColledge("TheLegend,"pp.2021)whoseeshereaborrowingfromthelegendofSaintNicholasofBari.

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Remembering,nodoubt,theepisodewhenhisyoungsisterhadbeenkilledbylightningashesleptbyherside,hehadthehabitofmakingthesignofthecrossduring
stormsandrepeating"Godcameintheflesh,Godsufferedforus."80Ifwerememberthatthisoccurredduringtheterribletempestthatheenduredandthatonlyhe
remainedtranquil,whilethesailorsthemselveswerefrightened,wewillseeherenotasignoffearbutindeedtheexpressionofafaiththatdidnotrefrainfromshowing
itselfinvisiblegestures.

ThewitnessesenjoyrepeatingthatThomaswasamanofcontemplationandprayer.81Thereisscarcelyasaintwhoisnotdescribedinthiswayitismoreenlightening
forustosaythat,mostfrequently,weseehimprayingindirectrelationtohisintellectualwork:"Everytimethathewishedtostudy,toundertakeadispute,toteach,to
writeordictate,hefirstwithdrewintosecretprayerandprayedpouringouttears,inordertoobtainunderstandingofthedivinemysteries."82Thismightstillbenothing
butapiousbanality,iftheinsistentrepetitioninthetextdidnotassureusthatwehavehereaconstantpractice,fleshedoutinspecificactsthatallowustograspthe
incarnaterealityinasometimesstrikingway.

Themosttellingthing,withoutdoubt,isthefollowingeveniftheoccasion,thewayToccoreportsit,seemsquiteimplausible.ThemastersofParis,havingnoticed
disagreementsintheirwayofspeakingaboutthepermanenceoftheeucharisticaccidentssinesubiecto,askedThomas,accordingtothestory,topronounce
sententialiteronthissubject,promisingtoholdafterwardwhateverhewouldsayonthesubject.Thisspecialcircumstance(otherwiseunknown),wouldthushaveled
Thomastoreflectonthemetaphysicaldifficultiespresentedbythesubject.Butbeforedaringtospeakaboutittoanaudience,hewantedtoconsulttheprincipal
personinvolvedhethereforeputhimselfbeforethecrossand,placinginfrontofhimself,andbeforehisMaster,theopennotebookinwhichhehadwritten,he
prayedwithhisarmsinacross.83

Thehistoricalrealityoftheepisode,inpreciselythesecircumstances,
80.
Ystoria38,p.321(Tocco38,p.112).
81.
Naples40,p.317(Homomagnaecontemplationisetorationis)42,p.319(hominemcontemplativum)45,P.322.
82.
Ystoria30,p.300(Tocco30,p.105)thefourtheditionofToccoplacesheretherecollectionofarevelationobtainedfromSaintPaulthroughprayeronthemeaningofonedifficulty
(cf.abovechap.13).SeesomesimilarnotesinNaples58,p.346(Tocco)81,p.381(Bartholomew,whorefersheredirectlytoReginald,speaksofprayingprostrateinfrontofthealtar).
83.
Tocco52,pp.12526.

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isatleastdoubtful.TheclimateofsharprivalrythatreignedatParisbetweenmendicantsandsecularsrendersquiteimplausiblethisconsultationbycolleagues
supposedlyfullofvenerationforThomas'sknowledge.ItwouldbemorebelievableifsomeDominicanbrothershadtakentheinitiativeinthisevent.Wewouldretain
fromthisanecdoteatleasttheexpressivesimplicityofthegesturesublimeinitsnavetandthedeepintentionofthesaint'sattemptat"verifying"inprayerthe
solidityofhisintellectualconstruction.Itwillnotbewithoutprecedents.

ThiswayofprayingprostratebeforethealtarwiththearmsoutstretchedinacrossirresistablyevokestheNineWaysofPrayingofSaintDominic,thefounderof
theOrderofPreachers.84Weshoulddoubtlesslookatminiatureslikethosethatwefindinthismanuscriptifwewishtoknowwhattheimagewaslikebeforewhich
Thomasprayed.NotGrnwald'storturedman,butmajestysufferingindignity,whichhadnotyetentirelydisappearedfromthepantocratorsofByzantinemosaic
highlystylized,theexpresssionofsorrowresidesalmostsolelyinthefacialfeatures,thebloodthatgushesfromthesidebeingratherthesymbolicexpressionofthe
sacramentsthatgavebirthtotheChurch.

Itispreciselytothiscontextthatthefollowingstoryrefers,whichissituatedatNaples,duringthetimewhenThomaswaswritingthequestionsonthePassionand
ResurrectionoftheLord.85Aswashishabit,heprayedquiteearlyinthemorninginthechapelofSaintNicholasDominicofCaserta,thesacristanwhoobservedhim,
sawhiminlevitationandheardavoicecomingfromthecrucifix:"Youhavespokenwellofme,Thomas,whatshouldbeyourreward?""NothingotherthanThee,
Lord."Thisepisodeisbetterknownthantheprecedingonecertainscholarseventhinkitringstruerbecauseitismoresoberwecannot,however,guaranteeits
84.
WeknowthatashortLatintextwasdesignatedbythistitle,accompaniedwithminiatures,containedinthemanuscriptRossianus3,intheVaticanLibrary.Averyfaultyedition
wasoncepreparedbyI.Taurisano,"QuomodosanctusPatriarchaDominicusorabat,"AnalectaS.O.P.30(1922)93106(althoughitwascorrectedthefollowingyear,1923,the
faultyeditionregrettablyhasbeenusedinmoderntranslations)unfortunately,theminiaturesarereproducedinblack,buttheygiveanideaoftheoriginal.AFrenchtranslation
ofthistextwithsomecolorreproductionsmaybefoundinM.H.Vicaire,SaintDominiquedeCaleruegad'aprslesdocumentsduXIIIesicle(Paris,1955),PP.26171.S.Tugwell,
"TheNineWaysofPrayerofSaintDominic:ATextualStudyandCriticalEdition,"MS47(1985)1124,hasaccomplishedaremarkablecriticalstudyandeditingofthetext,in
whichheconcludesthat,ifnotbelievableinallitsdetails,thisworkhasagoodchanceofgoingbacktoanoriginaldatingfromthe1230s,whichconveystoussomeauthentic
indicationsofSaintDominic'swayofpraying.
85.
Ystoria34,p.309(Tocco34,p.108):"EttuncscribebatTertiampartemSummedeChristipassioneetresurrectione"cf.STIIIaqq.4656,andcf.whatwehavesaidaboveonthe
LifeofJesus.

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86
stricthistoricity(therelativesimilarityofthetwostoriesleadsustothinkthatoneofthetwoisadoubling).

Withoutpushingthisquestionofhistoricityfurther,wethinkitatleastplausiblethatThomaswouldhaveprayedbeforeacrucifix.Butitwouldnotbeentirelyoutofline
toemphasizeacommonelementinthetwocases:thosepresentreportavisionaudition,ofwhichtheythemselveswerethebeneficiaries.NeitherThomasnorhis
prayerbeforethealtarorthecrucifixareinanywaycompromised.Thisisoneofthosetypicalcasesinwhichthewitnessesrevealthewaytheyapproachthesaint.
Butthesaint,whosepietywemayimaginetobemorecerebral,didnotfeartowritethatChrist'shumanitywasapedagogysupremelyadaptedtoenablingustoarrive
athisdivinity.87Weknowthatthethirteenthcenturyhagiographicalstoriesarefullofsimilarevents.WedonotdowelltoassumethatThomasisherespeakingfrom
experience.

Withouttakinganinventoryofallthestoriesorwitnesses,88itseemsthatwecanidentify,withatleastamodicumofcertitude,threecharacteristictraitsofThomas's
wayofpraying.ThelinkingofprayerwithstudyisclearlythefirsttraitTocco,foroncequiteinspired,nicelysummeditupasbeingoneofthepointsofstrugglewith
thesecularswhocouldnotunderstandthatwecanbesavedinsolastudiicontemplatione.89ThesecondpointcertainlyishisdevotiontotheEucharist,nottothe
adorationoftheBlessedSacramentasitwillbeunderstoodlater,butindeedtothesacramentcelebratedeachday.Thetestimonytohisattendanceattwomasses
dailytheonethathecelebrated,theotheratwhichhewaspresentistoofrequentlyrepeatedforustodoubtit.90Healsohad,itseems,thehabitofrecitingatthe
momentoftheelevationthesecondpartoftheTeDeum:TurexglorieChriste,TuPatrissempiternusesFilius,totheend.91Thismattercanberatherwell
understoodifwerecallthat,the
86.
Cf.WN,p.190Colledge,"TheLegend,"pp.2324.
87.
STIIaIIaeq.82a.3ad2:"EtideoeaquaepertinentadChristihumanitatem,permodumcuiusdammanuductionis,maximedevotionemexcitantcumtamendevotioprincipalitercirca
eaquaesuntdivinitatisconsistat."
88.
WeseealsoThomasprayingforchastity(Naples61,p.349Ystoria11,p.220Tocco10,p.75),forGod'swisdom(Ystoria30,p.299Tocco30,p.104),forperseveranceinhisstate
oflife(Naples78,p.375Ystoria32,p.306Tocco32,p.107),forReginald'srecovery(Naples90,p.348Ystoria50,p.356Tocco50,pp.12324),fortheeternalreposeofhisrelatives
(Naples78and81,pp.374and381),theconversionoftwoJewsonChristmasDay(Naples86,p.389Ystoria23,p.278Tocco22,p.96),etc.
89.
Ystoria20,p.262(Tocco19,P.91).
90.
Naples6,8,40(p.273,278,317),etc.Ystoria29,p.293(Tocco29,p.103).
91.
Ystoria58,p.381(Tocco58,p.132):"Dicitur...quodineleuatione...consueueratdicere...."

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canticlerecallsatthatmomentthewholesetof"mysteries"ofChrist'slife.ItwasparticularlyduringthecelebrationoftheMassthatThomashadtheprolonged
ecstasiesofhislastmonths:theonethatoccurredonPassionSunday(26March1273)andtheoneonthefeastofSaintNicholaseightmonthslater(6December
1273).92

SinceThomashadreachedQ.90oftheTertiaPars,thecompositionofthetreatiseontheEucharist(completedearlier)hadthereforeoccurredapproximately
betweenthesetwodates.TheevolutionalreadyseenatOrvieto,atthetimeofthecompositionoftheOfficeoftheBlessedSacrament,cametoitsendherealsoand
theauthorexperiencedinhisownpersonwhathehadwritten:"Bythepowerofthissacrament,thesoulisspirituallyrestoredbythefactthatitrejoicesspirituallyand,
inacertainway,itisintoxicatedbythesweetnessofthedivinegoodness,accordingtothewordoftheCanticle(5:1):Eatmyfriends,anddrinkdrinkdeepmy
wellbeloved."93Prunedoftheirrhetoric,thesestoriesandwitnessesultimatelyconfirmthattheThomasoftheYstoriaandoftheprocessatNaplesisnotmuch
differentfromtheoneweglimpseinhistheologicalwritings.94

Wegetsimilarverificationofthethirdtrait,whichstandsoutevenmoreforcefully,hisdevotiontothecrucifix:whenheispresentedinprayerorinlevitation,itis
beforetheimageofthecrucifiedoneorinfrontofthealtar,liturgicalsymbolofChrist.95Iftherewereneedforfurtherjustificationofthislastpoint,itwouldsufficeto
reporthowhespeaksofChristinhisteachingorinhispreaching:
WhoeverwishestoleadaperfectlifehasnothingothertodothanscornwhatChristscornedontheCrossandtodesirewhathedesired.Thereisnotinfactasingleexampleof
virtuethattheCrossdoesnotgivetous.Youseekanexampleofcharity?Thereisnogreaterlovethantogiveuphislifeforhisfriends,andChristdiditontheCross...Are
youlookingforanexampleofpatience?ThemostperfectpatienceisfoundontheCross...Areyouseekinganexampleofhumility?LookattheCrucifiedOne...

92.
Ystoria29,pp.29394(Tocco29,p.103)Naples79,p.376.
93.
STIIIaq.79a.1ad2.
94.
ApartfromtheEucharist,wehaveonlypenanceattestedinhissacramentalpracticeduringthefirstParisianperiod(125259),weknowthatThomasconfessedeverydaybefore
MasstoRaymondSeveri,whowasprobablyoneofhissecretariesitseemsindeedthatthepracticewasreciprocal(cf.Ystoria27andNaples92,pp.39798).Tolomeowashis
confessorduringtheNaplesperiod,butdoesnotgiveustounderstandthatreciprocityexisted(XXIII8).
95.
Ystoria34,P.30952,p.309(Tocco34and52,pp.108and126)onprayinginfrontofthealtar:Naples81,p.38149,p.331(hehasadreamwhenheissleepinginfrontofthealtar).

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Anexampleofobedience?BeginfollowingHimwhowasobedientevenuntildeath...Anexampleofscornforearthlythings?FollowbehindHimwhoisKingofKings,Lordof
Lords,inwhomarefoundallthetreasuresofwisdomandwho,nevertheless,ontheCross,appearsnaked,theobjectofmockery,spaton,beaten,crownedwiththorns,givengall
andvinegartodrink,andputtodeath.96

WewillhavetoreturntothisomnipresenceofChristastheabsolutemodeloftheChristianlifeitsufficesforusherethatThomasneverstopsremindingusthat"every
oneofChrist'sactionsisinstructionforus,"97andthatthiswashisruleoflifeforhimself.

Thomas'sabsentmindednesswaslegendary.Lostinthought,hecontinuedhisreflectionswhereverhefoundhimself:intherefectory,wherehisdishesmightbetaken
awayfromhimwithouthisnoticing,98oratSaintLouis'stable,ifonegivescredencetothewellknownanecdote.99Whenhewasthusabsorbed,hecouldevenholda
candlewithoutnoticingtheflamethatburnedhim.Duringhislastmonths,thisabstractiomentisbecameevenmoreaccentuated:intheparlor,wherehehadbeenled
tomeetsomedistinguishedvisitors,hedidnotevenperceivetheirpresence,anditwasnecessarytotugonhisclothestomakehimcomebacktohimself.100Thisalso
showeditselfduringprayer:duringtheMassonPassionSunday1273,withmanyparticipantspresent,hisecstasycontinuedsolongthatitwasnecessarytointervene
sothathecouldfinishthecelebration.Andintheevenings,atCompline,hisfacewasbathedintearsduringthesingingoftheMediavita.101
96.
ExpositioinSymbol.,art.4,nos.92024.
97.
Cf.R.Schenk,"OmnisChristiactionostraestinstructio.TheDeedsandSayingsofJesusasRevelationintheViewofAquinas,"inL.Elders,ed.,Ladoctrinedelarvlation
divinedesaintThomasd'Aquin,StudiTomistici37(Rome,1990),pp.10431.
98.
PeterofSanFelice(eyewitness):Naples45,p.323Ystoria63,p.391(Tocco63,p.136).
99.
Ystoria43,p.335(Tocco43,p.117)thisisthethirdtimethattheYstoriamentionsKingLouisIXcertainly,hisfriendshipforthemendicantsiswellknown,butwecannotsaythat
itistohimthatweowethecreationofthetwoDominicanschoolsoftheology,astheYstoriahasit(20,p.264Tocco19,p.93)astostatingthatKingLouissemperinrebusarduis
dictiDoctorisrequirebatconsilium(35,p.312Tocco35,P.109),wehavenootherwitnessesforit.Ifittrulytookplace,thedinnerofwhichYstoria43speakscouldhavetakenplace
duringthesecondParisiansojourn,betweenSeptember1268,thedateofThomas'sreturn,andMarch1270,thedateofSaintLouis'sdepartureforthesecondcrusade.Wemustnotin
anycasepressthereferencetotheSummathedatesthatweknowdonotatalllendthemselvestothis.ThoughthesettlingoftheaccountswiththeManicheanshasledsome
peopletobelievethatThomaswasworkingontheSummacontraGentilesIII15atthetime,thatisnomoreplausible:weknowthatBookIIIofthatworkwascomposedinItaly
around1265,whichwouldexcludethepossibilityofameetingwithKingLouisatthattime.
100.
Ystoria43,p.335(Tocco43,p.117).
101.
Ystoria29,p.294(Tocco29,p.103)theMediauitaisasungresponseliketheanthem

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

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Inordertoexcusehimtoavisitingcardinal,oneofhisfamiliarsexplained:''Donotbesurprised!Thathappensoftentohim"("Nonmiremini,quiafrequentersic
abstrahitur").Inthesamefashion,ReginaldwouldlatertellThomas'ssisterTheodora,whowasdisturbedabouthissilence:"TheMasterisfrequentlylostinspirit
whenheisabsorbedincontemplation.ButneverhaveIseenhimoutofhissensesforaslongastoday."102Thewaytomakehimreturntohimselfisalwaysthe
samesomeonepullsstronglyonhiscape.Clearlyhecomesoutofit,butonlywithregretforthelossofthatinteriorworld.

TheFinalIllnessandDeath

ThecontextthatwehavejustestablishedperhapsclarifiesthehistoryofThomas'slastweeks.On29September1273,Thomasagainparticipatedinthechapterofhis
provinceinRomeasadefinitor.103Butseveralweekslater,accordingtoBartholomewofCapua,whohadthisstoryfromJohnofGiudicewholearnedaboutitfrom
ReginaldhimselfwhilehewascelebratingMassinthechapelofSaintNicholas,Thomasunderwentanastonishingtransformation(fuitmiramutationecommotus):
"AfterthatMass,heneverwrotefurtherorevendictatedanything,andheevengotridofhiswritingmaterial[organascriptionis]hewasworkingonthethirdpartof
theSumma,onthetreatiseconcerningpenance."ToReginald,whowasstupefiedanddidnotunderstandwhyThomaswasabandoninghiswork,theMaster
respondedsimply:"Icannotdoanymore."Returningtohischargealittlelater,Reginaldreceivedthesameresponse:"Icannotdoanymore.EverythingIhavewritten
seemstomeasstrawincomparisonwithwhatIhaveseen."104

Startingwiththatdatearound6December(afestobeatiNicolaicirca)Thomasappearedprofoundlychanged.He,whomwehaveknown

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)
NuncdimittisofComplineintheDominicanliturgyforLent.Thomas'stearsflowedmostduringthesingingoftheverse"donotrejectusinourtimeofoldage"(Neproiciasnos
intemporesenectutis).
102.
Ystoria47,p.347(Tocco47,p.120):"FrequenterMagisterinspiriturapitur,cumaliquacontemplatur,sednunquamtantotemporesicutnuncuidiipsumsicasensibusalienatum."
103.
Documenta30,p.583(accordingtoMasetti)abridgedtexts,theActsoftheChapterdonotmentionThomas'sname,northatofanyotherdefinitor(MOPH20,pp.4143)elected
bythemembersofthechapter,thefourdefinitorsconstituteatypeofdirectoratechosen,withtheprovincial,tomakeconcretedecisionsaftertheplenaryassemblybreaksupthey
remainactiveuntilthefollowingchapter.
104.
Naples79,pp.37677Tocco(Ystoria47,347Tocco47,p.120),whodependshereonBartholomew,doesnotmentiontheMass,butgivesthesameexplanation(exceptthathe
weakenspaleaeintomodica).

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105
asrobustandwhonotlongbeforestillwasgettinguptopraybeforeanyoneelse,hadtotaketohisbed, andhewassenttorestatthehomeofhissister(the
CountessTheodora)inthecastleofSanSeverino,southeastofNaples,alittleaboveSalerno.Hearrivedthereonlywithgreateffort(properavitcumdifficultate
magna)shortlyafterThomashadgreetedhissister,whowasdisturbedtoseehimsoquiet,ReginaldconfidedtoTheodorathathehadneverseentheMasteroutof
hissensesforsolong.Itisdifficulttoevaluatethelengthofthissojourn,butafteralittlewhile,ThomasandhissociusreturnedtoNapleswithoutdoubtattheendof
December1273orthebeginningofJanuary1274.106

AttheendofJanuaryorthebeginningofFebruary,theyhadtosetoutagainforthecouncilthatGregoryXhadconvokedforMay1inLyonstoseekan
understandingwiththeGreeks.ThomasthustookwithhimtheContraerroresgrecorumthathehadcomposedatUrbanIV'srequest.107AlittlebeyondTeano,
absorbedinhisthoughts,Thomasdidnotnoticeatreefallenacrosstheroadandstruckhisheadagainstabranch.Sincehewasstunnedbytheblow(fere
stupefactus),peoplerushedtohelphim,butheassuredthemthathewasonlyslightlybruised.HecontinuedtowalkwhilechattingwithReginald,whotriedtodistract
himbyspeakingoftheappointmentasacardinalthathewouldsurelyreceiveatthecouncil,aswouldFriarBonaventure.Thomasdidnotmuchappreciatethese
predictions,andimposedsilenceonhiscompanion.108

Thetraveller'sreputationtraveledmorequicklythanhedidhimself,anditwasprobablyatSanGermano(today'sCassino)thatanenvoyfromBernardAyglier,the
abbotofMonteCassino,waitedforhim.ThisenvoyinvitedThomastotakeasmalldetourthroughtheabbeytoenlightenthereligiousonthemeaningofapassagein
SaintGregory.Theclimbwaslongandharsh(theascentissome480meters,whichthecurrentroadcoversin9kilometers[about51/2miles])Thomasdeclinedthe
offertopassthroughthemonasteryperhapshealreadyfelthimselftootired
105.
Naples87,pp.39192:Thomamiacentemincella...discrasiatumYstoria54,p.367(Tocco54,P.127):debilisdecumbensinlecto.
106.
Scandone,"Lavita,"pp.30and57.
107.
Ystoria56,p.371(Tocco56,p.129)of.ourchapter7seeonthispointA.Walz,"LederniervoyagedesaintThomasd'Aquin,ItinrairesofsaintThomas,"NovaetVetera36
(1961)28997.
108.
Naples78,pp.37476Toccodoesnotknowofthisincident,BartholomewofCapuahasitfromtheabbRoffrido,thedeanofTeano,whowaspresentatthesceneinthe
companyofhisuncle,William,thendeanandlaterbishopofTeanothesetwofigureshadclearlyhostedthelittlegrouptheprecedingnightandaccompaniedthemabitoftheway.

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andarguedthatawrittenresponsewouldhavetheadvantageofbeingusefultofuturereadersandnotonlytothehearerspresent(infact,hisresponsewouldbe
recopiedinthemarginofthedisputedpassage).

Themonksweretroubledbytheinterpretationofatextthatconcernstheconnectionsbetweentheinfallibilityofthedivineforeknowledgeandhumanliberty.Thomas
reaffirmsthesetwofacts,butheemphasizesthatthedifferenceofplanebetweenthetwotermsunderconsiderationdoesnotentailanynecessityoftheoneonthe
other:toseesomeonesitdownisnottoobligehimtositdown.ThusGodcannotbedeceivedinhisknowledge,whichseesallthingsinthepresentofhiseternity,and
manisfreeinhisactivityasatemporallysituatedcreature.WenoteinpassingthatthislittletextdictatedtoReginaldisperhapstheclearestexplanationthattheauthor
gaveofthisproblemitwitnessestothefactthat,evenifhisbodywasalreadyweakened,theMaster'sintellectualfacultieswerestillintact.109

Afterseveraldaystraveling,inthesecondhalfofFebruary(itwasalreadyLent,which,thatyear,hadbegunonFebruary14),theyreachedthecastleofMaenza,a
littlenorthofTerracina,whereFrancescalived,theniecewhomwehavealreadyencountered.Itwastherethathefellillandtotallylosthisappetitethedoctorcalled
totakecareofhimJohnofGuido,fromPipernoaskedwhathewouldliketoeatandreceivedadisconcertingresponse:somefreshherring,whichheonce
enjoyedwhenhewasintheiledeFrance.Miraculously,somewerefound.ButaccordingtoTocco,itwastheotherswhoatethem,sincethepatientnolonger
wantedthem.110Aneyewitnessassuresus,however,thatheatesomeofit:dequibusetiamarengiscomeditdictusfraterThomas.111

Toccoalsosaysthat,feelingalittlebetterafterseveraldays,hetriedtobeginthetrektowardRomeagain,buthehadtostopattheabbeyofFossanovatoregather
hisforces.Accordingtoaneyewitness,Nicholas,thefutureabbotofFossanova,Thomashadhimselftakenfromhisniece'shometotheabbey:"IftheLordmustvisit
me,itisbetterforhimtofindmeinareligioushousethaninahouseoflaypeople."112Anothereye
109.
ThetextofthislettermaybefoundintheLeonine,vol.42,pp.395415,withA.Dondaine'sintroductionseeabove,chapterI,note72,forotherinformation.
110.
Ystoria56,p.374(Tocco56,p.129)iftheinvalidhadtrulydesiredthisdish,sostrangeforthatregion,thisdesireisentirelyexceptionalforhim,becauseweknowthathenever
demandedspecialmeals:nunquampetensspecialescibos(Naples42,p.319)singularitatesciborumnonpetebat(Naples47,p.326).
111.
Naples50,p.333(testimonybyPeterofMontesangiovanni).
112.
Naples8,pp.2767749,pp.3303180,pp.37879Tocco57,pp.13031).

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witness,PeterofMontesangiovanni,recountsperhapsmorepreciselywhathappened.IncompanywiththepriorofFossanovaandtwootherfriarsfromthe
monastery,hewenttoMaenzatopayavisittoThomas,whomhehadknownforalongtimeafterfourdaysatthecastle,themonksdeparted,takingthesick
Thomasandhiscompanionswiththem.Thomaswasonamount(equitavit),asignofhisweaknessandoftheseriousnessofhiscondition,sincetheDominicanswere
forbiddentotravelonhorseback.113

Thomassurvivedthereforsometime(iacuitinfirmusquasipermensem),confusedbutgratefulforthetroublethatthemonksweretakingonhisbehalf.Theyeven
carriedwoodontheirbackstokeephimwarm.AccordingtoTocco,atthattimehebrieflycommentedontheCanticleofCanticles,tothankthemforeverything,
butAbbotNicholas,whowasthere,doesnotsayanythingaboutthis,nordoanyoftheCisterciansstillsurvivingatthetimeoftheNaplesprocess.114Thoughitis
notimplausiblethatThomaswouldhaveaddressedseveraledifyingwordstothereligiouswhowerecomingtoseehim,hisstateofhealthhardlypermitsustothink
thathewouldhavecomposedacompletecommmentaryontheCanticle.Ifawrittentextofiteverexisted(Bartholomewandseveralcataloguesspeakaboutit,but
thePraguelistsdonot)ithasnotcomedowntous.115

AfterconfessingtoReginald,ThomasreceivedtheviaticumonMarch4or5aswasthecustom,hepronouncedthenaprofessionofEucharisticfaith.Accordingto
aneyewitness,PeterofMontesangiovanni,hepronouncedbeforetheassembledmonasterymanybeautifulwordsonthesubjectofthebodyofChrist,amongwhich
werethese:"IhavewrittenandtaughtmuchaboutthisveryholyBody,andabouttheothersacramentsinthefaithofChrist,andabouttheHolyRomanChurch,to
whosecorrectionIexposeandsubmiteverythingIhavewritten.116JohnofAdelasia,anothermonkfromFossanovabutnotaneyewitness,transmitsabrieferformula
withexactlythesamemeaning.117

WeknowfurthertheamplifiedformulationbyBartholomewthatendswiththesamesubmissiontotheChurch'sjudgment.Itisdoubtlessfrom
113.
Naples49,pp.33032Toccospeaksofamulus(Ystoria62,p.388Tocco62,p.135)fortheinterdictionoftravelingonhorseback,cf.Constitutionsprimitivesoftheorder,
Dist.I22,13(trans.Vicaire,SaintDominiquedeCaleruega,p.156).
114.
Ystoria57,p.376(Tocco57,pp.13031).
115.
Leonine,vol.26,p.1*,n.2cf.Naples85,p.388Grabmann,Werke,pp.25457.
116.
Naples49,p.332.
117.
Naples27,p.301.

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BartholomewthatToccoreceivedthestory,andhereproducesitfully.ItisalsoherethatheinsertstheAdoroTeinhisfourthversion.Thepassagedeservestobe
reproduced,foritreestablishesalittleofthejudgmentthatthedyingmanboretowardhiswork:
Ireceiveyou,priceofmysoul'sredemption,Ireceiveyou,viaticumofmypilgrimage,forloveofwhomIhavestudied,watched,laboredIhavepreachedyou,Ihavetaughtyou
neverhaveIsaidanythingagainstyou,andifIhavedonesoitisthroughignoranceandIdonotgrowstubborninmyerrorifIhavetaughtillonthissacramentortheothers,I
submitittothejudgmentoftheHolyRomanChurch,inobediencetowhichIleavenowthislife.118

ItisentirelypermissibletorefertothisdeclarationforamorepositiveandthereforemoreexactappreciationofThomas'sexpression:"EverythingIhavewritten
seemstomeasstraw."119Strawisastockexpressionusedtodistinguish,bygivingitproperweight,thegrainofrealitywithinthechaffofthewordsthewordsarenot
thereality,buttheydesignateitandtheyleadtoit.Havingarrivedatrealityitself,Thomashadacertainrighttofeelhimselfdetachedwithrespecttothewords,butthis
doesnotatallsignifythatheconsidershisworkaswithoutvalue.Simplyput,hehadgonebeyondit.

Thomasreceivedtheanointingofthesickthefollowingday,respondinghimselftotheritualprayers.HediedthreedayslaterhavingreceivedtheBodyoftheLord,on
Wednesday,7March,intheearlyhoursofthemorning.120

Thissuccinctstoryhasposedtwolargequestionsforhistorians.Thefirstconcernsthenatureofthefinalillnessitseemshardlyprobablethatithadadirectlinkwith
the6Decemberexperience.Theunluckyblowofthebranchalongthewaymayhavesetoffaseriesofeventswhosenaturewedonotknow,butthisisnottheplace
toexpatiateonthatsubject.121Onthecontrary,fromtimetotimeapopularrumorhasarisen,propagatedbytheenemiesofCharlesofAnjou(notablythenumerous
membersoftheAquinasfamilyquarellingwithhim,exiledfromtheirlandsinthe
118.
Naples80,p.379Ystoria58,pp.37980(Tocco58,pp.13132)fortheAdoroTe,cf.chap.VIIabove.
119.
Tugwell,p.267,suggeststhisreading.
120.
Naples49,p.332Ystoria65,p.395(Tocco65,p.138).
121.
Weisheipl,p.328,suggestsaninternalhemmorhage.

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PapalStates,aswereFrancescaandherhusbandCeccano),accordingtowhichThomaswaspoisonedbyadoctorontheking'spayroll(recallJohnofGuido,who
visitedhimatMaenza)forreasonsthatwecanonlyguess.TherumormusthavecirculatedratherwidelythechroniclerGiovanniVillaniandDanteAlighierihimself
echoit.Itseemsthatallthehistoriansareinagreementtodayindiscardingthisrumoraswithoutseriousfoundation.122

Thesecondlargequestionhasgivenrisetomanyspeculations.Whatexactlyoccurredaround6December1273?Wasitonlyamatterofamysticalexperiencethat
furtheraccentuatedtheabstractiomentishabitualtoThomasthusprovokinganeartotaldetachmentabouthiswork,accompaniedbyalackofwilltolive,whose
clearestsignistheanorexiamentionedseveraltimes?Inplaceofthisexplanation,whichhasbeencommonlyaccepteduntilnowbythehagiographicaltradition,
variousattemptshaveappearedinrecentyearstogiveanaccountofthissuddeninterruptionofThomas'sliteraryactivity.

ForsomeonewhoseesThomasasanxious,preytoincreasingdoubtsaboutthevalueofhiswork(notablythe"theoreticalweaknessoftheanalogyofbeing"),the
explanationisessentiallypsychological:thegrowingrealityofthetheologianegativawouldbethesourceofhiswillnottofinishtheSumma,toavoidseeingthe
intuitionwithwhichhebeganitbetransformedintoaclosedsystem.123Anotherviewpositsaseriouscerebralstroke,adiagnosisofferedbysomedoctorsonthe
basisofsymptomsthatmaybegatheredfromthetexts:difficultyinspeakingandmoving,anxietyaboutfurtherattacks,deeppsychologicaldisturbance.124Without
entirelydenyingthislastexplanation,WeisheiplpreferstospeakofaphysicalandpsychologicalbreakdownasaconsequenceoftheoverworkthatThomashad
imposedonhimselfforalongtime.The6Decemberexperience,inaccentuatingstillfurtherhisdesireforthetruehomeland,onlyexacerbated
122.
Cf.Scandone,"Lavita,"pp.3234DivineComedy,PurgatorioXX6769:"CarlovenneinItalia,eperammenda/Vittimafe'diCorradino,epoi/RipinsealcielTommaso,per
ammenda."Tostudythefileonthissubjectindepth,seeM.Sanchez,"ComoydequmuriSantoTomsdeAquino,"Studium16(1976)369404bythesameauthor,"Muri
envenenadosantoTomsdeAquino?,"Studium18(1978)337.
123.
G.M.Pizzuti,"PerunainterpretazionestoricizzatadiTommasod'Aquino.Sensoelimitediunaprospettiva,"Sapienza29(1976)42964.WementionthatfollowingCh.D.
Boulogne,SaintThomasd'Aquinoulegnieintelligent(Paris,1968),pp.19092,theauthordoesnotentirelydiscardthepoisontheoryandmakesThomas'sgeneralsuperiors
responsibleforhisdeparturefromParisin1272Boulogne'sreconstructionsare,however,scarcelycredible.
124.
Colledge,"TheLegend,"p.26.

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125
tothepointoftaediumuitaehisdetachmentfromthethingsofthisworld,includingwhatheheldclosesttohisheart.

Beforetheseattemptsatexplanation,thereadercanonlysuspendjudgment.ItistruethatThomaschangedhisopiniononanalogybutthatevolutionmaybeplaced
ratherearlyinhiscareerandoughttohavemadeitseffectsfeltagooddealearlier.Furthermore,thisisnottheonlypointonwhichheevolved,andhisintellectual
robustnessputhimratherateaseinrecognizingchangeswithoutaproblemandininforminghisreadersofitwhenhethoughtitnecessary.Thoughitisnotimplausible,
adiminutionofhisintellectualfacultiesfollowinganattack,aftertheTeanoaccident,isscarcelymanifestinwhatheexpressedtoReginaldorintheletterheaddressed
toBernardAyglierseveraldaysbeforehisdeathtosaynothingofthepossiblecommentaryontheCanticleofCanticles.Itisalsodifficulttoconceivethathe
wouldhavebeenallowedtoleaveforLyonsifhehadbeenillandshowingdiminishedfaculties.

Afterwehavegonestepbystep,aswehavejustdone,throughemphasizinghisastonishingintellectualoutput,thehypothesisabouthisphysicalandnervousexaustion
iseasiertoallow.Yet,ifwebearinmindhisnaturalrobustnessandexceptionalintelligence,whichmadeeasierforhimproblemsthatwouldhavebeendifficultfor
others,thathypothesisisnotirrefutable.(EveninhislastdaysweseeThomasstillarisingveryearly.)Wemusthavethehonestytorecognizethatnoneofthese
explanationsisentirelyconvincing.Butifwehavetochooseamongthem,Weisheipl'sthesis,whichsuggestsanextremephysicalandnervousfatigue,coupledwith
mysticalexperiencesthatmarkedhislastyear,maybethemostplausible.
125.
Weisheipl,pp.32023.

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ChapterXV
DifficultSequels:
Cult,Process,Disputes
Afterhisdeath,Thomas'shistorycontinuesintwodifferentregisters,partlyparallel,partlyintersectingwithoneanother:acultofthesaintbeganquicklyattheplaceof
hisdeath,andanoppositionaroseatParisandOxfordthatwasnotdisarmedbyhistheologicalthought.Theharshandtenaciousstrugglesthatfollowedwere
sometimescarriedoutinthenameofthefaith,andledtointerventionbyepiscopalauthority.Theyalsosometimesexpresseddifferentreligiousorintellectualoptions,
andwefindatthetimeinallitssharpnessthealreadyancientrivalrythatarosesooftenbetweentheorderofSaintFrancisandtheorderofSaintDominic.Inallthis,
wearepresentnotonlyatthebirthofaschoolofthoughtthatwithoutdoubtowesitslegendarycombativenesstothesedifficultbeginnings,butalsoatthebirthofa
developmentthatwillfinditsepilogueatleastprovisionallyincanonization.

TheBeginningsoftheCult

AtFossanovathefuneralritewascelebratedbythemonasterywithalltherequisitesolemnity,naturallyinthepresenceofbrotherDominicans,butalsowiththe
FranciscanbishopFrancisofTerracina,whowasthereinthecompanyofseveralbrothersofhisorder.Numerousnoblemenfromtheregionwerealsopresent,as
wellasDameFrancesca,thenieceofthedeceasedwho,notbeingabletoenterbecauseofthecloister,gobtained

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1
permissionfromtheabbottoveneratethebodyatthedoorofthechurch. Aftertheoffice,itfelltoReginaldasfaithfulcompaniontopronouncetheeulogyofthe
deceasedandtoextolhisvirtuesbeforethatnobleaudiencewecannotfaulthimifthesincerityofhispainmadehimspeakmoreofhimselfthanabouthismaster.2

Inthemeantime,evenbeforethebodyhadbeenburiedorevenwashedthesainthadalreadyaccomplishedamiracle:thesubpriorofthemonastery,Johnof
Ferentino,washealedofaneyeafflictionfromwhichhehadsufferedforseveralmonths.3ThiswasthefirstsignofthevenerationalreadydirectedtowardThomas
sincetheillpersonhadbeenlaidonthebodyofthedeceased,applyinghiseyestoThomas's.Thatvenerationcouldonlygrowinlightofthemiraclesthatwere
accomplishedandthepilgrimagesthatwereorganized.4

Consciousofthetreasurethathadfallenintotheirhands,allthemonksofFossanovaemphasizedthat,evenbeforehisdeath,Thomashaddeclaredthattheabbey
wouldbetheplaceofhiseternalrepose:Haecrequiesmeainsaeculumsaeculi,hichabitaboquoniamelegieam.5FearingthattheDominicansmightwantto
recovertherelicsor,worse,thattherelicsmightbestolenfromthem,theCistercianssecretlytransportedtheremains,firstburiednearthemainaltarinthechapelof
SaintStephen,totheinteriorofthecloister.ButthedeceasedappearedinadreamtothepriorofthemonasteryBrotherJamesofFerentino,oneofthosewhohad
gonetovisitThomasatMaenzaandconveyedtohimhisdesiretobereturnedtohisfirstplaceofburial.

Sevenmonthsafterhisdeath,themonksattemptedtocarryoutthatrequest.Onthatoccasion,thewindingsheetwasopenedanditwasverifiedthatthebodywasin
aperfectstateofpreservation(averificationthatwascarriedoutagainin1281andin1288).Ravishedbythesweetodorthatcamefromitandfilledwithjoy,they
boreitbackintothegreatchurch.JudgingthatitwasnotappropriatetocelebrateaRequiemMassforthistranslationofthebody,theysangtheMassOsjusti,the
oneforholyconfessors.6
1.
Ystoria62,p.388(Tocco62,p.135).
2.
Ystoria63,pp.39092(Tocco63,13637)wehavealreadyusedmanypassagesfromthistext.
3.
Ystoria61,p.387(Tocco61,pp.13435)thebiographerreportshereafactattestedbytwoeyewitnesses:OctavianoofBabuco(Naples17,p.289)andPeterofMontesangiovanni
(Naples51,p.335).
4.
Naples41,pp.3171851,pp.335365355,pp.33842.
5.
Ps.131:14cf.Naples10,p.28015,p.28619,p.29149,p.332Ystoria57,p.375(Tocco57,p.130).
6.
Naples8,p.278cf.10,15,20,52(pp.28081287291338)Ystoria66,pp.39699

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

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Letussayhereinordernottohavetoreturntoitlater,thesecomingsandgoingsinthemonasterywereonlythebeginningofthecomplexhistoryoftherelics.Instead
offollowingtheincredibleandhardlyappetizingdetailoftheirtribulationsduringagoodpartofthefourteenthcentury,letusmentionsimplythatin1369theywere
senttoToulouseratherthantoParis,wheretheuniversityclaimedthematthebehestofUrbanV,andthattheyresidedthereinthechurchoftheOrderof
PreachersuntiltheFrenchRevolution.7ProvisionallytranslatedtotheBasilicaofSaintSernin,on7June1791,theyremainedthereuntil7March1974,whenthey
werereturnedtotherestoredchurchoftheJacobins,wheretheywouldfromthenonbevenerated.8

March1277inParis

WhilethepopulardevotiontoSaintThomashadbeguninItaly,inParisdoctrinalagitation,whichpittedtheNeoAugustinianconservativesinthetheologyfaculty
againsttheradicalAristoteliansintheartsfaculty,hadhardlyceasedsinceThomas'sdeparturein1272indeedithadevengrown.9AfewmonthsafterThomas's
departure,Bonaventuregave,onhisreturntoParis,aseriesofconferencesduringEaster1273,theCollationesinHexaemeron,inwhichhereactedstronglyagainst
Aristotelianism.10TheopusculumDeerroribusphilosophorum(byGilesofRome?)isitselfaneloquenttestimonytotheinquietudethatthethesesofArabicand
JewishAristotelianismhadcaused.11GilesofLessines,too,submittedtoAlbertusMagnusalistoffifteenpropositions"whichthemostreputablemastersinphilosophy
teachatParisintheschools."Thefactthatthefirstthirteenareasimplerepetitionoferrorscondemnedon10December1270andthatweencounterthemagainin
thecondemnationof1277shows

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)
(Tocco66,pp.13840)BullofCanonizationno.V(Fontes,p.524)accordingtoTocco,thedeceasedappearedtotheabbotofthemonastery,Nicholas,butthelatterclearly
explainedthatitwastheprior,James,whowastherecipient.
7.
C.Douais,LesreliquesdesaintThomasd'Aquin.Textesoriginaux(Paris,1903)(notablywiththechronicleofthetranslationfromPipernotoToulousebyRaymondHugues)E.
Delaruelle,"LatranslationdesreliquesdesaintThomasd'AquinToulouse(1369)etlapolitiqueuniversitaired'UrbainV,"BLE56(1955)12946.
8.
InstitutcatholiquedeToulouse.Chronique(1975),fasc.4,pp.2930and4345.
9.
SeeonthisthebriefaccountbyF.VanSteenberghen,LaPhilosophieauXIIIesicle,pp.47483(2ded.1991,pp.41422).
10.
WereferheretothefineanalysisbyJosephRatzinger,TheTheologyofHistoryinSt.Bonaventure,trans.ZacharyHayes(Chicago,1971),pp.12063,whounderlinesthe
propheticandapocalypticpointofBonaventure'sgrowingoppositiontoAristotelianism.
11.
GilesofRome,Erroresphilosophorum,ed.J.Koch(Milwaukee,1944)(LatintextwithEnglishtranslation).

 Page299

indeedthepersistenceoftheseradicalpositions.AlbertwillrespondtothisconsultationthroughhisDequindecimproblematibus,butwemustsaythattheold
masterofColognedoesnotshowhimselfinhisbestlighthere.12

Theechoesofthisferment,whichevenreachedViterbo,disquietedtheformerParisianmasterPeterofSpain,recentlyelectedpopeunderthenameJohnXXI.He
thereforewrotetothebishopofParis,StephenTempier,on18January1277,directinghimtoinquireintothepersonsandplacesthatwerepropagatingtheseerrors
prejudicialtothefaithandtogivehimareportonitassoonaspossible.Thebishop'sresponsetothepopehasnotcomedowntous,butweknowthathebrought
togetheracommissionofsixteentheologianswhowishedtoworkassoonaspossibletowardeliminatingthesuspectliteraturecomingfromtheartsfaculty.This''hasty
andincoherentinquiry"concludedinlessthanamonthwithsubmittingtothebishopalistof219propositionsjudgedtobeheterodox.Andthebishop,goingbeyond
themissionofacquiringinformationthatthepopehadconferreduponhim,proceededtocondemnthemon7March1277.13Thepopedoesnotseemtohavebeen
angryaboutthismeasure,sinceseveralweekslater,28April,heaskedTempiertocontinuethepurificationalreadybeguntaminartibusquamintheologica...
facultate.14

Thiscondemnation,whichincludedwithoutdistinctionhereticalthesesandtheologicalopinionsthatwereperfectlylegitimate,hasbeenseverelyjudgedsinceitsfirst
promulgation.Inthetwentiethcentury,ithasbeentheobjectofdiverseappreciationsandinterpretationsfromPierreDuhemtoEdwardGrant,fromMandonnetand
ChenutoJacquesLeGoff,orfromKurtFlaschtoLucaBianchiandAlaindeLibera,thehistorianshavenotceasedreturningtoitinordertoevaluateitsbearingand
consequencessometimesnotwithoutanachronism.15
12.
ThetextcanbefoundinAlbertusMagnus,Operaomnia,vol.17/l(Cologne,1975),pp.3044cf.alsoF.VanSteenberghen,"LeDequindecimproblematibusd'Albertle
Grand,"inMlangesAugustePelzer(Louvain,1947),pp.41539.
13.
Chartul.,no.471,p.541no.473,pp.453558inadditiontothefewpagesbyF.VanSteenberghen(p.483882ded.1991,pp.42226),seeprincipallythefundamentalstudiesby
R.Hissette,Enqutesurles219articlescondamnsParisle7mars1277,Philosophesmdivaux22,(LouvainParis,1977),andofL.Bianchi,Ilvescovoeifilosofi.Lacondanna
pariginadel1277el'evoluzionedell'aristotelismoscolastico(Bergamo,1990)J.F.Wippel,"TheCondemnationsof1270and1277atParis,"JournalofMedievalandRenaissance
Studies7(1977)169201,whowasstillunawareofHissette'sandWielockx'swork,remainsagoodstudy.
14.
ThistexthasbeeneditedbyA.Callebaut,"JeanPechamO.F.M.etl'augustinisme.Aperushistoriques(12631285),"AFH18(1925)44172(cf.pp.45861).
15.
J.E.Murdoch,"PierreDuhemandtheHistoryofLateMedievalScienceandPhilosophy

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

 Page300

Withoutgettinginvolvedinadebatethatwouldleadustoofarawayfromourpurposes,itiscertainthatifthisauthoritarianinterventionstoppedradicalAristotelianism
foratimeinParis,italsoservedasaconsiderablebrakeontheevolutionofindependentthought.AmindasfreeasGodfreyofFontainesavowedthathecouldnot
pronounceonthewayangelswerepresentinaplace,outoffearofexcommunication.16Wehavetowaituntil1325almostfiftyyearslaterandtwoyearsafter
Thomas'scanonizationforoneofTempier'ssuccessorstoannulwhatinthecondemnationmighttouchonThomisttheses.17Butinthemeantime,manyotherevents
occurred,andthesefromthedaysimmediatelyafter7March.

Themostrecentstudieshavenotablymodifiedtheapproachtothisperiod.Fromthebeginninguntilashortwhileago,itwasbasicallyadmittedthatThomaswas
includedinthecondemnationofthe219articles.Twoofhisthesesinparticularwereaimedat:thethesisabouttheunicityofsubstantialforminman(Quodinhomine
esttantumunaformasubstantialis,scilicetanimaintellectiva),18andthethesisabouttheimpossibilityforGodtocreateamaterialwithoutacorrespondingform
(Deumnonpossefaceremateriamsineforma).19

Now,quitecuriously,thesetwopropositionsarenotfoundinthelistofthe219articlescondemnedbyTempier.Thismatterisevenmoresurprisingsince,ifweareto
believePecham,Thomasopposedhimselfdirectlytothebishoppreciselyonthepointabouttheuniqueform.20WemustthereforeconcludefromthiswithRoland
Hissettethatthe7Marchcondemnationbearingessentiallyonsomethesesissuedbytheartsfaculty(astheintroductionsaysclearly)doesinvolvesomeof
Thomas'spositions,butheisnotdirectlyatarget.21

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)
intheLatinWest,"inR.ImbachandA.Maieru,eds.,GliStudidiFilosofiaMedievalefraOttoeNovecento,pp.253302E.Grant,"TheCondemnationof1277,God'sAbsolute
Power,andPhysicalThoughtintheLateMiddleAges,"Viator10(1979)21144J.LeCoff,LesintellectuelsauMoyenAge,PointsHistoire78(Paris,1985)K.Flasch,Aufklrung
imMittelalter?DieVerurteilungvon1277.DasDokumentdesBischofsyonParisbersetztunderklrt,Excerptaclassica6(Mayence,1989)A.deLibera,PenserauMoyen
Age,(Paris,1991).
16.
Quodl.XIII,4,LesPhilosophesbelges5(1935),p.221:"Hocetiamestdifficiledeterminarepropterarticuloscircahoccondemnatos,quiacontrariividenturadinvicemetcontra
quosnihilintendodicerepropterpericulumexcommunicationis"cf.p.Glorieux,"Tempier,"DTC15(1946),col.l04.
17.
Chartul.II,no.838,pp.28081.
18.
Cf.STlaq.76a.4.
19.
Cf.Quodl.IIIq.1a.1sc.
20.
Chartul.,no.523,p.634.
21.
R.Hissette,Enqutesurles219articles,whichshouldbesupplementedwiththesame

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

 Page301
22
Thathewouldhavebeenimplicatedisnolesscertain,forweknowquitewellthatThomaswasreadintheartsfaculty. Whatthenisthereasonforthissilencewhen
wearedealingwithanotoriousfactthatwasrightattheheartofthecontroversy?...Itwasthoughtthataplausibleanswerhadbeenfoundbypositingtherespect
thatalreadyexistedinParisforThomasAquinas'smemory,whichwouldhaveimposedarelativemoderationonthebishop.Inreality,wemustfindanother
explanation,fortheeventsthatfollowedshowthatStephenTempierdidnothesitatetoquarreldirectlywithThomas.

Verysoonafter7March(andbefore28Marchofthatveryyear,1277),GilesofRomewho,withoutbeingadiscipleoftheDominicanmaster,hadperhapsbeenhis
studentandsharedseveralofhispositions,wasrefusedthelicentiadocendibyBishopTempier.Andhewascondemnedinalistoffiftyonepropositionsextracted
fromhiscommentaryonthefirstbookoftheSentences.NowthirtyoneofthesepropositionsaimandstrikeindirectlyatThomasthroughGiles,andhiscensorsknew
itquitewell.SupportedbythelegateSimonofBrion,Tempier,afterwagingwaragainsttheartsfaculty,wasthenplanningthepurificationofthetheologyfaculty,
whichJohnXXIwasgoingtoaskofhimon28April.Furthermore,ashasbeenshowninanirrefutableway,thiscensuringofGilesofRomein1277isessentiallythe
revengeofthetheologyfacultyagainstoneofitsmemberswhowasjudgedtooindependentandwasconsideredan"allyofThomasAquinas."23

Inreality,thiscensuringofGilesofRomefitsintoanorchestratedplaninwhichThomashimselfisthetarget,astheprocessthatwasputinmo

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)

author'simportantarticle:"EtienneTempieretsescondamnations,"RTAM47(1980)23170,whichmentionsanddiscussesanumberofstudiesthatappearedontheoccasionof
theseventhcentenaryseeonthisalsohisresponsetothecriticswhoaroseinreactiontohisthesiswhichwastoonewtobereceivedwithoutdifficultiesbythoseholdingthe
commonopinion:"AlbertleGrandetThomasd'Aquindanslacensureparisiennedu7mars1277,"MM15(1982)22646cf.alsoHissette,"Notesurle.syllabus'antirationaliste'
du7mars1277,"RPL88(1990)40416(withregardtoK.Flasch).
22.
WecanaddtotheexampleofSigerofBrabanttheslightlylaterexampleofcertainmasterswhoalsodrewheavilyfromtheIIaIIaeaswellastheCommentaryontheEthics:O.
Lottin,"SaintThomasd'AquinlafacultdesartsdeParisauxapprochesde1277,"RTAM16(1949)292313.
23.
R.Wielockx,CommentaireinAegidiiRomaniOperaomnia,III,1Apologia(Florence,1985),cf.p.223theauthoradds(p.224)thatthisisalso"therevengeofHenryofGhenton
GilesofRome."Seeinparticularchapter7:"Les51articleslalumiredesdoctrinesdeThomasd'Aquin,"pp.179224,butthehistoryandunderstandingoftheseyearsreceives
muchmorelightfromthewholecommentary,whichgives,accordingtoR.Imbach'sexpression,asuperbexampleofmicroanalysisofatextinallitsaspects.

 Page302

tionagainsthimbetween7and28March1277witnesses.Severalcontemporarytheologiansalludetoit:JohnPecham,HenryofGhent,andWilliamdelaMare.24
JohnPechamistheclearestandoneofthebestinformedpeople,sincehewaspresentintheRomancuriaduringthattime(between22May1276and12March
1279).Inaletterdated7December1284,heinformsusthatStephenTempierhadthoughttointroduceaprocedureagainstThomasAquinas,butthat,owingtothe
interventionofseveraleminentpersons,actionwastakenawayfromthebishopofParisandreferredtoRome,whereitwassuspendedduringthevacancyinthe
ApostolicSeatbetween20May1277(deathofJohnXXI)and25November1277(electionofNicholasIII).25

HenryofGhent,forhispart,alludestoameetingcalled(between7and28March1277)byBishopTempierandthepapallegate,SimonofBriontheParisian
mastersexaminedacertainnumberofthesesthere,onethatliterallyrepeatsThomas'sterms:Quodinhomineesttantumunaformasubstantialis,scilicetanima
intellectivaapropositioncondemnedbyallthemasters,hesays,exceptfortwoitappearstohavebeenthetwoDominicanmasterswhoabstained.26Asfor
WilliamdelaMare,heconfirmsandcompletesthesedatainhiscelebratedCorrectorium(around1279)where,tothefirstthesis,whichhereproduces,headdsa
second:Deusnonpotestdareactuessemateriaesineforma.27Theseareindeedthetwotheseswhoseabsenceintriguedtheresearchersintothecondemnationof
7MarchandaboutwhichWilliamstatesthattheyhavebeenreprovedrecentlybyallthemasters.28

HerethereforewasthebeginningoftheprocedurebegundirectlyagainstThomasPechamdeploresthisinterruptionsostronglythatheinsistson1January1285that
MartinIV(theformerpapallegateSimon
24.
R.Wielockx,"AutourduprocsdeThomasd'Aquin,"MM19(1988)41338,hasremarkablyclarifiedthishistory.
25.
Chartul.,no.517,pp.62426.
26.
STlaq.76a.4cf.HenryofGhent,Quodl.X,inOperaomnia,ed.R.Macken,vol.14,pp.12728(notetolines6080ofthecriticalapparatusthatreproducestheoriginaltenorof
Henry'sproposals)Henryalsorecountshowhehadbeencalledseveraldaysearlierbythebishopandthelegate,whowantedtobeassuredabouthisopinioninfavoroftheplurality
offorms,engaginghimtoholdfirmlyandnothesitatingtothreatenhimshouldhetakethecontraryviewcf.L.Hdl,"NeueNachrichtenberdiePariserVerurteilungender
ThomasischenFormlehre,"Scholastik39(1964)17896,fortheidentificationofthetworecalcitrants.
27.
Cf.Thomas,Quodl.IIIq.1a.1.
28.
P.Glorieux,LecorrectoriumCorruptorii"Quare,"p.129:reprobaturamagistris(forthefirstthesis)p.114:omnesmagistriconcordaveruntnuperquodesterroneumdicere(for
thesecondthesis).

 Page303

ofBrion)finallydeigntopayattentiontothisaffair.ButitwillonlybeHonoriusIV(whowillsucceedMartinon2April1285)whowillbringanendtothislitigation.
Farfromexaggeratingitsgravity,herelinquisheditandreferredthedecisiontoParis,nottothebishop,buttotheothermastersinthetheologyfaculty,whotookup
thequestiononadatebefore14April1286,butdidnotarriveatanycensure.

Thereferraltothetheologiansratherthantothebishopmeansthatthepopeconsideredthedebateascholasticquestion,inwhichthefaithisnotatstake.After1285,
GilesofRomewashimselfrehabilitatedandauthorizedtoteachagainbyadeterminatiomagistrorumhemadehisbeginningasamasterintheautumnof1285.
Aftereverythingwehaverecalledhere,itisclearthatthisnewepisodeoughttobeunderstoodasastageintheprocessleadingtothecompleterehabilitationof
Thomas:iftheimplicationofhisobjectiveallywasthoughttocompromisehim,theliftingofthecensurethatstruckthatallywouldshowindeedthatThomashimself
wasnolongerimplicated.29

Toallappearances,itwastheinterventionofJohnofVercelli,thegeneraloftheDominicans,presentinParisbetween15O0ctober1276and1278asthelegateof
JohnXXIthatwasbehindthereferraltoRomeoftheproceedingagainstThomas.ButhehadsomesupportamongtheRomancuria,whereitseemsthatthe
interventionsofCardinalGiovanniGaetanoOrsiniandespeciallyGiacomoSavelli,friendsoftheDominicanorder,explainthesuspensionofthetrial.Infact,itisthe
latter,whobecamepopeunderthenameHonoriusIV,whowouldimposethesolutionalreadymentioned.30Letusaddherethatapartofthestrategybeingcarried
outbyJohnofVercelli(ofwhichotherindicationsexist)wasSaintAlbert'sarrivalinParisin1277todefendThomas'smemory.Thoughdisputednotlongagoby
Weisheipl,thisisconsideredplausiblebythemostrecentscholarship.31

DominicansandFranciscans

InspiteofthepactsconcludedbetweentheFranciscanandDominicangenerals,JeromeofAscoliandJohnofVercelli,notablyin1274and
29.
Cf.Wielockx,"Les51articles,"inCommentaire(seenote23,above),pp.21923.
30.
Cf.Wielockx,Autourduprocs,pp.41922.
31.
J.A.Weisheipl,"TheLifeandWorksofSt.AlberttheGreat,"inAlbertusMagnusandtheSciences.CommemorativeEssays.1980,ed.J.A.Weisheipl(Toronto,1980),pp.1251
(cf.pp.4445)R.Hissette,AlbertleGrandetThomasd'Aquin,pp.24445R.Wielockx,CommentaireonGilesofRome,p.217,takesveryseriouslytheargumentationofthelast.

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32
1277, thehostilityoftheFranciscanstowardThomasdidnotcease.Theywere,moreover,generouslyreturned.Thecommonfrontthathadprovisionallygathered
togetherthetwoordersinacommondefenseagainstthesecularshadgivenwaytoafratricidalbattlethatwasasungloriousasitwasunproductive.

WemustfirsttakeasmallstepbackwardandspeakonceagainaboutJohnPecham.Strangely,hewalkshereinthefootstepsofaDominicanandthisshouldbe
notedbecauseitisoneofthedatainahighlycomplexsituation:notallThomas'sadversarieswerefoundamongtheFranciscans.SeveraldaysafterTempier's
condemnation,theDominicanarchbishopofCanterbury,RobertKilwardby,issuedasimilarcondemnation18March1277,butthistimewithawilltostrikedirecfly
atcertainthesesofThomistinspiration,notablytheoneontheunicityofsubstantialform.33

Contrarytowhatissometimessaid,wecannotconsiderthiscensureascomplementarytotheoneinParis,sincethesecondonemakesnoallusiontothefirst,which
itdoesnotrepeat.Also,eachhasonlyalocalbearing.Furthermore,whilethePariscondemnationpitsthebishopandthetheologyfacultyagainsttheartsfaculty,at
Oxford,Kilwardbycoulddrawsupportfromtheconsensusamongallthemasters,regentsandnonregents.Robert'scondemnationwouldberepeatedbyJohn
Pecham,hissuccessorbeginningon19February1279.Thomas'soldadversarywillconfirmhispredecessor'scensureon29October1284,andwillcompleteiton
30April1286witheightnewpropositions,particularlyconcerningtheunicityofsubstantialform.34

RichardKnapwell,onwhomPechamwantedtoimposetheretractionoftheseeighttheses,voluntarilyabstainedfromparticipatinginthesolemnassemblyconvened
atLondonbythearchbishop,buthewassplendidly
32.
Therehadalreadybeenacommonexhortationofthegeneralsofthetwoordersin1255invitingtheirbrotherstoceasefrominternaldiscordtoformabetterfrontagainsttheir
exteriorenemies,andtherewereseveralothers,cf.G.Meersseman,"Concordiainterquatuorordinesmendicantes,"AFP4(1934)7597.
33.
Chartul.,no.474,pp.55859.
34.
ThetextofthesepropositionswithanenlighteningaccountofthecontextisfoundinP.Glorieux,"CommentlesthsesthomistesfurentproseritesOxford,"RT32,N.S.10(1927)
25991,andinF.Pelster,"DieStzederLondonerVerurteilungvon1286unddieSchriftendesMagisterRichardvonKnapwellO.P.,"AFP16(1946)83106themostenlightening
explanationofthephilosophicalandtheologicalengagementduringthisaffairprobablyremainsD.A.Callus,TheCondemnationofSt.ThomasatOxford(TheAquinasSocietyof
London,AquinasPaperno.5),(London,1955).SeeonthisF.J.Roensch,EarlyThomisticSchool(Dubuque,lowa,1964),pp.17099,andT.Crowlcy,"JohnPeckham,O.F.M.,
ArchbishopofCanterbury,versustheNewAristotelianism,"Bull.oftheJ.RylandsLibrary33(1950)24155,whotriestoseethingsfromPecham'spointofview.

 Page305

defendedtherebyhisprovincial,WilliamofHothum,whoalsointerjectedanappealofthesentenceofexcommunicationagainsthim.Excommunicatedallthesame,
RichardleftforRometopleadhiscase.ThepersonwhodealtwithitwasnoneotherthanJeromeofAscoli,theformerministergeneraloftheFranciscans,who
becamepopeunderthenameNicholasIV.Heremovedtheexcommunicationwithoutdoubt,butimposedperpetualsilenceonRichard.WithdrawingtoBologna,
wherehewouldhavecontinuedtoteachtheproscribedtheses,Knapwellisthoughttohavediedthereinsanein1289.35Inadditiontootherconsiderations,hiscase
illustratesratherwelltheimplacablenatureoftheconfrontation.

AfterPecham,wemustmentiontheEnglishFranciscanWilliamdelaMarefirstregentinParis,thenatOxfordwho,around1279,publishedhisCorrectorium.36
InsteadofmerelydeploringorcondemningThomas'sideas,hejudgeditmoreusefultoproposehowtorectifythembynotingthedangerousthesesandthecensures
ofwhichtheyhadbeenthetarget.Andhealsoaddsacritiqueandrefutation.Thewholewasconceivedintheformofannotationstobeintroducedbymastersand
studentsinthemarginofthesuspectedtexts.Thisseriesof118correctionstoaddtoasmanypassagesinThomas'sworkswasveryquicklyconsideredanofficial
documentbytheFranciscans,since,duringthechaptertheyheldinStrasbourgin1282,theministergeneral,BongraziaFielci,prescribedthatThomas'sSummacould
bemadeavailableonlytothemostable(notabiliterorrationabiliterintelligentes)readers,andthenonlyifitwasprovidedwithWilliam'sclarifications.37
35.
Cf.Glorieux,Comment,pp.26582D.A.Callus,"TheProblemoftheUnityofFormandRichardKnapwell,"inMlangesoffertsEtienneGilson(TorontoParis,1959),pp.
12360Roensch,EarlyThomisticSchool,pp.3440200223F.E.Kelley,ed.,RichardKnapwell,Quaestiodisputatadeunitateformae(Paris,1982).
36.
ThetextoftheCorrectoriummaybefoundintheeditionofitsrefutationbyRichardKnapwellinP.Glorieux,LespremirespolmiquesthomistesI.LecorrectoriumCorruptorii
"Quare,"Bibliothquethomiste9(LeSaulchoirKain,1927).ThreeofWilliam'sdiscussionsbearingontheDeueritatemayalsobereadintheeditionbyR.Hissette,"Troisarticlesde
laseconderdactionduCorrectoriumdeGuillaumedelaMare,"RTAM51(1984)23041(withsomecommentsontherecentliterature).Aboutthisfigure,ofwhomultimatelyweknow
ratherlittle,seeH.Kraml'seditor'sintroductiontoGuillelmusdeLaMare,ScriptuminprimumlibrumSententiarum(Munich,1989).
37.
G.Fussenegger,ed.,"DefinitionesCapituligeneralisArgentinaecelebratianno1282,"AFH26(1933)12740,cf.p.139:"Generalisministerimponitministrisprovincialibusquod
nonpermittantmultiplicarisummamfratrisThomenisiapudlectoresrationabiliter<al.notabiliter>intelligentes,ethocnisicumdeclarationibusfratrisGuillelmideMara,nonin
marginibuspositis,sedinquaternisethuiusmodideclarationesnonscribanturperaliquosseculares"(cf.Documenta43,pp.62425Glorieux,Premirespolmiques,p.ix,n.2idem,
"Noninmarginibuspositis,"RTAM15(1948),18284.

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ThisinvoluntaryhommagerecallswhatJamesofViterbo,thefuturearchbishopofNaples,reportedtoBartholomewofCapuaascomingfromGilesofRomehimself:
"FriarJames,ifthePreacherswishit,itistheywhowillbeknowledgeableandintelligentandweignorant[idiote][alltheyhavetodo]isnotspreadaroundFriar
Thomas'swritings."38ThediffusionofthisCorrectoriumisanevidentsignofitssuccess.WehavetodaytwelvemanuscriptsofthisworkbyWilliam,withoutcounting
thesixteenothersthathavecomedowninKnapwell'srefutationofit.

Fortheirpart,theDominicansdidnotremaininactive.William'sCorrectoriumrebaptizedbythemtheCorruptoriumprovokednofewerthanfiveimmediate
repliesbyThomas'sconfreres.Accordingtocustom,ourenumerationdistinguishesthemonthebasisoftheirincipit.Thefirst,around128283,isRichard
Knapwell'sCorrectoriumQuare,whichwouldnottakelonginattractingPecham'sthundering.39NextcametheCorrectoriumSciendum,whichisveryclosetothe
earliertextindate(around1283)andplaceoforigin.ItsauthoralsoseemstohavebeenanEnglishDominican,veryprobablyRobertofOrford.40

WemovetoPariswiththeCorrectoriumentitledCirca,whoseauthorisJohnQuidort(orJohnofParis)whoseemstoknowofhistwoEnglishpredecessors.Buthe
didnotfinishhiswork(itleavesoffatarticle60).Thedateisveryclosetothoseoftheearliertexts(around128284).41WereturntoEnglandwiththefourth
Correctorium,calledQuaestione.It'sauthorisstillunknown,butwithoutdoubthewasanEnglishDominican(someresearchersbelieveWilliamofMacclesfield).
He,too,didnotfinishandstoppedatarticle31.ClosetotheQuare,whichitusessometimes,itmustbeslightlylater.42ThefifthistheworkofRambertofthe
Primadizzi(alsosaidtobefromBologna),thenatSaintJacques,whoalsodidnotfinish
38.
Naples83,pp.38384Gilesdeservessomecreditforspeakingthiswayfor,likeHenryofGhentorGodfreyofFontaines,hewashardlysparedbyThomas'sconfreres.We
haveonlytothinkoftheattacksonhimbyRobertofOfford.WerefertoP.Glorieux'svaluablestudy,"ProetcontraThomam:Unsurvoldecinquanteannes,"inSapientiae
ProcerumAmore.Mlanges...J.P.Mller,StudiaAnselmiana63(Rome,1974),pp.25587.Cf.pp.27172.
39.
TheeditionisinGlorieux,LespremirespolmiquesthomistesthoughGlorieuxhesitatesabouttheauthorshipofQuare(Pelsterevenmoreso,whothoughtitwasThomasof
Sutton)todaythereisnodoubtafterKelley'swork,cf.L.J.Bataillon,RSPT75(1991)509.
40.
P.Glorieux,ed.,LeCorrectoriumCorruptorii"Sciendum,"Bibl.Thomiste31(Paris,1956).Cf.Roensch,EarlyThomisticSchool,pp.404222330.
41.
J.P.Mllet,ed.,LeCorrectoriumCorruptoriideJeanQuidortdeParis,StudiaAnselmiana1213(Rome,1941).
42.
J.P.Mller,ed.,LeCorrectoriumCorruptorii"Quaestione,"StudiaAnselmiana35(Rome,1954).

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(hestopsatarticle3l).HehasthedistinctionofreplyingnotonlytoWilliamdelaMarebuttootherauthorsalso"ofgreatrenown"(quimagnisuntetmagni
reputantur),whoappeartohavebeenHenryofGhent,GilesofRome,andRichardofMediavilla.43Thisdiscussionwillhavealastoutburstaround131520from
thepenofananonymousFranciscanwhoundertooktoreplytothevariouscontradictorsofWilliamdelaMare.44

Therefutationsevidentlystemfromawholepolemicalandapologeticliterature.TheyfirsttrytoexonerateThomasfromallaccusationsoferror.Hewasnever
condemnedbytheChurchortheUniversity.AndjustasmuchtimeisspentjustifyinghispositionsasinrefutingWilliam's.Itwouldbewrong,however,toconsider
thesewritingssimplyasworksrespondingtocircumstancesand,therefore,ofthesecondorder.Ithasbeensaidwithperspicacitythattheyrevealaspeculativeself
consciousness,specificallyofoneschoolcomingtobirthinconfrontationwithanother.45

Insupportofthisremark,wenotethattheseworksallcamefromyoungDominicans(noneofthemwasyetregentmasteratthetimeofwriting).Theyaredoubtless
moresensitivethantheirelderstothenewnessofthestakes.Ifwetrytoverifywhatthiscontroversyimpliesabouttheuseofreasoninthedomaindebatedby
everyoneontheeternityoftheworld,weeasilydetectamongthefiveyoungDominicanstheclearawarenesscompletelyintheThomistlineofasharpdistinction
betweentherealmsoffaithandreason.Thisdistinctionalsocarrieswithitastrongreservationaboutthepossibilitiesofreason,whichcannotinanycaseprovewhat
belongstofaith.Inversely,itisRambertwhomosthappilyformulatesWilliam'sclaimtoarriveataveritablescientiaofthethingsofthefaithandpointsoutthis
rationalistintemperance.

ItisthedeepironyofthecontroversythatJordanunderlinesstrongly.Forourpart,wewouldaddsomethingthateveryreadercanseeforhimself:onthewhole,
Thomashimselfismostquotedinthesereplies.Thus,theauthorwhoisattackeddefendshimselfthroughthepenofhisfirstdisciples.Withoutyetknowingit,they
werepracticingthemethodthatwillbe
43.
J.P.Mller,ed.,Rambertusde'PrimadizzideBologne,Apologeticurnveritatiscontracorruptorium,StudieTesti108(VaticanCity,1943).
44.
Cf.Glorieux,"Proetcontra,"p.285.Forgoodmeasure,wealsonote(withGlorieux,p.268)someliststhatmusthavecirculatedinthedecade128090andthatemphasizethe
ArticuliinquibusdissentiuntBonaventuraetThomasoragaintheArtieuliinquibusMinorescontradicuntThorneinIIaIIae.Thisliteratureisalmostinexhaustible.
45.
M.D.Jordan,"TheControversyoftheCorrectoriaandtheLimitsofMetaphysics,"Speculum57(1982)292314.Beyondtheremarksrepeatedinourtext,themostuptodate
workonthesubjectcanbefoundinthisstudy.

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summeduplaterinthecelebratedformulaThomassuiipsiusinterpres.Thismaximwasfecund,asthesebeginningsshow,butitalsobecameheavywitharepetitive
sclerosiswhoseresultshavenotalwaysbeenhappy.

ToconcludethisglimpseofthefrictionsbetweentheFranciscansandDominicans,itisnotuselesstorecallthattheydidnotconfinethemselvestoastrictlyintellectual
plane.Themostprominentoftheseapplesofdiscord,theunderstandingofthevowofpoverty,remainedattheheartofthedebate.Itwasinthisregardthattheleader
ofthespiritualFranciscans,PeterOlivi,isfoundseveralyearslater(around1290)amongthemostresoluteofThomas'sadversaries,ashiscommentaryonMatthew
10:910bearswitness.46WeneednotspendmuchtimeonthispointtounderstandthatwereturnheretotheoldfieldofbattleonwhichThomasandPechamonce
facedeachother.ThenewfacthereisthattheFranciscans,thoughdividedbetweenAugustinianfollowersofBonaventureandpartisansoftotalpoverty,nevertheless
gatheredin"aformidableantiThomistfrontwhich,untilthelastmoment,triedtoblockthepenetrationofThomistdoctrineandthecanonizationoftheCommon
Doctor."47

Insupportofthisassertion,wemightremarkthatthisstrugglefoundanechointheprocessatNaples.SeveralwitnessesconfirmthattheysawSaintAugustineina
dreamsayingtothemthatnotonlywasThomas'steachinginconformitywithhisown,butalsothathewassuperiorinsaintlinessbecauseofhisvirginity.Itisnot
withoutimportancethatitwasfromthemouthsoftwoHermitsofSaintAugustinethatwefindthemostlivelypraisesofThomas'steaching.Wehavealready
mentionedthetestimonybyGilesofRome,butJamesofViterbodoesnotfeartoputThomasonthesamelevelwithSaintPaulandSaintAugustineandtosaythat
therewillnotbeanothersuchuntiltheendoftime,becausewefindinhiswritingcommunisueritas,communisclaritas,communisilluminatio,communisordoet
doctrina.48

DefenseofThomasbytheDominicanOrder

Facedwiththesemassiveattacksfromoutside,Thomas'sconfreres,wemightnaturallysuppose,justasmassivelyclosedrankstodefendhismem
46.
M.Th.D'Alverny,"UnadversairedesaintThomas:PetrnsIohannisOlivi,"inCommemorativeStudiesII,pp.179218.
47.
A.Vauchez,"LescanonisationsdeS.ThomasetdeS.Bonaventure:pourquoideuxsiclesd'ceart?"in1274AnnecharnireMutationsetcontinuits,Colloquesinternationaux
duCNRS558(Paris,1977),pp.75367,cf.p.760.
48.
Naples66,pp.3565767,p.35883,pp.38384.

 Page309

ory.Therealitywasmorenuancedthanthat.Veryquickly,itistrue,thegeneralchaptersbegantobeagitatedoverthediscreditthatthreatenedtoreboundonthe
orderifitallowedFriarThomas'smemorytobedarkened.AlthoughthechapterthatopenedinBordeauxon16May1277(twomonthsafterTempier's
condemnation)stillmaintainedaprudentsilence(thetime,nodoubt,forJohnofVercellitoperfecthisstrategy),thechapterheldatMilanayearlaterin1278
vigorouslyintervenedinthematteranddispatchedtwospecialenvoystoEnglandwiththemissionofinquiringintofriarswhohadallowedthemselvestocriticize
Thomas'swritingsandpunishingthemasaconsequence.49ThehistoriansopportunelyremarkthatRobertKilwardby,createdacardinal,hadleftOxfordthe
precedingMarch12.HemusthaveleftbehindsupporterswhodidnotsharetheThomistideasofHothumandKnapwell.

In1279,thegeneralchapterheldinParisintervenedtothesamepurpose:''GiventhatFriarThomasAquinas,thatvenerablemanwhosememoryshouldbe
celebrated,hasgreatlyhonoredourorderbyhispraiseworthylifeandwritings,wecaninnowayallowcertainpeopletotreathim,himselfandhiswritings,inan
irreverentandindecentwayeveniftheythinkdifferentlythanhedid.Weenjoinontheprovincialandconventualpriors,ontheirvicars,andonallvisitorstopunish
severelywithoutdelaythosewhoarefoundatfaultonthispoint."50

Asmaybeseen,theorder'spositionisstillmeasured:youmaythinkdifferentlythanFriarThomas,youmaynotfailtoshowhimrespect.TheParischapterin1286
willgomuchfurther:"WeprescribeandstrictlyorderthateachandeveryfriarworkefficaciouslyinpromotingthedoctrineofthevenerableMasterFriarThomas
Aquinasofblessedmemoryatleastasadefensibleopinion.Ifsomeonetriestoteachformally(assertive)thecontrarybehemasterorbachelor,lector,prior,or
other,andevenifhethinksdifferentlylethimbesuspendedipsofactofromhisownofficeandtheprivilegesoftheorderuntilheberestoredbythemasterofthe
orderorthegeneralchapter."51
49.
MOPH3,p.'99:"lniungimusdistrictefratriRaymundodeMedullioneetfratriIohanniVigorosilectoriMontispessulani.quodcurefestinacionevadantadAngliaminquisituri
diligentersuperfactofratrum,quiinscandalumordinisdetraxeruntdescriptisvenerabilispatrisfratrisThornedeAquino.quibusexnuncplenamdamusauctoritatemincapitcetin
membris,quiquosculpabilesinvenerintinpredictis,puniendi.extraprovinciamemittendi,etomniofficioprivandi,plenamhabeantpotestatem."
50.
MOPH3,p.204.
51.
Moph3,p.233in1287,i.e.,thefollowingyear,thegeneralchapteroftheHermitsof

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

 Page310

TheSaragossachapterin1309willmakeasimilarrecommendation,itselfquitestrong,andwilltakeaneloquentstep:itpermitsfriarswhoareabroadtoselltheir
booksincaseofneed,withtheexceptionoftheBibleandThomas'sworks.52Untilthecanonization,awholeseriesofchapterswillinterveneagaininthiswayto
recommendthestudyofhisteachings,whichisgenerallyconsideredassanioretcommunior,buttheyalsospeaknowandagainofthosewhodonotfollowthese
recommendations(Metz1313London1314Bologna1315Rouen1320)in1324atVienna,thechapteradoptsfortheordertheOfficeoftheBlessedSacrament
composedbyThomasthechapterofBordeauxin1324giveshimthetitleofsaintandprescribesthecelebrationofhisliturgicalfeastbythewholeorderon7March,
thedayofhisdeathandofthecelebratedcondemnationof1277.53

DisciplesandConfreres

ThestrongandrepetitivetermsofthegeneralchaptersmightgivetheimpressionthatallthetheologiansoftheDominicanorderrecognizedthemselveswithout
difficultyinThomas'sdoctrine.Farfromit!WithoutreturningtotheinstructivecaseofKilwardby,wemustkeepinmindthefirstinterventionsofthechaptersaimingat
imposingsilenceonoverlyvirulentdetractors.Theydidnotalldisappear.

ThemostfamousremainsDurandusofSaintPourainwho,beginningwithhislecturesontheSentences(13071308),showedhimselfaresoluteadversary.Hewas
notauthorizedtopresenthimselfforthelicenseexceptunderthepromiseofrevisingandamendinghisCommentary.Hesoemployedhimself,probablyduringthe
year131213,whenhegaveacourseatSaintJacques.ItwasinechoofhiscontrovertedteachingthatthechapterofMetzin1313recommendsThomas'sdoctrine
oncemoreandinstitutesacommissionoftwelvemembersunderthepresidencyofHervNdellectoexamineDurandus'swork.PeterdelaPaludandJohnof
NaplesarespeciallychargedwithsiftingDurandus'sCommentaryandthey

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)
SaintAugustinewilltake(inimitation?)anexactlysimilarmeasureincanonizinginstillstrongertermsGilesofRome'sdoctrine(Chartul.II,no.542,p.12)rehabilitatedtwoyears
earlier,Gileswasjustforty.
52.
MOPH4,pp.38and40(=Documenta50,pp.65556,whichspeaksmistakenlyofCologne).
53.
MOPH4,pp.6465,72,81,123,138,151(=Documenta50,pp.65660)thecolleeredtextsofthesechaptersmaybefound,withcommentary,inEnglish.SeeM.Burbach,"Early
DominicanandFranciscanLegislationRegardingSt.Thomas,"MS(1942)13958.

 Page311

drewfromitninetythreecensuredpropositions(heretical,erroneous,etc.).

Durandus,alreadymasteroftheSacredPalacewhenthecommissionfinisheditswork,repliedthroughhisExcusationeswhichwereinturnsubmittedtoHerv
Nellec'sexamination.ThelattercontinuedthepolemicuntilDuranduswasnamedbishopofLimouxin1317andHervhimselfbecamemastergeneralin1318.But
PeterdelaPaludandJohnofNaplespublishedin131617aselectionof235articles,whichdrewtotheattentionofThomas'sreadersthepointsonwhichDurandus
deviatedfromtheMaster'sdoctrine.54Durandus,however,wasnotalone(hewasfollowingherehismaster,JamesofMetz,whoalsohadtodealwithHerv
Ndellec),55andotherlordsoflesserimportancealsosawthemselvescalledtoorderbytheprovincialchapters.56

Theseeasesalonewouldsufficetoweakenthebeautifulfaadeofunitythatthechaptergenerals'pronouncementspresent.Withouttryingtobeexhaustive,wemust
recallheresomethingofthediversitythatremainedpartofthewealthoftheDominicanorder.Wehavetosayinpassing:thoughwemustbrieflypresentthe
Correctorialiteratureintheframeworkofthisstory,itisimportantnottocommitanerrorofperspectiveandreducetheprodigiousintellectualvitalityofthisperiodto
thevivacityofthisonecontroversy.

InThomas'simmediatewaketherewere,first,somefaithfulreaderswhonoticedthatthemasterhadnotalwayssaidthesamethinginthesamewayandwhobusied
themselveswithharmonizingthesedifferences,thuscreatingwhatmightbecalledthelitteratureofthe"bettersaid."AsGlorieuxsummarizesit:"Theaimis
diametricallyoppositetothatofWilliamdelaMare.ThelatterwantedtoarmFranciscanreadersagainstthedoctrinesthoughterroneousordangerousinSaint
Thomas.Thelistofthe'bettersaids'onthecontrarywasputforwardtohelptheDominicansbetter
54.
Cf.J.Koch,"DieVerteidigungderTheologiedeshl.ThomasvonAquindutchdenDominikanerordengegenberDurandusdeS.PorcianoO.Pr.,"inXeniaThomisticaIII,pp.
32762Koch,DurandusdeS.PorcianoO.P.,ForschungenzumStreitumThomasvonAquinzuBeginndes14.Jahrhundert,BGPTM36/1(Mnsteri.W.,1927).Cf.abrief
accountofthefactsinGlorieux,"Proetcontra,"pp.27884,andthecompleteliteratureinKppeli,ScriptoresI,p.340.
55.
Cf.Glorieux,"Proetcontra,"p.284.
56.
In1315,atArezzo,thechapteroftheRomanprovinceinflictedapenitenceonFriarHubertGuidi,whowasguiltyofhavingcriticizedFriarThomasAquinas'sdoctrine(MOPH20,p.
197Documenta51,p.661).In1316,atOrthez,itwasthechapteroftheToulouseprovincethatinterdicteddeviatingfromThomas(Documenta52,p.662).

 Page312

understandanduseSaintThomas'swritings,particularlyhisCommentaryontheSentences...[bypointingout],intheorder,theimprovementsSaintThomasmade
intheSumma...[inorderto]clarifythedevelopmentofhisthought."57

Wehavealreadymentionedthe"ArticlesinwhichFriarThomasisbetterintheSummathanintheSentences."58Theauthor'saimisnottocatchhimcontradicting
himselfinflagrantedelicto,butrathertomarkthedynamismofhisthoughtanddevelopment.ThatworkwouldbefollowedseveralyearslaterbytheConcordance
"Volenscomplecti"(around12901300),whichextendedtheenterprisebeyondtheSummatotheContraGentiles,theQuestionesdisputatae,theQuodlibets,
andtootherworkslikethecommentariesonRomansandonAristotle.Thenumberofarticlestreatedwentfrom32to41,andthepointofviewisalittledifferent,for
itisnolongeracaseofpointingoutpassagesmeliusdixitasmuchasharmonizingtheapparentcontradictions.Thatiswhyitbearsthetitle:"AliterdixitinSumma
quaminScriptis."Thisworkwillundergoasmanyastenreworkings,allmoreorlessextensive.59Withoutgoingthroughthewholelistofworks,wemightstillremark
intheimmediateneighborhoodoftheArticuliinitsearliestform(around1280)theDeconcordantiisinseipsum(perhapsbyThomasSutton)where,througha
literaryprocedureborrowedfromSaintAugustine'sRetractationes,theauthormakesThomashimselfspeakdirectlyinordertodispeltheapparentcontradictions
thatmaybeseeninhiswritings,60

Withoutwishingtobepejorative,thesemightbedescribedlessasdisciplesthanepigonesThomashadstillotherdisciplesandevenothercontradictorsamonghis
ownDominicanconfreres,andhealsohadamongthemsomeauthorswhoseworkdevelopedindependentlyfromhisown.Wefindallthisinwhathasbeencalledthe
RhineschoolortheGermanDominicanscholastics.61Itisevenmoreimportanttosayafewwordsabout
57.
Glorieux,"Proetcontra,"p.267.
58.
Cf.above,chapterIII,note42,withGauthier'sarticle,"LesArticuliinquibus."
59.
Cf.Glorieux,"Proetcontra,"p.275andGauthier,"LesArticuliinquibus,"foraneditionofthetexts.
60.
EditedamongSaintThomas'sopuscula:Vivs,vol.28,56074cf.P.Mandonnet,"Premierstravauxdepolmiquethomiste,"RSPT7(1913)4670245262,cf.pp.25255.
61.
SeethesummaryofsomehesitationsaboutthejustnessofthesedescriptionsinA.deLibera,Introductionlamystiquerhnaned'AlbertleGrandMatreEckhart(Paris,
1984),pp.923,inwhichwillalsobefoundtheessentialmattersconcerningthesetoolittleknownthinkers.DeLibera,AlbertleGrandetlaphilosophie(Paris,1990),pp.2136and
passim,onAlbert'sinfluence.Therearealsomanyrelevantdatainthesecondcolloquiumofthecollabo

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

 Page313

themheresincetheyhaveremainedentirelyoutsideoftheotherwiseexcellentoverviewbyGlorieux.

ThomasdidnotstaylongenoughinCologneandatthetimehewasonlyabeginnerforhisinfluencetohavebeenestablishedassolidlyaswasMasterAlbert's.
Instead,thelatter'sNeoplatonism,markedbyAvicennaandPseudoDionysius,gaverisetoafamily,andifwecannotsaythatthewholeschoolofCologneis
Albertinian,itiscertainthatThomas'sinfluencewaslesstherethaninParis.Infact,wecansaywithoutquestionthattheNeoplatonismofthatschoolisAlbertus
Magnus'slegacyaswasalsotheThomismthatdepartedfromitlittlebylittle.

ThebestknownofthesethinkersiscertainlyMeisterEckhart,bachelorandmasterinParisatthetimesofthesharpestcontroversieswiththeFranciscans.Thoughnot
aThomist,heneverthelessdefendedsomeofThomas'sthesesonthebeatificvision.62Amongthedisciplesproper,wemustmentionJohnofFribourg,aboutwhom
wehavealreadyspoken,JohnandGerardofSterngassen,JeanPicardofLichtenberg("representingwithoutquestionthemosteminentCologneThomism,"saysde
Libera),HenryofLbeck,andNicholasofStrasbourg.

ThelastistheauthorofaSumma,withoutrealscientificvalueiftruthbetold,butthatdrawsitsinspirationfromThomasandAlbert(andfromvariousotherauthors,
amongthemGilesofRomeandHervNdellec).RuediImbachhasbroughttolighthisimportanceforthehistoryofthoughtinthisperiod.63Submittedforthe
approvalofthemasteroftheorder,Nicholas'sSummaseemstohavebeencomposedtorespondtotherecommendationsofthegeneralchaptersandwithaneyeon
becomingamanualforusebythefriarsinformation.ItisinterestingtonotethattheauthorsitreferstoareallforeigntothenascentCologneschool.Completely
ignoredbyGlorieuxinhisProetcontraThomam,ithasrightly

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ratorsontheCorpusphilosophorumteutonicorummediiaeviheldatFribourg,SwitzerlandinOctober1984:AlbertderGrosseunddiedeutscheDominikanerschule.
PhilosophischeAspekte,inFZPT32(1985)3271wenowhaveaswellMaartenHoenenandA.deLibera'sAlbertusMagnusundderAlbertismus,StudienundTextezur
GeisteschichtedesMittelalters,vol.48(Leiden/NewYork/Cologne:E.J.Brill,1995).
62.
ForthelinksbetweenEckhartandThomas,seeR.Imbach,Deusestintelligere.DasVerhltnisvonSeinundDenkeninseinerBedeutungfrdasGottesverstndnisbeiThomas
vonAquinundindenPariserQuaestionenMeisterEckharts,StudiaFriburgensia,N.F.53(Fribourg,1976).
63.
R.ImbachandU.Lindblad,"Compilatiorudisacpuerilis.HinweiseundMaterialienzuNikolausvonStrassburgundseinerSumma,"FZPT32(1985)155233.Theintroductory
remarksthatwesummarizeabovearefollowedbyseveralappendixesthatgive,amongotherthings,theplanforNicholas'sSummaaswellasextractsthatbringoutthesourcesused.

 Page314

returnedamidthegreatattemptatclarificationcausedbysomanycontradictorypositionsintheperiodafterThomas.

WithNicholas,wearealreadyatthebeginningofthesecondquarterofthefourteenthcentury.Amongthosecloserintime(hewasmasterregentinParisprobably
between1296and1298)andamongtheadversaries,themosteminentiscertainlyDietrichofFreiburg,anunacknowledgedprecursorofmodernphilosophyinhis
discoveryofsubjectivity.64HewasalsothemostvirulentoftheantiThomistsanddidnothingtohideit,sothatwecaneasilyidentifythenumerouspointsonwhichhe
showshisdisagreement:fromtherealdistinctionbetweenbeingandessencetothewholedoctrineoftheintellect,andinparticularonthebeatificvisiononthe
Eucharist,hecriticizeswithoutrestraintthetheoryofaccidentsusedbyThomas.ButhealsofindssomethingtosayagainstThomas'stheoryofindividuationthrough
matterandagainsthisangelology.Frequently,hepilesupscornfulqualifications:notonlydoesheputThomasandhisdisciplesamongthecommuniterloquentes,but
theirdoctrineseems"elementary"tohim,"ridiculous,""false,"andeven"sophistical."Undertheseconditions,wemayrightlybeastonishedthatDietrichwasneverthe
objectofthesame''attention"thatwaspaidtoDurandusofSaintPourain.Inanycase,itiscertainthatitishardlypossibletoreadhimand,especially,tounderstand
himintheabstract,apartfromtheinternalconflictswithintheDominicanorder.

Amongtheindifferentfigures,wemustmentionUlrichofStrasbourgwhowasafellowstudentofThomasin1248atAlbert'sschoolandisalmostThomas'sexact
contemporarybothinbirthanddeath.HisDeSummoBonodrawsinspirationprimarilyfromtheircommonMaster,Albert,andseemscompletelyunawareof
Thomas'swork.65Grabmannearliermadeknownthemajorityofthesenames,66butthestudiesaboutthemhavenot
64.
InadditiontothechapterdeLiberadevotestohim(Lamystiquerhnane,pp.163229),seeespeciallytheimportantstudybyR.Imbach,"Gravisiacturaveraedoctrinae.
ProlegomenazueinerInterpretationderSchriftDeenteetessentiaDietrichsvonFreiberg,O.P.,"FZPT26(1979)369425.InFrench,ashorterbutilluminatingstudyis"Prtendue
primautdel'tresurleconnatre.PerspectivescavaliressurThomasd'Aquinetl'coledominicaineallemande,"inLectionumvarietates.HommagePaulVignaux,Etudesde
Phil.md.65(Paris,1991),pp.12132.SeealsothechapterrelatingtoDietrichinthebook,sonewinmanyways,byF.X.Putallaz,LaconnaissancedesoiauXIIIesicle.De
Matthieud'AquaspartaThierrydeFreiberg,EtudesdePhil.mdivale67(Paris,1991),alovelyexampleofarenewedapproachtotheliteratureoftheperiod.Cf.R.Imbach,
Gravisiactura,pp.38691.
65.
Cf.A.deLibera,Introductionlamystiquerhnane,pp.99162,and"UlrichdeStrasbourg,lecteurd'AlbertleGrand,"FZPT32(1985)10536.
66.
M.Grabmann,"ForschungenzurGeschichtederltestendeutschenThomistenschule

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 Page315
67
ceasedsincethepublicationoftheirtextsunavailableuntilashortwhileagomadethemmoreaccessible.

Doubtless,nowhereelsedoweknowofaschoolofsostrongastampastheoneatCologne.Butitwouldbewrongtothinkthatothercountrieswerewithout
intellectualrepresentativesofhighquality.InadditiontotheEnglishauthorswehavealreadymet,68weshouldrecalltheexistenceofseveralothersfromdiverse
regionsoftheFranceofthatday.Withoutgoingtoofarbeyondthebeginningofthefourteenthcentury,therewereJohnQuidort,GilesofLessines,andHerv
Ndellec(alreadymentioned),towhomwemustaddBernardofLaTreille(orofTrilia),PeterofAuvergne(anonDominicanandformerstudentofHenryofGhent
andofGodfreyofFontaines),whocompletedthecommentaryonthePolitics,andBernardofAuvergne(orofGannat)whovigorouslyopposedHenryofGhentand
GodfreyofFontaines.69

AmongtheItalians,weknowwellTolomeoofLuccawhowrotenotonlytheHistoriaecclesiastica,butmanyotherthings,andprobablyfinishedtheDeregno.
WehavealsoalreadymetRomanoofRome,Thomas'ssuccessoratParis,RambertofBologna,authorofareplytoWilliamdelaMare.WewillsoonencounterJohn
ofNaples,whoworkedforthecanonization.70ButweshouldespeciallymentionRemigioofFlorence(RemigiodeiGirolami)whoisoneofthebestknownbecauseof
histwofolddistinctionas"discipleofsaintThomasandmasterofDante."71Itisprob

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desDominikanerordens,"inMittelalterlichesGeisteslebenI,pp.392431(reprintedfromXeniaThomisticaIII,pp.189231).WereferalsotothevaluablestatusquestionisbyR.
Imbach,"(No)platonismemdival,Procluslatinetl'coledominicaineallemande,"Rev.Thol.phil.110(1978)42748,whoupdatesthebibliographyofGrabmann'sstudyand
notablyenlargesitsperspectives.
67.
Wecannotgothroughthatliteraturehere,butwemustatleastmentiontheCorpusphilosophorumteutonicorummediiaevi,underthedirectionofK.FlaschandL.Sturlese,
whichhasalreadypublishedseveralofthesetexts.Theeditionisnotyetcomplete,butthefourvolumesofDietrichofFreiberg'sOperaomniahavealreadyappeared.
68.
Weshouldadd,ataslightlylaterdate,ThomasofWylton,secularmaster,regentinParisfrom1312to1323,whowillbeThomas'sgreatdefenderagainstDunsScotus:Glorieux,
"Proetcontra,"pp.28183.
69.
AgoodfirstorientationtoeachofthemmaybefoundinF.J.Roensch,EarlyThomisticSchool,pp.84117.Thismaybecompletedbyconsultingthebibliographicalindications
oneachauthorinKppeli.
70.
AfirstorientationonthesefiguresisM.Grabmann'sstudy"DieitalienischeThomistenschuledesXIII.undbeginnendenXIV.Jahrhunderts,"MittelalterlichesGeisteslebenI,pp.
33291.ThisshouldbecomplementedwithKppeli'sbibliographicalnotesabouteachauthor.
71.
ThisisthetitleofthestudyM.Grabmanndedicatedtohim(seetheprecedingnote).RemigiocertainlyattendedThomas'scoursesduringthesecondperiodofteachinginParis,
but

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ablethatThomas'sdisciplesinItalywerenumerousandenthusiasticenoughtocallforthareprimandfromthe1308Perugiachapter.Theyhaddaredtotakethe
Summaasthebasictextforteaching.TheywerefirmlytoldtostickwiththeSentences.72

SinceweareinItaly,itisnotwithoutinteresttoknowthatThomasfoundtherenotonlydisciplesinthepropersenseoftheterm,butanunexpecteddiffusionamong
Jewishthinkersofthetime.WecancitehereHillelofVerona,whomightbecalled"thefirstJewishThomist."HetranslatedintoHebrewthefirstpartoftheDe
unitateintellectustwentyyearsafteritsappearanceandadoptedThomas'spositionontheimmortalityoftheindividualsoul,notfearingtosalutehimas"the
Maimonidesofhisage,evencapableofrespondingtoquestionsthattheMasterhadleftundecided."73Inthefollowinggeneration,atthebeginningofthefourteenth
century,wecanalsomentionJehudahbenDanielRomano,whotranslatedintoHebrewawholeseriesof''selectedpassages"ofthescholasticsofhistimeAlbertus
MagnusandGilesofRomenotablybutespeciallyThomasAquinas,fromwhomhereproduces38extractsfromdifferentworks(especiallyfromthetwoSumma
andtheSuperdecausis).74

ItwillsufficeforourpurposestohavenotedthesefewnamessothattheperiodimmediatelyafterThomaswillnotbetooincomplete.Theyoungmedievalscholar
readingtheselinesThomistornotshouldunderstandthatthepublicationofcriticaleditionsofnewtextsaswellastherevivedreadingofthosethatarealready
knownbothstillcontainmanyhappysurprises,andthefieldopentoinvestigationremainsimmense.75

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itislesscertainthathehadDanteamonghisownstudents,althoughthisisentirelypossible.SeeonthispointthesuperblaborsofE.Panella,PerlostudiodifraRemigiodei
Girolami(+1319).Contrafalsosprofessoresecclesiae,MemorieDomenicaneN.S.10(1979)11313,cf.pp.19192(Thomas),p.212(Dante)Panella,"Un'introduzionealia
filosofiainuno'studium'deifrailPredicatoridelXIIIsecolo.DiuisioscientiediRemigiodeiGirolami,"ibid.,12(1981)27126.
72.
MOPH20,p.169.
73.
A.Wohlman,Thomasd'AquinetMamonide,pp.32526,andnote11,pp.39495.OnHillel,seeC.Sirat,Laphilosophicjuivemdivaleenterredechrtient(Paris,1988),pp.
8384.
74.
Cf.G.Sermoneta,"JehudahbenMosehbenDanielRomano,traducteurdesaintThomas,"inHommageGeorgesVajda.Etudesd'histoireetdepensejuives,ed.by(3.Nahon
and(C.Touati(Louvain,1980),pp.23562Sermoneta,"Pourunehistoireduthomismejuif,"inAquinasandhisTime,pp.15035(C.Sirat,Laphilosophicjuive,pp.8486.
75.
Itiseasytocatchupwiththerelevantresearchandliteraturethankstotheusefulbibliographicsurveyby(C.Viola,"L'EcolethomisteauMoyenAge,"inG.Floistad,ed.,La
philosophiccontemporaine.Chroniquesnouvelles,vol.6/1,PhilosophicetscienceauMoyenAge(Dordrecht/Boston/London,1990),pp.34577.

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ChapterXVI
Epilogue:
TheCanonizationinAvignon
Wecomenowtothelaststageofthisstory.Whilethedisciplesandadversarieswereconfrontingoneanother,otherforceswereatworksometimesthesame
figureswhowereoccupiednolongersolelywiththeintellectualbutwiththemanofGod.Weshouldnotbesurprised,therefore,toseeappearinthesefinalpages
somethingsasheterogeneousasapolemicalliteratureandabullofcanonization,anapologyarguingforThomas'ssanctityandanaccusationdirectedagainstthe
AvignonpapacyforhavingcanonizedinThomashisbrother'smurderer.

AWellConductedDevelopment

ThecanonizationprocesswassetinmotionbyJohnXXIIhimself.JacquesDuse,electedpope7August1316,wishedtoshowhisgratitudetotheDominicanorder,
whichhadhostedtheconclaveatLyonfortwoyears,bycanonizingoneofitsmembers.RaymondofPeafort,whohadbeenproposedbythekingofAragon,was
notconsideredbythenewpope,whosesympathieswerewiththeHouseofAnjou.1AnadmirerofThomas,hehadboughtfromseveralsuppliersanentireseriesof
hisworksin1317.
1.
A.Walz,"PapstJohannesXXII.undThomasvonAquin.ZurGeschichtederHeiligsprechungdesAquinaten,"inCommemorativeStudiesI,pp.2947,cf.p.36idem.,"Historia
canonizationissanctiThomaedeAquino,"XeniaThomisticaIII,pp.10572cf.pp.11822L.V.Gerulaitis,"TheCanonizationofSaintThomasAquinas,"Vivarium5(1967)25
46.

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2
Westillhavethelistandtheprices. TherehavealsobeenfoundintheVaticanLibraryaseriesoffourteenbeautifulvolumesrecopiedforhimbetween1316and
1324.Andannotationsinhishandattesttheusehemadeofthem.3

OntheDominicanside,theinitiativecamefromtheSicilianprovince(independentoftheRomanprovincebeginningin1294),whosechaptermeetingatGaeta,
probablyinSeptember1317,entrustedWilliamofTocco,thenprioroftheprioryatBenevento,andRobertofBenevento,hissocius,topromotethecanonization.4
VariousindicationsallowustothinkthatToccohadalreadyoccupiedhimselfforalongtimeingatheringtogetherdocumentsandmemoriesamongtheAquinasfamily.
Thus,weseehiminSalernoin1316,withFriarThomasofAversa,atthehomeofthecountofMarsicowho,werecall,wasthesonofTheodora,thesecondsisterof
FriarThomasAquinas.5ToccowillseehimagainintheAbruzziinNovember1317andinFebruary1318,hewillalsomeettherewiththeagedLadyCatherinede
MorradaughterofMaria,thesaint'sthirdsisterwhoprovidedhimwithsomerecollectionsthatshesaidshegotfromhergrandmotherTheodora,Thomas'sown
mother.6

Toccowasevidentlyknownforthisactivityasaninquirer,andBartholomewofCapuasaysthathewaseagertoconveytohimafactthathehadlearnedfromJohnof
Giudice.WilliamhimselftellshowhelearnedcertainthingsfromTolomeoofLucca.7WealsoknowthathewenttoFossanovawhere,priortothebeginningofthe
processinNaples,hepassedfourmonths(fromtheEasteroctaveuntil,15or17July),questioningwitnessesaboutThomas'sfinaldaysandthebeneficiariesof
varioushealings.8

HerecountshimselfhowhewenttoAvignonandwasreceivedbythepopeinAugust1318.Hewasthebearerofafirstlistofmiraclesperformed
2.
Documenta54,pp.66466.
3.
A.Dondaine,"LaCollectiondesoeuvresdesaintThomasditedeJeanXXIIetJaquetMaci,"Scriptorium29(1975)12752(withplates),cf.pp.12728withbibliography.
4.
Tocco,miracle10,p.147,recallsthemissionhereceivedatthepointwhereheintroducesamiraclefromwhichhebenefittedduringaseavoyagetotheCuria,thenatAvignon.
Toccowasstillpriorin1319duringhisdepositionatthecanonizationprocess(Naples58,p.345).
5.
Ystoria70,pp.40810(Tocco70,p.144),andNaples95,pp.4024(testimonybyThomasofAversathatpermitsthedatingofTocco'sstory)Ystoria37,pp.31720(Tocco37,pp.
11011)cf.LeBrunGouanvic,Introductionl'Ystoria,pp.6ffP.Mandonnet,"LacanonisationdesaintThomasd'Aquin,13171323,"inMlangesThomistes,Bibl.thom.3(Paris,
1923),pp.148,cf.pp.2125.
6.
Naples60and62,pp.34748and35051.
7.
Naples79,p.37860,pp.34748.
8.
Naples7375,pp.35155Tocco,miracle13,p.149.

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9
throughThomas'sintercession,aletterfromthenoblesofthekingdomofSicilywhoaskedforThomas'scanonization,andafirstversionofhisYstoria. AfterTocco
explainedhismissiontotheconsistoryofcardinalsatthepope'srequest,thelatterofficiallyintroducedthecauseon13September1318anddesignatedthree
delegatestoconductthepreliminaryinquest.10ThistookplacesinNaplesfrom21Julyto18September1319.Itheard42witnesses,16ofwhomaswehave
alreadyseenknewthesaintpersonally.ToccowasinNaplesforthewholelengthoftheprocess,havingfullleisuretomeetwitheachwitnessandtonotehis
recollections,thuscompletingtheinquirythathehadconductedintheregionaroundFossanova.

Attheendof1320oratthebeginningof1321,Tocco,constantlyaccompaniedbyRobertofBenevento,wasagaininAvignonwithanothercollectionofmiraclesthat
hadoccurredatFossanova.ThelastversionofthetextasitwasreestablishedbyClaireLeBrunGouanvicshowsthatthisnewcollectionofmiraclesresulted
fromanenquirymadebythearchbishopofViterbouponhisreturnfromNaples.11SincehewasnotaccompaniedbythearchbishopofNaples,hiscoassessor,the
canonicalformswerenot,strictiy,observed.Thepope,therefore,orderedasecondofficialinqueston1June1321andnamedthreenewdelegatesforthe
proceedings:PeterFerri,bishopofAnagniAndrew,bishopofTerracinaandPandolphoSavelli,thepontificalnotaryassignedtothefirstprocesswhohadnotbeen
abletoattend.12ThisnewprocedureunfoldedinFossanovafrom10to20November1321.Itheard112people,but,dedicatedsolelytothemiraculapost
mortem,itdidnotbringforwardanynewdetailsaboutThomas'sbiography.Tocco,thenquiteold,hadtodeclinethecarryingofthisdossiertothepope.Hewas
followedinthissecondphaseoftheaffairbyJohnofNaples,anotherfaithfulsupporterofThomas,whohadbegunteachingseveralyearsearlierinParisand
continuedinNaplesintheautumnof1317.13HehimselfwouldnotbeabletocometoAvignon
9.
Tocco,miracle12,pp.14849cf.Naples60,p.348,whichallowsustospecifythedateinhisfourthversionToccoputaheadofthestoryabouthisreceptionbythepope
anotherconcerningamiraclewhosebeneficiarywashiscompanion(Ystoria,p.9).
10.
Naples3,pp.26971thethreedelegateswereHumberto,archbishopofNaplesAngelo,bishopofViterboandPandolphoofSavelli,thepontificalnotary.Forreasonswedonot
know,thelastwasnotpresent,andtheothertwoaloneconductedtheprocess.ToccowouldhavewishedthistobeatFossanova(hewaitedforthedelegatesthere),butbecausethe
archbishopwasnotabletotravel,thehearingswereheldinNaples,cf.Mandonnet,"Lacanonisation,"pp.2829.
11.
Cf.Introductionl'Ystoria,pp.13ff.
12.
FossanovaIII,41215.
13.
GiovanniRegina,betterknownbythenameJohnofNaples,beganteachingtheSen

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14
fortheceremony,anditwasFriarPeterCanteriiwhogavethediscoursethatJohnhadprepared. ButaccordingtoLeBrunGouanvic,Toccocontinuedtoworkon
thefinaltextofhishistoryuntilafterthecanonization(herecountsthatheheardthenewswhilehewasinNaples),atleastuntilAugust1323.15

ThetwostoriesaboutthefestivitiesthattookplaceinAvignonaswellasthebullofcanonizationallowustoconfirmthatinthisprocessanditsconclusiona
remarkableconjunctionofcausesconverged.16

Thespontaneousspreadofthesaint'scultintheearliestdayswasveryquicklyrelayedintothemusteringoftheDominicanorderaroundThomas'sdoctrine.For
severalfiguresjustmentioned,itwasdoubtlessnothardtobeidentifiedwithit(asanabundantliteratureattests).Thiswasaccompaniedbythesupportofthree
Dominicancardinals(NicholasAlberti,NicholasofFrauville,andWilliamPeterGodin)andoftheprocuratorgeneraloftheorderinAvignon,BernardGui,who
effectivelysupportsTocco,whosebiographyhewillsoonhavetorewriteinhisownway.Astotherelevantexpenses,theywerebornebythecontributionofaflorin
perpriory,decreedbytheRouengeneralchapterin1320.17

TothiswasaddedthesupportofthenoblesofthekingdomofSicily,whosawthemselvesbeingexaltedinoneoftheirown.AndrVauchezhasjustlyemphasizedthe
presenceofahagiographicalcommonplaceinToccothatishighlysignificantinthepresentcase:"Thomaswaspredestinedforsainthoodbythenobilityofhis
ancestors."18AnentirechapteroftheYstoriastronglyinsistsonthisthemeandexplicitlymentionsTheodora,Thomas'ssister,andhersonThomas,thecountof
Marsico.ByobtainingfromtheabbotofFossanovain1288animportantrelic(therighthand),Theodoradoubtlesssatisfiedherownpersonaldevotion,butwhen

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tencesinParis,probablyinthefallof1309.HereceivedhislicensethereinNovember1315,andwasmasterregentforthetwofollowingyears.AfterHervNdellec'sdeath(1323),
hebecameoneofthemostinfluentialtheologiansinJohnXXII'scircle.Cf.T.Kppeli,"NotesugliscrittoridomenicanidinomeGiovannidiNapoli,I.GiovanniReginadiNapoli,"
AFP10(1940)4871T.Turley,"AnUnnoticedQuaestioofGiovanniReginadiNapoli,"AFP54(1984)28191.
14.
Fontes,p.514.
15.
IntroductiontotheYstoria,pp.18and16264.
16.
Fontes,pp.51118.Thetwostoriesoneanonymous,theotherfromaDominicanfriarnamedBentiusarereproducedinparallel.Thesecondaddsvaluablematerialtothefirst.
ThebullofcanonizationmaybefoundinFontes,pp.51930,orinXeniaThomistica,vol.3,pp.17388.
17.
MOPH4,p.123.
18.
Ystoria37,pp.31719(Tocco37,pp.11011)cf.Vauchez,"Lescanonisations,"p.756Vauchez,LasaintetenOccident,pp.20915.

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in1309sheconveyedittotheDominicanprioryatSalernowheresomanymiracleswereaccomplished,sheeffectivelycontributedtothespreadofThomas'scult.19
WemayalsothinkthatthecountofMarsicoandhiscousinCatherinedidnotentrusttheirrecollectionsexclusivelytoTocco.WealsorecallthattheprocessatNaples
allowedseverallaypersonstotestifyaboutThomas'sposition"amongthegreatandthelettered"doubtlessletussaytheintellectualaristocracybutnotonlyamong
them,since"eveneducatedlaypeoplearetryingtogethisworks,"becauseeachpersoncanteachhimselfwiththemaccordingtohiscapacities.20Thepoliticalwillof
KingRobert(who,presentatthecanonization,wassatisfiedwiththeparthehadplayedinthehappyconclusion)wasthuswellsupportedbyatruegroundswellof
publicopinion.21

TheCanonizationandItsConsequences

ThefinaldeterminationevidentlycamefromJohnXXII.Itwashewhoproclaimedthecanonizationon18July1323andwhoextolledthe300miraclesbythenew
saint.Thepopehasbeenfurnishedwithacelebratedsayingthatheseemsnevertohavesaid:"Asmanymiraclesasarticles"(etquodtotfeceratmiraculaquot
scripseratarticulos).22Infact,oneisalittlesurprisedthatthebullRedemptionemmisitisnotmoreexplicitonThomas'sintellectualwork.Thetextdoesmentionhis
havingbeenmasterinsacrapaginaandhisteaching.Butifwerememberthattheintellectualdimensionofsainthoodhadhardlybeentakenintoaccountuptothat
time,thenwecantrulyappreciateJohnXXII'sallusiontoThomas'sdevotiontostudyandthecarehetooktopreparehimselfthroughprayerforteachingassomeof
thereasonsforthecanonization.23Wealsoknowthat
19.
Ystoria68and70,pp.402and408(Tocco68and70,pp.141and144)Naples95,p.402.
20.
Naples84,p.385:Thomas'ssanctitywasofpublicnotoriety"specialiterapudmagnates,bonosetlitteratosviros."Naples83,ibid.:"quilibetsecundummodulumseucogitationis
seucapacitatispotestfacilecaperefructumexscriptiseiusdem,etproptereaetiamlaycietparumintelligentesqueruntetappetuntipsascriptahabere."
21.
Accordingtotheannonymousstoryofthecanonization(Fontes,p.517),whentheDominicanfriarswenttothankhimforhispersistentlaborsinthismatter(quifideliter
laboraveratinfactosanctiThome),thekingreplied:"Nosiraefficaciterlaboravimusetlaborassevoluimus...."SeesomeoftheindicationsabouthisdiscourseonthevigilinWalz,
Historiacanonisationis,pp.16972.
22.
AccordingtoMandonnet,"Lacanonization,"pp.3839,Percin,theseventeenthcenturyeditor,didnotcreatethesaying.Italreadyexistedwellbeforehimandwecanfindthe
equivalentinGetson:totmiraculafecit,quotquaestionesdeterminavit(cf.Fontes,p.514).
23.
Documenta,pp.520and521:"adtheologie...magisterium...assumptus...per

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thepopehadhisdoctrineexaminedandthattheConcordantiadictorumfratrisThomae,attributedtoBenedictofAsinago,couldhavebeenputtogetherforthis
purpose.24Exceptforthis,thebullessentiallyconsistsinasummarybiographyandanaccurateaccountofthesaint'svirtuesastheymaybeseenthroughthe
depositionsattheprocessinNaplesorinTocco'sbiography.Thecomposerofthebullmadeitavirtualtissueofreminiscencesandsimplyaddedaselectionofnine
miracles.25

Thedoctrinalperspectivewasnot,however,absentfromJohnXXII'sthought.ThebullishappytobeabletoputforwardinThomasamodeloffidelitytotheRoman
Church.ButitisespeciallyoneofthesermonsgivenonthevigilofthecanonizationthatcelebratesinwellgroundedtermsThomas'steachingonreligiouspoverty:"It
gavearemarkableencomiumasmuchoftheorderasofthesaint.ItsaidamongotherthingsthatthesaintledtheapostoliclifeintheOrderofPreachers,sinceinthe
orderonepossessesnothingonhisownorinprivate,thoughthereispropertyincommon.Addingthen:'Itisthisthatwethinktobetheapostoliclife'(Ethancvitam
apostolicamreputamus)."26Itwasnotunintentionallythat,inhisfourthversion,ToccointroducedachargeagainsttheeternalandspiritualgospelofGerardde
BorgoSanDonnino.27

Furthermore,thiswasnotmistaken.IntheexaltedatmosphereofthespiritualFranciscans,thiscanonizationwasconsidered"averitableprovocationbytheadeptsof
voluntarypoverty."28WehaveanastonishingechoofthisintheconfessionofDameProusBoneta,aBeguinefromMontpellier.Arrestedundersuspicionofheresy,
shewasbroughtbeforethetribunaloftheInquisitionatCarcassonneon6August1325,probablybeforedyingatthestake.Speakingofherrevelations,she
comparesPeter

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multorumannorumcurriculacathedram(regit)magistralem(...)profecrovacansstudio,intendebatDeo..premittebatdivinautroborareturinscola..."SeeA.Vauchez,"Culture
etcanonisationaprslesprocsdecanonisationdesXIIIeetXIVesicles,"inLescuoledegliOrdinimendicanti(Todi,1978),pp.15172,fortheevolutioninthisdirection.It
seemstohavebeenapolicyoftheAvignonpopestocanonizetheologians.
24.
R.A.Gauthier,BT9,no.1800,pp.94143(forahesitantattribution)WalzPapstJohannesXXII.,p.42Grabmann,Werke,pp.41112T.Kppeli,"BenedettodiAsinagodaComo
(+1339),"AFP11(1941)8394cf.pp.9091.
25.
VauchezerrsthereforeandmustbethinkingofanotherdocumentwhenhesaysthattheBull"isamongthemostexplicit:againsttheunfurlingofhereticaldoctrinesthoseofthe
spirituals,theaverroists,andthenominalists"("Lescanonisations,"p.761).
26.
Anonymousaccount:Fontes,pp.51314.FriarBentius'saccountsaysthesamethingmorebriefly(ibid.).
27.
Ystoria21,p.270.
28.
Vauchez,"Lescanonisations,"p.761.

 Page323

OliviandThomasAquinastothetwobrothersAbelandCain.TheoriginalCainhadkilledhisbrotherbodilythesecondCain,recentlycanonized,killedhisbrother
spiritually,whichistosay,withrespecttohiswritings.29ProusBonetahadcertainlynotreadthescholarlyworksofthetwoauthors,butherdepositionsurelyreflects
theopinionofthespiritualFranciscanfriarswithwhomshemusthaveconversed.30

Thereverberationofthiscanonizationwasnolessconsiderableinintellectualcircles.31WemustnotimaginethattheMarch1277condemnationhadparalyzed
Parisianintellectuallife.TheCorrectorialiteratureshowstheopposite,andwealsoknowthatThomas'sworkscontinuedtobediffused.Thebooksellers'listswitness
tothisafter1275withcertainty(thesearethemostancientcataloguesthatwepossess).32TheEnglishorigin(onefrombefore1293)ofthePragueliststestifiesthat,in
Oxfordtoo,Thomas'sworkscontinuedtobestudiedandrecopied.

SomevoicesbegantoberaisedthatThomasbeabsolvedoftheaccusationofheterodoxylaidmoreorlessopenlyonhimafterTempier'scondemnation.Gilesof
Rome'srehabilitationin1285wasafirstfavorablesign.Severalyearslater,in1295,inaquodlibetsessionwhichistosay,withallthepublicitythatcouldbe
desiredafamousmaster,GodfreyofFontaineswasaskedorhadhimselfaskedaboutadelicatequestion:"Doesn'tthebishopofPariscommitasinifhefailsto
correctcertainarticlescondemnedbyhispredecessor?"Herepliedwithremarkablepraiseforthe"veryreverendandveryexcellentFriarThomas,"concluding
withoutcondemningthebishopwhoinhisopinion,hesays,isabetterjuristthanatheologianthathedoesnothimselfseehowsomeonecouldexcusehimfromnot
makingthatrectification,forheconcededthatthearticlesinquestionwelldeservedtobecorrected.33
29.
ThistexthasbeeneditedbyW.H.May,"TheConfessionofProusBoneta,HereticandHeresiarch,"inEssaysinMedievalLifeandThoughtPresentedinHonorofA.P.
Evans(NewYork,1955),pp.330cf.p.24.Thistextismentionedbyd'Alverny,"Unadversaire,"p.178.Cf.Vauchez,"Lescanonizations,"p.761.
30.
Ifwemighttemperthistragedywithapicturesquenote,weshouldrecallanechoofthecanonizationceremonyasseenbytheanonymouswriter:"Noonepronouncedsomany
praisesofSaintThomasashedid,"hesaysinspeakingofJohnofTixanderie,theFranciscanbishopofLodve(Fontes,p.515).
31.
Cf.M.Grabmann,"DieKanonisationdeshl.ThomasvonAquininihrerBedeutungfrdieAusbreitungundVerteidigungseinerLehreim14.Jahrhundert,"DT(Fr.)1(1923)23349.
32.
Chartul.no.540,p.646(cf.aboveontheDemalo).
33.
GodfreyofFontaines,QuodlibetXII,q.5,ed.J.Hoffmans,LesQuodlibetsonzequatorzedeGodefroiddeFontaines,LesPhilosophesbelges,vol.V,fasc.III(Louvain,1932),pp.
100

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

 Page324
34
Itwasamagnanimousgesture,forGodfreywashardlybeingsparedbyThomas'sconfreres. TheDominicansdidnotlagbehind,andwemustatleastrememberthe
remarkableinterventionbyJohnofNapleswho,duringthetimeofhisParisianregency,disputedtwoquodlibets,oneofwhichcontainedaquestionthatremained
celebrated:"CanonelicitlyteachinParisFriarThomas'sdoctrineinallitsimplications?"35Theresponseevidentlydidnotleaveanydoubt.

Thestepcalledforbyagrowingnumberoftheologianswastakenon14February1325bythebishopofParis,StephenBourret,whoannulledhispredecessor's
condemnationtotheextentthatitaffectsSaintThomas.Intheforefrontoftheconsiderationsthatheputforwardfiguresevidentlythefactthatbycanonizinghim
theRomanChurch,materetmagistraofallthefaithful,hadputforwardthesaintasanexampleforthewholeworldforthepurityofhislifeandhisdoctrine.Butit
shouldbenotedthatthebishophadthearticlesconcernedreexaminedanditwasafterhavingreceivedtheopinionofhisexpertsthathetookthisstep.Headded,
however,thatitconstitutedneitherapprovalnorrejection,butthatitsimplyrestoredthemtodiscussionintheschools.36

DoctorEcclesiae

Thewaywasthenopenforthecareerthatweknowandforthehyperbolesthathisdiscipleshavelongtakendelightin.Aretheseonlyaquestionofpersonal
judgmentsormustwealreadyspeakof"titles"amongthemostancienttestimonies,suchasDoctoreximius(around128283inKnapwell)37orofVenerabilisdoctor
(pater,uir,magister)intheActsoftheGeneralChapters(startingin1278)andinThomasofSutton?38Theques

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)
105cf.pp.1023.ThistexthadalreadybeeneditedwithalesssummarycommentarybyM.H.Laurent,"GodefroiddeFontainesetlacondamnationde1277,"RT35(1930)273
81thebishopatthetimewasSimonMatifas,thesecondsuccessortoTempier,afterRanulphedeLaHoublonnire.
34.
WerecallhereonlytheattacksbyBernardofAuvergneagainsthim:Glorieux,"Proetcontra,"p.273.
35.
Quodl.VI(I)a.2cf.P.Glorieux,Littraturequodlibtique,vol.2,p.164.ThetexthasbeeneditedbyC.Jellouschek,"QuaestioMagistriIoannisdeNeapoliO.Pr.:Utrumlicite
possitdoceriParisiusdoctrinafratrisThomaequantumadomnesconclusionesejushicprimuminlucemedita,"inXeniaThomisticaIII,pp.73104.InadditiontoKppeli'sstudy
mentionedabove(note13),seealsoP.Mandonnet,"Premierstravaux,"pp.25558.
36.
Chartul.II,no.838,pp.28081.
37.
Cf.Glorieux,Premirespolmiques,p.208cf.P.Mandonnet,"LestitresdoctorauxdesaintThomasd'Aquin,"RT(1909)597608.
38.
Cf.A.Dondaine,"VenerabilisDoctor,"inMlangesoffertsEtienneGilson(Toronto,Paris,1959),21125.

 Page325
39
tionhasonlyarelativeimportance.TolomeoofLuccasaysin1317,however,thatThomaswasalreadycalledcommunisDoctorattheUniversityofParis. Asto
thetitleDoctorangelicus,itwasattributedtohimonlyinthesecondhalfofthefifteenthcentury,40anditwasanotherhundredyearslater,15April1567,thatSaint
PiusV,aDominicanpope,proclaimedhimDoctoroftheChurch.41

Everyonemaychooseaccordingtohisowntastefromthesetitles.FriarThomaswouldprobablyhavebeenpreferredbyThomashimselfasissaidofthefounder
ofhisorder:"FriarDominic."Objectively,itseemsthatdoctorecclesiaewouldbethemostsignificant,butthereisnoimmediateevidenceforit.

Theliturgytodaycelebratesmorethanthirty"DoctorsoftheChurch,"42whichistosaythatthetitleisnotveryexclusive.AtthetimewhenSaintThomasreceivedit,
therewerefourAmbrose,Jerome,Augustine,andGregorytheGreatandtheirliturgicalcelebrationsbecamedefinitivefortheuniversalchurchonlyunder
BonifaceVIIIin1295.WhenPiusVaccordedthesamehonortoThomas,heintroducedatthesametimeintothebreviarythefourgreatdoctorsoftheEastern
Church:Athanasius,Basil,GregoryofNazianzus,andJohnChrysostom.

ItwasthusanactthatwasnotwithoutmeaningonthepartofJohnXXIItochoosefortheordinaryoftheMassthatfollowedthecanonizationsomepassagesalready
usedfortheDoctorsoftheChurch.AndwemayevenseeinthisandinmanyotherindicationstheplacethathethusrecognizedforThomas.TheIntroitInmedio
ecclesiaeandtheresponseOsiusti(JeromeandAugustine),aswellastheGospelYouarethelightoftheworld(usedforallfour)areexplicitlyasonewouldhave
it.FriarBentius,fromwhomwehavethisdescription,addsfortheinformationofhiscorrespondentacoupleofdetails:itwasliketheMassofSaintDominic(sicutde
beatoDominico)thealleluiawasnew,verybeautiful,butalittlelong.43
39.
TolomeoXXIII9(Ferrua,p.362)cf.alreadyJamesofViterbo:Naples83,p.384.
40.
Mandonnet,"LesTitresdoctoraux,"p.606,referstoSaintAntoninus(+1459)foritsfirstuse
41.
Walz,"Historiacanonizationis,"pp.16264idem.,"SanTommasod'AquinodichiaratodottoredellaChiesanel1567,"Angelicum44(1967)14573.
42.
AlistoftwentyonenamesthatgoesfromSaintBonaventure(1588)toSaintLawrenceofBrindisimaybefoundinWalz,"SanTommaso,"Angelicum44(1967)146.Wemustadd
herethefourgreatdoctorsoftheWestandthefourgreatdoctorsoftheEast,aswellasSaintTheresaofAvilaandSaintCatherineofSiena.
43.
Fontes,p.516:alleluiapucherissimumnovumsedlongum.

 Page326

Nothingaboutallthisis,however,specific.WemustsaythisaswellabouttheproperpartsoftheMass,thePrefaceandCollectofthebeginningofMass:theyare
beautiful,certainly,andofanentirelyRomanconcision,butwithoutverymuchoriginality.Moresignificant,perhaps,astotheintentionsofthosewhowishedtohonor
Thomas,thechoiceforthefirstlessonabandonsthetextofSaintPaul,universallyusedforthefourprecedingdoctorsandforSaintDominic,44andprefersinsteada
readingfromtheBookofWisdom,whichcelebratesthejustmanwho,fromallthegoodsthatareofferedtohim,chooseswisdom:''Ihaveheldrichesasnothing
comparedtoher...MorethanhealthandbeautyIhavelovedher....WhatIhavelearnedinallsincerity,Ihavehandedonwithoutenvy....Thosewhoacquired
wisdombecamethefriendsofGod."45Thesesentencestakeonparticularimportanceforanyonewhohasfollowedthelifeofthenewsaint,stepbystep.Theseeker
istherewithoutquestion,aswellasthemasterinsacrapagina,butalsothemysticglimpsedthroughthedepositionsattheprocessinNaples.Withoutfacilely
harmonizingallthoseelements,thisissurelytheimagethatwetoocanretainofhim.
44.
2Timothy4:18:"IbeseechyoubeforeGodandChristJesus...proclaimtheWord...."
45.
Wisdom7:714.

 Page327

BriefChronology
Note:MattersthatdirectlyconcernThomasareinitalics.Unlessotherwiseindicated,thedatesthatrefertohimandthatstraddletwodifferentyearsshouldbe
understoodtoreflectthelengthoftheacademicyear.ThereisanintellectualchronologyofthisperiodinF.VanSteenberghen,LaPhilosophicauXIIIesicle,which
isverydetailedbutlesspreciseonThomas.

1215(Toulouse)
FoundationoftheOrderofPreachers(Dominicans).

1217(Sept.Oct.)
FoundationoftheDominicanprioryinParis.

1218(August)
ThefriarssettleinSaintJacques.

1220(22Nov.)
CrowningofEmperorFrederickII.

1221(6August)
DeathofSaintDominic.

12221237
JordanofSaxony,masteroftheDominicanOrder.

1224
FoundationoftheuniversityatNaples.

1224/1225
Thomas'sbirthatRoccasecca(regionofNaples).

1229
RolandofCremona,firstDominicanregentmasteratParis(firstchair).

1239
JohnofSaintGilles,secondDominicanregentmasteratParis(secondchair).

ca.12301239
ThomasanoblateattheBenedictineabbeyofMonteCassino.

12381240
RaymondofPeafort,masteroftheorder.

12391244
StudiesatNaples.

12411252
JohnofWildeshausen(JohntheTeuton),masteroftheorder.

1243/44
AlbertusMagnusarrivesinParis.

1244(April)
ThomastakestheDominicanhabit.

12441245
ForceddetentionatRoccaseccabyThomas'sfamily.

1245(17July)
FrederickIIdeposed.

1245(Fall)
ThomasisabletoreturntotheDominicans.

12451248
StudiesinPariswithSaintAlbertusMagnus.

 Page328

12481252
StudyingandassistingSaintAlbertinCologne:SuperIsaiam.

12521256
FirstperiodofteachinginParisasbacheloroftheSentences:ScriptumsuperSententiisDeenteetessentiaDeprincipiisnaturae.

12541263
HumbertofRomans,masteroftheOrderofPreachers.

1256(spring)
Thomasbecomesamasterintheology.

12561259
RegentmasterinParis:Q.D.DeueritateQuodlibetVIIXISuperBoetiumdeTrin.C.impugnantes.

1257(15August)
ThomasandBonaventureareadmittedtotheconsortiummagistrorum.

1259(June)
GeneralChapterinValenciennes.

1259(autumn?)
ReturntoItaly.

12591261
Naples(?):SummaContraGentiles(begun)

12611265
ConventualLectorinOrvieto:SummaContraGentiles(finished)SuperIobCatenaaurea(Matthew)C.erroresGraecorumetc.

12641283
JohnofVercelli,masteroftheOrderofPreachers.

12651268
RegentmasteratRome:PrimaParsCatenaaurea(Mark,Luke,John)DepotentiaSententialibriDeanimaCompendiumtheologiaeetc.

12681272
SecondregencyinParis:SecundaParsInMatthaeumInIoannemDemaloDeunitateintellectusDeaeternitatemundiComment.onAristotle
QuodlibetIVIandXIIetc.

1268(7October)
StephenTempierbecomesbishopofParis.

1269(June)
GeneralchapterinParis.(Desecreto).

1270(10December)
Bishop'scondemnationofradicalAristotelianism.

12721273(Dec.)
RegentmasterinNaples:TertiaPars,qq.190InAdRomanos(?)SuperPsalmos154(?).

1274(7March)
DeathinFossanova(southofRome,onthewaytothecouncilofLyon).

1274(2May)
LetterfromtheartsfacultytothegeneralchapterofLyonreclaimingsomeofThomas'swriting.

1277(7March)
CondemnationbyStephenTempier,bishopofParis,of219heterodoxpropositionsaprocessisopenedagainstThomas'sdoctrine.

1277(18March)
CondemnationinOxford,byRobertKilwardby,DominicanarchbishopofCanterbury,ofpropositionsinspiredbyThomas'swork.

1284(29October)
JohnPecham,FranciscanarchbishopofCanterbury,confirmshispredecessor'scondemnations.

 Page329

1319(summer)
Firstcanonizationprocess(Naples).

1321(November)
Secondcanonizationprocess(Fossanova).

1323(18July)
CanonizationinAvignonbyJohnXXII.

1325(14Feb.)
StephenBourret,bishopofParis,revokesthecondemnationofMarch1277.

1567(15April)
Thomasisproclaimed"Doctorecclesiae"byPopePiusV.

 Page330

BriefCatalogueoftheWorksofSaintThomasAquinas
byG.Emery,O.P.

AdaptedfortheEnglishEdition

ThefollowingcataloguebrieflysummarizesthemainindicationsgiveninthecourseofthisbookconcerningSaintThomas'sworks,thedatesandplacesoftheir
composition,theiressentialpurpose,aswellastheprincipaleditionsandtranslationsofthemthathavebeencompleted.Theclassificationoftheseworks,forwhich
theredoesnotexistacommonlyacceptedsystem,presentsacertaindifficulty.Theorderofthefollowinglistisinspiredby,evenasitadapts,theoneestablishedbyJ.
A.Weisheipl,followingI.T.Eschmann1:

TheologicalSyntheses
DisputedQuestions
BiblicalCommentaries
CommentariesonAristotle
OtherCommentaries
PolemicalWritings
Treatises
LettersandRequestsforExpertOpinion
LiturgicalWork,Sermons,Prayers

NumerousunauthenticworkshavebeenassignedtoThomasbyatraditionfrequentlygenerousinitsattributions.Theprincipaltextsinthiscategorywillbeindicatedat
theendofthiscatalogue.
1.
J.AWeisheipl,FriarThomasd'Aquino:HisLife,Thought,andWork(NewYork:Doubleday,1974Washington,D.C.:TheCatholicUniversityofAmericaPress,1983),355405.
I.T.Eschmann,"ACatalogueofSt.Thomas'sWorks,"inE.Gilson,TheChristianPhilosophyofSt.ThomasAquinas,"translatedbyL.K.Shook,NewYork,1956,p.381437.

 Page331

MainEditionsofSaintThomas'sWorks

TheLeonineEdition:SanctiThomaeAquinatisdoctorisangeliciOperaomniaiussuLeonisXIII.O.M.edita,curaetstudiofratrumpraedicatorum,Romae,
1882(29volumeshadappearedby1996)

Parma:SanctiThomaeAquinatisDoctorisangeliciordinispredicatorumOperaomniaadfidemoptimarumeditionumaccuraterecognita,Parmaetypis
PetriFiaccadori,25vols.,185273Reprint:NewYork,Musurgia,194850

Vivs:DoctorisangelicidiviThomaeAquinatissacriOrdinisF.F.PraedicatorumOperaomniasiveantehacexcusa,siveetiamanecdota...,studioac
laboreStanislaiEduardiFrettetPauliMarSacerdotum,ScholaequethomisticaeAlumnorum,ParisiisapudLudovicumVivs,34vols.,187172.

Tofacilitatetheuseofthislastedition,consultthetabledrawnupbyC.Viola,"TablegnraleetindexanalytiquedesoeuvrescompltesdesaintThomasd'Aquin.
Unguidepourl'ditionVivs,"BulletindephilosophiemdivaleSIEPM29(1987)17892.FortheconnectionsbetweentheParmaeditionandtheVivsedition
aswellasearliereditions,seeL.J.Bataillon,"LeedizionidiOperaomniadegliscolasticiel'edizioneleonina,"inGlistudidifilosofiamedievalefraottoe
novecento,Contributoaunbilanciostoriografico,Attidelconvegnointernazionale,Rome,2123September1989,editedbyR.lmbachandA.Maier,Rome,
1991(printedin1992),pp.14154.

WealsopointoutthevolumesthathaveappearedintheMariettieditioninTurin,theworkseditedbyP.Mandonnetaswellastheprincipalseparateeditions.Forthe
opusculainparticularsee:S.ThomaeAquinatis,Opusculaomnia,P.Mandonneted.,6vols.,Paris,Lethielleux,1927ed.Marietti:Opusculaphilosophica,R.M.
Spiazzi,ed.,1954Opusculatheologica,R.A.VerardoandR.M.Spiazzi,eds.,2vols.,1954.TheopusculahavebeentranslatedintoFrenchbyM.Vdrine,M.
Bandel,andM.Fournet:OpusculesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,7vols.,Paris,Vivs,185658Reprint,6vols.,Paris,1984.

Finally,letuspointouttheeditionestablishedfortheIndexThomisticus:S.ThomaeAquinatisOperaomniautsuntinIndiceThomistico...,curanteR.Busa,7
vols.,StuttgartBadCannstatt,1980.WerecommenditparticularlyforthetextofthesermonsandoftheLecturasuperPsalmos.

Translations

InadditiontotheEnglishandFrenchtranslations,wewillindicatesomeofthemaintranslationsintootherlanguagesfortheworksoftheologicalsynthesis,thedisputed
questions,andthecommentaries.Othertranslationshavebeenmentionedinthecourseofthisbook.2
2.
ListsmaybefoundoftheEnglishtranslationsinthecatalogueofworksbyWeisheipl,ibid.ForItalian:S.VanniRovighi,IntroduzioneaTommasod'Aquino,RomeBari,21981,
p.164.Forthephilosophicalopuscula,SanTommasod'Aquino,L'uomoel'universo,Opuscolifilosofici,A.Tognoloed.,Milan1982.Opuscolifilosofici:l'enteel'essentia,
l'unitdell'intelletto,lesostanzeseparate,translation,introduction,andnotesbyA.Lobato,Rome1989.

(footnotecontinuedonnextpage)

 Page332

TheologicalSyntheses

ScriptumsuperlibrosSententiarum:seechapter3.

ThecommentaryonthefourbooksofPeterLombard'sSentencesisthefirstmajorworkbyThomasfruitofhisteachingasbachelorofSentencesatthebeginningof
hisfirststayinParis(125254),itscompositionwasnotyetcompletewhenThomasbeganhisactivitiesasamaster(1256).Morethanasimplecommentary,we
mustseeinthisvastcollectionofquestionsraisedbyLombard'stext,encompassingalloftheology,anoriginaltheologicalworkinitsownright,arevelationof
Thomas'sthoughtanddecisions.

Editions:ScriptumsuperSententiis,P.Mandonneted.,2vols.,Paris,1929(BooksIandII)M.F.Moos,ed.,2vols.,Paris,1933and1947(BooklIIBookIV
uptodistinction22)Parmavols.67,1/2Vivsvols.711.Untilacriticaleditionappears,seealso:P.M.Gils,"TextesinditsdeS.Thomas:lespremires
rdactionsduScriptumsuperTertioSententiarum,"RSPT45(1961)20l2846(1962)44562and60928.EditingoftheLeonineeditionofBooksIIandIII
(vols.18and19,respectively)isnearingcompletion.

ThereisnoEnglishorFrenchtranslation.

AccordingtoTolomeoofLucca,ThomaswouldreturntohiscommentaryontheSentencesinRome,beforeabandoningitfortheSummatheologiae.Thatreturnis
attestedinanOxfordmanuscript(LincolnCollege,lat.95)thatLeonardBoylewasabletoidentifyasbeingareportatioonthisrevisionofthefirstBookofthe
SentencesinRome(126566).Whileweawaitthecompleteedition,thereisaneditionof15relevantpassagesbyH.F.Dondaine:"'AlialecturafratrisThome'?
(SuperISent.),"MS42(1980)30836.(BeforeBoyle'sexamination,H.F.Dondaine'sconclusionwasnegativeabouttheThomisticauthenticityofthismanuscript.)
Foranideaofthecontent,seethelistoftheincipitsandtheexplicitsbyM.F.Johnson,"'Alialecturafratristhome':AListoftheNewTextsFoundinLincoln
College,Oxford,MSLat.95,"RTAM57(1990)3461.

SummacontraGentiles:seechapter6.

TheSummacontraGentilesisThomas'ssecondgreatwork,whichhereread,modified,andcorrectedseveraltimes.Westillhavehishandwrittenmanuscriptsfora
goodpartofthetext,fromI,13toIII,20.Theearliestversionofchapter53ofBookIgoesbacktothelastyearofhisfirstteachingassignmentinParis(priortothe
summerof1259).InItaly,startingin1260,Thomasrevisedthese53chaptersandcomposedtherestofthework,whichwascompletedwiththecompositionofthe
fourthBookin126465,veryprobablybeforeThomas'sdepartureforRome(1265).ThefirstthreeBooksarededicatedtothetruthsaccessibletohumanreason:
whatreasoncanknow

(footnotecontinuedfrompreviouspage)

ForGerman:O.H.Pesch,ThomasvonAquin,GrenzeundGrssemittelalterlichenTheologie,Mayence,1988,p.406408.AmongtheSpanishtranslationsoftheopuscula,we
mentioninparticularSantoTomsdeAquino,EscritosdeCataquesis,editiondirectedbyJ.I.Saranyana,Madrid,1974(translationofthesermonsontheCredo,Pater,Ave
Maria:Dearticulisfideietecclesiaesacramentis)Compendiodeteologia,translationandnotesbyJ.I.SaranyanaandJ.RestrepoEscobar,Madrid,1980.

 Page333

aboutGod(I)theactofcreationanditseffects(II)providenceanddivinegovernance(III).ThetruthsoftheChristianfaiththatexceedtherealmofnatural
knowledgemakeupthematerialofthefourthBook(themysteriesoftheTrinityandoftheIncarnation,thesacraments,andthelastends).

Editions:Leonine,vols.1315(withcommentarybySylvesterofFerrara),Rome,1918,1926,and1930Leonine,manualedition,Rome,1934Parma,vol.5
Vivs,vol.12Marietti(TextusLeoninusdiligenterrecognitus),C.Pera,P.Marc,P.Caramello,eds.,3vols.(vols.23:1961vol.1:1967).

Englishtranslations:SaintThomasAquinas,OntheTruthoftheCatholicFaith,A.C.Pegis,J.F.Anderson,V.J.Bourke,C.J.O'Neil,eds.,5vols.,NewYork,
195557,repr.NotreDame,1975.SummaContraGentiles,trans.EnglishDominicanFathers.London,1934OfGodandHisCreatures,trans.J.Rickaby,
Westminster,MD.,1950.Frenchtranslations:Sommecontrelesgentils,ed.HenriHude,Paris,1993,withIntroductionbyR.A.Gauthier.SaintThomasd'Aquin,
ContraGentiles,Leonineeditiontextandtranslation:vol.1,trans.R.BernierandM.Corvez,Paris,1961vol.2,trans.M.CorvezandL.J.Moreau,1954vol.3,
trans.M.J.Gerlaud,1951vol.4,trans.R.BernierandF.Kerouanton,1957SaintThomasd'Aquin,SommedelafoicatholiquecontrelesGentils,trans.Abb
P.F.Ecalle,3vols.,Paris,Vivs,185456.Italiantranslation:SanTommasod'Aquino,SommacontroiGentili,T.S.Centi,ed.,"ClassicidelleReligioni28,"
Turin,1975.Spanishtranslation:SantoTomsdeAquino,SumacontralosGentiles,J.M.PlaCastellano,ed.,2vols.,"BibliotecadeAutoresCristianos94,102,"
Madrid195253.Germantranslations:DesheiligenThomasvonAquin,SummacontraGentiles,H.Fahsel,ed.,6vols.,Zurich,194260ThomasvonAquin,
SummegegendieHeiden,vols.12,K.AlbertandP.Engelhardt,eds.,Darmstadt,1974(21987)1982vol.3/1,K.Allgaier,ed.,Darmstadt,1990(theremainder
toappear).

Summatheologiae:seechapter8.

TheSummatheologiaeisThomas'sgreatestwork,onwhichheworkedforthelastsevenyearsofhislife.StartedafterThomasdecidednottopursueasecond
commentaryontheSentences(126566),thePrimaParswascomposedduringtheRomeperiod(thatis,untilSeptember1268).TheSecundaParswasput
togetherinParis:thePrimaSecundaein1271,followedbytheSecundaSecundae(127172).AstotheTertiaPars,probablybeguninParisattheendofthe
winter127172,itscompositionwaspursuedinNaplesuntil6December1273,thedateThomasstoppedwriting.Brokenoffinthetreatiseonpenitence(Tertia,q.
90),theSummawascompletedbyaSupplementcomposedbyThomas'sdisciplesbasedonthecommentaryontheSentences.TheworkoftheLeonine
commissiononthistext,whichdatesfromtheyears1888to1903,isstillonlybeginning.OntheTertiaPars,cf.M.Turrini,"RaynalddePipernoetletexteoriginal
delaTertiaParsdelaSommedeThologiedeS.Thomasd'Aquin,"RSPT73(1989)23347.Cf.alsoP.M.Gy,"LetexteoriginaldelaTertiaparsdelaSomme
ThologiquedeS.Thomasd'Aquindansl'apparatcritiquedel'editionlonine:lecasdel'eucharistie,"RSPT65(1981)60816.Foraviewoftheplanandthevast
contentsoftheSummatheologiae,seeabove,chapter8.

Editions:Leonine,vols.411(Ia:vols.45IaIIae:vols.67IIaIIae,vols.810IIIa,vol.11.Thomas'stextisaccompaniedbyCajetan'scommentary.The
Sup

 Page334

plementmakesupvol.12)Parma,vols.14Vivs,vols.16.AmongthenumerousmanualeditionsusingtheLeoninetext:Studiumdominicain,Ottawa,194145,
5vols.EditionsPaulines,Rome,1962(inonevolume)Marietti,1963,4vols.(severalearliereditions)"BibliotecadeAutoresCristianos77,80,81,83,87,"
Madrid,1963ff.,5vols.(severaleditions).

Englishtranslations:Blackfriars,Summatheologiae,T.GilbyandT.C.O'Brien,eds.,60volumes,LondonNewYork,196473.SummaTheologiae.AConcise
Translation,byTimothyMcDermott(Westminster,MD:1989).Frenchtranslations:SaintThomasd'Aquin,SommeThologique,editionofthe"Revuedes
jeunes,"68vols.,ParisTournaiRome,1925ff.Thomasd'Aquin,Sommethologique,4vols.,Paris,198486.Germantranslationbythe"Philosophisch
TheologischeHochschuleWalberberg":SummaTheologica,"DieDeutscheThomasAusgabe,"(Heidelberg)Graz,Vienna,Cologne,1933ff.Italian,bythe
Dominicans,LaSommaTeologica,35volumes,Florence,194975,andBologna,1985Spanish,bytheDominicans:SummadeTeologia,"BibliotecadeAutores
Cristianos,"16volumes,1947ff.

DisputedQuestions

Quaestionesdisputataedeueritate:seechapter4.

ThedisputedquestionsDeueritatedatefromthethreeyearsofThomas'sfirstperiodteachingasamasterinParis,from1256to1259.Westillhavethedictated
originalforquestions222.Thisensembleof253articlesisgroupedinto29questionsthefirstgaveitsnametothewholeseries,buttheothersareonlymoreorless
connectedwithit.Twolargecategoriesmaybeseeninit:truthandknowledge(qq.120),thegoodandtheappetiteforthegood(qq.2129seeabove,chapter4].
ThesedisputedquestionsDeueritateareofconsiderableinterestforgraspingtheevolutionoftheyoungmaster'sthoughtandhisgenius,whichincreasinglyasserts
itself.

Editions:Leonine,vol.22(3vols.)Parma,vol.9,pp.1458Vivs,vol.14,pp.315640andvol.15,pp.1356Mandonnet,Quaestionesdisputatae,vol.1,
Paris,1925Marietti,Quaestionesdisputatae,vol.1,R.Spiazzi,ed.,1964andotherdates.

Englishtranslation:SaintThomas,OnTruth,vol.1,trans.R.W.Mulliganvol.2,trans.J.V.McGlynnvol.3,trans.R.W.Schmidt,Chicago,195254French
translations:"Thomasd'Aquin,Questiondisputedelavrit(QuestionI,articles12,89),"introductionandtranslationbyF.X.Putallaz,inPhilosophes
mdiaux.Anthologiedetextesphilosophiques(XIIeXIVesicles),R.ImbachandM.H.Mlard,ed.,"10/18,"Paris,1986,pp.6994SaintThomas
d'Aquin,Questionsdisputessurlavrit,QuestionXI:LeMatre(Demagistro),QuestionIV,LeVerbe(DeVerbo),"Bibliothquedestextesphilosophiques,"
introduction,translation,andnotesbyB.Jolls,Paris,1983and1992S.Th.Bonino,QuaestionesdisputataeDeveritate.SaintThomasd'AquinQuestion12:
Laprophtie,Prsentation,traductionetnotes,Mmoiredelicencedactyl.,Fribourg(Switzerland),1989idem.,LaQuestion2des"Quaestionesdisputatae
Deveritate"deThomasd'Aquin,Introduction,translation,andcommentary,2vols.,Diss.Univ.Fribourg(Switzerland),1992(theauthorispreparingacomplete
translationoftheDeveritate).Italiantranslations:SanTommaso,LaVerit(QuaestioIDeVeritate),intro.,trans.,andcommentarybyM.Mamiani,

 Page335

Padua,1970Demagistro,T.Gregory,ed.,Rome1965idem.,C.Scurati,ed.,Padua1970S.Tommasod'Aquino,LeQuestionidisputatae,Testolatino
dell'EdizioneLeoninaetraduzioneitaliana,vol.1,Laverit(Questioni19),vol.2,LaVerit(Questioni1020),vol.3,LaVerit(Questioni2129),V.O.
BenetolloandR.Coggi,eds.,intro,byA.Lobato,Bologna,199293Spanishtranslations:J.GarciaLpez,DoctrinadeSantoTomssobrelaverdad.
Comentariosalacuestinprimera"DeVerirate"ytraduccincastellanadelamisma,Pamplona,1967SantoTomsdeAquino,DeVeritate,H.Giannini
andO.Velsquezeds.,Santiago,Chile,1978(trans.ofQ.1)Germantranslations:Deshl.ThomasvonAquinoUntersuchungenberdieWahrheit(Quaestiones
disputataeDeveritate),trans.EdithStein,2vols.,Breslau,193132LouvainFribourg,195255Darmstadt,1970ThomasyonAquin,VonderWahrheit,De
veritate(QuaestioI),A.Zimmermann,ed.,Hamburg,1986ThomasyonAquin,berdenLehrer.DeMagistro,Quaestionesdisputatae,Deveritate
quaestioXI,G.Jssen,G.Krieger,J.H.J.Schneider,eds.,Hamburg,1988.

QuaestionesdisputataeDepotentia:seechapter9.

ThedisputedquestionsDepotentiadatefromThomas'ssojourninRome,veryprobablyinthefirstyearofthatperiod(126566),beforethecompositionofthe
PrimaParsoftheSummatheologiae.Thetitleofthefirstquestiongaveitsnametotheensemble,whichmaybedividedintotwogroupsofquestions:thefirstsix
areconnectedwiththethemeofGod'spower,theotherfourbelongtoTrinitariantheology.

Editions:Parma,vol.8,pp.1218Vivs,vol.13,pp.1319Mandonnet,Quaestionesdisputatae,vol.2,Paris,1925,pp.1370Marietti,Quaestiones
disputatae,vol.22,P.Bazzietal.,eds.,101965,pp.7276.

NoFrenchtranslation.Englishtranslation:SaintThomasAquinas,OnthePowerofGod,trans.EnglishDominicanFathers,L.Shapcote,ed.,3vols.,London,
193234idem.,1vol.Westminster,Maryland,1952Italiantranslationinprogress:Tommasod'Aquino,LaPotenzadiDio,QuestioniIIII,A.Campodonico,
ed.,trans.L.Tuninetti,Florence,1991.

QuaestiodisputataDeanima:seechapter9.

ThereisnowagreementonthedatingofthequestionDeanimatothetimeoftheRomansojourn,veryprobablyduringtheyear126566,beforeQQ.7589ofthe
PrimaPars,whichitpreparesforbydeepeningvariousproblemsrelatingtothehumansoul.

Editions:Parma,vol.8,pp.465532Vivs,vol.14,pp.61160Mandonnet,Quaestionesdisputatae,3vols.,Paris,1925,pp.91206Marietti,Quaestiones
disputatae,2vols.,P.Bazzi,etal.,eds.,101965,pp.281362SaintThomasAquinas,Quaestionesdeanima,ANewlyEstablishedEditionoftheLatinTextwith
anIntroductionandNotes,J.H.Robb,ed.,Toronto,1968.TheLeonineedition(ed.Bazn,invol.24,no.1)isexpectedin1996.

NoFrenchtranslation.Englishtranslations:SaintThomasAquinas,TheSoul,trans.J.P.Rowan,SaintLouis,1949SaintThomasAquinas,Questionsonthe
Soul,trans.J.H.Robb,Milwaukee,1984.

QuaestiodisputataDespiritualibuscreaturis:seeabove,chapter9.

ThisdisputedquestiondatesfromThomas'sRomansojourn.Wecansituateit

 Page336

aroundtheyears126768,mostprobablybetweenNovember1267andSeptember1268.Theproblemsarguedinitconcernmenandangelsasspiritualcreatures.

Editions.Parma,vol.8,pp.42564Vivs,vol.14,pp.161Mandonnet,Quaestionesdisputatae,3vols.,Paris1925,pp.2391S.ThomaeAquinatis
Tractatusdespiritualibuscreaturis,L.W.Keeler,ed.,Rome,1937Marietti,Quaestionesdisputatae,2vols.,P.Bazzietal.,eds.,101965,pp.367415.The
Leonineedition(ed.Cos,vol.24,no.1)isexpectedin1996.

NoFrenchtranslation.Englishtranslation:SaintThomasAquinas,OnSpiritualCreatures,trans.M.C.FitzpatrickandJ.J.Wellmuth,Milwaukee,1949.

QuaestionesdisputataeDemalo:seechapter11.

ThedateofthedisputationoftheQuestionsDemaloremainsdifficulttoestablish.ButitiscertainthatthecompositionofQ.1tookplaceafterMarch1266,and
article12ofQ.16afterNovember1267.AstoQ.6,itmustbeputalittlebeforeorafterthecondemnationofDecember1270.Wecanbemorepreciseaboutthe
publicationdateforthesequestions,probablyaround1270fortheQQ.115andaround1272forQ.16.GiventhatThomas'sworkswritteninPariswerevery
quicklyandwidelycirculated,wemayguessthattheQuestionsDemalowouldhavebeendisputedinParisduringthetwoacademicyears126971.Thefirst
questionintheseriesgaveitsnametotheensembletheotherquestionsdealwithspecialproblemslinkedtotheproblemofevil:sinanditscauses(QQ.23),original
sinanditspunishment(QQ.45),humanelection(Q.6),venialsin(Q.7),thedeadlysins(QQ.815)andfinallydevils(Q.16).

Editions:Leonine,vol.23Parma,vol.8,pp.219424Vivs,vol.13,pp.320618Mandonnet,Quaestionesdisputatae,vol.2,Paris,1925,pp.370719
Marietti,Quaestionesdisputatae,vol.2,P.Bazzietal.,eds.,101965,pp.445699.

NoFrenchtranslation.Englishtranslation:SaintThomasAquinas,DisputedQuestionsonEvil,trans.J.andJ.Oesterle,NotreDame,1983.

QuaestionesdisputataeDeuirtutibus:seechapter11.

ThedisputedquestionsDeuirtutibusmustbedatedfromThomas'ssecondperiodofteachinginParis,attheendofthatperiodin127172,atthesametimeasthe
SecundaSecundae.Thiswholeconsistsof36articlesdedicatedtothevirtuesandincludestheQQ.Deuirtutibusincommuni,Decaritate,Decorrectione
fraterna,Despe,Deuirtutibuscardinalibus.

Editions:Parma,vol.8,pp.545638Vivs,vol.14,Pp.178314Mandonnet,Quaestionesdisputatae,vol.3,Paris1925,pp.208365Marietti,Quaestiones
disputatae,vol.2,P.Bazzietal.,eds.,101965,pp.707828.TheLeonineedition(vol.24,no.2)isexpectedin1996.

Englishtranslations:OntheVirtues(ingeneral),trans.J.P.Reid,Providence,1951OnCharity(Decaritate),trans.L.H.Kendzierski,Milwaukee,1960.No
completetranslationinFrenchpartialtranslation(sedcontraandthebodyofarticles)ofthe13articlesofthedisputedquestionDecaritateinSaintThomas
d'Aquin,BrefrsumdelafoichrtienneCompendiumtheologiae,trans.J.Kreit,Paris,1985,pp.495539.

QuaestiodisputatDeunioneuerbiincarnati:seechapter11.

ThedisputedquestionDeunioneuerbiincarnatimustbesituatedveryprobablytowardtheendofthesecondperiodofteachinginParis,beforeEaster,earlyin
April,

 Page337

orperhapsinMay1272.Giventhedoctrinalissuesatstakeina.4andtheirconnectiontoIllaq.17a.2,concerningtheunityofesseinChrist,thetwowritingsare
practicallycontemporaneous.

Editions:Parma,vol.8,pp.53344Viv,vol.14,pp.16178Mandonnet,Quaestionesdisputatae,vol.3,Paris,1925,1925,pp.122Marietti,Quaestiones
disputatae,vol.2,P.Bazzietal.,eds.,101965,pp.42135.TheLeonineedition(vol.24,no.2)isexpectedin1996.

NoEnglishorFrenchtranslation.

QuaestionesdequodlibetIXII:seechapter11.

Thomas'sQuodlibetscanbedividedintotwogroups,accordingtothetwoperiodsofteachinginParis.,QuodlibetsIVIandXII(thereportatioofthelatterwasnot
revisedbyThomas)comefromthesecondperiod(126872)beyondthisgeneralframework,itisoftendifficulttosituatethemwithcertaintyinLentorinAdventof
thisorthatyear(seethetableonp.211).Thenumeroussubjectsdealtwith(thereare260ofthem)concernhighlyspeculativequestionsaswellaspracticalproblems.

Editions:Leoninevol.25Parmavol.9,pp.459631Vivs,vol.15,pp.357611Mandonnet,Paris,1926Marietti,R.Spiazzi,ed.,91956.

NoFrenchtranslation.Englishtranslation:SaintThomasAquinas,QuodlibetalQuestions1and2,intro.,trans.,andnotesbyS.Edwards,''MedievalSourcesin
Translation27,"Toronto,1983.

CommentariesontheBible

ExpositiosuperIsaiamadlitteram:seechapter2.

ThefirsttheologicalworkbyThomasasabiblicalbachelor,thiscommentaryhasoftenbeendatedfromthefirstyearsofhisteachinginParis,butitwasquite
probablycomposedbeforethen,towardtheendofthesojourninCologne,wherehewasAlbertusMagnus'sbachelor,priortohisdepartureforParisin1252.Itisa
rapid("cursory")readingofIsaiah,focussedontheliteralsense,withsomemarginalnotations("collationes")withaviewtopastoralandspiritualapplications.

Editions:Leonine,vol.28Parma,vol.14,pp.427576Vivs,vol.18,pp.688821,andvol.19,pp.165.

Forapresentationandtranslationofthe24collationesfromtheportioninThomas'shandwriting:D.BouthillierandJ.P.Torrell,"QuandsaintThomasmditaitsurle
prophteIsae,"RT90(1990)547.

NoEnglishorFrenchtranslation.

SuperleremiametThrenos:seechapter2.

ThecommentariesonJeremiahandLamentationsbelongtothesamegenreof"cursory"readingoftheBible,focussedontheliteralsense,asthecommentaryon
Isaiah.ThecommentaryonJeremiahisalsoaccompaniedbycollationessimilartothosefoundintheSuperIsaiam.Likethelatter,thesecommentariesmustbe
datedveryprobablytotheendoftheColognesojournwhenThomaswasAlbert'sbiblicalbachelor,beforehisdepartureforParisin1252.

Editions:Parma,vol.14,pp.577667668685Vivs,vol.19,pp.66198199225.

NoEnglishorFrenchtranslation.

 Page338

Principium"Rigansmontesdesuperioribus"and"HicestlibermandatorumDei":seechapter3.

ThetwoPrincipia,i.e.,inaugurallectures,werediscoursesheldontheoccasionoftheinceptioofthenewmagisterinacturegensinParisbetween3Marchand
17June1256.Thefirstisbasedonthepassage"Rigansmontesdesuperioribus,"(Psalm103:13).Itstheme,clearlyinspiredbyDionysiustheAreopagite,isthe
communicationofwisdomthroughawholeseriesofintermediaries.Thesecond,incontinuitywiththefirst,whichitcompletesandextends,couldhavebeengiven
duringtheresumptio,whichistosaythefirstdieslegibilisfollowingtheinceptio.ThereisaCommendatioofSacredScripture,basedonthepassage"Hicestliber
mandatorumDei"(Baruch4:1)andfollowedbyanexplanationofthewayinwhichthedifferentbooksoftheBiblearedivided.

Editions:Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.4,pp.48196Marietti,Opusculatheologica,vol.1,pp.43543.

NoEnglishtranslation.Frenchtranslation:Th.PguesandF.X.Maquart,SaintThomasd'Aquin,Savie,ToulouseParis,1924,pp.36577.Spanishtranslation:G.
A.Piemonte,"LaclasseinauguraldeSantoTomsdeAquinocomemaestrodeTeologiaenlaUniversidaddeParis,"Sapientia21(1966)4954(trans.ofthe
Principium"Rigansmontes").

ExpositiosuperIobadlitteram:seechapter7.

AccordingtothewitnessofTolomeoofLucca,acceptedbythescholars,theExpositiooftheBookofJobisthefruitofThomas'steachingofhisbrothersinOrvieto
(126165).ContemporaneouswiththethirdBookoftheSummacontraGentiles,theExpositiosuperIobdevelopsthesamecentraltheme:Providence.Thework
focusesontheliteralsenseofJob:thestoryofJob,theproblemofProvidenceandofthesufferingofthejust,thehumanconditionanddivinegovernance.

Editions:Leonine,vol.26Parma,vol.14,pp.1147Vivs,vol.18,pp.1227.

Englishtranslation:TheLiteralExpositiononJob:AScripturalCommentaryconcerningProvidence,trans.A.Damico,ClassicsinReligiousStudies7,Atlanta,
1989.Frenchtranslation:Job,unhommepournotretemps.DesaintThomasd'Aquin,expositionlittralesurleLivredeJob,trans.J.Kreit,Paris,1982.

GlossacontinuasuperEvangelia(Catenaaurea):seechapter7.

UndertakenattherequestofUrbanIVattheendof1262orthebeginningof1263,theCatenaonMatthewcouldhavebeenofferedtothepopebeforehisdeath,
on2October1264.Thecommentaryontheotherthreeevangelists,whichThomasdedicatedtohisfriendandformerstudentAnnibaldod'Annibaldi(whobecamea
cardinal),wasfinishedinRomebetween1265and1268.TheCatenapresentsitselfasavastcollectionofexegeticalquotationsfromtheChurchFathers,arrangedin
acontinuousexposition,versebyverse,ofthetotalityofthefourGospels.Morethanasimplecompilation,thisworkshowsThomas'scriticalsenseandhis
remarkableknowledgeoftheGreekFathers.Thomaslaterdrewonthistexthimselfmorethanonce,andtheworkhadasignificantdiffusion.

Editions:Parma,vols.1112Vivs,vol.1617Marietti,2vols.,A.Guarienti,ed.,1953.

 Page339

Englishtranslation:SaintThomasAquinas,Catenaaurea,CommentaryontheFourGospels,trans.M.Pattison,J.D.Dalgairns,andT.D.Ryder,4vols.,
Oxford,184145(PrefacebyJohnHenryNewman)partialtranslationinTheGoldenChain,byareligiousofC.X.M.V.,London,1956.Frenchtranslation:Saint
Thomasd'Aquin,ExpositionsuiviedesquatreEvangiles...Lachaned'Or,translatedbyE.Castan,8vols.,Paris,Vivs,185455.Italiantranslation:S.
Tommasod'Aquino,Catenaaurea,E.Logi,ed.,3vols.,Siena,195460.

LecturasuperMatthaeum:seechapter4.

TheLecturaonSaintMatthewisthefruitofthesecondofThomas'sParisiansojourns.Wecansituateitwithhighprobabilityduringtheacademicyear126970.The
textofthisreportatio,asitiscurrentlytransmittedinprintededitions,isnotonlyincompletebuterroneous.ItlacksThomas'scommentaryforagoodpartofthe
SermonontheMount,whichhisfirsteditor,BartholomewofSpina(1527)replacedwithapartofthecommentaryofPeterofScala,whowasaDominicanattheend
ofthethirteenthcentury.TheinterpolatedpassagesextendinMatthewfrom5:11to6:8andfrom6:14to6:19(lects.1317and19nos.444582and60310inthe
Mariettiedition).ThelaborsoftheLeoninecommissionhaveallowedthediscoveryofanewmanuscriptthatcontainsthecompletetextofThomas'scommentary
(MS,Basel,Bibl.Univ.B.V.12.).Onlysomefragmentshavebeenpublished:H.V.Shooner,"LaLecturainMatthaeumdeS.Thomas(Deuxfragmentsinditset
laReportatiodePierred'Andria),"Angelicum33(1956)12142J.P.Renard,LaLecturasuperMatthaeumV,2048deThomasd'Aquin,"RTAM50(1983)
14590.

Editions:Parma,vol.10,pp.1278Vivs,vol.19,pp.226668Marietti,51951andotherdates.

NoEnglishorFrenchtranslation.

LecturasuperIoannem:seechapter11.

TheLecturasuperIoannemcanbedatedwithreasonablecertaintytothesecondperiodofteachinginParis,probablyduringtheyears127072.Thereportatioon
itwasdonebyReginaldofPipernoattherequestofthefriarsandtheprovostofSaintOmer,AdenulfofAnagni.ItseemshardlyprobablethatThomashimself
reviewedthetext.ThetheologicalexegesisoftheGospelofSaintJohnamodelofthecontemplativewhoplacesChrist'sdivinityintheforegroundinaspecialway,
asThomasexplainsinhisPrologueiscertainlyamongthemostfinishedandmostprofoundofthecommentariesthatThomasleft.

Editions:Parma,vol.10,pp.279645Vivs,vol.19,pp.669842andvol.20,pp.1376Marietti,R.Cai,ed.,51952andotherdates.

Englishtranslation:SaintThomasAquinas,CommentaryontheGospelofSaintJohn,PartI,trans.J.A.WeisheiplandF.R.Larcher,Albany,1980(Ch.IVIII).
Frenchtranslation:SaintThomasd'Aquin,Commentairesurl'EvangiledesaintJean,PrefacebyM.D.Philippe,O.P.,translationandnotesunderthedirection,
VersaillesBuxy,3vols.inprint(uptochapterVIII),1981,1982,1987"ProoemiumdeSaintJean,"trans.B.d'AvezacdeCastera,CahiersIPC1973,no.8,pp.
8696.Germantranslations:ThomasvonAquin,DasWort,DieerstenelfLesungendes1.KapitelsausdemJohannesKommentar,trans.J.Pieper,Munich,31955
ThomasvonAquin,

 Page340

DerPrologdesJohannesEvangeliums,SuperevangeliumS.Joannislectura(caputI,lectioIXI),W.U.Klnker,ed.,Stuttgart,1986.Italiantranslation:
Tommasod'Aquino,CommentoalVangelodiSanGiovanni,vol.1:Cap.IVI,T.S.Centi,ed.,Rome,1990vol.2:Cap.VIIXII,idem.,ed.,Rome,1992(the
remaindertoappear).

ExpositioetLecturasuperEpistolasPauliApostoli:seechapter13.

ItisnoteasytosaywithprecisiontowhatyearsofThomas'steachingthecoursesonSaintPaulbelong.ThomascouldhavetaughtPaulintwostages,firstinItaly
(perhapsinRome,between1265and1268),theninParisandNaples.Itis,however,notatallprobablethathewouldhavegiventhesamecoursesintheirentirety
twotimes.Accordingtothebestattesteddataincurrentscholarship,Thomas'sPaulinecorpuspresentsitselfasfollows:(1)Thepartinwhichhishandisrather
directlyperceptibleincludesthefirsteightchaptersofRomans.TherestofthecommentaryonRomanshasnotbeencorrected.Thiscoursedatesveryprobablyfrom
thelastyearsofhislife,inNaplesfrom127273(itisnotimpossiblethatitdatesfromthelastyearinParis127172buttheamountofworkalreadyattributedto
thatperiodrendersthishypothesishardlyplausible).(2)WecannotsayanythingpreciseconcerningthecourseonthefirsttenchaptersoftheFirstLettertothe
Corinthians,ifonlybecausethecommentaryismissingfrom1Cor.7:10totheendofchapter10.ItwasreplacedveryearlywithatextborrowedfromPeterof
Tarentaise(nos.336581intheMariettiedition).(3)thereportatiomadebyReginaldofPipemo,whichgoesfrom1Cor.11throughtheepistletotheHebrews,
maybethefruitofteachingduringtheyears126568inRome.Despitethediversityofthesepieces,itisneverthelesscertainthatThomasthoughtofhiscommentary
asawhole,asthePrologueplacedattheheadofthisgroupoftextsshows.

Editions:Parma,vol.13Vivs,vol.20,pp.381752andvol.21Marietti,2vols.,R.Cai,ed.,81953.EditingoftheLeonineeditionofInEpistolamadRomanos
(vol.32)isnearingcompletion.

Englishtranslations:SaintThomasAquinas,CommentaryonSaintPaul'sEpistletotheGalatians.Vol.1ofTheAquinasScriptureSeries,trans.F.R.Larcher,
Albany,N.Y.:MagiBooks,1966CommentaryonSaintPaul'sEpistletotheEphesians.Vol.2ofTheAquinasScriptureSeries,trans.M.L.Lamb,Albany,
N.Y.:MagiBooks,1966CommentaryonSaintPaul'sFirstLettertotheThessalonians.Vol.3ofTheAquinasScriptureSeries,trans.F.R.LarcherandM.
Duffy,Albany,N.Y.:MagiBooks,1969CommentaryonSt.Paul'sLettertothePhilippians,trans.F.R.Larcher,Albany,N.Y.:MagiBooks,1969.French
translations:CommentairesdesaintThomasd'AquinsurtouteslespitresdeS.Paul,trans,abbBral,6vols.,Paris,Vivs,186974SaintThomasd'Aquin,
CommentairedelasecondepitreauxCorinthiens,intro.,trans.,andnotesbyA.Charlier,3vols.,Paris,1980.Germantranslation:DesheiligenThomasvon
AquinKommentarzumRmerbrief,transH.Fahsel,Freiburgi.B.,1927.

PostillasuperPsalmos:seechapter13.

ThedateofthecourseonthePsalmsisuncertain.SinceMandonnet,ithasgenerallybeensaidthatthecoursewasinterruptedbyThomas'ssicknessanddeath.We
mustthinkofit,perhaps,asfromthestartoftheacademicyearinSeptemberOctober

 Page341

1273,duringthefinalweeksofThomas'steaching.AsReginaldofPipernoreports,Thomas'sunfinishedcommentarycomprisesthefirst54psalms.

Editions:Parma,vol.14,pp.148553Vivs,vol.18,pp.228556(Psalms151)P.A.Uccelli,S.ThomaeAquinatisinIsaiamprophetam,intrespsalmos
David,inBoetiumdeHebdomadibusetdeTrinitateexpositiones,Rome,1880,pp.24154(Psalms5254)Busa,vol.6,pp.48130(textfromtheParma
editionforPsalms151andfromtheUccellieditionforPsalms5254).

NoEnglishtranslation.NoFrenchtranslationexceptforthepartialtranslationofthecommentaryonthefirstthreePsalms:J.E.Stroobant,"Prierl'coledu
commentaireduPsautierdeSaintThomas,"ThomasAquinas1985,no.10,pp.115no.11,pp.17no.12,pp.18(intro.andcommentaryonPsalm1)1986,
no.13,pp.18(Psalm2)no.14,pp.17(Psalm3).

SuperCanticaCanticorum:SeeWeisheipl,p.369noEnglishtranslation.

CommendatioSacraeScripturae:SeeWeisheipl,p.373noEnglishtranslation.

CommentariesonAristotle

SentenciaLibriDeanima:seeabove,chapter9.

ThecommentaryonthefirstthreebooksoftheDeanimabegantheseriesofcommentariesonAristotleonwhichThomasworkedfromtheendoftheRomanperiod.
Thisworkcanbedatedpreciselybetweentheendof1267andthesummerof1268,priortotheauthor'sleavingRomeforParis.Thiscommentaryis
contemporaneouswithQQ.7589ofthePrimaPars,whicharededicatedtothestudyofthehumansoul.

Editions:Leonine,vol.45/1Parma,vol.20,pp.1144Vivs,vol.24,pp.1196Marietti,A.M.Pierotta,ed.,1959,andotherdates.

NoFrenchtranslation.Englishtranslation:Aristotle'sDeAnimawiththeCommentaryofSt.ThomasAquinas,K.FosterandS.Humphries,eds.,NewHaven:
YaleUniversityPress,1951reprinted,withIntroductionbyRalphMcInerny,byDumbOxBooks,NotreDame,1994.Anewtranslation,basedontheLeonine
editionof1984,isbeingpreparedbyNormanKretzmannandRobertPasnau.Spanishtranslation:SantoTomsdeAquino,Comentarioal"LibrodelAlma"de
Aristteles,trans.andnotesbyA.Caparello,2vols.,Rome1975.GermantranslationofalltheProloguestothecommentariesonAristotle:ThomasvonAquin,
PrologezudenAristoteleskommentaren,F.ChenevalandR.Imbach,eds.,FrankfurtamMain,1992.

SentenciaLibriDesensuetsensato:seechapter9.

ThecommentaryontheDesensuetsensato,whichislaterthantheoneonDeanima,couldhavebeenstartedinRomebeforethedepartureforParis(September
1268)andfinishedin1269inParis,beforetheDeunitateintellectus(1270).Thomas'sSentenciaconsistsoftwotreatisesgroupedasiftheyweretwopartsofa
singlework:Desensuexteriori,acommentaryonAristotle'sDesensuetsensatoDememoriaetreminiscentia,onthetreatiseofthesamename.

Editions:Leonine,vol.45/2Parma,vol.20,pp.145214Vivs,vol.24,pp.198292Marietti,thirded.,completelyrevised,R.M.Spiazzi,ed.,1949,andother
dates.

EnglishtranslationbyK.WhiteandE.M.MacierowskiisforthcominginThomas

 Page342

AquinasinTranslationSeries.NoFrenchtranslationapartfromtheProoemium:F.andB.d'AvezacdeCastera,"TraductionduProoemiumdesaintThomasson
commentaireduDesensuetsensatod'Aristote,"CahiersIPC1981,no.24,pp.6979.

SententiasuperPhysicam:seechapter12.

ContrarytowhatWeisheipl(ledintoerrorbythehesitationsoftheLeonineeditorsaboutthenumberingofBookLambdaoftheMetaphysics)says,thecomposition
ofthecommentaryontheeightbooksofthePhysicsseemstodatefromthebeginningofthesecondperiodofteachinginParis(126869).FollowingAristotle,
ThomasopenshiscommentarywiththestudyoftheprinciplesofbecomingandfinisheswithademonstrationoftheexistenceofaPrimeMover.

Editions:Leonine,vol.2(1884theLatintextofAristotlereproducedhereisnottheoneThomasknew)Parma,vol.18,pp.226538Vivs,vol.22,pp.292
709Marietti,M.Maggiolo,ed.,1965,andotherdates.

NoFrenchtranslation.Englishtranslation:ThomasdeAquino:CommentaryonAristotle'sPhysics,trans.R.J.Blackwelletal.,NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,
1963.

SententiasuperMeteora:seechapter12.

ThelatestdiscoveriesleadustodatethiscommentarytothesecondperiodofteachinginParis,before1270.TheworkwasleftunfinishedatBookIItheLeonine
edition(1886)removedsomespuriousadditionstothetextfromearliereditions,butdoesnotreproducethetextinitsentirety.Thomas'scommentarystopsatchapter
II,5(Bekker363a20),butitappearscertaintodaythatThomasexpoundedtheMeteorauptothepenultimatechapterofBookII(Bekker369a9),thecommentary
onchapter6beinglost.Cf.A.DondaineandL.J.Bataillon,"LecommentairedesaintThomassurlesMtores,"AFP36(1966)81152.

Editions:Leonine,vol.3,prefacepp.XXIXXL,textpp.325421Parma,vol.19,pp.300441(withtheunauthenticparts)Vivs,vol.23,pp.387571(idem)
Marietti,R.M.Spiazzi,ed.,1952.InanappendixtotheLeonine(pp.LXIIICXLV)andtheMarietti(pp.584685)editionsmaybefoundtheunauthentic
continuatiowithwhichThomas'sunfinishedcommentarywascompleted.ThethreemissinglessonshavebeenpublishedbyK.White,whoispreparingthenew
Leonineeditionofthework:"ThreePreviouslyUnpublishedChaptersfromSt.ThomasAquinas'sCommentaryonAristotle'sMeteora:SentenciasuperMeteora2,
1315,"MS54(1992)4993.

NoFrenchtranslation.Englishtranslations:I,lect.810,byL.Thorndike,LatinTreatisesonComets,UniversityofChicagoPress,1950,7786.De
Meteorologicorum,trans.E.W.Webster,vol.1ofTheWorksofAristotle,ed.W.D.Ross,Oxford,1930OnMeteorology,trans.P.ConwayandF.R.
Larcher,1964CollegeofSt.MaryoftheSprings,Columbus,Ohio.Photocopy.

ExpositioLibriPeryermenias:seechapter12.

ThecompositionofthecommentaryonAristotle'sPeryermenias,dedicatedtoGuillaumeBerthout,provostofLouvain,mustbesituatedbetweenthecondemnation
of10December1270andmidOctober1271.Unfinished,thecommentarystopsatChapterII,2(Bekker19b26)themanuscriptwassentfromNaples,withthe
exposition

 Page343

ofthePosteriorAnalytics,tothemastersoftheartsfacultyinParis,whodesiredtohavethesetwobooksafterThomas'sdeath.Astocontentandmethod,this
workoflogicandhermeneuticsfollowsrathercloselytheletterofAristotle'stext.

Editions:Leonine,vol.l*/l(Editioalteraretractata,1989thefirsteditiondatesfrom1882)Parma,vol.18,pp.183Vivs,vol.22,pp.l102Marietti,R.M.
Spiazzi,ed.,21964.

Englishtranslation:AristotleonInterpretation:CommentarybySt.ThomasandCajetan(PeriHermeneias),trans.J.T.Oesterle,Milwaukee,1962.NoFrench
translationexceptfortheProoemium:P.OswaldandB.d'AvezacdeCastera,"TraductionduProoemiumduCommentairedeS.Thomasd'AquininPeri
Hermeneias,"CahiersIPC1974,no.10,pp.11113.

ExpositioLibriPosteriorum:seechapter12.

ThecommentaryonthePosteriorAnalyticswasbegunaboutthesametimeasthecommentaryonthePeryermenias,whichitapparentlyfollowed(October1271).
AfirstpartwasthuscomposedinParis(I,126),followingJamesofVenice'stranslation.TheworkwascontinuedinNaples,whereThomascommentson
Moerbeke'stranslation(I27II20)fromthenon,untiltheendof1272.Afterhisdeath,itwassenttothemastersintheartsfacultyinPariswiththecommentaryon
thePeryermenias.

Editions:Leonine,vol.l*/2(Editioalteraretractata,1989thefirsteditiondatesfrom1882)Parma,vol.18,pp.84225Vivs,vol.22,pp.103291Marietti,R.
M.Spiazzi,ed.,21964.

Englishtranslations:SaintThomasAquinas,ExpositionofthePosteriorAnalyticsofAristotle,trans.P.Conway,Quebec,1956ThomasAquinas,Commentary
onthePosteriorAnalyticsofAristotle,trans.F.R.Larcher,Albany,N.Y.:MagiBooks,1970.NoFrenchtranslationexceptfortheProoemium:"Thomas
d'AquinProoemiumducommentairedesSecondsAnalytiquesd'Aristote,"trans.P.OswaldandB.d'AvezacdeCastera,CahiersIPC1975,no.11,pp.99105.

SententiaLibriEthicorum:seechapter12.

ThecommentaryonAristotle'sNicomacheanEthicswascomposedinParis,127172.Itisasentencia,whichistosay,asummaryandratherdoctrinalexposition
ofAristotle'stext,contemporaneouswiththecompositionoftheSecundaSecundae,forwhichitpreparestheway.

Editions:Leonine,vol.47(2vols.)Parma,vol.21,pp.1363Vivs,vol.25,pp.231614andvol.26,pp.189Marietti,R.M.Spiazzi,ed.,31964.

NoFrenchtranslation.Englishtranslation:SaintThomasAquinas,CommentaryontheNicomacheanEthics,trans.C.I.Litzinger,2vols.,Chicago,1964
reprintedbyDumbOxBooks,NotreDame,1993.

TabulaLibriEthicorum:seechapter12.

Composedaround1270,atthemomentwhenThomaswaspreparinghimselftowritehiscommentaryontheNicomacheanEthicsandtheSecundaParsofthe
Summatheologiae,thisTabulaconstitutesanindexoftheprincipalthemesinAristotle'sNicomacheanEthicsandinthecommentarythatAlbertusMagnusearlier
wroteonit.Itwasconstructedinitiallyintheformoffilesbyhissecretaries,andThomasneverrevisedthefaircopyitremainedanunfinishedwork.

 Page344

Editions:fallenintooblivionsincetheendofthefifteenthcentury,theTabulawaseditedforthefirsttimeintheLeonineEditionof1971,vol.48B.

NoEnglishorFrenchtranslation.

SententiaLibriPoliticorum:seechapter12.

Toallappearances,thecommentaryonAristotle'sPoliticsbelongs,liketheprecedingcommentaries,tothesecondperiodofteachinginParis(126972).Thework
remainedunfinished,itsauthenticpartstoppingatBookIII6(Bekker1280a7).TheprintededitionsotherthantheLeoninegiveatextineightBooks(itwas
completedbyPeterofAuvergne),butthetextofthefirstthreeBooksisnotreliable,foritreproducesthehumanisteditionbyLouisofValencia,whosignificantly
alteredThomas'stext.

Editions:Leoninevol.48AParma,vol.21,pp.364716Vivs,vol.26,pp.89513Marietti,R.M.Spiazzi,ed.,1951,andotherdates.

Englishtranslations:"CommentaryonAristotle'sPolitics."InMedievalPoliticalPhilosophy:ASourcebook,ed.RalphLerner,trans.ErnestL.FortinandPeterD.
O'Neill.NewYork:FreePressofGlencoe,1963translationbyE.FortinforthcomingfromTheCatholicUniversityofAmericaPress.NocompleteFrench
translationSaintThomasd'Aquin,PrfacelaPolitique,Avantpropos,translation,andexplanationsbyH.Kraly,DocteurCommun,Paris,1974.

SententiasuperMetaphysicam:seechapter12.

ThedateandplaceofcompositionforthecommentaryonAristotle'sMetaphysicsposenumerousproblems.ThedesignationofBookLambdaasBookXII,atitle
thatThomasadoptedtowardthemiddleof1271,invitesustodatethecommentaryonBooksVIIXIIafterthatdate.Thebeginningofthecommentarymaydate
fromtheacademicyear127071.ThecommentaryonBooksIIandIIImaybethefruitofselfcorrectionoroflaterediting.BeguninParis,thecompositionofthis
workmayhavebeenfinishedinNaples.Theonlysurething,inthecurrentstateofresearch,isthatthistextisearlierthantheDecaeloetmundo,probablycomposed
inNaples,127273.

Editions:Parmavol.20,pp.245654Vivs,vol.24,pp.333649andvol.25,pp.1229Marietti,R.M.Spiazzi,ed.,1950.TheLeonineedition(vol.46)is
expectedwithinthenexttwoyears.

NoFrenchtranslation.Englishtranslation:SaintThomasAquinas,CommentaryontheMetaphysicsofAristotle,trans.J.P.Rowan,2vols.,Chicago,1964
reprintedbyDumbOxBooks,NotreDame,1995.Spanishtranslation:ComentariodeSantoTomsallibroGammadelaMetafsica,trans.J.deC.Sola,
Burgos,1958.

SententiasuperlibrumDecaeloetmundo:seechapter12.

LaterthantheMetaphysics,thecommentaryonAristotle'sDecaeloetmundowasverylikelycomposedatNaplesin127273.Thisworkofcosmologywasnever
finished,havingbeeninterruptedalittleafterthebeginningofBookIII(Bekker302b29).

Editions:Leonine,vol.3,prefacepp.VXVIII,text,pp.1257Parma,vol.19,pp.1207Vivs,vol.23,pp.1266Marietti,R.M.Spiazzi,ed.,1952.

NoFrenchtranslation.Englishtranslations:DeCaelo,trans.J.L.Stocks,vol.2ofTheWorksofAristotle,ed.W.D.Ross,Oxford,1930Expositionof
Aristotle'sTreatiseOntheHeavens,trans.P.ConwayandF.R.Larcher,CollegeofSt.MaryoftheSprings,Ohio,196364.

 Page345

SententiasuperlibrosDegenerationeetcorruptione:seechapter12.

LaterthanthecommentariesontheDecaeloetmundoandonthePhysics,thiscommentaryonAristotle'sDegenerationeetcorruptionemustbesituatedin
Naplesin1272or1273,duringthelastmonthsofThomas'sactivity(beforeDecember1273).Thomas'scommentary,unfinished,stopsatthefifthchapterofBookI
(Bekker322a33).

Editions:Leonine,vol.3,prefacepp.XIXXXIX,textpp.261322Parma,vol.19,pp.20899(withtheunauthenticparts)Vivs,vol.23,pp.267386(also
withunauthenticparts)Marietti,R.M.Spiazzi,ed.,1952.TheapocryphadrawingonSaintAlbert,withwhichThomas'sunfinishedcommentarywascompleted,may
befoundinappendixestotheLeonine(pp.ILXI)andMarietti(pp.53983)editions.

NoFrenchtranslation.Englishtranslations:DeGenerationeetCorruptione,trans.H.H.Joachim,vol.2ofTheWorksofAristotle,ed.W.D.Ross,Oxford,1930
OnGenerationandCorruption,trans.P.ConwayandW.H.Kane,Columbus,Ohion.d.

OtherCommentaries

SuperBoetiumDeTrinitate:seechapter4.

Thiswork,forwhichwepossessoneoftheraretextsinThomas'sownhandwriting,wascomposedduringhisfirstperiodteachinginParis,intheyears125758,or
atthebeginningof1259,betweenthemiddleoftheDeueritateandthebeginningoftheContraGentiles.Thomasistheonlythirteenthcenturyauthortohave
commentedonthistext.Theworkisunfinished,andtheexpositionofthetextoftheDeTrinitatebyBoethius(downtothefirstlinesofchapter2)isshort.The
questionsdevelopeddealwithhumanknowledgeofGoditwasonthisoccasionthatThomasproducedhismostelaboratereflectionsontheepistemologyofthe
sciences.

Editions:Leonine,vol.50,preface,pp.167,text,pp75171SanctiThomaedeAquino,ExpositiosuperLibrumBoethiideTrinitate,B.Decker,ed.,Leiden,
1959,reprinted1965(neweditionwithcorrigendaetaddenda,pp.24445)Parma,vol.17,pp.34996Vivs,vol.28,pp.482550Mandonnet,Opuscula,
vol.3,pp.19141Marietti,Opusculatheologica,vol.2,pp.31389.

Englishtranslations:SaintThomasAquinas,TheTrinityandtheUnicityoftheIntellect,trans.R.E.Brennan,St.Louis,1946SaintThomasAquinas,Faith,
Reason,andTheology.QuestionsIIVofHisCommentaryontheDeTrinitateofBoethius,intro.,trans.,andnotesbyA.Maurer,Toronto,1987Saint
ThomasAquinas,TheDivisionandMethodsoftheSciences.QuestionsVandVIofhisCommentaryoftheDeTrinitateofBoethius,intro.,trans.,andnotes
byA.Maurer,MediaevalSourcesinTranslation,vol.32,Toronto,41986OnSearchingintoGod(q.2),trans.V.White(Oxford:Blackfriars,1947).French
translation:OpusculesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,trans.byabbVdrine,Vivs,vol.7,Paris,1858,pp.326511.Spanishtranslation,SantoTomsdeAquino,
expositiodel'DeTrinitate'deBoecio,intro.,trans.,andnotesbyA.GarcaMarquesandJ.A.Fernandez,Pamplona,1986.Germantranslation:Thomasvon
Aquin,berdieTrinitt,EineAuslegungdergleichnamigenSchriftdesBoethius,trans,andnotesbyH.Lentz,intro,byW.U.Klnker,Stuttgart,1988.

ExpositolibriBoetiiDeebdomadibus:seechapter4.

ThedateofthisworkisdoubtlesslaterthanthatoftheothercommentaryonBoethius,butthecurrentstateofresearchdoesnotallowustospecifythedatefurther,

 Page346

noritscircumstances.Thesubjectdealtwithisessentiallymetaphysical,principallyconcerningthedoctrineofparticipation.

Editions:Leonine,vol.50,preface,pp.23564,text,pp.26782Parma,vol.17,pp.33948Vivs,vol.28,pp.46881Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.l,pp.165
92Marietti,Opusculatheologica,vol.2,pp.391408.

NoEnglishtranslation.Frenchtranslation:OpusculesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,trans.abbVdrine,Vivs,vol.7,Paris,1858,pp.293325.

SuperLibrumDionysiiDedivinisnominibus:seechapter7.

TheprecisedateofcompositionfortheexpositioofPseudoDionysius'sDedivinisnominibusremainsuncertain.ItmaycomefromthesojourninOrvieto(1261
65)orthefollowingperiodinRome(126568).Itisequallyuncertainwhetherthistexthadbeentheobjectoforalteaching.Theworkshowstheimportanceof
NeoplatoniststrainsinthethoughtofThomas,whointegratesanumberofitselementsintohisownsynthesis.

Editions:Parma,vol.15,pp.259405Vivs,vol.29,374580Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.2,pp.220654Marietti,C.Pera,ed.,(withGreekandLatinfrom
PseudoDionysius),1950.

ThereisnoEnglishorFrenchtranslation.

SuperLibrumDecausis:seechapter11.

TheexpositiooftheLiberDecausismaybedatedwithsufficientcertaintytothefirsthalfof1272.Thomaswasthefirsttoidentifytheauthorofthiswork,which
wasgenerallyattributedtoAristotle,asanArabphilosopherwhohadborrowedagreatdealfromProclus'sElementatiotheologicaandfromDionysius,andwho
haddeepenedthedialoguewithNeoplatonistphilosophyatnumerouspoints.

Editions:SanctiThomaedeAquinosuperLibrumDeCausisExpositio,H.D.Saffrey,ed.,TextusphilosophiciFriburgenses4/5,Fribourg(Switzerland),1954
Parma,vol.21,pp.71760Vivs,vol.26,pp.51470Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.l,pp.193311Marietti,C.Pera,ed.,1955.

NoFrenchtranslation.Englishtranslation:St.ThomasAquinas,CommentaryontheBookofCauses,translatedandannotatedbyV.A.Guagliardo,C.R.Hess,
andR.C.Taylor,ThomasAquinasinTranslationSeries,Washington,1996.Italiantranslation:Tommasod'Aquino,Commentoal"librodellecause,"C.
D'AnconaCosta,ed.,Iclassicidelpensiero,Milan,1986.

PolemicalWritings

ContraimpugnantesDeicultumetreligionem:seechapter5.

ThisfirstworkdedicatedtothedefenseofthemendicantreligiouslifewascomposedatthetimeofthefirstyearofmagisterialteachinginParis.Ithadprobably
alreadybeenbeguninthespringof1256,andwasfinishedbeforeWilliamofSaintAmour'scondemnationwasknowninParis(5October1256).Afterdefiningthe
religiouslifeandlegitimizingtheneworders,notablyasconcernstheministryofteaching,preaching,andconfession,aswellasmendicantpoverty,Thomascontinues
andrefutesindetailWilliamofSaintAmour'sTractatusdepericulisnouissimorumtemporum.

Editions:Leonine,vol.41AParma,vol.15,pp.175Vivs,vol.29,pp.1116Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.4,pp.1195Marietti,Opusculatheologica,vol.2,
pp.5110.

 Page347

Englishtranslation:AnApologyfortheReligiousOrders,trans.J.Procter(London,1902St.Louis:Herder,1902repr.Westminster,Md.:TheNewmanPress,
1950).Frenchtranslation:OpusculesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,VrinReprise,vol.5,Paris,1984(reprinted,withthesamepagination,fromthetranslationbyabb
Fournet,Vivs,Paris,1857,vol.2,pp.519639vol.3,pp.1205).

Deperfectionespiritualisuitae:seechapter5.

Intiffssecondopusculumofpolemicsonthemendicantreligiouslife,ThomasrespondstotheattacksbroughtbyGerardofAbbevilleaganistthisnewformofreligious
life.Begunratherearlyin1269(Gerard'sContraadversariumperfectionischristianaewaspublishedinthecourseofthesummerof1269),theworkwasfinished
atthebeginningof1270,thelastchaptersstillechoingtheQuodlibetXIVbyGerardofAbbevilleheldatChristmas1269.TheinterestoftheDeperfectione,
however,goesbeyondthehistoryofthepolemics.ThomaswishestopresentobjectivelyherethedoctrineonreligiouslifeandChristianperfection.Thisopusculum
thuspreparesthewayforthetreatisethatwillfindaplaceattheendoftheIIaIIae.

Editions:Leonine,vol.41BParma,vol.15,pp.76102Vivs,vol.29,pp.11756Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.4,pp.196264Marietti,Opusculatheologica,
vol.2,pp.11553.

Englishtranslation:TheReligiousState,theEpiscopate,thePriestlyOffice,trans.J.Procter,London,1902repr.Westminster,Md.,NewmanPress,1950Also
trans.byG.J.Guenther,C.G.Kloster,andJ.X.Schmitt,inthreeunpublishedMaster'stheses,St.LouisUniversity,194244.Frenchtranslations:Opusculesde
saintThomasd'Aquin,VrinReprise,vol.4,Paris,1982,pp.404518(reprint,withthesamepagination,ofthetranslationbyabbFournet,Vivs,vol.2,Paris,
1857)Thomasd'Aquin,Vetslaperfectiondelaviespirituelle,trans.H.Marchal,Paris,1932(partialtrans.bythesameauthorinLaVieSpirituelle18(1928)
49850661962419(1928)85972232834252).

Contradoctrinamretrahentiumareligione:seechapter5.

Accordingtoitsconclusion,thisworkcommonlycalledtheContraretrahentesisdirected''againsttheerroneousandperniciousdoctrineofthosewhodetermen
fromenteringintothereligiouslife."LaterthantheDeperfectione(126970),andcontemporaneouswiththeQuodlibetIV(Lent1272)whosearticle23repeats
thethemeofyoungpeoples'sentryintothereligiouslifeandarticle24therelationbetweenpreceptsandcounselsitscompositionmaybeplacedbetweenLentand
Christmas1271.AccordingtoR.A.Gauthier,however,theContraretrahenteswouldhavebeenpriortotheQuodlibet,whichstillplacesit,withinafewmonths,in
thatsameperiod.Amongthestrongpointsinthisresponse,whichpreparesthewayfortheexpositioninIIaIIae,weshouldnotetheabsoluteprimacygivento
charityandtheimportanceaccordedvoluntaryandmendicantpoverty,asameansofarrivingatChristianperfectioninfollowingChrist.

Editions:Leonine,vol.41CParma,vol.15,pp.10325Vivs,vol.29,pp.17590Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.4,pp.265322Marietti,Opusculatheologica,
vol.2,pp.15990.

Englishtranslation:AnApologyfortheReligiousOrders,trans.J.Procter(London,1902St.Louis:Herder,1902Westminster,Md.:TheNewmanPress,1950).
Frenchtranslation:OpusculesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,VrinReprise,vol.4,Paris,1984,

 Page348

pp.311404(reprinted,withthesamepagination,fromthetranslationbyabbFournet,Vivs,vol.2,Paris,1857)SaintThomasd'Aquin,l'entreenreligion,
trans.H.Marchal,Paris,1935.

DeunitateintellectuscontraAverroistas:seechapter10.

ThisopusculumhadaplaceintheParisiancontroversyabout"Averroism"amongthemastersoftheartsfaculty.Thereisagreementindatingitto1270,alittlebefore
theepiscopalcondemnationof10December.Thomasrefutesherethedoctrinethatmakesthepossibleintellectasubstanceseparatedfromthebodyandthesamefor
allmen,adoctrinecontrarytobothAristotle'steachingandtheChristianfaith.

Editions:Leonine,vol.43,prefacepp.24787,textpp.291314Parma,vol.16,pp.20824Vivs,vol.27,pp.31155Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.l,pp.33
69Marietti,Opusculaphilosophica,pp.6390,whichreprints,withoutcriticalapparatus,thetextoftheeditionestablishedbyL.W.Keeler,S.ThomaeAquinatis
Tractatusdeunitateintellectuscontraaverroistas,Textusetdocumenta,Seriesphilosophica12,Rome,1936F.VanSteenberghen,"CorrectionsautexteduDe
unitateintellectusdeThomasd'Aquin,"BulletindephilosophiemdivaleSIEPM19(1977)6567.

Englishtranslations:TheTrinityandtheUnicityoftheIntellect(basedontextinParmaed.),trans.R.E.Brennan(St.LouisUniv.,1946)OntheUnityofthe
IntellectAgainsttheAverroists,trans.B.Zedler,Milwaukee:MarquetteUniversityPress,1968OntheUnityoftheIntellect,trans.B.Zedler,Milwaukee,
MarquetteUniversityPress,1968OntheUniquenessoftheIntellectagainsttheAverroists,trans.RalphMcInerny,forthcoming,PurdueUniversityPress.
Frenchtranslations:OpusculesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,VrinReprise,vol.3,Paris,1984,pp.248310(reprint,withthesamepagination,ofthetranslationby
abbBandel,Vivs,vol.2,Paris,1857)Thomasd'Aquin.L'unitdel'intellectcontrelesAverrostes,suividesTextescontreAverrosantrieurs1270,
trans.A.deLibera,Paris:GFFlammarion,1994.

Deaeternitatemundi:seechapter10.

ThecompositionofthisopusculumbelongstoThomas'ssecondperiodteachinginParis,veryprobablyto1271.Contrarytoagoodnumberoftheologianswhowere
upsetoverthestrongpresenceofAristotleinthisfield,Thomasshowsherethatonlyfaithcanmakeusholdthattheworldhadabeginning,andthatitisnotpossible
toprovethecontrary.

Editions:Leonine,vol.43,preface,pp.5381,textpp.8589Parma,vol.16,pp.31820Vivs,vol.27,pp.45053Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.1,pp.2227
Marietti,Opusculaphilosophica,pp.1058.

Englishtranslation:InSt.ThomasAquinas,SigerofBrabant,andSt.Bonaventure,OntheEternityoftheWorld,trans.C.Vollert,L.A.Kendzierski,andP.M.
Byrne,Milwaukee,MarquetteUniversityPress,1964.Frenchtranslation:OpusculesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,VrinReprise,vol.6,Paris,1984,pp.55160
(reprint,withthesamepagination,ofthetranslationbyabbBandel,Vivs,vol.3,Paris,1857).

Treatises

Deenteetessentia:seechapter3.

Composed,accordingtoTolomeo,"forhisbrothersandcompanionswhilehewasnotyetamaster,"itisgenerallyagreedtodatethisopusculumbyThomasto
125256inParis.Thislittletreatise,dedicatedtothenotionofessentiaandtoclarifyingits

 Page349

connectionswithrealityandlogicalintentions,hadremarkablesuccessandverynumerouseditions.

Editions:Leonine,vol.43,prefacepp.31965,textpp.36981Parma,vol.16,pp.33037Vivs,vol.27,pp.46879S.ThomaSAquinatissermosive
tractatusdeenteetessentia,L.Baur,ed.,Mnster1926,21933Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.1,pp.14564S.ThomaSAquinatisopusculumDeenteet
essentia,introductioneetnotisauctum,C.Boyer,ed.,Rome,1933,reedited1946,1950,and1970Marietti,Opusculaphilosophica,pp.518Marietti,I.
Sestili,ed.,31957M.D.RolandGosselin,Le"DeenteetEssentia"deS.Thomasd'Aquin.Textestablishedaccordingtothemanuscripts.Introduction,notes,
andhistoricalstudies,Bibliothquethomiste8,Paris,1948.

Englishtranslations:AquinasonBeingandEssence,trans.A.A.Maurer,Toronto:PontificalInstituteofMediaevalStudies,1949,1968trans.G.Leckie,New
York,Appleton,1957trans.A.H.Bachhuber,St.Louis:TheModernSchoolman,1957trans.J.Bobick,AquinasonBeingandEssence,NotreDame,1965.
Frenchtranslation:S.Thomasd'Aquin,L'treetl'essence,text,translation,andnotesbyC.Capelle,Bibliothquedestextesphilosophiques,Paris,91991.

Deprincipiisnaturae:seechapter3.

ThisyouthfullittleworkwascomposedforacertainFriarSylvester,whoisotherwiseunknowntous.Thomascomposeditbeforebecomingamaster,butthedateis
uncertain:duringtheyearswhenhewasbachelorofsentences(1252561),orevenearlier,atthetimeofhisstudies.Atissueherewasthequestionoftheprinciples
ofchange:matter,form,privation,andthecausesofchangeinnature.

Editions:Leonine,vol.43,preface,pp.533,textpp.3947Parma,vol.16,pp.33842Vivs,vol.27,pp.48086Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.l,pp.818
Marietti,Opusculaphilosophica,pp.12128SaintThomasAquinas,Deprincipiisnaturae,IntroductionandcriticaltextbyJ.J.Pauson,Textusphilosophici
Friburgenses2,FribourgLouvain,1950.

Englishtranslations:R.I.HenleandV.I.Bourke,LatintextandEnglishtranslation,St.LouisUniversity,1947completctranslationbyV.J.BourkeinThePocket
Aquinas,NewYork,PocketBooks,1973DeprincipiisnaturaeadfratremSylvestrum,trans.R.A.Kocourek,St.Paul:NorthCentral,1948.French
translations:SaintThomasd'Aquin,Lesprincipesdelanature(Deprincipiisnaturae),trans,andnotesbyR.Bernier,Montreal,1962SaintThomasd'Aquin,
Lesprincipesdelaralirnaturelle,intro.,trans.,andnotesbyJ.Madiran,DocteurCommun,Paris,1963OpusculesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,VrinReprise,
vol.6,Paris1984,pp.594612(reprint,withthesamepagination,ofthetranslationbytheabbBandel,Vivs,vol.3,Paris,1857,pp.594612).

CompendiumtheologiaeseubreviscompilatiotheologiaeadfratremRaynaldum:seechapter9.

WrittenatReginald'srequest,theCompendiumtheologiaeisstructuredaccordingtotheorderofthetheologicalvirtuesandispresentedasanexpositionof
Christiandoctrinemindfulofsimplicityandbrevity.ThefirstpartbelongstotheRomanperiod,probablytheyears126567,whichistosayalittleaftertheSumma
contraGentilesThomasexplainshereChristiandoctrineonfaith,drawingforsupportonthearticlesoftheCredo.Obligedtointerruptthiswork,theauthorwould
havegonebacktowriting

 Page350

ituponhisreturntoNaplesthesecondpartdealswithChristianhopeinrelationtothepetitionsinthePater.Theworkremainedunfinished,brokenoffinchapter10
ofthissecondpart.

Editions:Leonine,vol,42,preface,pp.573,textpp.83191Parma,vol.16,pp.185Vivs,vol.27,pp.1127Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.2,1219
Marietti,Opusculatheologica,vol.l,pp.13138.

Englishtranslation:L.Lynch,trans.,NewYork,1947CompendiumofTheology,trans.C.Vollert,St.LouisUniv.,1952.Frenchtranslations:Opusculesdesaint
Thomasd'Aquin,VrinReprise,vol.l,Paris,1984(reprint,withthesamepagination,ofthetranslationbyabbeVdrine,Vivs,vol.l,Paris,1856,pp.76411)
SaintThomasd'Aquin,BrefrsumdelafoichrtienneCompendiumtheologiae,trans.J.Kreit,Docteuranglique6,Paris,1985(theLatintextfollowsan
earliereditionthantheLeoninetheunfinishedCompendiumis"completed"herebyborrowingfromotherworksbyThomas).

DeregnoadregemCypri:seechapter9.

AddressedtothekingofCyprus,probablyHughIIofLusignan,theDeregnomaydatefromaround1267.Thiswriting,alsoknownbythenameDeregimine
principum,isapedagogicalandmoralopusculumfortheuseofaprincemorethanatruetreatiseonpoliticaltheory.Unfinished,itsauthenticportionstopsinthe
middleofchapterII,8(formerlyII,4).

Editions:Leonine,vol.42,prefacepp.42144,textpp.44971Parma,vol.16,pp.22591Vivs,vol.27,pp.336412Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.l,pp.312
487Marietti,Opusculaphilosophica,pp.257358.

Englishtranslation:OnKingship,totheKingofCyprus,trans.G.B.PhelanandI.T.Eschmann(Toronto:PIMS,1949).Frenchtranslations:Opusculesdesaint
Thomasd'Aquintrans.abbBandel,Vivis,vol.3,Paris1857,pp.205466SaintThomasd'Aquin,Dugouvernementroyal,trans.Cl.Roguetandprefaceby
Ch.Journet,Paris,1931SaintThomasd'Aquin,DuRoyaume.DeRegno,trans.M.M.Cottier,Paris,1946.

Desubstantiisseparatis:seechapter11.

Accordingtotheancientcatalogues,thistreatisewasaddressedtoReginaldandislaterthanthefirsthalfof1271,withoutourbeingabletosaywhetheritwaswritten
inParisorinNaples.Dedicatedtothedoctrineconcerningtheangels,theworkisdividedintotwoparts:whattheancientsthoughtonthesubject(ch.117)andthe
teachingoftheCatholicfaithunfinished,thissecondpartbreaksoffinthemiddleoftheexpositiononthesinoftheangels(ch.20).

Editions:Leonine,vol.40DParma,vol.16,pp.183207Vivs,vol.27,pp.273310Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.l,pp.70144Marietti,Opuscula
philosophica,pp.2158SaintThomasAquinas'sTreatiseonSeparateSubstances,F.J.Lescoe,ed.,WestHartford,Connecticut,1963.

Englishtranslation:TreatiseonSeparateSubstances,trans.F.J.Lescoe,WestHartford,Conn,St.Joseph'sCollege,1959.Frenchtranslation:Opusculesdesaint
Thomasd'Aquin,VrinReprise,vol.3,Paris,1984(reprint,withthesamepagination,ofthetranslationbytheabbBandel,Vivs,vol.2,Paris,1857,pp.153
248).

 Page351

LettersandRequestsforExpertOpinion

Deemptioneetuenditioneadtempus:secchapter7.

Thisshortletter,"Aboutbuyingandsellingoncredit,"composedaround1262,givesThomas'sreplytothequestionthattheFlorentineconventuallector,acertain
JamesofViterbo,hadposedtohimaboutwhatwasthencalledusurybutwhattodaywedesignateasfinancialspeculation.ShowingThomas'sentryintotheworld
andtheproblemsofhistime,italsoshowsthecarehetookincheckinghispositionsonthisquestionconsultinghisconfrereHughofSaintCher,andthechaplainto
UrbanIV,MarinofEboli.

Editions:Leonine,vol.42,prefacepp.38390,textpp.39394Parma,vol.17,PP.337Vivs,vol.28,pp.46566Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.3,pp.17879
Marietti,Opusculatheologica,vol.1,pp.118586(textandcriticalapparatusestablishedbyA.O'Rahilly,"NotesonSt.Thomas,III.St.ThomasonCredit,"Irish
EcclesiasticalRecord64(1928),pp.15968).

Englishtranslation:"OnBuyingandSellingonCredit,"trans.A.O'Rahilly,IrishEcclesiasticalRecord31(1928):15965.Frenchtranslation:OpusculesdeS.
Thomasd'Aquin,trans,abbVdrine,Vivs,vol.7,Paris,1858,pp.28991.

ContraerroresGraecorum:seechapter7.

RatherbadlynamedtheContraerroresGraecorum,thisworkcomposedatUrbanIV'srequestistheexaminationofacollectionoftextsfromtheGreekFathers
(LibellusorLiberdefideTrinitatis),probablycompiledbyNicholasofDurazzo,bishopoftheformerCotronaitmustbedatedfrom1263orthebeginningof
1264.Thomasusesthefirstparttoexplaintheequivocaltexts:henotesthefrequentlydoubtfulwaytheyareusedandthedefectivetranslations,seekingtodetachthe
doctrinalcontentfromtheteachingoftheGreekFathers.Thesecondpartexaminesmorecloselyfourprecisequestions(theprocessionoftheHolySpiritaFilio,the
primacyofthepope,unleavenedbreadintheeucharisticcelebration,thequestionofpurgatory).ThisopusculummanifestsThomas'sclearregardforthetexts
compiledandhisconfidenceintheteachingoftheGreekFathersinmattersoffaith,butitsuffersfromitsalmostexclusivedependanceontheLibellussubmittedfor
hisexamination.

Editions:Leonine,vol.40A(withthetextoftheLibelluspp.10751)Parma,vol.15,PP.23958Vivs,vol.29,pp.34473Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.3,PP.
279328Marietti,Opusculatheologica,vol.1,pp.31546andtextoftheLibelluspp.347413S.Thomasd'Aquin,ContraerroresGraecorum,Text
presentedandeditedwithnotes,references,andrelateddocumentsbyMsgr.P.Glorieux,Monumentachristianaselecta,TournaiParisRomeNewYork,1957.

NoEnglishtranslationFrenchtranslation:OpusculesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,VrinReprise,vol.2,Paris1984,pp.176(reprint,withthesamepagination,from
thetranslationbyabbBandel,Vivs,vol.1,Paris,1856).

DerationibusfideiadCantoremAntiochenum:seechapter7.

ThislittleworkrespondstovariousquestionsputtoThomasbyacertain"cantorofAntioch"(whomnothinghelpsusidentify)whohadcontactswithvariouscirclesin
theNearEast:theSaracens,wholaughedat(irrisoresfidei)theChristiandogmasoftheTrinity,Incarnation,Redemption,andEucharisttheGreeksandArmenians,
whodidnotbelieveinPurgatory,andotherpeoples(aliasnationes)whosharedwiththe

 Page352

Muslimsaconceptionofthedivinepresencethatquestionsfreewillandmerit.Thomasremindshiscorrespondent,whoasksforsomerationalarguments,thatwe
mustargueonlyonthebasisofauthoritiesacceptedbyourinterlocutors.TheChristianarguercannotaimatprovingthefaith,butonlyatdefendingitandshowingthat
itisnotfalse.ThereferencestotheSummacontraGentilesinviteustodatethistextlittlelaterthan1265.

Editions:Leonine,vol.40BParma,vol.16,pp.8696Vivs,vol.27,pp.12843Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.3,PP.25278Marietti,Opusculatheologica,
vol.1,pp.25368.

Frenchtranslation:OpusculesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,VrinReprise,vol.2,Paris,1984,pp.41153(reprint,withthesamepagination,fromthetranslationby
abbFournet,Vivs,vol.1,Paris,1856).NocompleteEnglishversion,butsee"WhyDidGodtheSonBecomeMan?"trans.H.Nash,chap.5inLifeoftheSpirit,
London,Blackfriars,1952.

ExpositiosuperprimametsecundamDecretalemadArchidiaconumTudertinum:seechapter7.

TheExpostioofthesetwodecretalsseemstobededicatedtoGiffredusofAnagni,archdeaconofTodiandsociusoftheprovostofSaintOmer,Thomas'sfriend
AdenulfofAnagni,atwhoserequestReginaldofPipernopublishedtheLecturainIoannemthisdedicationinvitesustosituatetheopusculumduringtheOrvieto
period(126165).ThefirstdecretalonwhichThomaspresentsadoctrinalcommentaryistheprofessionoffaithknownunderthenameFirmiter,formulatedbythe
LateranCouncilin1215.Theseconddecretal,Damnamus,ofwhichThomasiscontenttomakeaparaphrase,isatextfromthesamecouncilthatexplains,refutes,
andcondemnsthebookletinwhichJoachimofFiorehadattackedthetrinitariandoctrineofPeterLombard.

Editions:Leonine,vol.40EParma,vol.16,pp.300309Vivs,vol.27,pp.42438Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.4,PP32448Marietti,Opusculatheologica,
vol.1,pp.41731.

NoEnglishtranslation.Frenchtranslation:OpusculesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,trans,abbBandel,Vivs,vol.3,Paris,1857,pp.492524.

DearticulisfideietecclesiaesacramentisadarchiepiscopumPanormitanum:seechapter7.

ThisopusculumwascomposedattherequestofLeonard,archbishopofPalermofrom1261to1270,dateswithinwhichwemustalsosituateitscomposition.Inthe
firstpart,ThomasexpoundstheCredothesecondpartisdedicatedtothesevensacraments.Foreachofthearticlesofthefaithandthesacraments,Thomasfollows
asimilarmethod:abriefexplanationthathegivesisfollowedbytheprincipalerrorsonthesesubjectsthatScripturepermitsustorefute.Thislittleworkfounda
considerablediffusion.

Editions:Leonine,vol.42,prefacepp.20941,textpp.24557Parma,vol.16,pp.11522Vivs,vol.27,pp.17182Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.3,PP.1
18Marietti,Opusculatheologica,vol.l,pp.14151D.Mongillo,"L'opuscolodiTommasod'Aquinoperl'arcivescovodiPalermo,"OTheologos2(1975)111
25C.Militello,"DearticulisfideietEcclesiaesacramentisadarchiepiscopumPanormitanum,"

 Page353

ibid.,pp.127206(Latintext,withItaliantranslationandindexofcitationsandoferrorsdenounced).

Englishtranslation:Thesecondtreatiseonly,OntheSacraments,inCatecheticalInstructionsofSt.Thomas,trans.J.B.Collins,NewYork:Wagner,19391953.
Frenchtranslation:OpusculesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,trans.abbFournet,Vivs,vol.l,Paris,1856,pp.53262.

ResponsioadmagistrumIoannemdeVercellisde108articulis:seechapter9.ThisexpertopinionwasrequestedofThomasbythemasteroftheorder,Johnof
Vercelli.Heexamineshere108propositionsdrawnfromthecommentariesontheSentencesbyhisconfrere,PeterofTarentaise,thefutureInnocentV,allsuspected
oferrorbyadetractor.Thomasexplainsheretheauthor'sthoughtbydisengagingitfromthefalseortendentiousinterpretationsoftheobjector.Theworkbelongsto
theRomanperiod,thoughwecannotnarrowthedateanyfurther(126566or126567).

Editions:Leonine,vol.42,prefacepp.26375,textpp.27994Parma,vol.16,pp.15162Vivs,vol.27,pp.23047Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.3,pp.211
45Marietti,Opusculatheologica,vol.1,pp.22340.

NoEnglishtranslation.Frenchtranslation:OpusculesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,trans.abbBandel,Vivs,vol.2,Paris,1857,pp.5092.

Deformaabsolutionis:seechapter9.

Themasteroftheorder,JohnofVercelli,hadsolicitedThomas'sopiniononaLibelluswhoseauthorconteststheuseoftheformulaindicatingsacramentalabsolution
("Egoteabsolvo").Thomas'sexamination,dated22February(probably1269),respondstothedifficultiestheobjectorraisedinthenameofthedeprecativeformula.

Editions:Leonine,vol.40CParma,vol.16,pp.29599Vivs,vol.27,pp.41723Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.3,pp.16377Marietti,Opusculatheologica,
vol.l,pp.17380(reprintofthetextestablishedbyP.Castagnoli,L'opuscoloDeformaabsolutionisdiSanTommasod'Aquino,Plaisance1933).

NoEnglishtranslation.Frenchtranslation:OpusculesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,trans.abbBandel,Vivs,vol.3,Paris,1857,pp.47491.

Desecreto:seechapter11.

Thisopusculumisnot,properlyspeaking,aworkofThomas's,butthereportofacommissioninwhichhetookpart:the1269Parisgeneralchapteraskedsome
masterstogivetheiropinionaboutsixcasesconcerningthepowerofareligioussuperiorovertheconscienceofasubordinateaccusedofasecretfaultorknowingthe
unknownauthorofsomefault.Thomas'sopinionisreportedontwoquestionswhere,contrarytotheopinionoftheothermasters,hedefendstherightofthesuperior
todemandfromoneofhissubordinates,incertaincases,theconfessionofasecret.

Editions:Leonine,vol.42,prefacepp.47583,text,pp.48788Parma,vol.24,pp.23536Vivs,vol.32,pp.81618Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.4,pp.497
501Marietti,Opusculatheologica,vol.1,pp.44748.

NoFrenchtranslation.ForanEnglishsummary,seeV.J.Bourke,Aquinas'SearchforWisdom.14346.

LiberDesortibusaddominumlacobumdeTonengo:seechapter11.

 Page354

AddressedtoJamesofTonengo,chaplaintothepope,thisopusculumwasprobablycomposedduringthesummerof1270or1271.Infivechapters,Thomas
examinesthereasons,aims,modes,andefficacityofrecoursetocastinglotsastothediscernmentofthelegitimacyofquestioninglots,itrestsonthedoctrineoffree
willandprovidence.

Editions:Leonine,vol.43,preface,pp.20726,textpp.22938Parma,vol.16,pp.31016Vivs,vol.27,pp.43948Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.3,pp.144
62Marietti,Opusculatheologica,vol.l,pp.15967.

NoEnglishtranslation.Frenchtranslation:OpusculesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,trans.abbBandel,Vivs,vol.3,Paris,1857,pp.52548.

ResponsionesadlectoremVenetumde30et36articulis:seechapter9.

ThesetwoResponsiones,datedfrom1271,areaddressedtoaFriarBaxianusofLodi,lectoroftheVenetianpriory,whohadsolicitedThomas'sopiniononvarious
problemsofcosmology(theinfluenceofthecelestialbodies,actionoftheangels,thelocationofHell,etc.).Thefirstresponseexamines30articlesfollowingthe
interventionoftheVenetianstudents,whosubmittedsomesupplementarydifficulties,Thomasrecasthisresponsein36articles,integratingintothemsomeelementsof
hisresponsetoJohnofVercelli,De43articulis,whichhadbeenwrittenintheinterveningtime(2April1271).

Editions:Leonine,vol.42,prefacepp.299320textpp.32124and33946Parma,vol.16,pp.16974(Resp.de36art.)Vivs,vol.27,pp.25663(Resp.
de36art.)Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.3,pp18095(Resp.de35art.)Marietti,Opusculatheologica,vol.1,pp.19397199208.

NoEnglishtranslation.Frenchtranslation:OpusculesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,trans.abbBandel,Vivs,vol.2,Paris,1857,pp.11332(Resp.de36art.).

ResponsioadmagistrumIoannemdeVercellisde43artieulis:seechapter9.DatedwithprecisiontoHolyThursday,2April1271,thisletterisanexpert
opinioncomposedattherequestofthemasteroftheorder,JohnofVercelli,bearingondisputedpointsofdoctrinewherequestionsofcosmologyholdanimportant
place:thisresponsebelongstothesamefileasthoseaddressedtothelectoratVenice,De30et36articulis.JohnofVercellialsoconsultedAlbertusMagnusand
RobertKilwardby,whoseresponseshavebeenpreserved.

Editions:Leonine,vol.42,prefacepp.299320,textpp.32735Parma,vol.16,pp.16368Vivs,vol.27,pp.24855Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.3,pp.
196210Marietti,Opuseulatheologica,vol.1,pp.21118.(SomeeditionspriortotheLeonine,onthebasisoffaultymanuscriptsandprintedtexts,erroneously
indicated42insteadof43articles.)

NoEnglishtranslation.Frenchtranslation:OpusculesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,trans.abbBandel,Vivs,vol.2,Paris,1857,pp.93112.

ResponsioadlectoremBisuntinumde6artieulis:seechapter9.

AcertainFriarGerard,lectorattheprioryofBesanon,consultedThomasonsixarticlesfiveconcernedremarksbypreachersDidthestarappearingtotheMagi
havetheformofacross,orofahumanfigure,orofacrucifix?DidthelittlehandsofthebabyJesuscreatethestars?WastheprophecyofSimeontotheVirginMary
accomplishedseventimeseachdayuntiltheResurrection?Thomas'sresponsefirmlycoun

 Page355

selednotbecominginvolvedinthefrivolityanduselessnessofsuchmatters.Asixthquestionconcernssacramentalconfession.Ofuncertaindate,thisconsultationmay
havebeenin1271.

Editions:Leonine,vol.42,preface,pp.34952,textpp.35556Parma,vol.16,pp.17576Vivs,vol.27,pp.26465Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.3,pp.246
48Marietti,Opusculatheologica,vol.1,pp.24344.

NoEnglishtranslation.Frenchtranslation:OpusculesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,trans.abbBandel,Vivs,vol.2,Paris,1857,pp.13236.

EpistolaadducissamBrabantiae:seechapter11.

ThelettertotheduchessofBrabant,whichitwouldbebettertodesignatenowas"LettertotheCountessofFlanders,"asdocertainmanuscriptsalongwith
Tolomeo,whoentitlesitadcomitissamFlandrie,isalsoknownundertheimpropernameDeregimineludaeorum(morethanhalfofthisshorttextspeaksofnon
Jewishsubjects)itisaresponsetosomequestionsthatprincipallyconcernthefinancialadministrationoftheprince'ssubjectsThomasherebasesthelegitimacyof
collectingtaxesontheprincipleofpublicutility.Astotherecipient,recentresearchleadsustothinksheisMargaretofConstantinople,countessofFlandersand
daughterofBaudouinI,countofFlandersandfirstemperorofConstantinoplethetextmustthusbeplacedatParisin1271.

Editions:Leonine,vol42,prefacepp.36171,textpp.37578Parma,vol.16,pp.29294Vivs,vol.27,pp.41316Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.1,pp.488
94Marietti,Opusculaphilosophica,pp.24952.

Englishtranslation:"OntheGovernmentofJewsinAquinas,"SelectedPoliticalWritings,ed.,intro.A.P.d'Entrves,trans.J.G.Dawson,Oxford,1948,pp.84
95.Frenchtranslation:OpusculesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,trans.abbBandel,Vivs,vol.3,Paris,1857,pp.46774.

DemixtioneelementorumadmagistrumPhilippumdeCastroCaeli:seechapter11.

ThislittletreatiseisaddressedtoMasterPhillipdeCastroCaeli,professorofmedicineinBolognaandNaples,whoconsultedThomasonthequestionofthefour
elementsandtheirqualities,followingtherolethatancientmedicinehadthemplayinthetheoryofhumorsandoftemperaments.Theexactdateofthisopusculumis
uncertainwecansituateitduringthesecondsojourninParis,perhapsbeforethe1270discussionontheunicityofsubstantialform,ofwhichitbearsnotrace.

Editions:Leonine,vol.43,prefacepp.13552,textpp.15557Parmavol.16,pp.35354Vivs,vol.27,pp.5023Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.1,pp.1921
Marietti,Opusculaphilosophica,pp.15556.

Englishtranslations:"OntheCombiningoftheElements,"trans.V.R.Larkin,Isis51(1960),6772"OntheMixtureoftheElements,toMasterPhilip,"trans.P.V.
Spade,OklahomaStateUniversity,Trans.ClearingHouse,1990,15.A4075s.Frenchtranslation:OpusculesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,trans.abbBandel,
Vivs,vol.4,Paris,1857,pp.4145.

DemotucordisadmagistrumPhilippumdeCastroCaeli:seechapter11.

Addressedtothesamerecipientastheprevioustreatise,thisopusculumholdsthat

 Page356

themovementoftheheart,inmanasinanimals,isanaturalmovement,andnotaviolentone,asAlfredofSareshelheld.Thislittletreatise,whoseexactdateis
uncertain,mayhavebeencomposedinNaplesin1273.

Editions:Leonine,vol.43,prefacepp.95123,textpp.12730Parma,vol.16,pp.35860Vivs,vol.27,pp.50811Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.1,pp.28
32Marietti,Opuseulaphilosophica,pp.16568.

Englishtranslation:OntheMovementoftheHeart,trans.V.R.Larkin,in"ThomasAquinasontheHeart,"JournaloftheHistoryofMedicine15(1960)2230.
Frenchtranslation:OpusculesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,transbyabbBandel,Vivs,vol.4,Paris,1857,pp.5562.

Deoperationibusoccultisnaturaeadquendammilitemultramontanum:seechapter11.

Dedicatedtothe"hiddenoperationsofnature,"thisopusculumtriestodiscernthatwhichderivesfromnaturalcausesandthatwhichcanbeattributedtodemonic
interventioninmagicpractices,whoseclaimsThomasdenounces.TheparallelsinthisexpositioninvitedatingittothesecondperiodteachinginParis(126872)the
knight"frombeyondthemountains"towhomitisaddressed,otherwiseunknown,wouldthenbesomeonelocatedinItaly.

Editions:Leonine,vol.43,pp.16379,textpp.18386Parma,vol.16,pp.35557Vivs,vol.27,pp.5047Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.1,pp.17Marietti,
Opusculaphilosophica,pp.15962.

Englishtranslation:TheLetterofSt.ThomasAquinasDeoccultisoperibusnaturaeadquendammilitemultramontanum,inPhilosophicalStudies42
(Washington,D.C.:CatholicUniversity,1939),trans.J.B.McAllister.Frenchtranslation:OpusculesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,trans.abbBandel,Vivs,vol.4,
Paris,1857,pp.4654.

Deiudiciisastrorum:seechapter11.

Therecipientofthisshortletter,whomayhavebeenReginald,askedThomasifitispermittedtouseastrology.Withoutdenyingthebodilyeffectsofthestarsonour
world,Thomas'sresponsefirmlyexcludeshumanactsfromthedomainoftheirinfluence,andheconcludesthatconsultingthestarsaboutwhatdependsonthehuman
willis,therefore,aserioussin.TheopusculumappearstodatefromthesecondsojourninParis(126972).

Editions:Leonine,vol.43,prefacepp.18997,textp.201Parma,vol.16,p.317Vivs,vol.27,p.449Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.3,pp.14243Marietti,
Opusculatheologica,vol.1,p.155.

NoEnglishtranslation.Frenchtranslation:OpusculesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,trans.abbBandel,Vivs,vol.3,Paris,1857,pp.54950.

EpistolaadBernardumabbatemcasinensem:seechapters1and14.

AdressedtoBernardAyglier,abbotofMonteCassino,thisletterexplainsthemeaningofapassageinSaintGregory'sMoraliarelatingtotheinfallibilityofdivine
foreknowledgeanditslinkswithhumanliberty.LastindateamongThomas'sworks,itwaswrittentowardmidFebruary1274inAquinoorinthecastleofMaenza,
whilehewasonhiswaytoattendthecouncilofLyon.

Editions:Leonine,vol.42,prefacepp.399409,textpp.41315Vivs,vol.32,

 Page357

pp.834835Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.3,PP.24951Marietti,Opusculatheologica,vol.1,pp.24950ADondaine,''LalettredesaintThomasl'abbdu
Montcassin,"inSaintThomasAquinas12741974CommemorativeStudies,A.Maurer,ed.,vol.1,Toronto,1974,pp.87108.

PartialEnglishtranslation:InV.J.Bourke,Aquinas'SearchforWisdom,pp.11415.Frenchtranslation:P.Renaudin,"SaintThomasd'AquinetsaintBenot,"RT
17(1909)51337cf.pp.53335(textpriortothecriticaledition).

LiturgicalWorks,Sermons,Prayers

OfficiumdefestoCorporisChristiadmandatumUrbaniPapae:seechapter7.

Theauthenticityofthisworkhaslongpresenteddifficulties,butafterP.M.Gy'swork,itsattributiontoSaintThomasisnolongerdoubtful.ItistheOfficeSacerdos
ofthemassCibavit,bothpromulgatedbyUrbanIVon11August1264withthebullTransiturus,whichinstitutedthisfeastfortheuniversalChurch.Itscomposition,
thusgoesbacktotheOrvietoperiod,alittlebeforethisdate.

Editions:Parma,vol.15,PP.23338Vivs,vol.29,pp.33543Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.4,PP.46176Marietti,Opusculatheologica,vol.2,pp.27581.

Frenchtranslations:OpusculesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,trans.abbFournet,Vivs,vol.5,Paris,1858,pp.41634selectedportionsinPriresdesaintThomas
d'Aquin,translatedandpresentedbyA.D.Sertillanges,Paris,1920,reprint1954PriresdeSaintThomas,presentation,translation,andcommentariesbyD.
Sureau,Paris,1992,pp.4558.

Hymn"AdoroTe":seechapter7.

DespiteA.Wilmart'slabors,whichseemedtoconcludeagainsttheauthenticityoftheAdoroTe,recentresearchhasstrongargumentsinfavorofthisprayer's
authenticity,whichisattestedinthefourthversionofToccoandalreadywidespreadbeforeThomas'scanonization.

Editions:Parma,vol24,pp.24344Vivs,vol.32,p.823Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.4,PP.54445Marietti,Opusculatheologica,vol.2,p.287.

Frenchtranslations:PriresdesaintThomasd'Aquin,translatedandpresentedbyA.D.Sertillanges,Paris,1920,Reprint1954,pp.4243PriresdeSaint
Thomas,D.Sureau,ed.,Paris,1902,pp.5960.

Collationesindecemprecepta:seechapter4.

Itisdifficulttospecifywithcertitudethedateandplaceofcompositionofthehomiliesonthetencommandments.GiveninThomas'smothertongueinItaly(126168,
or1273?),theywerecollectedbyPeterofAndriathefaircopywaslate,contemporarywiththatoftheLecturaonSaintMatthew.ThispreachingbyThomasbears
onthedoublecommandmentofcharityandthenonthetencommandments.

Editions:J.P.Torrell,"LesCollationesindecempreceptisdesaintThomasd'Aquin.Editioncritiqueavecintroductionetnotes,"RSPT69(1985)540and227
63Parma,vol.16,pp.97114Vivs,vol.27,pp.14470Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.4,PP.41355Marietti,Opusculatheologica,vol.2,24571.

Englishtranslations:TheCommandmentsofGod,trans.L.Shapeote(London,1937)alsoinJ.B.Collins,CatecheticalInstructions,NewYork,Wagner,1953.

 Page358

Frenchtranslations:SaintThomasd'Aquin,Lescommandements,Intro.,trans.,andnotesbyamonkofFontgombault,DocteurCommun,Paris,1970(theLatin
textisnottheoneofthecriticaledition)OpusculesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,trans,abbFournet,Vivs,vol.1,Paris,1856,pp.453531.

Collationesinorationemdominicam,inSymbolumApostolorum,insalutationemangelicam:seechapters4and13.

Itisdifficulttospecifywithcertitudethedateandplaceofcompositionofthisseriesofhomilies.ThesermonsonthePaterwereprobablygiveninNaplesduringLent
of1273theirreportatioistheworkofReginaldofPiperno,asisthatofthesermonsontheCredo,whoseattributiontothissameperiodisnotcertain.Thesermon
onthefirstpetitionofthePaterintheprintededitions,borrowedfromAldobrandinusdeToscanella,isunauthentic,cf.B.G.Guyot,"AldobrandinusdeToscanella:
sourcedelalaPetitiodesditionsducommentairedeS.ThomassurlePater,"AFP53(1983)175201.AstothehomiliesontheAveMaria,thisisprobablyan
ordinarysermonwithitscollatio,preachedduringthesecondsojournatParis.

Editions:Parma,vol.16,pp.12351Vivs,vol.27,pp.183229Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.4,PP.34941145660Marietti,Opusculatheologica,vol.2,
pp.193241I.F.Rossi,S.ThomaeAquinatisExpositioSalutationisAngelicae.Introductioettextus,Plaisance,1931,reprintedinDivusThomas(Plaisance)
34(1931)44579.

Englishtranslations:TheSermonConferencesofSt.ThomasAquinasontheApostles'Creed,trans.fromtheLeoninetext,ed.andintro.byNicholasAyo,C.S.C.
(NotreDame,1988)TheThreeGreatestPrayers,trans.L.Shapcote,London,1937J.B.Collins,CatecheticalInstructionsofSt.ThomasAquinas,New
York,1953L.Every,Dominicaria39(1954),31ff.Frenchtranslations:SaintThomasd'Aquin,LePateretl'Ave,Intro.andtrans.byamonkofFontgombault,
"DocteurCommun,"Paris,1967SaintThomasd'Aquin,leCredo,Intro.,trans.,andnotesbyamonkofFontgombault,DocteurCommun,Paris,1969Opuscules
desaintThomasd'Aquin,trans,abbFournet,Vivs,vol.1,Paris1856,pp.563632vol.2,1857,pp.149.

OtherSermons:seechapter4.

TheeditionsofThomas'sworksgenerallycontainagoodnumberofsermonsattributedtohim,forthemostpartfalsely.Weindicatehere,inalphabeticalorder,thelist
of19authenticsermonsestablishedbyL.J.Bataillon,"LessermonsattribussaintThomas:questionsd'authenticit,"MM19(1988)32541,cf.pp.33940
(FatherBataillon'slistalsocontainsthesermonontheAveMariawhichhasbeenmentionedabovealongwiththeonesonthePaterandCredo.).The10sermons
bearingacollatioareindicatedinitalics.Astothedateswhenthesesermonswerepreached,itisoftendifficulttobeprecisewecouldinferfromtheplacesthatare
sometimesindicated:Bologna,MilanParisistheprobableplaceforatleast12ofthem.

Abiciamus:Vivs,vol.32,p.693J.B.Raulx,ed.,DiviThomaeAquinatisSermonesetopusculaconcionatoria,vol.1,Paris,1881,p.416Busa,vol.6,p.38a.

Attendite:Parma,vol.24,p.226Vivs,vol.32,p.673Raulx,p.483Busa,vol.6,p.35a.

Beatagens:Vivs,vol.32,p.797Raulx,p.516Busa,vol.6,p.39c.

 Page359

Beatiquihabitant:Th.Kppeli,"UnaraccoltadipredicheattribuiteaS.Tommasod'Aquino,"AFP13(1943),pp.5994,cf.p.88Busa,vol.6,p.44a.

Beatusuir:Vivs,vol.32,p.803Raulx,p.525:Busa,vol.6,p.41a.

Celumetterra:Vivs,vol.32,p.692Raulx,p.425Busa,vol.6,p.37c.

Ecceegomitto:Vivs,vol.32,p.815:Raulx,p.417Busa,vol.6,p.42a.

Eccerextuus:J.Leclercq,"UnsermoninditdeSaintThomassurlaroyautduChrist,"RT46(1946)15266,cf.pp.15666Busa,vol.6,p.45a.

EmitteSpiritum:unpublished.

Exiitquiseminar:Kppeli,art.cit.,p.75Busa,vol.6,p.42b.

Germinetterra:P.A.Uccelli,IGigliaMaria12(1874)12643Busa,vol.6,p.38a.

Homoquidamerat:Vivs,vol.32,p.791Raulx,p.493Busa,vol.6,38a.

Homoquidamfecit:L.J.Bataillon,"LesermoninditdesaintThomasHomoquidamfecitcenammagnam.Introductionetdition,"RSPT67(1983)35368.

Laudaetletare:unpublished.

Luxortaest:Parma,vol.24,p.231Vivs,vol.32,p.682Raulx,p.508Busa,vol.6,p.36b.

OsannafilioDauid:Kppeli,art.cit.,p.72Busa,vol.6,p.42a(partial).

PuerIesus:Parma,vol.24,p.220Vivs,vol.32,p.663Raulx,p.418Busa,vol.6,p.33a.

Seraphimstabant:unpublished.

Venietdesideratus:unpublished.

NocompleteFrenchtranslationS.Pinckaers,"UnsermoninditdesaintThomas,"Sources12(1986)922(trans.ofthesermonHomoquidamfecitcenam
magnam).

UnauthenticWorks

Defallacis:seechapter1.

Thislittletreatiseonlogicforbeginners,whichexaminesfaultyreasoning,wasconsidereduntilthebeginningofthetwentiethcenturyasoneofThomas'syouthful
works.ItwasgenerallythoughtthathewouldhavecomposeditduringhisdetentionatRoccaseccain124445.Dependantonseveralauthors,notablyPeterof
Spain,itisinrealitylaterthantheRoccaseccadateandtodayisrecognizedasunauthentic.Gauthiersuggestslookingforitsauthoramongthemastersofartsinthe
southofFrancetowardtheendofthethirteenthcentury.

Editions:Leonine,vol.43,prefacepp.385400,textpp.40318Parma,vol.16,PP.37787Vivs,vol.27,pp.53348Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.4,PP.
50834Marietti,Opusculaphilosophica,pp.22540.

Frenchtranslation:OpusculesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,trans,abbBandel,Vivs,vol.,4,Paris,1857,pp.11659.

Depropositionibusmodalibus:seechapter1.

ConsideredforalongtimealongwiththeDefallaciisasaworkofThomas'syouththathecomposedduringhisdetentionatRoccaseccaanddirectedtohisfellow
studentsinNaples(124445),thislittlelogicaltreatiseistoday,liketheprecedingentry,recognizedasunauthentic.

 Page360

Editions:Leonine,vol.43,preface,pp.385400,text,pp.42122Parma,vol.16,pp.38889Vivs,vol.27,pp.54950Mandonnet,Opuscula,vol.4,PP.
5057I.M.Bochenski,"SanctiThomaeAquinatisDemodalibusopusculumetdoctrina,"Angelicum17(1940)180218Marietti,Opusculaphilosophica,pp.
24345.

Frenchtranslation:OpusculesdesaintThomasd'Aquin,trans,abbBandel,Vivs,vol.4,1857,pp.16063.

NumerousotherunauthenticworksorworksofdoubtfulauthenticityhavebeenattributedtoThomas,as,forexample,thetreatiseDedemonstrationeorthe
opusculaDeinstantibus,Denaturaverbiintellectus,Deprincipioindividuationis,Denaturageneris,Denaturaaccidentis,Denaturamateriae,Dequattuor
oppositis,etc.,thatmaybefoundincurrenteditions(MandonnetOpuscula,vol.4Marietti,Opusculaphilosophica,seeindex).Othersareextractsfromauthentic
worksthatcirculatedasindependentworks.Thatwasthecase,forexample,oftheopusculaDedifferentiaverbidiviniethumani(extractfromtheLecturain
loannemc.1,lect.1),Desensurespectusingularium(extractfromtheSententiaLibrideanima,lib.2,lect.14),etc.Thefollowinglistofopusculaofoneorthe
otherkindisdrawfromthelistofopusculaintheTabulaaureaandthePianaeditionestablishedbyB.G.Guyot:3

Concordantiae"Pertransibuntplurimi"

Debeatitudine

Dedemonstratione

Dedifferentiaverbidiviniethumani

DedilectioneDeietproximi

Dedimensionibusindeterminatis

Dedivinismoribus

Deeruditioneprincipis

Deexpositionemissae

Defallaciis

Defato

DehumanitateChristi

Deinstantibus

Deintellectuetintelligibili

Deinventionemedii

Demodostudendi

Denaturaaccidentis

Denaturageneris

Denaturaloci

Denaturaluminis

Denaturamateriae

Denaturasyllogismorum
3.
B.G.Guyot,BT12(19631965),p.207208thislistisreproducedintheintroductiontoPetrusaBergamoO.P.,ConcordantiaeTextuumdiscordantiumDiviThomaeAquinatis
Editiofototypica,I.Colosio,ed.,Florence,1982,nopagination.Thistextalsoindicatessomeprobableauthorsforsomeoftheunauthenticworks,aswellastheauthenticsources
fortheextracts.

 Page361

Denaturaverbiintellectus

Deofficosacerdotis

Depotentiisanimae

Deprincipioindividuationis

Depropositionibusmodalibus

Depuritateconscientiaeetmodoconfitendi

Dequatuoroppositis

Dequoestetquodest

Desensurespectusingulariumetintellecturespectuuniversalium

Detempore

Deunitatevelpluralitateformarum

Deusurisincommuni

Devenerabilisacramentoaltarisadmodumdecempraedicamentorum

Devenerabilisacramentoaltarisadmodumsermonum

Devirtutibusetvitiis

Primustractatusdeuniversalibus

Secundustractatusdeuniversalibus

Summatotiuslogicae

 Page362

Abbreviations
Belowaretheabbreviationsfrequentlyusedinthenotesandbibliography.AbbreviationsoffrequentlycitedworksarementionedafterthePreface.Fullinformationon
booksandarticlescitedinabbreviatedformistobefoundinthebibliography.

AFH Archivumfranciscanumhistoricum,QuaracchiandGrottaferrata(Rome).

AFP Archivumfratrumpraedicatorum,Rome.

AHDLMA Archivesd'histoiredoctrinaleetlittrairedumoyenge,Paris.

ALMA ArchivumLatinitatismediiaevi,Brussels.

BA Bibliothqueaugustinienne(OeuvresdesaintAugustin),Paris.

BFSMAe BibliothecafranciscanascholasticaMediiAevi,QuaracchiandGrottaferrata(Rome).

BGPTMA BeitrgezurGeschichtederPhilosophieundTheologiedesMittelalters,Mnster.

BLE Bulletindelittratureecclsiastique,Toulouse.

BTAM Bulletindethologieancienneetmdivale,Louvain.

BT Bulletinthomiste,LeSaulchoir,KainandEtiolles.

Cahiers Cahiersdel'Institutdephilosophiecompare,Paris.
IPC

CCSL CorpusChristianorumSeriesLatina,Turnhout.

CIVICIMA Comitinternationalduvocabulairedesinstitutionsetdelacommunicationintellectuellesaumoyen
ge,Turnhout.

DHGE Dictionnaired'histoireetdegographieecclsiastique,Paris.

DS Dictionnairedespiritualit,Paris.

DTC Dictionnairedethologiecatholique,Paris.

DTP DivusThomas,Plaisance.

DT(Fr.) DivusThomas,Fribourg(Switzerland).

ETL Ephemeridestheologicaelovanienses,Louvain.

FZPT FreiburgerZeitschriftfrPhilosophieundTheologie,Fribourg(Switzerland).

MM Miscellaneamediaevalia,Berlin.

 Page363

MOPH MonumentaOrdinisFratrumPraedicatorumhistorica,Rome.

MS MediaevalStudies,Toronto.

MSR Mlangesdesciencereligieuse,Lille.

MThZ MnchenertheologischeZeitschrift,Munich.

NRT Nouvellerevuethologique,Louvain.

NS NewScholasticism,Washington.

NV Novaetvetera,Geneva.

PL Patrologialatina(J.P.Migne),Paris.

RFNS Rivistadifilosofianeoscolastica,Milan.

RLT Rassegnadiletteraturatomistica(newseriesofthe"Bulletinthomiste"),Naples.

RPL RevuephilosophiquedeLouvain,Louvain.

RSPT Revuedessciencesphilosophiquesetthologiques,Paris.

RSR Recherchesdesciencereligieuse,Paris.

RT Revuethomiste,Toulouse.

RTAM Recherchesdethologieancienneetmdivale,Louvain.

SIEPM Socitinternationalepourl'tudedelaphilosophiemdivale,Louvain.

STGMA StudienundTextezurGeistesgeschichtedesMittelalters,Leiden.

VS Viespirituelle,Paris.

ZKT ZeitschriftfrkatholischeTheologie,Vienna.

 Page364

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 Page397

IndexoftheWorksofSaintThomasAquinas

AdoroTedeuote,13235,357

Attenditeafalsisprophetis,196

Catenaaurea.SeeGlossacontinuasuperEvangelia

Collatioinorationemdominicam:

Pater,7172,165,269,275,358

AveMaria,7172,269,358

Credo,7172,165,266,275,349,358

Collationesindecemprecepta,7172,165,266,35758

CollationesinIsaiah.SeeExpositiosuperIsaiamadlitteram

Compendiumtheologiae,103,16466,266,273,34950

Contradoctrinamretrahentiumareligione,8490,183,240,34748

Contraerroresgraecorum,103,12324,290,351

ContraimpugnantesDeicultumetreligionem,7984,88,90,92,34647

Deaeternitatemundi,18487,240,348

Deangelis.SeeDesubstantiisseparatis

Dearticulisfideietecclesiaesacramentis,126,16465,35253

Deemptioneetuenditioneadtempus,12223,351

Deenteetessentia,4748,34849

Defallaeiis(apocryphe),11,359

Deformaabsolutionis,168,353

Deiudiciisastrorum,215,273,356

Demixtioneelementorum,21314,266

Demotucordis,21314,35556

Deoprationibusoccultisnaturae,21415,356

Deperfectionespiritualisuitae,56,8491,183,240,347

Deprincipiisnaturae,4849,349

Depropitionibusmodalibus(apocryphe),11,359

DerationibusfideiadCantoremAntiochehum,103,12425,35152

DeregnoadregemCypri,14,16971,315,350

Desecreto,217,353

Desubstantiisseparatis,22023,240,273,350

DeunitateintellectuscontraAverroistas,92,173,19194,240,316,341,348

EpistolaadBernardumabbatemcasinensem,14,15,295,35657

EpistolaadducissamBrabantiae(DeregimineIudeorum,DeregimineSubditorum),21820,335

ExpositioetLecturasuperEpistolasPauliApostoli,197,25074,312,340

ExpositioLibriBoetiiDeebdomadibus,68,34546

ExpositioLibriPeryermenias,22426,34243

ExpositioLibriPosteriorum,22527,266,343

ExpositiosuperIobadlitteram,55,57,59,115,12021,198200,251,338

ExpositiosuperIsaiamadlitteram,2735,44,55,68,241,337

ExpositiosuperprimametsecundamDecretalem,12526,352

GlossacontinuasuperEvangelia(CatenaAurea),47,56,70,13640,160,230,242,33839

LausMariae,32

 Page398

LecturasuperIoannem,55,197201,240,274,33940

LecturasuperMatthaeum,5557,197201,198,24041,339,357

LiberDesortibus,21517,35354

OfficiumdefestoCorporisChristi,12931,13536,246,357

Othersermons,35859

OsannofilioDavid,183

Exiitquiseminat,183

PostillasuperPsalmos,25657,275,34041

Principium''Rigansmontesdesuperioribussuis"and"HicestlibermandatorumDei,"5153,338

QuaestiodisputataDeanima,63,102,16162,172,193,201,2047,335

QuaestiodisputataDecarirate,201

QuaestiodisputataDecorrectionifraterna,201

QuaestiodisputataDeSpe,201,336

QuaestiodisputataDespiritualibuscreaturis,103,16162,172,201,193,2047,33536

QuaestiodisputataDeunioneVerbiincarnati,2017,240,33637

QuaestiodisputataDeuirtutibuscardinalibus,201

Quaestiodisputatadeuirtutibusincommuni,20l

QuaestionesdequodlibetIXII,20912,312:

QuodlibetDeingressupuerorum,8687

QuodlibetI,Deoperemanualireligiosorum,81,88,179,202,217

QuolibetsIVII,240

QuodlibetII,242

QuodlibetsIIV,183

QuodlibetIV,8687,107

QuodlibetsVIIXI,61

QuodlibetsVIIXII,21012

QuaestionesdisputataeDemalo,146,2021,2027,225,240,244,336

QuaestionesdisputataeDepotentia,62,103,16164,204,335

QuaestionesdisputataeDeueritate,6266,68,163,205,242,245,33435,345

QuaestionesdisputataeDeuirtutibus,2017,240,336

Quodlibeta.SeeQuaestionesdequolibet

Responsio...de108articulis,167,353

Responsio...de43articulis,168,354

ResponsioadlectoremBisuntinumde6articulis,169,354

Responsiones...de30et36articulis,168,354

Rigansmontes.SeePrincipium

ScripturesuperLibrosSententiarum,1314,24,28,3945,66,103,108,112,116,119,134,136,139,144,147,154,158,160,185,312,316,332

SentenciaLibriDeanima,103,162,17174,176,181,226,229,246,341

SentenciaLibriDesensuetsensato,173,224,34142

SententiaLibriEthicorum,20,25,26,170,174,22729,238,283,34344

SententiaLibriPoliticorum,23334,266,344

SententiasuperLibrosdegenerationeetcorruptione,235,266,345

SententiasuperLibrumDecaeloetmundo,234,266,344

SententiasuperMetaphysicam,154,23133,238,266,344

SententiasuperMeteora,23536,342

SententiasuperPhysicam,187,194,23133,235

SummacontraGentiles,68,86,88,96117,120,125,126,154,163,164,172,241,251,312,33233,338,345,349,352

Summatheologiae,26,44,47,63,66,86,88,102,1079,111,112,11516,11920,126,128,131,135,136,139,14460,163,166,172,174,177,185,
18990,194,202,206,208,211,225,227,229,230,231,234,240,242,24446,26165,275,289,294,305,312,316,33334,335,341,343,347

SuperBoetiumDeTrinitate,6768,84,107,108,241,345

SuperCanticaCanticorum,292,295,341

SuperEpistolasPauliApostoli.SeeExpositioetLectura

SuperIeremiametThrenos,2728,337

SuperIoannem.SeeLecturasuperIoannem

SuperIob.SeeExpositiosuperIob

SuperIsaiam.SeeExpositiosuperIsaiam

SuperLibrumDecausis,194,22223,240,346

SuperLibrumDionysiiDediuinisnominibus,12729,346

TabulaLibriEthicorum,26,22931,242

Traetatusfallaciarum,11

 Page399

IndexofNames

Abel,323

Acerra,ThomasI,Count,3

AdelasiadeAquino,4,12

AdenulfofAnagni,19899

Agnes,Saint,271,274,28283

AimericofVeire,50

Aimo(Aimone)deAquino,3

AlFarabi,188

AlaindeLibera,299

AlberttheGreat(AlbertusMagnus),Saint,xviii,13,1822,2438,41,44,49,59,9697,127,140,143,16869,19294,22930,233,29899,303,31314,
316

commentaryonEthics,26,229

commentaryonPhysics,230

commentaryonPolitics,233

commentaryonSentences,193

DeCaelestihierarchia,21,22

Dionysiumdedivinisnominibus,21,25

Paruanaturalia,230

SuperDequindecimproblematibus,299

AlexanderIV,Pope,50,7172,77,80

AlexanderofHales,40,76,188

Alexander,Master,20

AlfreddeSareshel,213,356

Alix(Adelaide)ofBurgundy,218

Ambrose,Saint,264,325

AmbrosioSansedoniofSiena,143

Ammonius,226

AndrVauchez,320

Andrew,BishopofTerracina,319

Annibaldod'Annibaldi,99,137,282

AnnibaldoofCeccano,277

Aquinas,Thomas.SeeThomasAquinas

Aristotle,7,38,41,93,95,105,111,115,12729,132,149,154,156,169,182,184,190,19294,221,222,223,237,239,245,283

Deanima,162,17177,224,246

Deanimalibus,102,175

Decaelo,175

Ethics,20,227,229,246

Liberdebonafortuna,102

Metaphysics,39n,41,128,22527,23133,246,266,275n

Physics,39n,41,186,23133,246

Politics,102

PosteriorAnalytics,226

Rhetoric,102,146,202,246

Arius.SeeArianism

ArnouldeProvence,20

Athanasius,Saint,137,325

Augustine,Saint,39,41,44,87,128,157,16566,18788,199,214,222,245,26061,264,308,312,325

Averroes,67,49,93,1045,19294.SeealsoAverroism

Avicebron(IbnGebirol),18889

Avicenna,4849,188,192,313

Bandel,M.,331

BartholomewofCapua,8,63,185,199,241,258,259,269,27071,274,280,281,289,29293,306,318

BartholomewofPisa,159

BartholomewofSpina,57

BartholomewofTours,217

Basil,Saint,325

Bataillon,L.J.,23,68,71,2023,236,331,342,358

BaudouinIofFlanders,219

BaxianusdeLodi,168,354

Bazn,Bernardo,6163,162,193

BeaudouindeMaflix,217

Bede,Venerable,137

Benedict,Saint,4

BenedictofAsinago:

ConcordantiadictorumfratrisThomae,322

Bentius,Friar,325

BernardAyglier,14,290,295,356

BernardGui,xv,8,19,320

Bernard,Saint,134

BernardofAuvergne,315

BernardofLaTreille,315

Berthier,J.,27

 Page400

Bianchi,Luca,299

Billot,206

Boethius,68,226

BoethiusofDacia,191

Bonaventure,Saint,13,39,41,45,61,71,76,7879,80,18284,187,19293,290,298,308

CollationesinHexaemeron,298

CommentaryontheSentences,192

Bonhomme,96,217

BonifaceVIII,Pope,130,325

Bonino,S.Th.,65

BonofilioCoppaofNaples,269,272

Bouthillier,Denise,x,30,35,51,367

Boyle,Leonard,22,46,119,142,144,160,208,21819

Brady,I.,18586,188

Bukovski,Th.P.,185

BurgundioofPisa,139

Busa,R.,240

Cajetan,Cardinal,206

Capreolus,47

Cassian,Collationes,15

Castagnoli,231

CatherinadeMorra,xvii,4,318,321

CatherineofSiena,Saint,315n

CharlesI,KingofSicily,249,270,275

CharlesII,KingofSicily,270,276

CharlesofAnjou,170,249,293

Chenu,M.D.,19,4041,45,105,12729,15052,155,164,171,237,299

ChristianofBeauvais,78

Chrysostom,John.SeeJohnChrysostom

ClaireLeBrunGouanvic,xvi,31920

ClementIV,Pope,12,162,201

Conrad,King,27678

ConradofSuessa,101,268

ConradindeHohenstaufen,181

Corbin,M.,106

CyrilofAlexandria,Saint,137

Dahan,Gilbert,219

Dante,294,315

deCorbeil,Renaud,71,80

DeCorte,M.,17273

DeGroot,J.V.,19,27

deLibera,Alain,299

DeLubac,Henri,59

DeRubeis,99

Delaisse,L.M.J.,130

Denifle,19,100

Dianed'Andalo,282

DietrichofFreiberg,314

Doig,James,232

Dominic,Saint,15,33,51,90,97,285,296,32526

TheNineWaysofPraying285

DominicofCaserta,285

Dondaine,Antoine,254,342

Dondaine,HyacintheF.,11,46,48,5556,6162,64,65,82,8687,91,99,126,164,171,193,214,21618,236,271,273

Dufeil,MarieMichel,45,77,80,82,83,91

Duhen,Pierre,299

Duin,J.J.,232

DurandusofSaintPourcain,31011,314

Echard,J.,16970

Eckhart,Meister,313

EliasBrunet,37,56,77,96

Emery,Giles,xxii

Eschmann,I.T.,14,19,27,55,139,146,169,170,198,214,221,231,232,234,237,246,258,261

EudesRigaud,76

Ferrua,Angelo,xv

Flash,Kurt,299

Fournet,M.331

FrancescaofCeccano,277,291,294,296

FrancescaofMaenza,12.SeealsoFrancescaofCeccano

FrancisRuello,42

FrancisofAssisi,Saint,16,42,296

FrancisofTerracina,Bishop,296

FrederickII,Emperor,2,3,6,811,18,249

Freud,157

FriarPhilip,142

GaliendeOrto,158

Garvit,Evan,242

Gauthier,R.A.,xxii,11,20,22,25,26,81,99,1018,126,146,162,164,171,17374,17677,18081,192,193,202,204,224,226,22728,230,231,
237,238,24546,275

GerardofAbbeville,56,8486,185,207,219

Contraadversariumperfectionis,347

QuodlibetIV,56,347

QuodlibetXIV,84,347

GrarddeFrachet,xv,19

GerardofBesanon,73,354

GerardofSterngassen,313

GiacomoSavelli,303

GiacomoofCaiazzo,268

GiffredusofAnagni,125,352

GilbertofOvis(GilbertvanEyen),217

 Page401

GilesofLessines,298,315

GilesofRome,298,301,303,3068,313,316,323

CommentaryontheSentences,301

DeErroribusPhilosophorum,298

Gils,P.,2829,67,68,94,101,104,230

Gilson,E.,237

GiovanniGaetanoOrsini,Cardinal,303

GiovanniVillani,294

Glorieux,P.,xix,19,53,87,146,161,198,202,2045,207,218,250,258,261,311,313

GodfreyofFontaines,207,300,315,32324

Grabmann,M.,xix,161,164,170,231,237,314

Grant,Edward,299

GregoryI,Pope(Saint),15,41,57,127,260,325

Dialogues,15

Moralia,356

GregoryIX,Pope,3

GregoryX,Pope,290

GregoryofNazianzus,325

Grunwald,285

Gui,Bernard.SeeBernardGui

GuillaumeBertaut,22425

Guillot(beadleofthePicardnation),7172

Guyot,B.G.,358

Gy,PierreMarie,13032,135

HermanntheGerman,102

Hendrickx,185

Henle,221

Henry,Brother,25

HenryIIIofBrabant,218

HenryofGhent,207,302,307,315

HenryofLbeck,313

HervNdellec,310,313,315

Hilary,Saint,108

HillelofVerona,316

HonoriusIII,Pope,119

HonoriusIV,Pope,303

Huerga,A.,106

HughII,KingofCyprus,3,350

HughIIofLusignan,169

HughIIIofAntiochLusignan,170

HughofOstia,Cardinal,268

HughofSaintCher,37,99,119,122,351

HumbertofRomans,78,97,273

devitaregulari,97

IgnatiusofAntioch,264

Imbach,R.,331

InnocentIV,Pope,3,10,11,18,37,77,80,118,353

InnocentV,Pope,92,96,217,255,99,217,340

lrenaeus,261

JacobinusofAsti,28,30,241

JacoponedaTodi,133

JacquesDuese,317

JamesofBenevento,143

JamesofFerentino,297

JamesofMetz,311

JamesofSalerno,272

James(Giacomo)ofTonengo,21516,354

JamesofVenice,226,343

JamesofViterbo,122,27677,306,308,351

JeanPicardofLichtenberg,313

JohnQuidort,306,315

JehudanbenDanielRomano,316

Jerome,Saint,59,325

JoachimofFiore,Abbot,45,126,352

JohnXXI,Pope,299,3013

JohnXXII,Pope,317,32122,325

JohnBlasio,269

JohnChrysostom,56,13638,140,199,261,325

JohnCoppaofNaples,269,272,310,315,319

JohnDamascene,41

JohnPecham,89,18387,195,219,281,300,302,3046,308

Quaestio,183

John,Saint(Apostle),199

JohndelGiudice,271,289,318

JohnofAdelasia,292

JohnofBoiano,268

JohnofCaiazzo,270

JohnofFerentino,297

JohnofFreiburg,313

Summaconfessorum,158,208

JohnofGaeta,269

JohnofGuido,291,294

JohnofPouilly,207

JohnofRochelle,76,188

JohnofSt.Giles,75

JohnofSanGiuliano,8,10,270

JohnofSterngassen,313

JohnofVercelli,49,92,158,16769,217,274,303,309,353,354

JohntheGerman(JohnofWildeshausen),8,9,18,19,24,36,96

Johnson,Mark,46

Jordan,M.D.,106

JordanofSaxony,8,15,25,282,307

Jourdain,Charles,237

JulienneofMontCornillon,130

Lafont,G.,126

Lambot,C.,130

Landulf,CountofAquino,25

LandulfoSinnibaldo,Abbot,4

 Page402

Laurent,MarieHyacinthe,xv

LeGoff,Jacques,299

Leccisotti,T.,5

LgerdeBesanon,197,241

LeonardofGaeta,268

Leonard,ArchbishopofPalermo,126,352

LeonineEditors,11,28,35,46,4849,57,64,68,82,102,12021,123,130,147,161,165,170,185,201,203,206,214,218,220,224,229,233,234,
236,250,273,32169

Leroy,M.V.,15253

Lottin,O.,xix,146,188,237,244

LouisIX,Saint,KingofFrance,78,218,288

LouisofValencia,233,344

LucaBianchi,299

MahieuleVilain,23536

Maieru,A.,331

Mandonnet,P.,xix,3,8,19,48,53,6162,68,72,99,118,120,126,164,169,177,17982,185,187,192,198,201,214,215,231,237,250,251,258,
266,270,299,33159

Manfred,KingofSicily,7

Mansion,231

Marc,P.,102,104

MargaretofFrance,218

MargaretofConstantinople,219,355

Maria,QueenofSicily,269

Marietti,240,254,33159

Marind'Eboli,122,351

MarottadeAquino,Abbess,34,11

MartinIV,Pope,72,175,3012

Martin,Saint,281

MasterMartin,7

MasterPhilip,21314

MatthewofAquasparta,59

Mauer,Raban,137

MelitonofSardes,264

MichaelScot,6

MinioPaluello,177

Moerbeke,Williamof.SeeWilliamofMoerbeke

Mongillo,126

Montagnes,B.,49

MosesMaimonides,7,49,11213,186

GuideforthePerplexed,112

Motte,164

NapoleonBonaparte,242

Nicholas,AbbotofFossanova,269,29192

NicholasAlberti,320

NicholasGorran,255

NicholasTrevet,56

NicholasIII,Pope,302

NicholasIV,Pope,3035

NicholasdeCotrone:

LiberdeprocesioneSpiritussanctietfideTrinitatiscontraerrorsGraecorum,103

NicholasdeDurazzo,123,351

NicholasdeLyre,28,59

NicholasofBasurAube,78

NicholasofFresolino,269

NicholasofFreauville,320

NicholasofLisieux,84

ContraPechametThomam,183

NicholasofMarsillac,241

NicholasofPiperno,269

NicholasofStrasbourg:

Summa,313,314

Nietzsche,31

OctavianoofBabuco,269

OrlonofDouai,78

Origen,264

Paissac,103

PandolphoSavelli,319

Parma,33159

Patfoort,A.,1067,152

Paul,Saint(Apostle),166,239,283,308

Pecham,John.SeeJohnPecham

Pegis,A.C.,105

Pelster,F.,3,19,27,185,202,206

Pelzer,A.,25

Perrier,J.,164

Pesch,OttoHermann,xviii

PeterBrancaccio,269

PeterCalo,xv,19

PeterCanterii,320

PeterCantor,54,69

PeterFerri,319

PeterLombard,3945,47,60,76,126

Sentences,11,24,37,3941,66n,119n,185,301,332,333

PeterMangiador:

Historiascholastica,40

HistoriaEcclesiastica,98

PeterMarsili,105

Peter,Saint(Apostle),281

Peterd'Andria,197,241,357

PeterdelaPalud,310

PeterdeScala,57

PeterofAuvergne,233,315,344

PeterofCaputio,51

PeterofIreland,78

PeterofMontesangiovanni,51,269,292

PeterOlivi,59,308,32223

PeterofSanFelice,268

PeterofSpain,11,299,359

 Page403

PeterofTarentaise.SeeInnocentV

PetertheVenerable,x

PhiliptheChancellor,188

PhillipdeCastroCaeli,355

PierdelleVigne,10

Pirenne,218

PiusV,Pope,325

Plato,22122

Plotinus,155

Proclus,128,22123

Elementatiotheologica,23

ProusBoneta,32223

Prummer,Dominic,xvxvi

PseudoDionysius,22,25,41,51,86,12728,22122,313,338,346

Quetif,Echard,219

RambertofBologna,3067,315

Ramirez,J.M.,245

RaymondVanUyten,218

RaymondofPeafort,Saint,9798,105,11920,317

Summadecasibus,97,119

ReginaldofPiperno,26,29,49,51,64,172,19899,215,220,241,243,250,251,254,255,258,259,266,268,269,271,272,274,282,283,28992,295,
297,339,340,341,349,350,352,356,358

RemigioofFlorence,278,281,315

Renan,192

Renard,J.P.,57,339

Reveri,MasterGerard,182

RichardKnapwell,3046,309,324

CorrectoriumQuare,306

CorrectoriumSciendum,306

RichardRufus,39n

RichardofMediavilla,307

Rinaldo(Reginaldo),3,10

Robb,J.H.,161

RobertdeSorbon,84

RobertGrosseteste,7

RobertKilwardby,39n,16869,188,192,304,309,310

RobertofBenevento,31819

RobertofOrford,306

RogerBacon,39n

RogerofAquila,4,12,275

RogerofSanSeverino,4,276

RolandHissette,300

RolandofCremona,37,58,75,188

RolandGosselin,M.D.,48

Rolfes,E.,237

RomanoOrsiniofRome,143,248,315

RuediImbach,313

Ruteboeuf,80

Saffrey,HenriDominique,22223

Sanchis,A.,87

Scandone,F.,3

Scheeben,H.C.,27

Schillebeeckx,H.,152

Schutz,L.,237

Seckler,Max,151

Shooner,H.V.,xvi,21,55,57

SigerofBrabant,19195

Deanimaintellectiva,194

Deunitateintellectus,194

QuaestionesinTertiumdeanima,193.

SeealsoAverroism

Simon,Paul,2122

Simon,Richard,59

SimondeBrion.SeeMartinIV

Simplicius,175,207,234

SixtusofSiena,2728

Smalley,Beryl,5859

Spiazzi,R.M.,331

Spicq,C.,59,139

Steenberghen,F.Van.SeeVanSteenberghen,F.

Steel,C.,177

StephenBourret,324

StephendeCorbario,Abbot,5

StephenTempier,BishopofParis,107,185,191,129,299302,304,309,323

Suarez,264

Sylvester,Brother,48,349

Synan,Edward,59,92

Synave,P.,248

Themistius,17172,173,175,202

Theodora,CountessofSanSeverino,xvii,4,12,289,290,320

TheodoradeAquino,xvii,34,9,268,318

Theophylactus,139

TheresaofAvila,Saint,315n.42

ThomasofAversa,Friar,318

Thomas,Saint(Apostle),xvii

ThomasSutton,Deconcordantiisinseipsum,312,324

Thomas,CountofMarsico,4,318,32021

ThomasAquinas,Saint:

Life:Birthdate,1,327

birthplace,1

familyhistory,24

BenedictineOblate,45,327

StudiesatNaples,58,327

teachersinNaples,78

physicalappearance,26,27880

allegednickname,26

importanceoflearningfor,15,31

introductiontoAristotle,7,20

entersDominicans,816,327

devotiontofamily,12

handwriting,28,9394

abductionepisode,911,327

affectsonlater

 Page404

thought,89,91

studiesinParis,1924,328

artscourseinParis,2023

studiesinCologna,2427

novitiateyear,24

ordination,25

BachelorinParis,3650,328

masterintheology,5053,328

MagisterinSacraPagina,5474,197

dailyroutineatSt.Jacques,62

admittedtoConsortiumofmasters,79,328

lectorinOrvieto,11741,328

teachinginRome,14278

foundsstudiuminRome,14245,328

relationtoMoerbeke,17477

firstregencyinParis,17996,328

secondregencyinParis,19723,328

Naples:foundsstudiumin,24749,328

regentat,25066,328

routineat,244

allegeddebatewithJohnPecham,18587

debatewithJohnVercelli,16769

wroteagainstantimendicants,7595,183

composeslit.forCorpusChristi,12935

executesRoger'swill,27577

salariedbyKingCharlesI,27677

physicalcollapse,29092

lastillness,29293

possiblecauseofdeath,290,29495

death,293

miraclesattributedtohim,297

subjectofpopularcult,29698,32021

dispositionsofhiscorpse,29698

teachingsproposedforcensure,300306

DominicandefenseofThomas,303,30610,320

controversyamongstDominicans,31012

canonizationprocess,xvxviii,51,235,31726

processatNaples,26777,308,292

procl.ofsainthood,310,321

procl.oforthodoxy,323

feastday,310

beginningsofThomism,296,31016

DoctorEcclesiae,32425

personality:stubbornness,16,9193,217

goodnature,179,28081

personalvirtue,14,33,52,73,108,118,181

genius:prodigy,27,36,5051

intellectualsimplicity,7273,109

powersofconcentration,67,94,122,13637,14041,183,231,24045,282,28889,294

personaldevotions,13,136,283,28688

maturationprocess,47,137,163,24446,31112

spiritualoccurances,253,269,27273,280,28587

ThomasofCantimpr,xv

ThomasofCelano,42

ThomasofLentini,8

ThomasofSanSeverino,4

Tocco,Williamof.SeeWilliamofTocco

TolomeoofLucca,xv,1,19,46,47,99,120,130,160,162,170,199,201,218,219,227,233,25253,271,275,315,318,325,348

Tonneau,Jean,153

Torrell,JeanPierre,ixxiv,30,32,51,60,72,73,157,260,367,385,392

Tugwell,S.,xviii,100,181

Turiel,Q.,106

Uccelli,Paolo,258

UlrichofStrassburg,DesummoBono,314

UrbanV,Pope,298

UrbanIV,Pope,49,99,103,123,130,136,162,175,290,357

VanBanning,J.,138

Vedrine,M.,331

VanSteenberghen,F.,1056,164,192

Verbeke,G.,17173,181,182

Verardo,R.A.,331

VincentofBeauvais,63

SpeculamMaius,119

Viola,C.,331

Walz,A.,xviii,3,19,100,12728,181,276

Weisheipl,ix,xviii,3,14,22,27,28,53,81,82,99,101,126,127,139,146,169,174,182,186,188,198,201,207,214,218,231,232,246,250,251,253,
258,29495,303

WilliamdelaMare,47,63,302,3057,311,315

Correctorium,302,305

WilliamHothum,305,309

WilliamMacclesfield,306

WilliamPeterGodin,320

WilliamPeyraut,119

WilliamofAlton,9899

WilliamofAuxerre,7

WilliamofBrabant.SeeWilliamofMoerbeke

WilliamofCayeuxsurmer,158

WilliamofMeliton,76

WilliamofMoerbeke,49,102,146,17177,22123,225,226,232,234,235

WilliamofSaintAmour,16,61,72,7784,90

DePericulis,346

WilliamofTocco,xvii,xxi,4,7,8,10,11,14,18,19,22,33,36,37,42,44,4546,50,51,58,82,117,130,132,133,140,185,235,241,242,243,253,
268,269,270,271,278,279,280,281,284286,291,292,293,318,319,32022,357

Wippel,JohnF.,186

Wilmart,DomAndr,132,133

Wohlman,Avital,11

 Page405

IndexofSubjects

ageofmoraldiscretion,St.Thomason,16

Agnes,Saint,miracleattributedto,271,274

Anagni,82,117,146

analogy,doctrineof,inSt.Thomas,113

angels,St.Thomason,221

Antichrist,religiousordersidentifiedwith,83

antimendicantcontroversy,16,50,72,7579,82

St.Thomason,8491,190,182

FrederickIIrolein,8

Apollinarians,190

apostoliclife,St.Thomason,89

Arianism,138

Aristotelianism:

St.Thomascommentson,17174,178,22439

Thomas'suseof,3839,41

soulasformofbody,115

astrology,St.Thomason,21415

Augustinianism,scholastic,39

Averroism:influenceonSt.Thomas,192

errorof,8,182,19194

condemnationof,38,191

LatinAverroism,19293

Bollandists,xvxvi,129

Castrociela,213

Causality:

Bonaventureonstarsand,183

freewilland,21517.

SeealsoastrologyGod,providenceof

Chalcedon,Councilof,103n,140n

Christ:

asWord,103

divinityof,200

humanityof,18990,200

graceof,25556

hypostaticunion,190

incarnation,155

roleinsalvation,134,152

causeofgrace,66

roleinreligiouslife,89

christology,166,26165

esseof,200,2056.

SeealsoEucharist

churchandstate:

St.Thomason,13

St.Thomas'sfamily'sallegiancesto,2n,1314,18

tensionbetween,1112.

Seealsopapacy,authorityof

Cologne,Universityof,intellectualclimatein,19

Condemnationof1270,225,298

Condemnationof1277,229,298304.SeealsoStephenTempier,RobertKilwardby

conciliardegrees,St.Thomas'suseof,103,140

contemplativelife,St.Thomason,89

CorpusChristi,feastof,12936

cosmology,St.Thomason,168

Councilsofthechurch,teachingof.Seeconciliardecrees

creation,St.Thomason,43,11314,16364.SeealsoGod

divineprovidence.SeeGod

DominicanOrder.SeeOrderofFriarsPreachers

emenation.SeeNeoplatonismparticipation

Ephesus,Councilof,103n27,140n

equivocation.Seeanalogy

essence,St.Thomason,48

eternity:

St.Thomason,114,18488

Bonaventureon,182,184

Aristotleon,186

Eucharist,St.Thomason,123,13036.Seealsotransubstantiationsacraments

faithandreason,St.Thomasonrelationbetween,10810,158,169,195

filiocontroversy,123

Florence,Councilof,127

Fossanova,12,277,29193,29697,318

secondcanonizationprocess,51,267,319

Franciscans,39

roleinantimendicantcontroversy,63,7677,183

freewill,291.Seealsocausality

God:

causeofgrace,43,7374

endofman,43,157

existenceof,112

HolySpirit,

 Page406

201

knowledgeof,65,107,291

perfectionsof,113

powerof,16263

providenceof,115,12021,216

relationsofpersonswithin,43,123,166

relationtocreation,43,11314,16364

subjectoftheology,44

useofintermediaries,5152.

Seealsocausalitymanknowledgefaith

government,St.Thomason,17071,21920

grace,St.Thomason,66,25557

Greeks,St.Thomasinfluencedby,7274

hypostaticunion.SeeChrist

intellect,human:

controversyoverunicityof,18794

AvicennaandAverroeson,192

Bonaventureon,183

St.Thomason,19194

theoryofseparateness,192

Joachimism,77

Judaism,St.Thomason,32,73,21920

LateranIV,Councilof,126

LyonsII,Councilof,xx,11,175,290

Maenza,castle,12,277,291

magic.Seeastrology

man:

andsin,2034

freewill,21516

imageofGod,7374

knowledgeingeneral,66

knowledgeofGod,11213

reason,limitsof,10910,112

relationtoGod,33

salvationof,15153

sensesandreason,relationbetween,13233

soul,66,115

suffering,121.

Seealsointellect

Manichaeanism,80n,124n,188n,288n

manuallabor,St.Thomason,81

mariology,St.Thomason,13,73,262

Masters:functionsofuniversity,5455,5961,2078

dutiesaspreachers,6970

metaphysics.SeeNeoplatonismAristotle

monopsychism,193.Seealsointellect,unicityof

MonteCassino,Abbeyof,2,4,9,1415,23,140,29091

Naples,Universityof:

firstcanonizationprocess,xvxviii,51,235,31726,26777

foundingof,6,249,327

studiumgeneralefoundedat,24750

nature,secretpowersof,21415

Neoplationism,influenceof:

onSt.Thomas,22223,15155,116,12729

onSt.Albert,313.

Seealsoparticipation

OrderofFriarsPreachers:

bleedingpracticesof,51

commissiontopromotestudy,9798

coursesofstudy,2223

dutiesaspreachers,70

formationoffriars,9798,11820,144

foundationoforder,327

importanceoflearningin,31,69,80,8384,9697,143

missionaryefforts,105.

SeealsoantimendicantcontroversySaintJacques

Orvieto,9,56,99100,11741,14445,17576,216,246,248,25051,271,287

papacy:

authorityof,14,18,8081,123

conflictwithsecularpower,4.

Seealsochurchandstate:relations

PapalBulls:

Etsianimarum,77

Necinsolitum,77

Quasilignumvitae,50,7778

Redemptionemmisit,321

Transiturus,130,357

Paris,Universityof:

structure,76

intellectualclimate,62

oppositionbetweenartsandtheology,38

intellectualclimate,3738,7578

strikesof1272,247

teachingofAristotlein,38

participation,theoryof,6869,12829,155SeealsoNeoplatonism

patristics,influenceonSt.Thomas,34,103,12323,13740,199

Pelagianism,126

Perugia,11715

Pistoia,8

poverty,St.Thomason,16,84,8789.Seealsoantimendicantcontroversy

providence.SeeGod

purgatory,St.Thomason,123

radicalAristotelianism,300.SeealsoAverroism

religiousorders:

evangelismof,90

originsof,8990

perfectionof,56,8286,90

powerofsuperiorsin,217

Rome,studiumin,14245

intellectualatmosphereof,143

RoecaseccaCastle,2,10,13,213

sabbath,St.Thomason,32

sacraments,St.Thomason,16869

SaintJacques,Prioryof,24,47,75,97,137,158,212,310

St.Thomas'sdailyroutineat,62

teachingpracticesat,67,99

involvementinantimendicantcontroversy,5051,79

SanDemetrio,Prioryof,6

SanGermano,Treatyof,4.SeealsoMonteCassino

 Page407

SanSeverino,Castle,12,290

SantaSabina,Prioryof,45,142,181

scholasticmethod.Seeuniversitymethod

science,St.Thomason,21314

epistemologyof,67

Scripture:

importanceofinSt.Thomas,3435

invalidatingnatureofliteralsensesof,58

St.Thomason,25960

secretaries,St.Thomas'suseof,64,137,22930,23945.SeealsoReginaldofPiperno

Sentences(PeterLombard),teachingof,inMiddleAges,28,3941,47Seealsobachelors,dutiesof

soul,assubstantialformofbody,115,13790.Seealsoman

spiritualsubstances,168,221

theology,St.Thomason:

apostolic,109,174,239

argumentsfor,12425,156,169,195,26566

aspracticalscience,5132,157

asspeculativescience,157

methodof,15657

pastoral,5132,20912

placeofemotionsin,31

placeofWordofGodin,3132

purposeof,109,148.

Seealsofaithandreason

Todi,117

transcendentals,St.Thomason,65

translation,St.Thomasonpurposeof,124

Trinity.SeeGod

unicityofsubstantialform,theoryof,18790,21314,300

universitymethod:

bachelor,dutiesof,2729,3940,207

bookcopying,21

commissions,70

cursorie,27

installation,academicceremonyof,5253

lectio,60

legere,55

praedicare,69

quaestio,60

quodlibetdisputatio,proceduresfor,5964,2078

reportationes,29

studiumgeneraleandparticular,60,19n

usury,St.Thomason,122,21920

Valenciennes,commissiontopromotestudies,9697

vianegationis,St.Thomason,112,294,

viaremotionis,112

St.Thomas'suseinwritingmethod,16566

virtue,supernatural,St.Thomason,8387

Viterbo,117,171,17677,180,201

will,freedomofman's.SeecausalityGod

wisdom,St.Thomason,107

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