Black Theology

An International Journal

ISSN: 1476-9948 (Print) 1743-1670 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/yblt20

Counter-Liberation and Cult-Formation: The Case

of a Socio-Religious Movement in Southern India

Israel Selvanayagam

To cite this article: Israel Selvanayagam (2015) Counter-Liberation and Cult-Formation: The
Case of a Socio-Religious Movement in Southern India, Black Theology, 13:3, 247-257, DOI:
10.1179/1476994815Z.00000000061

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1476994815Z.00000000061

Published online: 27 Oct 2015.

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 black theology, Vol. 13 No. 3, November, 2015, 247257

Counter-Liberation and Cult-Formation:

The Case of a Socio-Religious
Movement in Southern India
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Israel Selvanayagam
Gurukul Lutheran Theological College and Research Institute, India

The process of cult-formation from a counter-liberation movement suggests

that there cannot be only one pattern of development of a religious tradition,
at least of all, in Indian contexts. This article explores the development of the
cult of Muthukutty Swamy, Vaikunda Swamy or Ayya Vazhi as it is variously
called. This research shows once again that religious life is immensely
complex and infinitely varied. Research in the Indian context demonstrates
that the socio-economic-cultural background certainly contributes to the par-
ticular contextual manifestation of cults. This study shows that the develop-
ment of cults in India have their origins in the long and widespread
religious roots of all cultural life of the country. Consequently, even the
secular ideals are soon religionised. It investigates the creation and flourish-
ing of a particular religious cult as a means of reflecting on the process by
which counter-liberation movements develop into cult-formation. This
article, therefore, recognizes the importance of religiously motivated liberation
in the socio-economic sphere and the counter-liberation movements that led
into a cult-formation as is evident in the cult of Muthukutty.

keywords Ayyavazhi, counter-liberation, cult-formation, Hinduism, Muthu-

kutty, religious pluralism

Introduction
While definitions of religion and theories of its origin and development continue to
be inconclusive, new forms add to the complexity of the subject matter. Boundaries
move and become blurred. The context of a particular movement and cult makes its
nature and characteristics very peculiar. India is the home of not only some of the
world religions but also numerous and diverse popular cults. While Indian nation-
alism has the religious dimensions of any other form of nationalism, it has the

W. S. Maney & Son Ltd 2015 DOI 10.1179/1476994815Z.00000000061

 248 ISRAEL SELVANAYAGAM

unique susceptibility to be identified with its major religious tradition, that is, Hin-
duism, and the Hindutva movement has furthered this identification. Hence
Mother India is identified with Mother Goddess. Does this mother treat all her
children equally? Does she have the mindset to appreciate her strange children
born of strange relationships in remote contexts?
Secular voices have critiqued the aforementioned religio-social climate and reli-
gious history of India. Secular movements such as Marxism and Communism,
however, could not be kept free of any religious colours. More explicitly, the
tombs of some highly committed atheists and agnostics have become places of
mass veneration and solemn observances. There have been social and peoples
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movements that have become strong religious movements with specific cult-
formations. This article presents the story of one such cult, which has become
increasingly popular on the southern tip of India. As happens with such movements
and cults it is difficult to distinguish between history, legend and interpreted stories.
This is evident in several websites dedicated to the cult of Muthukutty Swamy, Vai-
kunda Swamy or Ayya Vazhi as it is variously called. As will be argued, the religious
surrounding and fervour is such that a movement with religious undergirding and
the concomitant repository in which it is wrapped has a greater chance of enduring
than merely remaining as a social movement in a context such as India.
The article will start with a sketch of the life story of the central figure of the move-
ment and cult, describing the Hindu aspects that have given it its present shape. Then
the Christian elements possessed by the movement will be identified. It is not sur-
prising that some early studies place the central figure as a Christian guru, in the first
instance.1 Interpretive categories and myths provided by the pan-mythic Hindu reli-
gious tradition will be pointed out at the end.

The Context
What was formally known as Travancore (the regions of present-day Thiruva-
nanthapuram district of Kerala and Kanyakumari district of Tamilnadu) was
ruled by a Maharajah (great king) who belonged to the Nair caste. The four
major castes were Brahmins, Nairs,2 Nadars and Pulayas. The Nadars subsisted
on agricultural labour and palm climbing. The palm juice that is derived from the
climbing, if fermented, becomes a strong, intoxicating drink. Conversely, if it is con-
verted into an unfermented state by the application of lime inside the collecting pot,
it becomes a healthy form of refreshment that could be boiled to make solid jaggery.
Palm climbing was laborious and risky and considered a polluting activity, and so
the climbers were treated as untouchable.
Nadar men and women were very poor and were treated as untouchable and not
allowed to wear anything above their waist. The men were not allowed to have a
turban and the women went bare-breasted (as did poor Nair women also),
though some tried to cover their breasts by pulling across the edge of their saris.
1
Werner Hoerschelmann, Christian Gurus: A Study on the Life and Work of Christian Charismatic Leaders
(Chennai: Gurukul Lutheran Theological College and Research Institute, 1998), esp. 6975.
2
Originally Shudras, the lowest in the four-tier caste system who by chance and struggle became rulers.
 COUNTER-LIBERATION AND CULT-FORMATION 249

These communities had to endure a poll tax. The London Missionary Society (LMS)
in the nineteenth century attempted to liberate the Nadars by encouraging them to
affirm their dignity and later to seek their transformation via education. The LMS
missionaries encouraged the Nadar men and women to wear an upper cloth cover-
ing their torso. When they appeared in the market places with their new garments,
however, the Nairs would attack and assault them, tearing their garments in the
process. There were three Upper Cloth Revolts in the years 1822, 1828 and 1858
that resulted in mass conversion to Christianity. The peoples movement and Protes-
tant Christianity in Travancore has been a subject for historical research and mis-
sionary interpretation.3 Was becoming Christian the only option for the Nadars?
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There is a different story to be told, which is the focus of this study.

The relevant websites are numerous and free interpretations of the cult within the
Hindu apologia are both evident and encouraged. Therefore, this study will be con-
fined to the most commonly agreed traditions and the most fundamental aspects of
the movement. The emphasis will be on the development of a movement into a cultic
tradition, and on the concept of incarnation, as an all-embracing and dominant tool
to absorb diverse traditions into the ever expanding elasticity of Hinduism. This will
shed some light on the specific context that gives explicit shape to what was, orig-
inally, an implicit religion.

The Man and his Message

Muthukutty (= Kid of Pearl) was born in 1808/9 in Swamitopu (= grove of a deity), a
hamlet, near Kanyakumari (Cape Comorin) on the southern tip of India. His biogra-
phy is sketchy and we present the details that are generally acknowledged to be
correct. He was a convert to Christianity and became the church steward of the
nearby Thamaraikulam LMS Church while doing palm climbing as a second job.
His memory and powers of recollection were extraordinary and he could recite
long passages from the Bible and repeat sermons almost verbatim. However, gradu-
ally his allegiance to the missionaries and the church weakened. It is far from clear as
to the reason for this. One reliable theory is that, as did a few Nadar Christians in the
neighbouring Thirunelveli area, Muthukutty was averse to the foreign look of Chris-
tianity and the overbearing and patronising attitude and behaviour of missionaries.
Probably he also did not like his community being shown in a derogatory manner,
for he interpreted his origins as noble. Moreover, he could not subdue his inherent
Hindu devotion in favour of the new faith as shown by some of the other converts.
The rest of his life is a Hindu story.
According to this story, one day, after ringing the church bell, he climbed a palm
tree, and while on the top he went into an ecstasy and shouted, God has come into
me. From that moment, he claimed I am God, God is in me. He began to cure
people from various illnesses and he soon developed quite a following. He organized
a society of equals (samathuva samajam) and led his Nadar followers to fight for
their social and political rights. He instigated men to wear a turban and women
3
E.g. see J. W. Glastone, Protestant Christianity and Peoples Movement in Keral, 18501936 (Trivandrum: Seminary
Publications, 1984).
 250 ISRAEL SELVANAYAGAM

to cover the upper part of their body. He married seven women, including two
widows, despite having no sexual interest in these marriages; rather, this was to
assert the dignity of women and encourage widow marriage. He was able to
attract some Brahmins as well. All these actions angered the king who arrested
him and he was imprisoned for 110 days. This incarceration included being
placed in a tigers cage along with a tiger. The tiger did not harm him, however,
and he was released with the strict warning that he should preach only to his own
caste group.
Muthukuttys life story attained religious mythology. According to one story
when he was twenty-four, during a period of illness, he had a vision to go to Thir-
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uchendur, a temple town on the east coast, in order to be cured. While taking a
bath with parents and friends in the sea, he was washed away. This happened on
a Friday. His parents were panicking and to their great surprise he came back on
Sunday saying he had been reborn in the sea, and had received a vision of being
sent by God to destroy evil powers in the decadent aeon (Kali yuga). He claimed
to have received four commandments: Go back to your village Swamitopu and do
righteous duties (dharma). Stop rituals and superstitious acts such as public displays
of penance, as in the case of dancing while carrying a heavy arched yoke on the
shoulders (Kavadi Attam). Work for the upliftment of the oppressed Nadar commu-
nity and work for the establishment of a new society. When he showed his mother
the location at which his experience had taken place, she saw a golden palace arising
there and he asked her not to reveal this to anyone.
Muthukutty came back to his home village, Swamitopu, and fasted for six years
and healed people irrespective of caste, creed and colour. He subsequently preached
from village to village and sent on his disciples, in groups of two. He offered a
mixture of white clay and water to cure illnesses and also placed a vertical mark
on peoples foreheads with white clay powder to signify the unity and commonality
of humanity. He held the view that his Nadar community were the children of Nar-
ayana (Vishnu) and of the local goddess Badra Kali. Consequently, they should not
subjugate themselves to anyone. According to one report he obtained a large follow-
ing in many places, with people prostrating themselves before him and making offer-
ings of grain, money and clothes. His fame and wealth continued to increase and
some of his disciples also became well renowned and wealthy.
After gaining the necessary courage from his success he began to preach sedition
against the East India Company, saying he was born to put an end to British rule.4
However, following the aforementioned arrest by the Maharajah and possible threat
from the East India Company, his socio-political voice became sober and muted and
his future pronouncements concentrated on religious and spiritual matters.
Muthukuttys movement probably represented a setback to the growth of the
Christian missionary movement. He fused Christian ideas with Hindu beliefs,
perhaps in the belief that this was one way of stifling the popularity of Christianity.
He thought that Hinduism possessed the greater potential to make all humans be at
one with God, or on a par with God, contrary to that found in Christianity, which
kept them as sinners, whether redeemed or not. Yet his social teaching of equality

4
Hoerschelmann, Christian Gurus, 73.
 COUNTER-LIBERATION AND CULT-FORMATION 251

came from Christianity, which, coupled with his other teachings and preaching for a
casteless society, contributed to the upward mobility of the Nadars. He adopted the
custom of Brahmin priests who appeared bare-bodied inside temples but he charged
his men followers should replicate this only in his tomb-shrine. Otherwise, men
should appear with dignity, wearing their turban and their dhoti flowing down to
their ankles.
There were more obvious signs that Muthukutty infused Christian ideas into his
teachings. For instance, the structure and style of his ten precepts reflect that of the
Ten Commandments. They may be reconstructed in the following way:
(1) Worship your own Self
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(2) All human beings must be converted into Gods

(3) Love your neighbour as yourself
(4) Keep the sanctity of feast days (Sundays)
(5) You shall not perform rituals
(6) You shall not make sacrifices
(7) You shall not hold any cultic laws of purity and pollution
(8) You shall not allow any temples and temple services
(9) You shall not have images of gods
(10) You shall not worship with flowers5
Loving God with the whole of ones life and loving our neighbours as ourselves, as
the cardinal point of teaching, comes naturally from the mouth of Muthukutty devo-
tees today, particularly when they converse with Christians. Similarly, the prayer he
taught to his disciples resembles the Lords Prayer:

Forgive us whatever wrong we have committed, knowingly or unknowingly. Grant us

patience, make us cooperate with all believers and seekers. Give us strength and
protect us. Grant that we may do our work and receive our daily bread. Bless our
fields and our livestock. Bless us and grant us insight and wisdom, so that we may
love thee and thy creation and that we may be thy children.6

The creed includes belief in Vaikunda, the abode of God Vishnu in the Himalayas,
who came to earth in Swamitopu. Other beliefs include the purification of ones
body and soul, like the white sand on ones brow, and preparation of ones heart
to be Gods throne and ones body to be the seat of Gods life. To be one with
God in Vaikunda is the final salvation.
Every Sunday Muthukutty conducted services, morning and evening,
accompanied by singing and dancing. Towards the end of his life he and his fol-
lowers moved from Swamitopu to Muttapathi, a hamlet three kilometres from the
Cape. A colony of equals (sama dharma) was formed with a commitment to
adopt high moral standards. There was opposition from some quarters, including
the Maharajah and Christian missionaries. Muthukutty compared his suffering to
that of Jesus Christ and asked people not to believe in Christianity or Islam. He
5
Hoerschelmann, Christian Gurus, 71.
6
Hoerschelmann, Christian Gurus, 72.
 252 ISRAEL SELVANAYAGAM

toured villages and established five Pathis (abodes or shrines) and a number of
smaller shrines and called them Nizhal thaankals (bearers of shadows).
Towards the end of his life Muthukutty handed over responsibilities to Pothkutty
who was the milk-boy (Pal-payyan) who used to supply milk during his penance,
and who became his chief disciple. The succession was achieved by Muthukutty
giving Pothkutty a bamboo cane and a conch, a Vaishnava symbol. He died in
1850 and was buried in Swamitopu, which has become the central abode or
shrine. His tomb-shrine looks peculiar with no image in the holy of holies.
There is an elongated, rectangular stone pedestal decorated with oil lamps,
flowers and an umbrella. It attracts hundreds of devotees every day and thousands
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on Sundays. Only in the tomb-shrine do the men appear bare bodied, just like
Brahmin priests in normal Hindu temples, but with a turban as a mark of their
dignity.

Development towards a Full-fledged Religious Cult

Though it started as a socio-religious movement, Muthukuttys teachings had
already sowed the seeds of a religious cult. First he claimed to be the incarnation
of Vishnu but later that of Siva as well as that of the Thirumurtis.7 This interpret-
ation facilitated Hindus of different traditions and cults to join the new movement.
The Disciple (Seedan) played an important role in the development of the
Muthukutty cult. As we have already noted, Pothkutty or Palpien was Muthukuttys
first disciple and there were four, further disciples of noted importance. Their descen-
dants hold the exclusive rights to a sort of leadership or priesthood and have
moulded the sect into its present form. The eldest son of each generation becomes
the leader or the chief priest. However, by their insistence on equality and dignity
for all people, which is marked by men wearing the turban, they claim to be different
from the Brahmin priests of the traditional Hindu temples.
Apart from the five abodes (Pathis) established by Muthukutty, and two more
added, there are more than eight thousand small shrines in different parts of Kanya-
kumari and the neighbouring districts. These small structures (Nizhal Thangals),
compared with Pathis, are simple and they are used for worship and for learning
the teachings of Vaikundar. They also have served as centres of social services,
including education, food and shelter for the needy. Today, charity work continues
at these centres, depending on the local circumstances. The main shrine at Swami-
topu is regarded and used as the headquarters of this cult.
Development of scriptures marked an important stage in the development of the
cult. Akilathirattu Ammanai (World Collection of Ballads) was the production of
Muthukuttys disciples. It is claimed that it was originally revealed to his disciple
Hari Gopalan in 1841. It was preserved and transmitted as scripts made from
palm leaves until it was printed in 1939. It follows the style of Vishnu teaching
his consort Lakshmi. With more than 15,000 verses it is the largest work in Tamil
ascribed to one person. It has two parts. The first part gives an account of different
7
Brahma, Vishnu and Siva, the short-lived triple-idol, was an attempt to bring together the three main deities of the
Hindu pantheon, assigning to them respectively the works of creation, preservation and destruction.
 COUNTER-LIBERATION AND CULT-FORMATION 253

aeons preceding the present one. The second part narrates the activities of Muthu-
kutty who is often named as Ayya Vaikundar. There are textual variations of this
text, as is evident in the manuscripts written and preserved in a few places. This is
the primary scripture of the cult.
The secondary scripture, Book of Grace (Arul Nool), includes various books
that are believed to be written by those who were possessed by divine grace and
power (Arulalarkal). It contains prayers, songs and instructions for the way worship
has to be conducted. It also contains many events found in the Akilam pertaining
to the life of the founder. Unlike Akilam, there is no definitive history for Arul Nool.
The symbol of the Ayyavazhi cult is a lotus carrying a flame-shaped white vertical
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mark (Naamam). Today this symbol is given detailed interpretation drawing ideas
from classical Hindu thought. For example, the petals of the lotus are explained
as layers of a human person and the vertical mark represents the soul or the light
of the soul. Both the scriptures refer to this symbol. This symbol has been in use
since the mid-twentieth century.
There are two yearly festivals for Ayyavazhi. The incarnation of Sri Vaikundar is
celebrated on the twentieth day of the Tamil month Masi (MarchApril). This is the
only Ayyavazhi festival to be celebrated in line with the solar calendar. The mass pro-
cession, conducted with symbols, is a spectacular display from Nagercoil town to
Swamitopu and is a popular one in this part of the country. There is also a festival
of reading the sacred scripture (Thiru Edu Vasippu) for seventeen days celebrated in
the Tamil month of Karthigai (NovemberDecember). A chain of recitals from the
aforementioned scriptures is the main feature of this festival. Additionally, there is
a three-yearly celebration of the flag hoisting day (Kodiyettru Thirunal) in Swami-
topu. This is apart from the daily festival (Nitham Thirunal), again peculiar to
this headquarters, where prayers are held five times a day, the first one being as
early as 4.30 am with the cleansing of the shrine and the presentation of holy
water, and the last one with vespers. Distribution of offering to beggars is part of
the fourth service. Before men enter into worship, they first appear before a
mirror with their turban intact and asserting their dignity. In the morning the
white sand taken from Swamitopu is applied as a vertical mark on the forehead
to signify purity and being bound together in love.
One of the latest developments has been the formation of the church of the
people under the standard of love (Anbukkodimakkal Thirucchabai); this is a
democratic bureau established by the religious headquarters at Swamitopu. It is sig-
nificant to note that the words in the name are very popular among the Christians in
this area. In every village a bench is formed by democratically elected representa-
tives. These village committees form a block committee. Separate rules are provided
for them from the headquarters. This was formed mainly to organize the devotees
within a cohesive religious structure. Conferences are held in various towns and
cities in South India. However, already the word denominations is in use with
reference to some of them not accepting the churchs framework, ideals and struc-
ture, though most of them accept Swamitopu as the headquarters.
As devotees of Muthukutty are noted as Hindus in the census it is difficult to ascer-
tain their number. It may be an exaggeration to say that they are nearing one million!
In any case, considering the growth of the cult of Ayyavazhi, the day of Vaikundars
 254 ISRAEL SELVANAYAGAM

incarnation was declared a holiday by the state administration for the district of
Kanyakumari in 1994, followed by the neighbouring districts of Tirunelveli and
Tuticorin in 2006. Currently, Bala Prajapathi Adikalar, heir to the Payyan
dynasty, a well-educated, well-informed and highly articulate person, is the leader
of the cult. The leader and masses of devotees attract politicians periodically, over
the years. It is not insignificant that one among them was a candidate of a particular
political party in the Tamilnadu State Assembly election held in April 2011. Studies
and researches on the Muthukutty cult continue as is evident in the publications
being posted in the Wikipedia of Ayyavazhi.8
Characteristic of the typical approach of Hindus, devotees of Ayyavazhi accept
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many incarnations of the Godhead that include Allah and all popular Hindu
deities. The scheme of One Truth Many names and cults seems to be a spiritually
and intellectually acceptable one for all sorts of people ranging from the illiterate
masses to highly-placed scholars. Each incarnation is context-specific and the
purpose is to deliver people from suffering. Though words such as Christ and
Bible do not have explicit mention in the Ayyavazhi scriptures, one or two instances
are taken to refer to Christ as one incarnation of Narayana or God Vishnu.
However, for the devotees Ayya Vaikundar was the last and perfect incarnation of
God and, therefore, he alone is worthy of worship. Again this kind of
pluralist-inclusivist-exclusivist position is common to all traditional and modern
Hindu cults. There is a clear distinction made between God and self-made heroes,
cults and rituals. Some scriptures, including the celebrated Vedas, are taken as
valid only for a time and now, in the face of the perfect revelation of Ayyavazhi,
they have lost their validity. However, it is hard not to see the Ayyavazhi cult as
different from other Hindu cults.

Process of Brahmanization
Though this cult originated among the poorer, lower classes of society and has kept
its original distinctions, one can notice in recent times the process of Brahmaniza-
tion, which is not that different from the fate of similar cults in the past and else-
where. For a visitor to Swamithoppu, most impressive is the free meal scheme
that is served three times a day. There is a dining hall in which are placed concrete
benches and tables. Like a few other places in the country it is run on the basis of
freely received and freely given. There is encouragement for visitors to contribute
generously. The sanitation surrounding the hall does not match the generous hospi-
tality given within. This may improve in due course.
When going to the main shrine built on the tomb of Muthukutty one may be cap-
tivated by the newly emerging structures. There is an impressive western tower in
addition to another one that a resplendent golden colour. There is a northern
tower and there are plans to construct towers for other sides too. Typical of
Hindu temples the towers and other sacred spots are littered with tablets of
donors. The original shrine has been elevated to the sanctum sanctorum. In front
8
See the following sites connected to Ayyavazhi to cite but a few: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ayyavazhi_holy_sites,
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ayyavazhi_publications, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thiruvasakam_(Ayyavazhi).
 COUNTER-LIBERATION AND CULT-FORMATION 255

of it there is a copper pole for flag hoisting during festivals and other special
occasions. There are a few icons fixed on floats to be used for processions. What
is evident is the place of Brahmins and Brahmanic minded persons whose intellect
is behind these new developments. As is the practice of the nearby Sucheendrum
temple, here, too, men are now required to remove shirts when they approach the
sanctum sanctorum. There are portraits and photographs of the chief Guru, Bala-
prajapati Adigalar, being flanked by visiting dignitaries and political leaders. This
is in addition to an art gallery where the life of Muthukutty is depicted.
A most impressive new addition is a sacred hall. The inaugural inscription has
many names including Bala Prajabhati, a Member of the Legislative Assembly of
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Tamilnadu. Those who are aware of the simple origins of the Ayyavazhi cult may
have mixed feelings about the rapid process of Brahmanization, but the authorities
seem to be relaxed about it, citing the interest of certain individual devotees. The
growing influence of the Hindutva movement, which has captured central power
in India, can be seen here also.

Concluding Observations
Obviously, Muthukutty was an extraordinary person. His orientation to Christian-
ity and the reasons for his radical departure from it cannot be explained adequately,
due to the lack of records or other written sources on the period. The missionary
reports on the person and his movement are too negative to construct a fair or accu-
rate picture. It stands to reason, however, that Muthukuttys original fascination for
Christianity faded because of its foreign look, the overbearing missionary attitudes
of the missionaries and the unwise or questionable behaviour of Christian mass
conversion.
Liberation of the victims of a caste-ridden feudal society in Travancore province
could not go unnoticed by curious and enlightened minds like Muthukutty. When
their old religion, which in a way subscribed to caste oppression, was ridiculed by
missionaries and their new converts, Muthukutty wanted to organize the Hindus
of the same community for the purposes of liberation and dignity. They could not
maintain a peoples movement, however, in the absence of a compelling secular
vision, ideology and organization. Religion appeared to be the only way to secure
a respectable social identity and to create and attain a form of enduring value.
This is the case of several popular movements in India where religious instinct
and intensity are unique. Two other leaders or gurus in the surrounding areas are
said to have been influenced by Muthukutty. Narayana Guru (18551928) of
Kerala identified with the outcastes of Kerala, fought for their rights and freedom
and placed humane perspectives and dignity higher than religion. Ramaling
Swamy or Vallalar (18231874), a Saiva saint in Tamilnadu, preached a message
inculcating the belief in a God of All Grace and in human solidarity that resulted
in the formation of a movement of Ethical Equality. From all such cases we come
to the conclusion that the origin and development of peoples movements and reli-
gious cults do not follow the same line. Contexts seem to have dictated the particular
courses these movements have taken.
 256 ISRAEL SELVANAYAGAM

Muthukuttys life and teachings have taken a number of views and patterns from
Christianity. The dignity of each individual and love for all people are fundamental.
His teachings follow the pattern of the Ten Commandments and his prayers follow
the Lords Prayer. The story of his imprisonment in a tigers cave from which he came
out unharmed brings to mind the story of Daniel in a lions den. The story of his dis-
appearance in the sea on a Friday and returning to life on a Sunday resembles Jesus
death and resurrection. Other acts such as fasting, performing miracles and helping
the poor and the downtrodden also are comparable to that of Jesus.
The cults name Ayyavazhi (Way of or Way to the Father) reminds us of Jesus
teaching about the Way to the Father. There is a belief among many of the devotees
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of Ayya that he will come again to take his devotees to the heavenly abode of Vai-
kundam. Any claim that Muthukutty copied everything from Christianity,
however, is misplaced and can obstruct healthy and sustained dialogue with
members of his movement. The pan-mythic Hindu religious tradition was resource-
ful enough to give a new shape to the movement and to provide categories of
interpretation of extraordinary religious experience.
Avatara (originally, a descendent of God Vishnu in some form; later divine incar-
nation, in general) has served as an all-absorbing conceptual category dealing with
strange and diverse phenomena through the ages in Hindu India. Thus Krishna, the
Black hero of a cowherd community, was taken as an avatar of Vishnu and pre-
sented as the spokesman for Brahmanism, which was in dire need of assimilating
the regional and local traditions it encountered around the second century BCE.
Even Buddha, a fierce critic of Brahmanism, was taken to be an avatar, and in
popular imagination the long line has included Gandhi and others. Muthukutty
found this idea extremely helpful to give shape to his new movement. Interestingly,
Saiva theology holds that Siva does not take avatar form, as this constricts him to the
process of karma and samsara (chain of births and deaths). However, Muthukutty
was either not aware of this or did not bother when he included Siva as well as his
divine source. This sort of all-absorbing framework continues to inform Hindus of
all types to deal with plurality and particularity. Whether such a position motivates
dialogue, respect for difference and eagerness to learn from others is a different matter.
The process of cult-formation from a counter-liberation movement suggests that
there cannot be only one pattern of development of religious tradition at least in
Indian contexts. It shows once again that religious life is immensely complex and
infinitely varied. The socio-economic-cultural background certainly contributes to
the particular contextual manifestation. Where there is a long tradition of secular
thinking and acute feeling of being disaffected with the dominant religion, a
certain kind of spirituality might thrive as in the case in the western world. Again
there are cases of both explicit and implicit religions co-existing in society and
even in some individuals. The eastern world is different in this regard. The long
and widespread roots of cultural life have invariably been intensely religious. Con-
sequently, even the secular ideals are soon religionized, as we have noted with refer-
ence to the Hindutva movement, at the beginning of this article. Therefore, it is
important to recognize religiously motivated liberation in the socio-economic
sphere and the counter-liberation that led into a cult-formation as is evident in the
cult of Muthukutty, Vaikunda Swamy or Ayyavazhi.
 COUNTER-LIBERATION AND CULT-FORMATION 257

However, knowingly or unknowingly, the process of Brahmanization poses a new

challenge. One has to wait and see if it slowly undermines the context of its libera-
tional origins or reclaims to be a counter-cultural phenomenon towards the Brahma-
nic theology, ritual, temple and latter priesthood. There are signs of interest in
studying this cult from different viewpoints and one such viewpoint is common
humanity.9 It would be most fascinating to get the views of other Hindus who do
not subscribe to the life and tradition of Muthukutty.
For Christian missionaries who worked in the region of Travancore, understand-
ably, it was an embarrassment to see one of their converts becoming a reformer of a
different style, and founder of a new cult fusing ideas and practices from the Chris-
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tian tradition. Theologically, they were not prepared to acknowledge the values of
such a movement within the framework of Gods reign. They could not take
seriously sayings such as those who are not against us are with us. Also, following
the missionaries, Christians in this area either hate the devotees of the Ayyavazhi cult
or treat them as potential converts. A comparison between the two communities will
be revealing, particularly as communities who were raised up from socio-economic
depression tend to be too overly preoccupied by their status and power. The scanda-
lous politics and power-mongering among the Christians, however, is explicit
without any necessary sense of shame; piety, politics and passion for missionary out-
reach seem to move together comfortably. How are power and authority adminis-
tered in the Ayyavazhi movement? A comparative study will, hopefully, provide
answers to this question. Far above pious acts and conventional morals, attitude
and approach to power and authority are fundamental and can define the merit
and fascination of a community.

Bibliography
Gladstone, J. W. Protestant Christianity and Peoples Movement in Keral, 18501936. Trivandrum: Seminary
Publications, 1984.
Hoerschelmann, Werner. Christian Gurus: A Study on the Life and Work of Christian Charismatic Leaders.
Chennai: Gurukul Lutheran Theological College and Research Institute, 1998.
Moses, M. Justin. Aiyya Vazhi Cults Representative Attempts for Social Justice: A Model for Common
Humanity. Indian Journal of Theology 48, nos 12 (2006): 11227.

Notes on contributor
Rev Dr Israel Selvanayagam teaches in the Department of Religions at Gurukul
Lutheran Theological College and Research Institute, India. He was formerly Prin-
cipal of the United College of the Ascension in Selly Oak, Birmingham, UK.
Correspondence to: Israel Selvanayagam, Department of Religions, Gurukul
Lutheran Theological College and Research Institute, 94 Purasawalkam High
Road, Kilpauk, Chennai, Tamil Nadu 600010, India. Email: iselvanayagam@
hotmail.com

9
E.g. M. Justin Moses, Aiyya Vazhi Cults Representative Attempts for Social Justice: A Model for Common Human-
ity, Indian Journal of Theology 48, nos 12 (2006): 11227.