Prevention in

C o u n s e l i n g p s yc h o l o g y:
Theory, Research, Practice and Training
A Publication of Prevention Section in Division 17 of American Psychological Association
Volume 2 Issue 1 December, 2008

Burn in Glen Sannox by Barry Jackson, licensed under the Creative Commons
Editor: Debra L. Ainbinder, Lynn University

Associate Editor: Max Nisenbaum, University of Houston

Editorial Board:
Michael Waldo, Chair
University of New Mexico
Jonathan Schwartz,
University of Houston
Eve Adams, Rachel Navarro,
University of New Mexico University of New Mexico
Nicole Coleman,
University of Houston

Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice and Training is a publication of the
Prevention Section of the Society for Counseling Psychology. The publication is dedicated to the
dissemination of information on prevention theory, research, practice and training in counseling
psychology, stimulating prevention scholarship, promoting collaboration between counseling psychologists
engaged in prevention, and encourages student scholars. The publication focuses on prevention in specific
domains (e.g., college campuses) employing specific modalities (e.g., group work), and reports summaries
of epidemiological and preventive intervention research. All submissions to the publication undergo blind
review by an editorial board jury, and those selected for publication are distributed nationally through
electronic and hard copies.

SUBMISSION GUIDELINES

The Prevention Section of the Society of Counseling Psychology publishes Prevention in Counseling
Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice and Training. This is a blind peer reviewed publication
presenting scholarly work in the field of prevention that is distributed nationally. Contributions can focus
on prevention theory, research, practice or training, or a combination of these topics. We welcome student
submissions.

As a publication of the Prevention Section of Division 17, presentations and awards sponsored by the
section will be highlighted in these issues. We will also publish condensed reviews of research or
theoretical work pertaining to the field of prevention. All submissions need to clearly articulate the
prevention nature of the work.

Submissions to this publication need to conform to APA style.

All submissions must be electronically submitted.

Please send your documents prepared for blind review with a cover letter including all identifying
information for our records. Submissions should be emailed to the Editor, Debra L. Ainbinder at
DAinbinder@lynn.edu.
Volume 2, December,
Issue 1 Prevention in 2008
C o u n s e l i n g p s yc h o lo g y

Section News
1 Message from the chairprevention is a paradigm change
Jonathan Schwartz
3 Prevention perspective
Michael Waldo, Jonathan Schwartz
6 Editors note
Debra L. Ainbinder

Theory, Research, Practice & Training

7 The strong kids curricula for building social and emotional resiliency in children and adolescents
Oanh K. Tran
11 Asian Americans coping with frequent racial discrimination: Role of acculturation and enculturation behaviors
Brandon Yoo, Suzie Jeon
17 Preventing school violence through establishing school connectedness
Adam M. Volungis
22 Preventing microaggressions: Recommendations for promoting positive mental health
Kevin L. Nadal
28 The relationship between resilience and anger in university students
Rachel B. Kirkpatrick, Tierra M. Freeman
39 Examination of perceived drinking norms and binge drinking attitudes in college
Jessica M. Bendjebar, Robert G. Riedel, Debra L. Ainbinder

Prevention Section at the 2008 APA National Conference

45 2008 Awards and acknowledgements
 Message from the ChairPrevention is a Paradigm Change
Jonathan Schwartz, University of Houston
I am really excited to be the current chair of
this active and accomplished section. This year,
based largely on the work of the Prevention Sec-
tion, the book Realizing social justice: The chal-
lenge of preventive interventions edited by M.
Kenny, A. Horne, P. Orpinas & R. Reese; will be
published by the American Psychological Associa-
tion. Every year, the Prevention Section presents a
symposium at the American Psychological Associa-
tion Conference, The theory and research presented
are often disseminated in professional journals and
books. For example, the section presented a sym-
posium at the 2005 APA Conference about Preven-
tion and Social Justice. This symposium inspired a
series of articles on the topic that will be published
in the Journal of Primary Prevention in January
2009. Another example of this is the article by
Hage, S. M., Romano, J., Conyne, R., Kenny, M.,
Mathews, C., Schwartz, J. P., & Waldo, M. (2007)
Guidelines on prevention practice, research, train-
ing, and social advocacy for psychologists. The
Counseling Psychologist, 35, 493-536. This article
originated as a symposium presentation at the APA
conference and recently was awarded 2007 Out-
standing Contribution Award to The Counseling
Psychologist. At the August 2008 APA Council
meeting, Division 17 Council representatives pre-
sented a new business item at Council to adopt the
Practice Guidelines on Prevention Practice, Re-
search, Training, and Social Advocacy for Psy-
chologists as APA policy. In making the motion,
Council representatives articulated the importance
of gaining the support and co-sponsorship of many
APA divisions and finalizing the best practice pre-
vention guidelines with the goal of gaining eventual
approval from APA. With APA approval, preven-
tion best practices guidelines will inform prevention
research, training, practice, and social advocacy in
Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008
psychology, and provide leadership for other profes-
sions in the years ahead.
In light of these accomplishments it is impor-
tant to note the connection to our sections mission.
The purpose of the section is to further the theory,
research, teaching, and practice of prevention, advo-
cacy, and public interest initiatives among counsel-
ing psychologists. The Section incorporates an array
of preventive, developmental, policy, advocacy, and
community-focused activities. Section members
recognize that science is the key to accomplishing
this purpose. So what does it really mean to pro-
mote prevention in counseling psychology? I be-
lieve it means taking a view from a different per-
spective. Preventionists often talk about travelling
upstream rather then saving those drowning down-
stream, providing prevention services to people
upstream before they fall in and remediation ser-
vices are warranted (Rappaport, 1972). I would ar-
gue that true prevention requires both a holistic view
(a view of the whole river and surrounding area),
which requires distance, and a connection which re-
quires true collaboration and participation. Distance
is required to have the perspective necessary to view
a problem beyond the individual struggling with it.
Involvement in prevention forces the interventionist
to see beyond the individual issues to the multiple
ecological systems in which he/she interacts. This
requires a careful consideration of cultural relevance
and social justice, which necessitates a connection
with the target population. We know that prevention
will not be effective when it is conducted by an out-
sider without a holistic understanding of the commu-
nity in which they interact. Prevention does not lend
itself to a single manaulized theoretical approach
built to fit all populations; rather, prevention may be
shaped by approaches based on the problem being
1
 Message from the chair Schwartz

addressed and the population being targeted. True

exposure to the participants, open mindedness to
overcome cultural encapsulation and true egalitar-
ian connectedness with the target community is
needed.
So to return to the upstream parable, an
example of a prevention program that changes the
environment would be to build a fence so people
dont fall in the water. However, traveling up-
stream to build a fence without understanding why
people are going in the water will not work. By the
same token, we also dont want to ignore the people
who are already in the water. First, a systems per-
spective would note that the people in the water
will be affected by a prevention program in the
community even if it is aimed at preventing people
from falling in the water. Finally, from a preven-
tion perspective, an effective program might be cre-
ated to prevent further damage. A well conducted
prevention program would understand why people
are going in the water and if a lifeboat would be
effective in getting them out.
References
Hage, S. M., Romano, J., Conyne, R., Kenny, M.,
Mathews, C., Schwartz, J. P., & Waldo, M.
(2007). Guidelines on prevention practice,
research, training, and social advocacy for
psychologists. The Counseling Psychologist,
35, 493-536.
Rappaport, J. (1972). From an address delivered for
Psy Chi. University of Illinois.

Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008 2
 Prevention Perspective
Michael Waldo, New Mexico State University
Jonathan Schwartz, University of Houston
There has been considerable effort to cate-
gorize preventive interventions (Conyne, 2004;
Romano & Hage, 2000). Three categories that are
typically suggested are: Primary Prevention- pre-
venting a problem from occurring; Secondary Pre-
vention - early detection and remediation of a prob-
lem, preventing it from continuing and getting
worse; and Tertiary Prevention - preventing a prob-
lem that cant be re-mediated from causing other
problems (Caplan, 1964). There has even been de-
bate about which kind of prevention is true pre-
vention, with some authors arguing that primary
prevention is the only real form of prevention
(Felner, Felner, & Silverman, 2000). We think the
lines between these categories are fuzzy, at best,
and not very useful. In fact, we think that what
form of prevention any particular intervention takes
is more a matter of perspective than inherent char-
acteristic. This way of looking at prevention is
handy because it allows recognizing the primary,
secondary and tertiary implications of all preventive
interventions. Recognizing how any intervention
has primary, secondary and tertiary effects allows
planning to maximize the benefits of those effects.
It also allows marketing the intervention to con-
stituencies that are invested in the different levels of
prevention, and gathering resources from those con-
stituencies.
One of the classic ways of explaining pre-
vention is through a metaphor describing a danger-
ous river (Rappaport, 1972). In this metaphor, a
scenario is described in which people on the shore
of a swift river see others in the river drowning.
The people on shore jump in the river to save those
who are drowning, but in time become exhausted
with this effort because there seems to be an end-
less flow of victims. They decide it would be much
Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008
more effective to walk upstream, find the place
where people are falling in the river, and build a
fence there to prevent that from happening.
The river metaphor offers a compelling illus-
tration of the wisdom of prevention, but the linear
nature of the river may be misleading. There is a
river named The Little Rio Grande in a theme park
at the New Mexico/ Texas border which might be a
more accurate model for prevention. One of the iro-
nies of the Little Rio Grande (in addition to its
name) is that even though it is little (about ten feet
wide), many times during the year it is larger than
the real Rio Grande for which it is named, because
by the time the real Rio Grande reaches Texas it has
been depleted through irrigation to a series of small
pools. A second irony that is central to ideas about
prevention is that instead of flowing from the moun-
tains to the sea, the Little Rio Grande flows in a cir-
cle. There are pumps that keep the water moving,
allowing patrons of the park to float lazily on the
river all day, repeatedly passing the spot from which
they embarked, and never leaving the park.
The metaphor of a circular river seems apt
for prevention. Efforts to prevent intimate partner
violence offer a good example. Psychologists work-
ing in the area of domestic violence have intervened
to stop the violence (secondary prevention) and help
victims cope (tertiary prevention) (Schwartz &
Waldo, 2003; Walker, 1984). Frustration over the
damage the violence has already caused prior to in-
tervention has led some psychologists to focus up-
stream on helping people learn to avoid violence
before they are married, including interventions to
prevent dating violence (Avery-Leaf & Cascardi,
2002; Foubert, 2000; Wolfe & Jaffe, 1999). While
this approach has shown promise, it appears that
3
 Prevention perspective
many gender role attitudes have been established by
the time people reach young adulthood, leading to
efforts to go further up-stream and intervene with
teens (Foshee et al., 1996). One potential obstacle
in changing teens attitudes and behaviors is the
extraordinary influence of peer relations, resulting
in some psychologists developing violence preven-
tion interventions to establish nonviolent norms at
the head waters in elementary schools (Gamache &
Snapp, 1995). And, of course, psychologists work-
ing in elementary schools are confronted with the
difficulty of having any impact on children inde-
pendent of the powerful influence of the childrens
families (Schwartz, Hage, Bush & Keys, 2006).
When those families are prone to violence, the most
effective primary prevention for children may actu-
ally take the form of secondary and tertiary preven-
tion with their parents. Like the Little Rio Grande,
effort to engage in primary prevention by focusing
up stream has led full circle. And, from this per-
spective, secondary and tertiary prevention are also,
always, primary prevention.
Similarly, primary prevention always con-
tains secondary and tertiary prevention components.
The examples offered above suggest that all forms
of remedial (secondary prevention) and rehabilita-
tive (tertiary prevention) interventions also prevent
problems, and can be viewed as primary preven-
tion. It is also possible to see remedial and rehabili-
tative aspects in all primary prevention interven-
tions. Staying with prevention of domestic violence
as an example, communication skills training is one
of most commonly employed procedures for treat-
ing (secondary and tertiary prevention) both perpe-
trators and victims of battering (Pence & Paymer,
1993; Schwartz & Waldo, 2003). Communication
skill training is also a common form of primary pre-
vention, done with a wide variety of populations
who do not present with any psychological prob-
lems (e.g., Waldo, 1989). However, even when
conducted with people who have not come for help
with psychological problems, communications
skills training can be seen as having characteristics
that are common to secondary and tertiary preven-
tion. Communication skill training is intended to
overcome a deficit, lack of skills. In this way, com-
munication skills training can be seen as a secon-
Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008
Waldo & Schwartz
dary prevention. Also, communication skill training
limits the impact of other problems. For example,
communication skill training can help people who
tend to be introverted reduce their isolation, and help
people who tend to be harshly critical of others ex-
press their views in ways that are less alienating.
Communication skills may not change peoples un-
derlying tendencies, but it does limit the impact
problems associated with those tendencies have on
their lives. In this way, communication skills train-
ing can be seen as tertiary prevention.
In our view, rather than categorizing preven-
tive interventions singularly as either primary, sec-
ondary or tertiary, it is more accurate and complete
to describe the potential impact the interventions
may have in each category. It is also useful. Psy-
chologists who see the logic and benefits of primary
prevention may have difficulty finding funding to
support it (Duncan, 1994). Third party payers, insti-
tutions and individuals often more readily compen-
sate remedial interventions than primary prevention
(Leviss, 2001). Recognizing the primary prevention
implications of remedial interventions can allow
psychologists to maximize the primary prevention
impact of remediation. For example, communica-
tion skills training for men who have been arrested
for spouse abuse can include helping these men
communicate with their children about avoiding vio-
lence in their intimate relationships (Cahn & Lloyd,
1996). Also, recognizing the remedial impact of pri-
mary prevention interventions can allow targeting
these interventions to overcome deficits without
stigmatizing participants or insisting that they pre-
sent themselves as troubled in order to receive help.
For example, workshops on communication in inti-
mate relationships can be offered to members of col-
lege fraternities (Schwartz, Griffin, & Russell,
2006). These interventions could serve as primary
prevention for violence in fraternity members dat-
ing relationships and subsequent marriages. They
could also help more withdrawn fraternity members
establish relationships with other members.
We have found that shifting between pri-
mary, secondary and tertiary perspectives enriches
our understanding of preventive interventions and
research. We hope other psychologists who are in-
4
 Prevention perspective Waldo & Schwartz

vested in prevention will try applying alternative In L. F. Novick & G. P. Mays (Eds.), Public
perspectives to their work, and share their views health administration: principles for popula-
through this publication. tion-based management (pp. 413-431).
Gaithersburg, MD: Aspen.
References
Rappaport, J. (1972). From an address delivered for
Cahn, D. D., & Lloyd, S. A. (1996). Family vio- Psy Chi. University of Illinois.
lence from a communication perspective.
Romano, J. & Hage, S. M. (2000a). Prevention and
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. counseling psychology: Revitalizing commit
Caplan, G. (1964). Principles of Preventive Psy- ments for the 21st century. The Counseling
chiatry. New York: Basic Books. Psychologist, 28, 733-763.

Conyne, R. K. (2004). Preventive Counseling: Schwartz, J. P., Griffin, M., Russell, M., & Fron-
Helping People to Become Empowered in taura-Duck (2006). Journal of College Coun-
Systems and Settings, New York: Brunner- seling, 9, 90-96.
Routledge. Schwartz, J. P., & Hage, S. M., Bush, I., & Key, L.
Duncan, D. F. (1994). The prevention of primary S. (2006). Family of origin dynamics as con-
prevention, 1960-1994: Notes toward a case tributing factors to the intergenerational
study. The Journal of Primary Prevention, transmission of intimate violence: A review
15(1), 73-79. of the literature. Trauma, Violence, and
Abuse, 7, 206-221.
Felner, R., Felner, T., & Silverman, M. (2000). Pre-
vention in mental health and social interven- Waldo, M. (1989). Primary prevention in university
tion. IN J. Rappaport & E. Seidman (Eds.), residence halls: Paraprofessional led Rela-
Handbook of community psychology (pp. 9- tionship Enhancement groups for college
42). New York: Kluwer. roommates. Journal of Counseling and De-
velopment, 67, 465-471.
Foshee, V. A., Bauman, K. E., Greene, W. F.,
Koch, G. G., Linder, G. F., & MacDougall, Walker, L. E. (1984). The battered woman syn-
J. E. (2000). The safe dates program: 1-year drome. New York: Springer-Verlag.
follow-up results. American Journal of Pub-
lic Health, 90, 1619-1622.
Foubert, J. D. (2000). The longitudinal effects of a
rape-prevention program on fraternity men's
attitudes, behavioral intent, and behavior.
Journal of American College Health, 48,
158-163.
Gamache, D., & Snapp, S. (1995). Teach your chil-
dren well: Elementary schools and violence
prevention. In E. Peled, P. J. Jaffe, & J. Ed-
leson (Eds.). Ending the cycle of violence:
Community responses to children of bat-
tered women (pp. 209-231). Thousand
Oaks, CA: Sage.
Leviss, P. S. (2001). Financing the publics health.

Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008 5
 Editors Note

Debra L. Ainbinder
Lynn University

I am truly honored to take on the role of
Editor for Prevention in Counseling Psychology:
Theory, Research, Practice and Training. This is
truly an exciting time to be working in the field of
prevention. Thanks to the efforts of the Prevention
Section leadership, prevention work is becoming
more valued and acknowledged in APA and in the
field of counseling psychology in general. This
publication is an additional opportunity for the Sci-
entist-Practitioners in our field to publish their work
focusing on prevention and to add to the body of
knowledge in counseling psychology and in the
specialization of prevention.
As you read this edition of Prevention in
Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice
and Training, you will note the quality of our contri-
butions and the diversity of prevention issues cov-
ered within. This is the beginning of a global focus
for the publication which will spotlight the theoreti-
cal and empirical work of counseling psychologists
and prevention scientists. Look for our revised sub-
mission guidelines and publication schedule for
2009 available in early February. Heres to a New
Year filled with Peace and a focus on prevention.

Our editorial board has lofty goals for this

publication, all of which I look forward to imple-
menting. As our first goal, we published this issue
at the end of 2008 in our hopes to rejuvenate the
publication and expand its horizons. To this end, I
want to personally thank the Editorial Review
Board and especially its Chair, Michael Waldo for
their efforts in reviewing this issues submissions
on a very tight deadline. The past Editor and now
Section Chair, Jonathan Schwartz has been an im-
measurable help throughout this process and for
that I am grateful. Our new Associate Editor, Max
Nisenbaum, is to be commended for stepping up
and completing his work in the shortest of time
given to an Editor. To all our authors in this issue, I
am aware of the time pressures put upon each of
you and thank you for rising to the challenge with
excellent pieces that are included in this publica-
tion. I commend and thank all of you.

Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008 6
 The Strong Kids Curricula for Building Social and Emotional
Resiliency in Children and Adolescents
Oanh K. Tran
California State University, East Bay
Childrens mental health has received con-
siderable concern and attention over the past sev-
eral decades. Children and youths are at increased
risk for social and emotional problems and aca-
demic failure due to difficulties in managing their
emotions (Greenberg, Domotrovich, & Bumbarger,
2001; Zins, Bloodworth, Weissberg, & Walberg,
2004), developing positive social relationships
(Merrell, Gueldner, & Tran, 2007), and unreadiness
for the schooling process (Sprague, 2006). Several
estimates are indicated in the research literature on
the number of children (below the age of 17) re-
quiring mental health services (e.g., 12-22%,
Greenberg et al., 2003; 3-5%, Hoagwood & Erwin,
1997; 1-2 children in a classroom of 30, Merrell,
2003). The conflicting estimates in the literature
suggest that it is difficult to ascertain the prevalence
rate of mental health problems in children as mental
health problems can often co-occur or go unnoticed,
which makes it difficult to assess and intervene ef-
fectively. Despite the inconsistency in prevalence
rates, many of these children who need mental
health services do not receive appropriate or any
services at all (Greenberg et al., 2003).
The suffering of emotional and behavioral
problems not only affects the individual child or
family, but the school system and society as a
whole. Individuals with mental health problems are
less productive in educational and occupational set-
tings. Specifically, failure to acquire adequate so-
cial and emotional competency skills are associated
with many negative outcomes, including higher
than average rates of mental illness, incarceration,
family strife, and unemployment or underemploy-
ment (Asher & Coie, 1990; Rudolph & Asher,
2000).
Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008
Given the mental health needs of children
and youths, proactive interventions are required to
prevent and intervene before social or emotional dif-
ficulties develop or become severe and interfere with
development and academic success. Social and emo-
tional learning (SEL), a framework developed to ad-
dress the mental health challenges confronted in
schools, promotes the acquisition of social and emo-
tional competency skills through educative, evidence
-based practices which can be infused through
school-based curricula or school/classroom environ-
ment (Greenberg et al., 2003; Zins et al., 2004). SEL
is defined as the process through which children
and adults develop the skills necessary to recognize
and manage emotions, develop care and concern for
others, make responsible decisions, form positive
relationships, and successfully handle the demands
of growing up in todays complex society (CASEL,
2002, p. 1). SEL includes a broad range of tools and
systematic techniques used to promote mental
health, teach social, emotional, and life skills; and
prevent negative life outcomes, through effective
curricular programming as an integral part of a
school program (Ragozzino, Resnik, OBrien, &
Weissberg, 2003; Zins et al., 2004). Studies on SEL
have found an increase in attendance and decrease in
drop out rates (Ragozzino et al., 2003), while en-
hancing students connections to school through
supportive environments (Greenberg et al., 2003).
Figure 1 depicts the association of social and emo-
tional learning and paths to success in school and
life (Adapted from Zins et al., 2003).
An example of an innovative, evidence-
based social and emotional learning program is the
Strong Kids Social and Emotional Learning Curric-
ula for promoting childrens mental health and resil-
iency through the development of healthy compe-
7
 The strong kids curricula Tran

tency skills (Merrell, Carrizales, Feuerborn, Gueld- Lesson 1: About Strong Kids (purpose of
ner, & Tran, 2007a, 2007b, 2007c). Strong Kids Strong Kids, overview of curricula, pre-
initially developed in 2001, with field trials since test, rules and expectations, introductory
2003 have examined the effectiveness and utility of activities)
the curriculum in addressing childrens mental Lesson 2: Understanding Your Emotions,
health problems (see Castro-Olivo, 2006; Feuer- Part 1 (increasing awareness of emotions
born, 2004; Gueldner, 2006; Harlacher, 2008; Is- and emotional variability)
ava, 2006; Levitt, 2008; Merrell, Juskelis, Tran, & Lesson 3: Understanding Your Emotions,
Buchanan, 2006; Tran, 2007). These studies pro- Part 2 (increasing awareness of ways of
vide strong evidence for the efficacy and utility of expressing emotion, comfort and discom-
Strong Kids as a prevention and early intervention fort with emotions, connections between
tool for social and emotional development. Strong feelings and events)
Kids is based on the premise that social and emo- Lesson 4: Dealing With Anger (learning to
tional skills can be taught to deal with adversity express anger in appropriate rather
(stressors, negative experiences, risk factors) and than maladaptive ways)
help build resiliency and coping skills to deal with Lesson 5: Understanding Other's Feelings
stressors. Strong Kids was designed to target the (empathy training)
five pathways to wellness advocated by Cowen Lesson 6: Clear Thinking, Part 1
(1994). These pathways include: (a) early attach- (introduction to cognitive processes)
ments that are wholesome, (b) becoming compe- Lesson 7: Clear Thinking, Part 2 (cognitive
tent with developmentally appropriate skills, (c) restructuring)
being exposed to settings that encourage wellness, Lesson 8: Power of Positive Thinking
(d) feeling a sense of empowerment or being in (learned optimism and attribution
control of ones future, (e) possessing coping skills retraining)
to deal with stress effectively. Strong Kids incorpo- Lesson 9: Solving People Problems (conflict
rates components suggested by researchers in the resolution training)
field of education and mental health to be critical Lesson 10: Letting Go of Stress (relaxation
programming characteristics that make a program training)
effective, such as the focus on multiple domains, Lesson 11: Achieving Your Goals (goal set-
behavioral approach, modeling, practicing, testing, ting and increasing positive
and effective teaching principles (see Greenberg et activities)
al., 2003). The 12 semi-scripted, 35-45 minute les- Lesson 12: Finishing UP! (review, post-test,
sons of the Strong Kids include: how to get help if needed)

Evidence- Provide
Provide
Evidence- Greater
Greater
BasedSEL
SEL Opportunities&&
Opportunities
Based Attachment,
Attachment,
Programming Rewards for
Rewards for
Programming PositiveBehavior
Behavior Engagement, &&
Engagement,
Positive Commitment
Commitment
toSchool
to School

Better
Better
Academic
Academic
TeachSEL
SEL Performance
Performance
Teach
Competencies LessRisky
Risky andSuccess
and Success
Competencies Less
Self-awareness Behavior,More
More inSchool
in School
Safe,Caring,
Safe, Caring, Self-awareness Behavior,
Socialawareness
awareness andLife
Life
Cooperative,
Cooperative, Social Assets, &&
Assets, and
Well-Managed Self-management
Self-management Positive
Positive
Well-Managed Relationship skills Development
Learning
Learning Relationship skills Development
Environments Responsible
Responsible
Environments decision making
decision making

Figure 1. Model of social and emotional learning and paths to success.

Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008 8
 The strong kids curricula
Children and adolescents are societys fu-
ture, thus immediate care, concern, and attention
should be placed on them to support their social and
emotional development. The demands on students
today, place them at greater risk for mental illness
than ever before. Social and emotional learning, a
proactive, educative and preventative approach to
address the increase challenges and needs in
schools and society is an ideal option if we are to
effectively address the mental health concerns. The
Strong Kids curricula continues to be field tested
and empirically supported with promising results
for building social and emotional resiliency in chil-
dren and adolescents.
References
Asher, S. R., & Coie. J. D. (Eds.). (1990). Peer
rejection in childhood. Cambridge, UK:
Cambridge University Press.
Castro-Olivo, S. M. (2006). The effects of a cultur-
ally-adapted social-emotional learning cur-
riculum on social-emotional and academic
outcomes of Latino immigrant high school
students. Unpublished doctoral dissertation,
University of Oregon, Eugene.
Collaborative for Academic, Social, and Emotional
Learning. (CASEL, 2002). Guidelines for
social and emotional learning: High quality
programs for school and life success.
Retrieved March 18, 2006, from, http://
www.casel.org/downloads/
GuidelinesAug02.pdf
Cowen, E. L. (1994). The enhancement of
psychological wellness: Challenges and op
portunities. American Journal of
Community Psychology, 22, 149179.
Feuerborn, L. L. (2004). Promoting emotional
resiliency through instruction: The effects of
a classroom-based prevention program.
Unpublished doctoral dissertation,
University of Oregon, Eugene.
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 Asian Americans Coping with Frequent Racial Discrimination:
Role of Acculturation and Enculturation Behaviors
Brandon Yoo & Suzie Jeon
Arizona State University
Asian Americans are portrayed as the model
minority who are problem free and more successful
than other racial minority groups (Wu, 2002). As a
result, there is an extant research examining the
psychological consequences of racism among Asian
Americans. However, there has been a small but
growing body of research that suggests racism has a
negative effect on the health and well-being of
Asian Americans, similar to other racial minorities.
For instance, Asian Americans who perceive fre-
quent racial discrimination are at increased risk of
physical illnesses (Gee, 2002), drug use (Gee,
Delva, & Takeuchi, 2006), depression (Gee,
Spencer, Yip, & Takeuchi, 2007; Lee, 2003), prob-
lems with career development, interpersonal prob-
lems, and self-esteem (Liang & Fassinger, 2008),
and lower psychological well-being (Yoo & Lee,
2005, 2008). In response to such threats, it is
speculated that a wide range of coping strategies
may be used to manage the stress related to racial
discrimination from minimizing or denying racial
discrimination to directly dealing with racial dis-
crimination (see Miller & Kaiser, 2001, and Miller
& Major, 2000, for review). However, cultural
characteristics are important factors that may deter-
mine the choice and efficacy of coping strategies
used by Asian Americans (Harrell, 2000). Identify-
ing these strategies is critical to the prevention re-
search and practice in reducing deleterious conse-
quences of racial discrimination (Grossman, 2005).
Cross-cultural studies on coping often dif-
ferentiate between external and internal coping
strategies (Chang, 2001; Rothbaum, Weisz, & Sny-
der, 1982; Tweed, White, & Lehman, 2004). Exter-
nal coping strategies reflect attempts by individuals
to engage in an active and ongoing negotiation with
the stressful environment. For instance, in dealing
Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008
with racial discrimination, individuals may problem
solve by making a formal complaint, or seek social
support to get advice, assistance, or information. In
contrast, internal coping strategies reflect attempts
by individuals to change oneself accommodating the
self to the demands of the environment. For in-
stance, in dealing with racial discrimination, indi-
viduals may cognitively restructure by attributing
the stress associated with minority status to racism,
or accept the racist event as fate and part of life as a
racial minority in the United States.
Studies on culture differences in coping have
shown that individuals from collectivistic cultures
(such as in Asian cultures) are less likely to cope by
directly interacting and actively influencing their
source of stress (i.e., external coping); but rather,
they are more likely to internally focus on accom-
modating and reframing their source of stress (i.e.,
internal coping) (Heppner, Heppner, Lee, Wang,
Park, & Wang, 2006; Yeh & Wang, 2000). The pref-
erence of internal coping over external coping by
those endorsing collectivistic values is due to the
strong value placed on relationship and harmony
with others (Inman & Yeh, 2006; Yeh, Arora, &
Wu, 2006). For instance, in 3 studies, Taylor and
colleagues (2004) found Asian Americans were less
likely to use social support (i.e., external coping) to
cope with general stress as compared to European
Americans because they were concerned about the
relational ramifications of seeking support, including
creating tension , losing face, receiving criticism,
and making the situation worse.
However, empirical evidence is mixed in
whether Asian Americans are more likely to use in-
ternal coping over external coping strategies when
dealing with frequent racial discrimination. Noh and
11
 Acculturation, discrimination, and coping
colleagues (1998), for example, found that a large
proportion of Chinese, Laotian and Vietnamese
refugees who encountered racial discrimination
chose to regard it as a part of life, or simply ignore
or avoid it (i.e., internal coping). Alternatively, Yoo
and Lee (2005) found Asian American college stu-
dents were more likely to use problem solve coping
(i.e., external coping) and not cognitive restructure
coping (i.e., internal coping) when perceiving in-
creased racial discrimination. A possible explana-
tion for the discrepancy in these results may be due
to the individuals level of adherence to Asian cul-
tural norms and behaviors. Therefore, Asian Ameri-
cans who are more acculturated into the mainstream
White culture in the U.S. may be more likely to use
external coping strategies when dealing with fre-
quent encounters of racial discrimination, while
Asian Americans who are more enculturated in
maintaining their Asian ethnic cultures are more
likely to use internal coping strategies when dealing
with frequent encounters of racial discrimination.
The present study examines the role of ac-
culturation and enculturation behaviors in the rela-
tionship between racial discrimination and external/
internal coping strategies among Asian American
college students using a quasi-experimental design.
Consistent with the cultural theory of coping
(Inman & Yeh, 2006), we hypothesize that Asian
Americans who are more acculturated (measured by
language proficiency in English and social affilia-
tion with Whites) will be more likely to use exter-
nal coping strategies (measured by problem solve
Figure 1. Interaction effect between racial discrimination and language proficiency in English on the use of acceptance coping.
Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008
Yoo & Jeon
and instrumental social support coping) and less in-
ternal coping strategies (measured by cognitive re-
structure and acceptance coping) when dealing with
increased instances of racial discrimination. Further-
more, Asian Americans who are more enculturated
(measured by language proficiency associated with
their ethnic group and social affiliation with people
from their ethnic group) will be more likely to use
internal coping strategies and less external coping
strategies when dealing with increased instances of
racial discrimination.
Method
The sample consisted of 132 self-identified
Asian American college students from a large, pub-
lic Midwestern university. Participants were 52
males and 80 females with a mean age of 20.6 years
(SD=2.5). Asian ethnic groups were diverse with the
largest ethnic group being Korean Americans (24%
of total sample). Approximately half were U.S.-
born. Students were distributed across classes (1st
year = 35; 2nd year = 38; 3rd year = 25; 4th year =
18; other = 13).
Racial discrimination was measured using
vignettes from the Yoo and Lee (2008) study. Par-
ticipants were asked to read 1 of 2 vignettes imagin-
ing themselves in a situation where they were likely
to be rejected because of their race 1 out of 5 times
(single incident) or 5 out of 5 times (multiple inci-
dents). Acculturation and enculturation behaviors
(i.e., English language proficiency, ethnic language
proficiency, White social affiliation, and ethnic so-
12
 Acculturation, discrimination, and coping
cial affiliation) were measured based on Tsai, Ying,
and Lee (2000) model of acculturation. External
coping (i.e., problem solve and instrumental social
support) and internal coping (i.e., cognitive restruc-
ture and acceptance) strategies were measured us-
ing subscales from Coping Strategies Inventory
(Tobin, Holroyd, Reynolds, 1984) and COPE In-
ventory (Carver, Scheier, & Weintraub, 1989).
Results
Given the diversity among Asian Ameri-
cans, we tested for possible within-group differ-
ences on the coping measures used in this study.
We found significant differences between gender
and nativity status on problem solve coping. In par-
ticular, men (M=3.25) and U.S.-born (M=3.23) re-
ported greater use of problem solve coping than
women (M=2.97) and foreign-born (M=2.92), re-
spectively. Consequently, we elected to control for
gender and nativity status. Four hierarchical multi-
ple regression analyses (Aiken & West, 1991) were
used to examine the hypothesized two-way interac-
tions between racial discrimination and accultura-
tion/enculturation on external/internal coping strate-
gies (i.e., problem solve, instrumental social sup-
port, cognitive restructure, and acceptance coping).
All dichotomous variables were dummy coded and
continuous variables centered to reduce multicollin-
earity. In Step 1, covariates and predictors were en-
tered, including Gender (0=male; 1=female), Nativ-
ity Status (0=foreign-born; 1=U.S.-born), Racial
Discrimination (0=Single; 1=Multiple), English
Language Proficiency, Ethnic Language Profi-
Figure 2. Interaction effect between racial discrimination and language proficiency in
English on the use of cognitive restructure coping.
Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008
Yoo & Jeon
ciency, White Social Affiliation, and Ethnic Social
Affiliation. In Step 2, all hypothesized two-way in-
teraction terms were entered, including Racial Dis-
crimination X English Language Proficiency, Racial
Discrimination X Ethnic Language Proficiency, Ra-
cial Discrimination X White Social Affiliation, and
Racial Discrimination X Ethnic Social Affiliation.
Three significant interaction effects were
found on acceptance and cognitive restructure cop-
ing. As hypothesized, individuals who were more
proficient in English (i.e., more acculturated) were
less likely to use acceptance coping strategy and
cognitive restructure coping (i.e., internal coping)
when dealing with increased instances of racial dis-
crimination (see Figure 1 and 2, respectively). In
addition, individuals who were more likely to so-
cially affiliate with their ethnic group members (i.e.,
more enculturated) were more likely to use cognitive
restructure coping (i.e., internal coping) when deal-
ing with increased instances of racial discrimination
(see Figure 3).
Conclusion
In dealing with the stress associated with fre-
quent encounters of racial discrimination, Asian
American may engage in a wide range of coping
strategies (Noh, et al., 1998; Yoo & Lee, 2005).
However, the choice of coping strategies utilized
may depend on the individuals cultural characteris-
tics. When dealing with increased instances of racial
discrimination, our results suggest that Asian Ameri-
cans who are more acculturated (i.e., higher profi-
13
 Acculturation, discrimination, and coping
ciency in speaking English) are less likely to use
internal coping strategies (i.e., cognitive restructure
and acceptance coping), although more enculturated
individuals (i.e., higher comfort and interactions
with peers of same ethnic background) are more
likely to use internal coping strategy (i.e., cognitive
restructure coping). These findings are consistent
with the theory that Asian Americans who adhere to
the collectivistic values are more likely to utilize
coping strategies that are consistent with their be-
liefs emphasizing balance and harmony (Inman &
Yeh, 2006). Although, more importantly, our study
highlight the diversity among Asian Americans
(i.e., their different adherence levels to Asian val-
ues) and the complexity of different coping strate-
gies utilized by them when dealing with frequent
experiences of racism.
The results of this study have significant
implications for researchers, counselors, and educa-
tors focused on preventing harmful effects from
racism among Asian Americans. First, it is impor-
tant to recognize that racism do play a significant
role in the lives of Asian Americans, despite the
model minority myth. It is only with this acknowl-
edgment that efforts can then be made to prevent
and reduce deleterious consequences of racism.
Second, researchers need to continually and sys-
tematically identify ecological protective and exac-
erbative factors of racism that affects the social,
health, and academic well-being of Asian American
students. As our study highlights, not all Asian
Americans are collectivistic or utilize collectivistic
Figure 3. Interaction effect between racial discrimination and ethnic social affiliation on the use of cognitive restructure coping.
Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008
Yoo & Jeon
coping strategies, such as internal coping. The ex-
perience, coping, and health consequences of racism
will specifically depend on the individuals ecology.
Second, counselors must appreciate the diversity and
dynamics of how Asian Americans experience and
cope with racism. Therapists need to appropriately
make assessments (such as acculturation and encul-
turation levels) and treatment plans (such as integra-
tion of assignments that involve more internal cop-
ing strategies for more enculturated individuals) that
correspond to cultural needs of their clients. Third,
educators must help normalize the experience of ra-
cism faced by Asian American. Often, Asian Ameri-
cans also internalize the model minority myth
(Oyserman & Sakamoto, 1997) believing that they
should be problem-free and not experience racism.
This may create an unfair burden and pressure on
these students. Curriculum and workshops highlight-
ing the unique experiences of racism faced by Asian
Americans, why the model minority label is incor-
rect, and promoting different ways to cope depend-
ing on ones acculturation levels can be greatly
beneficial to students well-being.
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Author contact information:
Brandon Yoo
Suzie Jeon
Arizona State University
Asian Pacific American Studies
PO Box 875503 Tempe, AZ 85287-5503
yoo@asu.edu or Suzie.Jeon@asu.edu
16
 Preventing School Violence through Establishing
School Connectedness
Adam M. Volungis
Indiana University Bloomington
School violence has always been existent in
our high schools, but the highly publicized shoot-
ings in the 1990s in Littleton, Colorado, Jonesboro,
Arkansas, and Paducah, Kentucky received exten-
sive media attention resulting in a dramatic increase
in public awareness and concern that such violent
acts could occur in their community. In 2001 the
Surgeon General put out a call to recognize and
confront the concern of youth violence in the
United States (U. S. Department of Health and Hu-
man Services, 2001). Research has shown increas-
ingly high rates of adolescents are engaging in vio-
lent behavior (Farrington, 2004). Adolescents com-
mit more violent crimes than any other age group
(Pastore & Maguire, 2002). In fact, 27% of serious
violent crimes and victimizations that occur in the
United States are committed by individuals under
the age of 18 (Federal Bureau of Investigation,
1999). Thus, it is no surprise that many of these
violent behaviors take place in school considering
adolescents spend a significant portion of their
waking hours in this very social, and often diverse,
environment.
School violence in this context refers to tak-
ing part in a physical fight and/or using or threaten-
ing another person with a weapon. Hence, although
seemingly obvious, school violence is considered a
problem because it has negative impacts ranging
from psychological (e.g., posttraumatic stress) to
physical (e.g., death) at the individual and institu-
tional levels (McNeely & Falci, 2004; Shochet,
Dadds, Ham, & Montague, 2006; Smith & Sandhu,
2004). Furthermore, the prevalence and concern
about school violence is not a secret or unknown
fact (see Jimerson, Morrison, Pletcher, Furlong,
2006). However, what to do, or how to prevent
violence is a little more ambiguous. Within the past
Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008
decade the problem has been studied from multiple
perspectives in an effort to understand the causes
and how to prevent traumatic and sometimes deadly
school violence. There are now some signs of prom-
ise with research beginning to show trends that seem
to be efficacious in preventing school violence. One
area that has received a great deal of attention, and
appears very robust, is research demonstrating that
the more students feel connected to their school, the
less likely they are to commit acts of school violence
(Derzon, 2006; Karcher, 2002).
School Violence & School Connectedness Link
The quality of relationships between students
and the faculty, staff, and administration of the
school is often referred to as school connectedness.
This approach focuses on positive individual traits,
thoughts, emotions, and strengths that can be fos-
tered by key groups of individuals within schools,
and even the community. Rather than being simply
problem-focused, fostering school connectedness
utilizes a positive approach to school violence
through preventative, systemic effects. Research has
shown that students who feel connected with school
personnel through established trusting relationships
appears to not only positively affect academic
achievement, socio-emotional well-being (ranging
from effective interpersonal skills to feeling less
alienated), and resiliency (Karcher, 2004; Ryan,
Gheen, & Midgley, 1998; Shochet et al., 2006;
Smith & Sandhu, 2004; Townsend & McWhirter,
2005), but also appears to have a vital role in pre-
venting school violence (Brookmeyer, Fanti, & Hen-
rich, 2006; Henrich, Brookmeyer, & Shahar, 2005;
Karcher, 2002). Figure 1 highlights some of more
salient and significant relationships often associated
with school connectedness. Overall, purposefully
17
 Preventing school violence
enhancing school connectedness is significantly
more effective than other approaches that empha-
size harsh discipline for misbehaving students (e.g.,
zero tolerance) or training to notice warning signs
by way of profiling students, which can actually
decrease school connectedness (McNeely, Nonne-
maker, & Blum, 2002; Smith & Sandhu, 2004).
The need to belong, or feel accepted, is very
powerful and can significantly affect emotional ad-
justment and related cognitive processes
(Baumeister & Leary, 1995). Stated differently,
interpersonal attachments can be a significant moti-
vational factor in making decisions and correspond-
ing behavioral responses. Subsequently, the more
connected students feel within their school the less
likely they are to engage in unhealthy behaviors.
For example, in a sample of high school students,
Resnick, Harris, and Blum (1993) compared stu-
dents with high connectedness scores to those with
low connectedness scores. Those students report-
ing high levels of school connectedness were found
to have significantly lower rates of emotional dis-
tress, suicidal behavior, and violence. Resnick et
al. (1997) found similar findings with regard to
lower levels of distress, risk behavior, and aggres-
sion based upon cross-sectional analysis of inter-
view data from over 12,000 adolescents (grades 7-
12) that participated in the National Longitudinal
Study on Adolescent Health. In fact, students with
high levels of school connectedness have been
found to be less likely to be perpetrators of violence
(or victims) in both positive and negative school
climates (Wilson, 2004). Furthermore, Herrenkohl,
Hill, Chung, Guo, Abbott, and Hawkins (2003)
found in their prospective study that even youths
who experienced aggression at a young age had a
lower probability of violence at age 18 if they were
later exposed to such protective factors as school
connectedness. These high levels of school con-
nectedness seem to largely come from students
perceptions of being supported, cared for, and re-
spected by school personnel (McNeely et al., 2002).
The premise here is that school personnel,
especially counselors and teachers, play a vital role
in this process. Targeting these individuals as a
main component of enhancing this construct comes
Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008
Volungis
from recent literature indicating that relationships
with school personnel is vital in increasing the likeli-
hood of preventing violent acts by students (Daniels,
Bradley, Cramer, Winkler, Kinebrew, & Crockett,
2007a, 2007b). For example, the Safe School Initia-
tive, a joint project between the U. S. Secret Service
and the U. S. Department of Education, suggest that
incidents of targeted school violence rarely are sud-
den or impulsive non-targeted acts (Vossekuil, Fein,
Reddy, Borum, & Modzeleski, 2002). Often times
perpetrators, or would-be perpetrators, share their
plans of a school violent act with other students be-
fore it takes place (OToole, 2000). However, stu-
dents who would normally feel uncomfortable to
rat out a peer, and keep this information to them-
selves, are more prone to inform an adult of a poten-
tial plan for school violence if they trust and feel
connected with this individual. In other words, stu-
dents are more likely to break the code of silence
with another adult role model. This is a vital, almost
necessary, behavior of the students considering the
majority of shooting incidents are stopped by meth-
ods other than law enforcement intervention
(Vossekuil et al., 2002).
Fostering strengths and providing hope and
personal insight through connectedness has also
been shown to improve overall psychological well-
being (or at least minimize the chances of experienc-
ing mental health distress in the future) based upon
longitudinal studies (e.g., Ozer, 2005; Shochet et al.,
2006). Thus, not only are students able to identify
specific individuals that they feel comfortable with
to break this code of silence, they also have the
mental stamina to take responsibility for speaking
up and being able to accept/cope with any social re-
percussions from other students for not being quiet.
Conclusion
This research linking the connection between
establishing student school connectedness and
school violence should be viewed as a call to school
personnel (e.g., counselors, teachers, and administra-
tion) to recognize that they can have a significant
impact on preventing school violence simply by es-
tablishing trusting relationships. In other words, the
concept of preventing school violence can often be
18
 Preventing school violence
perceived as a daunting macro-level problem to be
handled by formal protocols e.g., what can I, one
counselor/teacher, really do to prevent school vio-
lence? Although such formal protocols are impor-
tant, the message here is that the consistent applica-
tion of fostering trusting relationships and meaning-
ful interactions with students can be done at the mi-
cro-level. Of course, if school personnel are indi-
vidually effective at enhancing their students level
of school connectedness then this could ultimately
result in macro-level effects.
There is no denying that there are significant
acts of school violence occurring in the schools of
the U.S. and that these acts can cause significant
emotional and physical trauma. What has been pre-
sented here is a review of the robust literature dem-
onstrating a significant micro-level relationship be-
tween school connectedness and school violence.
Counselors can play a significant role in contributing
to minimizing school violence. A practical approach
for counselors is training and psychoeducation of
school personnel that have frequent contact with stu-
School Con-
nectedness
Figure 1. Common School Connectedness Relationships
Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008
Volungis
dents. Such skills counselors should be aware of in
their own interactions and in training school person-
nel include: providing dignity and respect, trust and
acceptance of each student, separating negative be-
havior from the student, providing positive-
reinforcing feedback of desired behaviors, genuine
empathy, reflecting feelings, not being afraid to ask
questions, and observation of non-baseline student
behaviors, which can then be followed up on
(Daniels et al., 2008).
In sum, it is vital for counselors to explicitly
convey to school personnel and individuals within
the community the importance of school connected-
ness. Due to the seemingly simple nature of es-
tablishing school connectedness with students, this
concept may be perceived as superficial and over-
looked. However, establishing school connected-
ness is not an easy task to achieve with every student
and the possible positive consequences (e.g., im-
proved psychological well-being, seeking alterna-
tives from violent behavior) are too significant to
ignore. It is not about coming down hard on stu-
--
Alienated
-- Non-violent Disruptive Behaviors
+ Pro-social Behaviors
-- School
Violence
+
Academic Achievement
+
Interpersonal Relationships
+
Help Seeking Behavior
19
 Preventing school violence
dents for their mistakes or looking to identify prob-
lem students. It is about establishing healthy and
trusting relationships with school personnel in the
first place, so it is not even necessary to contem-
plate punitive punishment or weeding out high risk
students. In the end, it appears that it comes down
to a fundamentally important, but often neglected,
relational approach to students that can have one of
the greatest impacts in preventing school violence.
Jimerson & M. J. Furlong (Eds.), Handbook
Author Note: Correspondence concerning this arti-
cle should be addressed to Adam M. Volungis, MA,
LMHC, Doctoral Student, Indiana University
Bloomington, Department of Counseling and Edu-
cational Psychology, W. W. Wright Education
Building, 201 N. Rose Ave., Bloomington, IN
47405. E-mail: avolungi@indiana.edu. Phone: 812-
856-8302. Fax: 812-856-8317.
crime reports for the United States.
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21
 Preventing racial, ethnic, gender, sexual minority, disability,
and religious microaggressions: Recommendations for pro-
moting positive mental health
Kevin L. Nadal
John Jay College of Criminal Justice- City University of New York
In the past two years, several counseling
psychologists have written about a phenomenon
known as racial microaggressions (Sue et al.,
2007a; Sue, Bucerri, Lin, Nadal, & Torino, 2007b;
Sue, et al., 2008). Racial microaggressions are de-
fined as brief and commonplace daily verbal, be-
havioral, or environmental indignities, whether in-
tentional or unintentional, that communicate hos-
tile, derogatory, or negative racial slights and in-
sults toward people of color (Sue et al., 2007a).
These authors purport that because the US has be-
come more politically correct, that overt racism no
longer exists. Instead, the presence of blatant ra-
cism and hate crimes towards racial/ethnic minori-
ties are likely to be viewed as offensive, unpleasant,
and appalling; views held by overtly racist groups
like the Ku Klux Klan are likely to be perceived as
unacceptable by all members of US society. In fact,
most White Americans in the US may perceive
themselves as good people that they treat people
of all racial groups the same (Sue, 2005). However
while overtly racist acts may have decreased in the
past two decades, covert racist acts (or racial micro-
aggressions) may have increased. Several studies
have supported that racial microaggressions (which
are often unconscious and unintentional by the per-
petrator) may result in an array of emotions for peo-
ple of color including frustration, anger, sadness,
belittlement, and alienation and that the cumulative
nature of these microaggressions therefore may po-
tentially lead to mental health problems including
depression, anxiety, and trauma (Sue et al., 2007b;
Sue et al., 2008).
There are three forms of microaggressions
that are hypothesized to exist: microassaults, micro-
insults, and microinvalidations (Sue et al., 2007a).
Microassaults are acts that resemble the old-
Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008
fashioned forms of racism, in which individuals
speak and behave in blatantly racist ways (e.g., when
someone uses a racial slur to verbally attack or de-
scribe another person). Microinsults include state-
ments or actions that indirectly belittle a person of
color and are often unconcsious and unintentional.
For example, when someone tells an African Ameri-
can that she/he is articulate or when someone tells
an Asian American that she/he speaks good Eng-
lish, the individual fails to recognize that she/he
may be indirectly insulting the person (Sue et al.,
2007a; Sue, et al., 2007b; Sue, et al., 2008). Why
wouldnt the African American person be articulate?
Why wouldnt the Asian American person speak
good English? These are two statements reflect sub-
tle racial biases that the person may hold- that Afri-
can Americans are unintelligent or that Asian
Americans are foreigners.
Microinsults can also take behavioral forms,
with examples including an individual who follows a
person of color around a store or an individual who
holds her/his purse or wallet when they walk by a
person of color (Sue et al., 2007a; Sue, et al., 2008).
In both of these cases, the individual is sending the
message that the person of color is a criminal and/or
dangerous. However, if confronted, the perpetrator
of the microinsult may deny her/his behavior and
reject that she/he was intending to be racist. Finally,
microinvalidations are statements and behaviors that
negate or nullify a person of colors experiences or
realities. This can be exemplified by someone who
tells a person of color that she/he is being too sensi-
tive about race or makes statements like, I dont
see race. I only see people. In asserting such decla-
rations, the individual is ignoring the persons racial
reality and is denying that she/he is capable of ra-
cism (Sue et al., 2007a; Sue, et al., 2007b). These
22
 Preventing microaggressions
statements can be invalidating to the person of
color, in that racism may be a real and regular part
of her/his life and that many Whites can be subtly
racist towards them. As a result, the person of color
may feel belittled and put down, while the perpetra-
tor of the microinvalidation may be completely un-
aware of the impact of her/his statement.
Based on the empirical support of the exis-
tence of racial microaggressions, it is likely that
similar experiences can occur for different minority
groups, including lesbian, gay, bisexual, or trans-
gender (LGBT) persons, women, disabled persons,
or ethnic and religious minority groups. In fact,
many bodies of literature have focused on subtle
sexism, subtle heterosexism, and other forms of
subtle oppression (e.g., Morrison & Morrison,
2002; Sue & Capodilupo, 2007; Swim, Hyers,
Cohen, & Ferguson, 2001; Wall, 2008) that fit in
line with the classification of microaggressions.
Given this, the definition of microaggressions can
be expanded to the following: microaggressions are
brief and commonplace daily verbal, behavioral, or
environmental indignities, whether intentional or
unintentional, that communicate hostile, deroga-
tory, or negative racial slights and insults toward
members of oppressed groups.
For example, a gender microassault may
include a man referring to a woman as a bitch or
a whore (Nadal, in press; Sue & Capodilupo,
2007) The message that is conveyed is that a
woman is inferior and that men have the right to
dehumanize them. A sexual minority microinsult
might include a heterosexual person asking a les-
bian or gay person if she/he chose to be lesbian or
gay (Nadal, Rivera, & Corpus; in progress). The
message that is transmitted is that heterosexuality is
the norm and that being LGBT is unnatural or ab-
normal. Disability microinvalidations might include
an able-bodied person telling a disabled person that
she/he is too sensitive about being discriminated
against because of her/his disability. The message
that is communicated is that there is something
wrong with the disabled person and not with an
ableist society.
These types of statements and behaviors
Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008
Nadal
(whether intentional or conscious) may impart hurt-
ful and derogatory messages towards the member of
the oppressed group. Initial research on racial micro-
aggressions has supported that these messages may
lead to a variety of emotional and psychological
stressors and may have lasting impacts on the mental
health of the recipients of these microaggressions
(Sue, et al., 2007b; Sue, et al., 2008). Accordingly, it
would be hypothesized that these same mental health
outcomes may occur for recipients of gender, sexual
orientation, ethnic, religious, and ability microag-
gressions. The purpose of this paper is to describe
various types of microaggressions that may occur
towards other different minority groups, while pro-
viding recommendations for preventing microag-
gressions in psychology and in everyday life.
Microaggressions towards various oppressed groups
There are many types of gender microaggres-
sions that may occur towards women, which is evi-
denced by the literature on everyday sexism (see
Swim, Hyers, Cohen, & Ferguson, 2001, for a re-
view), sexism in school systems (See Leaper &
Brown, 2008, for a review) and sexism the work-
place (See Fitzgerald, Hulin, & Drasgow, 1994, for a
review). Examples of gender microaggressions may
include: sexual objectification, invisibility/second-
class citizenship, denial of individual sexism, and
assumptions of traditional gender roles (Nadal, in
press; Sue & Capodilupo, 2007). Sexual objectifica-
tion occurs when a woman is treated like an object
(e.g., a group of men who catcall a woman as she
walks by on the street). Second-class citizenship in-
cludes times when women are ignored and when
men are given preferential treatment (e.g., a woman
is ignored by a bartender or electronic store salesper-
son). Denial of individual sexism occurs when a man
tells a woman that he couldnt be sexist (e.g., an em-
ployer says I treat men and women the same, al-
though he doesnt know the names of his female em-
ployees). Assumptions of traditional gender roles
may occur when women are encouraged to be or act
a certain way because of their gender (e.g., a woman
in her thirties is told that she should be married and
have children instead of pursuing her career).
In terms of LGBT discrimination, there are
23
 Preventing microaggressions
several studies in sexual prejudice (see Herek, 2000
for a review), antigay harassment (see Burn,
Kadlec, & Rexer 2005 for a review), sexual stigma
(see Herek, 2007 for a review), modern heterosex-
ism (see Morrison & Morrison, 2002 for a review),
and modern homonegativity (see Wall, 2008 for a
review) that suggest that sexual minority microag-
gressions exist. There are several types of sexual
minority microaggressions (or microaggressions on
the basis of sexual orientation and/or transgender
identity) that may manifest in everyday life. These
include: use of heterosexist terminology, endorse-
ment of heteronormative culture/ behaviors, as-
sumption of universal LGBT experience, and as-
sumption of sexual pathology/abnormality (Nadal,
Rivera, & Corpus, in progress; Sue & Capodilupo,
2007). Use of heterosexist terminology may include
instances where individuals use the term gay to
connote something bad, or use derogatory terms
like faggot or dyke. Endorsement of heteronor-
mative culture/behaviors include times when het-
erosexuals assume that LGBT persons should
speak, act, or behave more like heterosexuals (e.g.,
someone telling a gay man to act straight at a so-
cial function). Assumption of universal experience
may be exemplified by someone who stereotypes
all LGBT persons to be the same and to have identi-
cal experiences (e.g., assuming that it is necessary
for all LGBT to come out during late adoles-
cence/early adulthood). Assumption of sexual pa-
thology/abnormality occurs when heterosexual indi-
viduals behave in ways in which they presume that
all LGBT are sexually promiscuous (e.g., asking a
LGBT person if she/he has HIV/AIDS and/or if
she/he has numerous sexual partners).
Ethnic microaggressions would be defined
as subtle discrimination that is based on ones eth-
nic or cultural group. While there arent any studies
that focus specifically on these types of microag-
gressions, the studies on racial microaggressions
give examples of ethnic microaggressions. For ex-
ample, in a study of Asian Americans one theme
included pathologizing cultural values/
communication styles (Sue et al., 2007b), while in
a study of African Americans, a theme included
assumed superiority of White cultural values/
communication styles (Sue et al., 2008). For ex-
Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008
Nadal
ample, Asian Americans reported being insulted or
penalized on their ways of communicating in class-
room settings and/or for their ways of eating. Afri-
can Americans reported similar experiences of feel-
ing the need to communicate in White American
ways in the workplace, while also learning messages
about maintaining White American standards of
beauty. While there are clearly racial implications
for both of these themes, the focus is on cultural val-
ues which indicate that microaggressions can be eth-
nic-based. Given this, ethnic microaggressions may
include ways that non-Americans are subtly dis-
criminated (e.g., when individuals do not conform to
American cultural values), but may also include
ways that specific cultural groups are treated based
on their particular ethnicity or heritage (e.g., subtle
discrimination towards Arab Americans, Caribbean
Americans, Mexican Americans, or Filipino Ameri-
cans).
There are no known studies that focus spe-
cifically on religious microaggressions, which may
reflect the dearth of literature on religious discrimi-
nation. In fact, previous authors have noted that
there is a significantly smaller number of published
works on religious discrimination, in comparison to
literature describing racial and ethnic discrimination
(Hodge, 2007; Weaver et al., 1998). Nonetheless,
there is some literature that is written on Islamopho-
bia or prejudice towards Muslims (Gottschalk &
Greenberg, 2008; Hassouneh & Kulwicki, 2007;
Rippy & Newman, 2006), as well as anti-Semitism
or prejudice towards Jews (Marcus, 2007; Simon &
Schaler, 2007). Given this literature, as well as the
types of microaggressions that may occur towards
other minority groups, some examples of religious
microaggressions may include: 1) pathology of non-
Christianity, 2) assumptions of Christianity, and 3)
assumptions of religious stereotypes. Examples of
pathology of non-Christianity may include someone
who assumes that non-Christians are evil or
immoral. This could be demonstrated through the
2008 presidential campaign, in which Barack Obama
was often referred to as a Muslim as a way of deter-
ring Christian voters from trusting him. Another ex-
ample may include when someone tells a non-
religious/ atheist/ agnostic person that she/he is
going to hell, is immoral, or is pathological. As-
24
 Preventing microaggressions
sumptions of Christianity may occur when others
presume that strangers and acquaintances are Chris-
tian and/or celebrate Christian traditions (e.g., when
people automatically tell a stranger Merry Christ-
mas when they do not know her/his religious be-
liefs). Assumptions of religious stereotypes may
include instances when individuals act in ways that
express that they believe religious stereotypes are
true (e.g., an individual stares in fear at a Muslim
person on an airplane or an individual makes a re-
mark about how Jewish people are cheap).
Similar to religious microaggressions, there
are no known studies on ability microaggressions.
However, many authors have written on ableism
which is defined as the devaluation of disability, in
which individuals assume that it is better for indi-
viduals to walk than roll, speak than sign, read
print than read Braille, spell independently than use
a spell-check, and hang out with nondisabled kids
as opposed to other disabled kids (Hehir, 2002, p.
1). As a result of disability prejudice and discrimi-
nation, many disabled persons may develop inter-
nalized ableism, which in turn may have an impact
on their mental health and self-esteem (Campbell,
2008). Given these experiences, some major exam-
ples of disability microaggressions might include:
1) assumptions of inferiority, 2) second-class citi-
zenship, and 3) denial of ones individual ableism.
Assumptions of inferiority might consist of in-
stances when able-bodied individuals assume that
disabled persons are intellectually or physically in-
ferior. This can be exemplified by an individual
who speaks slowly to a disabled person in a wheel-
chair, making the assumption that the disabled per-
son is not intelligent, does not speak English, or has
hearing disabilities. Second-class citizenship may
comprise of encounters when individuals give pref-
erential treatment towards able-bodied persons or
who persons convey annoyance or frustration with
having to accommodate disabled persons. Denial of
individual ableism may include experiences when
able-bodied persons deny that they have the capac-
ity to hold biases and prejudices towards disabled
persons. These are merely examples of the types of
microaggression that may occur for both religious
and disabled persons. Further research would be
helpful in exploring different types of microaggres-
Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008
Nadal
sions from the perspectives of religious minorities
and disabled persons; similarly, microaggressions
based on social class, age, and size may also be of
research interest in the future.
Recommendations for preventing microaggressions
Because previous authors have supported
that microaggressions may lead to emotional and
psychological stressors (Sue, et al., 2007b; Sue, et
al., 2008) it is important for psychologists and other
practitioners to attempt to prevent the continuation
of microaggressions in both professional and per-
sonal settings. In understanding microaggressions
and working to prevent them, psychologists and
other practitioners can promote positive mental
health for clients, students, and all members of soci-
ety. In order to prevent further injuries to the mental
health of oppressed groups, psychologists must
abide by APA Ethical Guidelines and aim to become
multiculturally competent, by increasing ones (a)
knowledge, (b) awareness, and (c) skills in working
with culturally diverse populations (American Psy-
chological Association, 2002; Sue & Sue, 2007).
First, knowledge of microaggressions can be learned
by studying and inquiring about the existences and
processes of microaggressions for members of vari-
ous oppressed groups. This can occur by talking
with others about their experiences with microag-
gressions and learning how these experiences are
real, injurious, and likely based on institutional and
societal discrimination. Individuals must gain
knowledge of the impacts of microaggressions on
both privileged/dominant and oppressed/target
groups and keep up with current research on micro-
aggressions and their impacts on self-esteem, emo-
tional distress, and other psychological problems for
both groups.
Awareness of microaggressions can increase
by learning how these subtle forms of discrimination
may occur in ones own interpersonal relationships
and how they as individuals might play roles as per-
petrators or recipients of microaggressions. For ex-
ample, individuals must become aware of how their
membership in privileged/dominant groups may in-
fluence their interactions with members of op-
pressed/target groups and how they may be uncon-
25
 Preventing microaggressions
scious of ways that subtle discrimination manifests
in their own behaviors (Sue & Sue, 2007). This re-
quires individuals to be fully aware of the various
messages they have learned from their various cul-
tural groups, and the values, beliefs, and biases that
they have attained from their various identities. Ac-
cordingly, Whites must become aware of the biases
and stereotypes they have learned about people of
color; men must be alert to ways that they may be
unintentionally sexist; heterosexual persons must be
attentive to ways that they assume that heterosexu-
ality is the norm and that homosexuality and bi-
sexuality is abnormal or deviant. This concept
would also apply based on ability, religion, age,
social class, and other social identities/ reference
groups. Individuals must be aware of the spectrum
of messages and values that they have internalized
and how these may influence their interactions with
others in unconscious ways.
Finally, upon gaining awareness of microag-
gressions, individuals can acquire the skills to deal
with various forms of microaggressions in profes-
sional and personal relationships (Sue & Sue,
2007). For example, individuals can learn how to
confront microaggressions when they transpire, by
practicing ways of initiating uncomfortable conver-
sations and dialogues. Additionally, psychologists
must remain non-defensive and open-minded to the
perspectives of others when others may confront
them on their subtly discriminatory behavior. Indi-
viduals can gain skills in preventing microaggres-
sions and promoting positive mental health through
a number of methods, including: a) gathering infor-
mation about personal experiences of microaggres-
sions; b) teaching others about the presence of mi-
croaggressions; c) training others how to cope with
microaggressions; and d) researching the various
impacts that microaggressions may have on the
mental health of various oppressed groups. In en-
gaging in these various types of practices, psy-
chologists can do their part to prevent microaggres-
sions from further damaging the mental health of
many individuals.
Author Note: All correspondence to be addressed
to Kevin L. Nadal, Ph.D. via US mail at John Jay
College of Criminal Justice, Department of Psy-
Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008
Nadal
chology, 445 W. 59th St, New York, NY 10019, via
email at knadal@jjay.cuny.edu, via telephone at
(212) 237-8795 (office), or via fax at (212) 237-
8930.
Special acknowledgements: I wish to acknowledge
my mentor Derald Wing Sue, Ph.D., Sidney Smith,
Silvia Mazzula, David Rivera, and my former re-
search team for inspiring this paper.
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27
 The Relationship between Resilience and Anger in University
Students
Rachel B. Kirkpatrick, University of Missouri-Kansas City
Tierra M. Freeman, Kentucky State University
Coping with painful events and unpleasant
emotions is a struggle for every human being. The
ability to cope effectively with these events and
emotions can be termed resilience (Blum, 1998).
Those who are less resilient may turn to unhealthy
actions or beliefs about themselves to confront the
difficulties encountered in their lives. For example,
in 2005, over 1.8 million Americans turned to vio-
lent crime (Bureau of Justice, 2007) and in the same
year, 22.7% of Americans reported binge drinking
(Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Ad-
ministration, 2007). Mental health statistics are
staggering as well with 14.8 million Americans suf-
fering from depression and 40 million Americans
suffering from anxiety disorders (National Institute
of Mental Health, 2007).
The goal of this study was to examine fac-
tors that may help reduce some of these ineffective
coping strategies. Both resilience and anger expres-
sion may have a significant effect on how a person
copes with difficult situations. Resilience research
has focused on specific outcomes in adolescence
such as academic achievement (Belgrave, Chase-
Vaughn, Gray, Addison, & Cherry, 2000; Connell,
Spencer, & Aber, 1994; Ripple & Luthar, 2000;
Rodgers & Rose, 2001), resistance to drugs and al-
cohol (Waller, Okamoto, Miles, & Hurdle, 2003),
and overcoming the effects of bullying (Christensen
& Evans, 2005). The previously mentioned studies
provided valuable information on how to help ado-
lescents cope with these situations, as well as, gave
insight into why particular adolescents may struggle
more with stressful circumstances.
Many protective factors such as family sup-
port, teacher influence, internal optimism, and intel-
ligence have been found to influence success in the
Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008
situations discussed previously (Blum, 1997;
Christiansen & Evans, 2005; Waller, Okamoto,
Miles, & Hurdle, 2003). These factors are vital in
helping adolescents to become more successful. The
current investigation explored a number of charac-
teristics that are associated with resilience in a uni-
versity population. In addition, the more informa-
tion researchers and practitioners have on such pro-
tective factors and their relationships with adaptive
functioning, the more effective mental health inter-
ventions can become. Furthermore, beginning to
understand the motivation behind lashing out in an-
ger or turning to drugs and alcohol can also assist
mental health practitioners in helping struggling in-
dividuals to adapt more effectively.
Thus, the literature surrounding the concept
of resilience and the protective factors related to re-
silience will be discussed. Research on emotional
and anger expression will also be examined with
particular focus on the relationships of those con-
structs to promoting resiliency. It was expected that
resilience would be inversely related to levels of an-
ger and that those who were resilient would exhibit a
greater ability to control their emotions in an adap-
tive manner.
Resilience
Resilience is a widely studied construct that
can be applied to children, adolescents, adults, and
the elderly across different ethnic and socio-
economic backgrounds (Belgrave et al., 2000; Con-
nell, Spencer, & Aber, 1994; Ripple & Luthar, 1999;
Smith & Carlson, 1997; Smokowski, Reynolds, &
Bezruczko, 1999; Waller et al., 2003). Generally
speaking, resilience can be defined as positively cop-
ing with stressful
28
 Resilience and anger
events (Smokowski et al., 1999) or adaptive coping
in the face of multiple risk factors (Waller et al.,
2003). The concept of resilience has played a large
role in influencing the field of psychology to move
away from studying the negative outcomes that
some individuals experience (Blum, 1998). In-
stead, the field of resilience seeks to focus on those
individuals who have overcome difficult life cir-
cumstances and have become successful, as well as,
what factors promote such adaptive functioning.
The bulk of the literature in resilience re-
search focuses on the healthy development and suc-
cess of adolescents. Exposure to risk and experi-
encing certain protective factors influence how re-
silient an individual is (Blum, 1998; Smith & Carl-
son, 1997; Smokowski et al., 2000). Risk factors
can be characteristics of an individual, family, or
the environment. It has been found that cumulative
risk factors can have a more negative outcome on a
child than any one single risk factor (Smith & Carl-
son, 1997).
Some examples of risk factors include pres-
sure to abuse substances (Waller et al., 2003), pre-
vious exposure to violence (Christiansen & Evans,
2005), and lack of resources or parental support
(Smokowski et al., 2000). Risk factors also occur in
academic settings. Being overage for grade, fresh-
men-year grades, teacher ratings, and absences
were all strongly related to dropout with absences
found to be the most powerful predictor (Ripple &
Luthar, 1999). Even though stress and risk are
similar, risk factors can lead to more negative out-
comes while the various perceptions of a stressful
event can influence how it is viewed (Smith &
Carlson, 1997).
Such differences have been noted in the ex-
tant literature. For example, Smith and Carlson
(1997) focused on how certain stressful events may
be viewed differently by different age groups. In
adolescence, even minor disagreements with par-
ents can be perceived as incredibly stressful; how-
ever, in a different age group, this event may not be
perceived as stressful at all. Blum (1998) goes on
to explain this difference in perceptions even fur-
ther stating that the perception of stressful events
Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008
Kirkpatrick & Freeman
varies from person to person according to cognitive
ability, maturity, and emotional resources. Stress
can also be exacerbated if a particular event was ex-
perienced alone instead of as a part of a group
(Blum, 1998). Determining how resilient an individ-
ual is also has to do with certain internal characteris-
tics as well as elements in their environment. These
environmental characteristics are referred to as pro-
tective factors.
Protective Factors
Protective factors can include individual
traits such as self-esteem, intelligence, internal locus
of control, insight, and temperament (Smith & Carl-
son, 1997; Smokowski et al., 1999). External fac-
tors are also important such as family support, guid-
ance, and the outside influence of a teacher or reli-
gious figure (Blum, 1998; Smith & Carlson, 1997).
Smokowski et al. (1999), however, also found some
unique protective factors that were cited much less
frequently in the literature. For example, through
qualitative research, future optimism and goals, per-
severance, determination, learning from the behavior
of others, and having a past mastery experience all
played a role in the resilience of inner city, at-risk
adolescents. Interventions that focus specifically on
an adolescents gender and/or ethnic group can also
lead to increased resilience (Belgrave et al., 2000).
Another external factor that was found to be
important involved previous exposure to stressors.
When addressing adolescent victimization, it was
found that those adolescents who had witnessed
some violence or family conflict were less vulner-
able to victimization (Christiansen & Evans, 2005).
This suggests that previous exposure to stressors
may increase ones resilience. Christiansen and Ev-
ans also state, however, that overexposure to stress-
ors increases the likelihood of victimization. There-
fore, a balance must be found between no exposure
to stress and an overload of stressful experience.
As mentioned above, family involvement
and support are vital components in helping to de-
velop resilience. Specifically addressing adolescent
substance abuse, it was found that family members
may play a role as either a protective or risk factor.
A study by Waller et al. (2003) found that adoles-
29
 Resilience and anger
cents may find it harder to resist peer pressure to
use a substance from a family member than from
another peer who is not related. Additionally, the
researchers found that these family members can
strongly influence adolescent choices not to experi-
ment with substances. The generalizability of the
Waller et al findings should be taken with caution
as their sample included only Native Americans.
Moreover, Rodgers and Rose (2001) found that if
students are not feeling supported by their parents,
a strong relationship with a teacher can provide that
support and continue to influence the students re-
silience.
To summarize, multiple factors are involved
in helping an individual to develop resilience. Pre-
vious exposure to stressors can be helpful in devel-
oping resilience. The support of family members is
also important when it comes to decision making
and self-efficacy (Connell et al., 1994; Ripple &
Luthar, 2000; Rodgers & Rose, 2001). Other inter-
nal characteristics such as optimism, insight, and
internal locus of control are also factors that have
been related to more resilient individuals (Smith &
Carlson, 1997; Smokowski et al., 1999). An area
that has been less well studied is an individuals
emotional expression.
Resilience and Emotional Expression
The relationship of resilience to the expres-
sion of emotion is a relatively new area of research
and is not often found in educational or psychologi-
cal literature. In one study, Connor, Davidson, and
Lee (2003) found that resilience helps adults cope
with trauma more effectively. More specifically,
higher levels of anger in relationship to a traumatic
experience led to greater emotional distress and
lower overall health status (Connor et al., 2003).
The specific relationship between resilience and
anger was not examined; however, lower levels of
anger were associated with less emotional distress,
which could indicate higher levels of resilience.
Such a relationship is supported by findings that
hardiness (a construct related to resilience) had an
inverse relationship with stress, depression, and an-
ger (Maddi, Brow, Khoshaba, & Vaitkus, 2006). In
addition,
Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008
Kirkpatrick & Freeman
hardiness was also found to be positively related to
coping and social support (Blum, 1998).
Resilience and its relationship to the regula-
tion of emotions has been reported in the literature
(Eisenberg, Guthrie, Fabes, Reiser, Murphy, Hol-
gren, Maszk, & Losoya, 1997; Eisenberg, Spinrad,
Fabes, Reiser, Cumberland, Shepard, Valiente,
Losoya, Guthrie, & Thompson, 2004). Specifically,
resiliency was found to mediate the level of socially
appropriate behavior and emotional control. In a
study by Eisenberg et al. (1997), the relationship be-
tween resilience, emotional regulation, and socially
appropriate behavior were examined. Socially ap-
propriate behavior was identified in this study as
both prosocial and socially constructive. Partici-
pants were found to be more socially appropriate if
they were more able to regulate their emotions and
also had higher levels of resiliency. One specific
analysis in this study examined levels of emotional
intensity. Emotional intensity was defined by higher
levels of negative emotions such as anxiety and an-
ger. Those participants with higher levels of emo-
tional intensity were less socially appropriate, which
also indicated lower levels of resilience and emo-
tional regulation.
In a similar study, it was found that effortful
control of emotions, as well as impulsivity, were re-
lated to resiliency and problem behaviors (Eisenberg
et al., 2004). Specifically, resiliency was negatively
correlated with parent and teacher reports of prob-
lem behaviors, both internalizing and externalizing.
In addition, impulsivity was found to be positively
correlated with externalizing and internalizing prob-
lems. Interestingly, Eisenberg et al. (2004) also
found that resiliency mediated the relationship be-
tween impulsivity and effortful control. Children in
this study who had low effortful control were also
found to have low levels of resilience. In light of the
proposed investigation, it can be inferred that lower
levels of anger control would also be associated with
lower levels of resilience.
Anger Expression
Specifically looking at anger expression,
there is some information in the literature that helps
us to link this concept to resilience. First, it would
30
 Resilience and anger
be helpful to discuss the role of anger in humans.
Anger has long been regarded as an emotion in all
humans that helps us to adapt and survive
(Spielberger, Reheiser, & Sydeman, 1995; Spielber-
ger, Ritterband, Sydeman, Reheiser, & Unger,
1995). Even though anger is adaptive, too much of
it can have adverse effects such as depression, anxi-
ety, schizophrenia, and even health problems
(Spielberger et al., 1995).
Early in psychologys history, anger was
seen as an instinctive response (Spielberger et al.,
1995). Currently, it is believed that anger is pro-
voked by frustration or another intense stimulus
(Spielberger et al., 1995). According to the work of
Spielberger et al. (1995), anger is a bipolar, unidi-
mensional emotion. It ranges from extreme sup-
pression to overtly aggressive behavior. How much
anger is experienced may be due to an individuals
perception of how stressful the situation is
(Spielberger et al., 1995). Along with this finding,
Blum (1998) also found that resilient individuals
tend to view situations as less stressful than those
who are less resilient. Therefore, it may be possible
that those who are more resilient perceive less
stress in their daily lives and these lower levels of
stress lead to lower levels of anger.
Aggressive expression of anger has also
been linked to locus of control (Hall, 2006), which,
as mentioned previously, is an important facet of
resilience (Smith & Carlson, 1997). Those with an
internal locus of control have been found to have
higher levels of anger control while those with an
external locus of control use aggression to exert
some control over their environment (Hall, 2006).
Also found in the study by Hall, aggressive attitude
and physical aggression were both inversely related
to resilience in a sample of undergraduates.
Focusing more specifically on undergradu-
ate males in dating relationships, Lundeberg, Stith,
Penn, and Ward (2004) found differences in levels
of insight between men who were physically abu-
sive to their partners and those who were not. The
major difference that was found was that men who
are more aware of their escalating anger were more
likely to be the non-abusive men in the study. This
Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008
Kirkpatrick & Freeman
insight into varying anger levels may be linked to
resilience in that insight into ones own behavior is a
key component of resilience (Smokowski et al.,
1999).
In summary, multiple links exist between
resilience and different forms of emotional expres-
sion. Insight is a valuable factor in levels of resil-
ience, as well as anger and violent behavior
(Lundeberg et al., 2004; Smokowski et al., 1999).
Many who lack an internal locus of control may use
aggressive behavior in an attempt to gain control.
Aggressive behaviors or even just having an aggres-
sive attitude can have an inverse effect on resilience
(Hall, 2006). Perception of various situations as
more stressful has also been found to be strongly
related to increased anger and decreased resilience
(Blum, 1998; Spielberger et al., 1995). Finally, indi-
viduals who have lower levels of emotional regula-
tion and resilience were found to engage in more
socially inappropriate behavior and exhibit higher
levels of negative emotionality (Eisenberg et al.,
1997). Taken all together the following research
questions were put forth.
Goals of the Study
The question of how resilience is related to
the expression of emotions has only been partially
addressed in the research discussed above. In addi-
tion, little research to date has examined how anger
relates to resilience. In contrast to resilience litera-
ture, which focuses mainly on children and adoles-
cents, the literature surrounding anger and anger ex-
pression has largely focused on university students
and adults. The current study sought to address the
missing link between resilience and anger in a sam-
ple of undergraduate students.
The first hypothesis of this study was that
resilience would be inversely related to levels of
overall anger. The second hypothesis of this study
was that resilient individuals would have signifi-
cantly higher levels of control over their anger ex-
pression. Finally, anger expression outward has
been more attributed to aggressive behavior
(Spielberger et al., 1995; Spielberger et al., 1995);
therefore, the final hypothesis of this study was that
resilience would be inversely related to anger ex-
31
 Resilience and anger
pression directed outward.
Method
Participants
Data were collected from undergraduate
and graduate students (n=143) in the School of
Education at a Mid-western urban university during
the fall and spring terms. Students completed a
confidential, self-report survey regarding their abil-
ity to cope with anger, express anger, and feelings
of resiliency. The participants consisted of 39
males and 104 females. Participants included 106
Caucasians, 20 African Americans, 7 Asian Ameri-
cans, 4 Latino/a, and 6 students endorsing them-
selves as Other. The average age of participants
was 25.3 with an age range of 18 to 57.
Procedures
Permission was gained from various univer-
sity professors to recruit participants from their un-
dergraduate and/or graduate classes. These stu-
dents were approached in the classroom in order to
elicit their participation. They were given the op-
tion to participate or leave the classroom without
penalty or knowledge of the instructor. Participants
were read an information script that explained the
potential risks and rewards for participating in the
study. Completion of the surveys indicated each
participants informed consent. Participants com-
pleted a demographic questionnaire in order to help
identify the sample population. Participants were
then administered the CD-RISC and the STAXI-2
consecutively. No identifying information was on
any of the forms filled out by participants in order
to ensure anonymity of responses.
Measures
Connor-Davidson Resilience Scale (CD-
RISC; Connor & Davidson, 2003). This 25-item
assessment measures level of resilience on a Likert
scale. Responses to each question can range on a 5-
point response system from not true at all (0) to
true nearly all of the time (4). Test-takers can
receive a score ranging from 0-100 with higher
scores indicating greater resilience. This assess-
Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008
Kirkpatrick & Freeman
ment includes items such as I am able to adapt
when changes occur and I believe I can achieve
my goals, even if there are obstacles. In this study,
reliability was very good, as evidenced by Cron-
bachs at .86
In the sample used to standardize this assess-
ment, a total of 827 participants were used that in-
cluded both clinical and non-clinical populations.
The mean age was 43.8 years; however, age was not
found to be significantly correlated with resilience
scores (Connor & Davidson, 2003). Cronbachs
was used to determine internal consistency for the
CD-RISC and for the non-clinical population was
0.89. Test-retest reliability was measured with a
portion of the clinical population and r was found to
be 0.87. Finally, convergent and divergent validity
were measured using both clinical and non-clinical
participants. For the combined group, the CD-RISC
was shown to be negatively correlated with the Per-
ceived Stress Scale (Pearson r = -0.76, P< .0001)
(Connor & Davidson, 2003). This scale measures
how stressful a test-taker views current events in
their life.
Negative correlations were also found in
comparison to the Sheehan Stress Vulnerability
Scale (Connor & Davidson, 2003) (Spearman r = -
0.32, P< .001). This assessment gives an estimate of
how vulnerable a test-taker is to the adverse effects
of stress. Using the clinical sample, Connor and
Davidson also found that the CD-RISC was posi-
tively correlated with the Kobasa hardiness measure
(Pearson r = .083, P< .0001) as well. This assess-
ment examines levels of internal hardiness, which is
a construct similar to that of resilience. Evidence
was also found supporting the idea that as clinical
improvements occur, scores on the CD-RISC in-
crease (F = 17.36; df 1,47; P< .0001) (Connor &
Davidson, 2003).
State-Trait Anger Expression Inventory-2
(STAXI-2; Spielberger, 1999). This 57-item scale
includes measures of the types of anger one feels
and how that anger is expressed. The standardiza-
tion of this assessment involved both normal adults
and hospitalized psychiatric patients. Responses are
based on a 4-point Likert scale ranging
32
 Resilience and anger
from not at all (1) to very much so (4) on the
first section and almost never (1) to almost al-
ways (4) on the remaining sections. Each of the
subscales have reported internal consistency, meas-
ured by Cronbachs , ranging from 0.73-0.95
(Spielberger & Reheiser, 2003). For this particular
study, the researcher only used the 32-item Anger
Expression and Control subscale. This subscale has
four separate components that are measured: Anger
Out, Anger In, Anger-Control/Out, and Anger-
Control/In.
This subscale specifically examines how
individuals express and attempt to control feelings
of anger. It includes items such as I control my
urge to express my angry feelings and I endeavor
to become calm again to assess anger control. To
assess anger expression inward and outward, items
such as I say nasty things and I pout or sulk are
implemented. An overall anger expression index is
calculated as well as individual scores for the four
components mentioned previously. Scores on this
subscale can range from 0-96 with higher scores
indicating a lesser ability to control anger expres-
sion. In this study, reliability ranged from fair to
very good with Cronbachs on the Anger Expres-
sion Index at .68, Anger Control Out was .80, An-
ger Expression Out was .70, Anger Control In
was .83, and Anger Expression In was found to
be .79.
Studies have been completed to validate the
empirical independence of the Anger In and Anger
Out subscales (Spielberger, Reheiser, & Sydeman,
1995) and have shown little to no correlation be-
tween the two. In addition, correlational studies
Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008
Kirkpatrick & Freeman
have shown how the Anger Control subscales relate
to the Anger Expression subscales. Specifically, the
Anger Control correlated negatively with Anger Out
(r = -.59 for males; r = -.58 for females), in addition,
correlations of the Anger In with the Anger Out and
Anger Control were found to be basically zero for
both genders (Spielberger et al., 1995). Jacobs,
Latham, and Brown (1988) reported test-retest reli-
abilities ranging from .64 to .86 over a two-week
period on the Anger Expression subscales.
Results
Analysis of the data collected was completed
in SPSS version 14.0. In order to test the previously
mentioned hypotheses, multiple regression analyses
were performed. Regression analysis was used to
assess potentially predictive relationships that may
exist between resilience and each separate dependent
variable including anger expression in/out and anger
control in/out. According to Tabachnick and Fidell
(2007), the regression is significant at .05 or less.
The assumptions of normality, linearity, multivariate
outliers, and multicollinearity were tested prior to
regression analysis and were not violated. One uni-
variate outlier was found but was not significant
enough to be deleted from the dataset.
Descriptive statistics and bi-variate correla-
tions are presented in Table 1. Resilience was found
to correlate with anger control out (r = .38, p < .01)
and anger control in (r = .39, p < .01). The overall
anger expression index (r = -.35, p < .01) was found
to be inversely related to resilience. Additionally,
resilience was found to be negatively correlated with
anger expression out (r = -.26, p < .01). Thus, it can
33
 Resilience and anger
be seen that as level of resilience increases, ones
ability to control anger, both inward and outward,
also increases. Additionally, overall anger expres-
sion having an inverse relationship with resilience
indicates that those who possess higher levels of
resilience also are less likely to express anger in
general. More specifically, they are less likely to
express anger outwardly, as indicated by the nega-
tive correlation between resilience and anger ex-
pression out.
The regression analysis showed that resil-
ience was associated with anger control out scores,
= .38, t(119) = 4.48, p < .001. Anger control out
also explained a significant portion of variance in
the resilience scores, R =.143, F(1,120) = 20.07, p
< .001. Resilience was also associated with anger
control in, = .39, t(119) = 4.63, p < .001. Anger
control in also explained a significant portion of
variance in the resilience scores, R = .151, F
(1,120) = 21.42, p < .001. Finally, resilience was
associated with anger expression index scores, = -
.35, t(115) = -4.02, p < .001. The anger expression
index also explained a significant portion of vari-
ance in resilience scores, R = .122, F(1,116) =
16.13, p < .001. From these analyses, it can be con-
cluded that resilience in an individual significantly
is associated with and may predict ones increased
ability to control their anger, both inward and out-
ward. It can also be predicted that a resilient indi-
vidual is less likely to express their anger overall.
Discussion
The results of this investigation add to the
extant literature in a number of ways. First, it ad-
dresses a gap in the resilience literature regarding
the connection between resilience and emotional
expression and control, specifically anger expres-
sion and control. Secondly, the findings support
that resilience is positively related to the control of
anger and negatively related to anger expression.
This can lead to the conclusion that individuals who
are more resilient are less apt to respond to situa-
tions and challenges with anger towards others or
themselves.
As addressed previously, resilience can be
defined in many ways. Generally speaking, resil-
ience can be defined as the ability to cope in a
Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008
Kirkpatrick & Freeman
healthy way with stressful circumstances and the
ability to adapt in positive ways despite experiencing
multiple risk factors (Smokowski et al., 1999;
Waller et al., 2003). Some of the characteristics
found in resilient individuals include positive self-
esteem, intelligence, internal locus of control, in-
sight, and temperament (Smith & Carlson, 1997;
Smokowski et al., 1999). The concept of resilience
can also be partially contributed to external factors
such as family support, guidance, and the outside
influence of a teacher or religious figure (Blum,
1998; Smith & Carlson, 1997).
In this particular study, the researcher chose
to focus on the relationship of resilience to the ex-
pression of anger. This included the expression of
anger outwardly and inwardly as well as controlling
anger, both internally and externally. According to
Spielberger et al. (1995), the outward expression of
anger could be manifested as overt aggression while
the inward expression of anger could include sup-
pression or withdrawal from others. More posi-
tively, internal anger control could include con-
sciously trying to calm down and relax and external
anger control might mean remaining patient and
controlling angry behaviors (Spielberger et al.,
1995).
When further exploring the results of this
study, the concepts of resilience and anger expres-
sion (both inward and outward) are not significantly
related. Moreover, resilience was significantly re-
lated to the ability to control anger, both internally
and externally. These findings may indicate that
those who are more resilient may be less likely to
express their emotions in a maladaptive or unhealthy
manner. For example, resilient individuals may be
less likely to respond outwardly in anger with vio-
lence or aggression towards others. Internally, resil-
ient individuals are probably less likely to socially
withdraw, hold grudges, and/or pout and sulk.
Those who are resilient may also be more
able to control their emotions and express them in a
constructive way, and move past the negative feel-
ing. When referring to outward anger control, this
could include sharing feelings with others, remain-
ing patient, and controlling overtly angry or aggres-
34
 Resilience and anger
sive behaviors. Inward anger control refers to resil-
ient individuals possibly being more adept at con-
sciously endeavoring to calm down, relax, and ac-
tively reducing angry feelings.
In this study and according to Spielberger
and Reheiser (2003), the anger expression index
measures ones overall expression of anger, both
inwardly and outwardly. This refers to how much
one suppresses angry emotions or behaves with
hostility when angry as opposed to healthier ways
of coping with anger. The findings of this study
indicate a negative relationship between resilience
and overall anger expression. This could indicate
that those who are resilient express their anger less
frequently and with more adaptive skills. Those
who are not as resilient may be more likely to feel
angry, both internally and externally, and may not
cope with these feelings as effectively.
The first hypothesis for this study, that resil-
ience would be inversely related to anger, was con-
firmed. Resilience was found to have a significant
and negative relationship with the overall level of
anger experienced by an individual. The second
hypothesis postulated that resilience would have a
significant relationship to the control of anger, both
inwardly and outwardly. This was confirmed as
well. Finally, the researcher proposed that resil-
ience would have an inverse relationship with anger
expression outward. This hypothesis was not con-
firmed due to a lack of a significant relationship
between the Anger Expression Out scale and resil-
ience.
Limitations
When considering the results of this study, a
few limitations should be kept in mind. First of all,
the results can only be generalized to other under-
graduate and graduate student populations. While
the average age of the participants was older than
the typical college student, the majority of partici-
pants were still between the ages of 18 and 22. Ad-
ditionally, a majority of the participants were fe-
male and of European American descent which
may also affect the generalizability of the results.
Moreover, those who have been successful enough
to enter college or graduate school may be inher-
Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008
Kirkpatrick & Freeman
ently more resilient due to characteristics such as
determination, intelligence, and motivation that are
associated with increased resilience (Smith & Carl-
son, 1997; Smokowski et al., 1999). This could
have had a significant impact on the current study.
Additional limitations to consider include a
limited sample size and a number of participants not
completing the survey. A number of participants
failed to complete the back page of the survey that
included a majority of the questions involving the
STAXI-2. Therefore, the overall N for the measures
of Anger Control In/Out and Anger Expression In/
Out ranged from 121-126 while the overall N was
140. This limits the conclusions that can be drawn
regarding the predictive relationship between resil-
ience and anger expression to some degree.
Finally, the social desirability of participants
responses should be considered when examining the
results of the current research. The CD-RISC in-
volves participants potentially disclosing low levels
of self-esteem, motivation, and hope for the future.
Also, the STAXI-2 may require participants to admit
that they have anger outbursts, treat others poorly,
or, in general, do not cope well with negative emo-
tions. Due to these mitigating factors, participants in
this study may have felt pressure to misrepresent
themselves when completing the survey for this
study despite the anonymity of their responses.
Future Directions
When investigating the important concept of
resilience in the future, it may be useful to continue
looking at how this characteristic affects anger ex-
pression. More specifically, the current study could
be expanded to include more diverse populations in
age, cultural identity, and socioeconomic status. In
general, those who are in the undergraduate and/or
graduate student populations may be considered to
be more resilient in general due to the standards re-
quired for acceptance and success in the college en-
vironment.
From the results of this study, we can see
that resilience has a significant impact on how indi-
viduals experience and express anger. This is an
important finding, but it would also be beneficial to
35
 Resilience and anger
researchers and practitioners alike to have a better
understanding of how resilience affects emotional
expression in general. Additionally, examining
specific emotions and their relationship to resilience
(i.e. sadness, depression anxiety) could be useful in
helping the mental health field have a better under-
standing of how and why individuals cope in vari-
ous ways. Another important step that could be
carried out based on the current study includes
learning about how resilience can be fostered or
improved in individuals. If mental health practitio-
ners can gather more information about increasing
resilience, this could contribute to increased coping
skills and emotional health in clients seeking vari-
ous types of mental health services.
Conclusion
Violence and aggression, as well as mental
health problems, such as anxiety and depression,
have become significant problems in our country.
More and more mental health professionals are
called to work with individuals experiencing these
issues or to develop research projects and preventa-
tive programs to curtail such problems. Resilience
is an important part of prevention and has been
found to be a protective factor against the afore-
mentioned hardships, as well as, a way for people
to overcome struggling with these particular issues
(Lundenberg et al., 2004; Maddi et al., 2006). This
study helps to further explain the link between the
expression of anger in various ways to the concept
of resilience.
From the findings presented here, it was
shown that resilience plays an important role in
how well one controls their anger, both internally
and with other people. Additionally, resilience also
is related to lower levels of overall anger expression
in individuals. An inverse relationship to outward
anger expression was not found. Further research
in this area is warranted. Resilience can play a
large part in the reduction of anger, both directed
toward the self and toward others, by tapping into
more adaptive emotional responses. Therefore, the
concept of resilience could be fostered and devel-
oped in order to prevent or reduce instances of an-
ger directed outward in the form of violence or ag-
Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008
Kirkpatrick & Freeman
gression and anger directed inward as manifested by
anxiety and depression.
While it is important that we deepen and fur-
ther clarify our understanding of the concepts of re-
silience and anger expression and control, it is also
vital that we use this knowledge as a means of edu-
cation and prevention. It can be seen from the re-
sults of this study that an increase in resilience can
serve to significantly decrease unhealthy expressions
of anger. This knowledge can be used both by men-
tal health professionals and the general public to
work towards the prevention of many of the difficul-
ties that can afflict the less resilient population such
as anxiety, depression, aggression, etc. Preventions
focused on facilitating resilience in the general pub-
lic, in addition to clinical samples can also lead to
lower overall costs of treating mental disorders, as
well as the emotional repercussions that aggression
and violence can have on the general public.
More specifically, if individuals can learn to
reduce their inward expression of anger, this would
result in a reduction of such behaviors as pouting or
sulking, holding grudges, or ignoring ones angry
feelings. Unhealthy anger behaviors can lead to
lower self-esteem, depression, and anxiety as well as
health problems related to the stress of not express-
ing emotions (Staxi et al., 1995). The reduction of
outward expression of anger can lead to fewer rela-
tionship conflicts, acts of interpersonal aggression,
and violence. The unhealthy expression, or lack
thereof, of anger and other emotions plays a large
role in each of psychological and interpersonal is-
sues mentioned.
As for fostering resilience to reduce overall
anger expression, this can be done in multiple ways.
It could be accomplished in a school, community, or
mental health setting. Psycho-education on the de-
velopment of active coping strategies and ways of
thinking that are a part of resilience would be useful
for individuals who are struggling with such issues
as anger, depression, or anxiety before these prob-
lems become difficult to manage. Likewise, such
skill development could also be introduced to the
general public as helpful ways to reduce stress, an-
ger, depression, etc. in everyday life situations.
36
 Resilience and anger
Skills that would be important to teach in order to
increase resilience might include identifying and
relying on social support systems, developing an
internal locus of control, learning how to manage
ones environment in order to have more of an in-
ternal locus of control as opposed to external when
facing stressful situations, developing long term
goals, and finding positive role models.
The knowledge gained from this study has
the potential to lead to fewer reactive interventions
and more proactive programs and therapies being
utilized. Such proactive programs can be helpful in
children, adolescents and adults. Prevention can
begin by identifying individuals with anger control
difficulties early in therapy or within the school
system. If such individuals can be identified, men-
tal health professionals can begin to foster resil-
ience and more effective anger control techniques
in order to decrease the likelihood of unhealthy an-
ger expression, both inward and outward; thus lead-
ing to lower levels of violence and aggression in
our society, as well as depression and anxiety in
individuals.
Correspondence may be addressed to Rachel
Kirkpatrick, 615 E. 52nd St. Ste. 215, Kansas City,
MO, 64133. Electronic mail may be addressed to:
rbk346@umkc.edu, Phone: (405) 833-6108 Fax:
(816) 235-5270
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38
 Examination of Perceived Drinking Norms and Binge Drinking
Attitudes in College
Jessica M. Bendjebar, Robert G. Riedel, Debra L. Ainbinder
Lynn University
Alcohol misuse has become one of the most
immediate and potentially harmful factors associ-
ated with the overall health and well-being of col-
lege students (Baer, 1994). Nationwide studies ex-
amining alcohol use in college and the related nega-
tive consequences propose that nearly 44% of col-
lege students report engaging in binge drinking at
least once in a two week period (Wechsler, Daven-
port, Dowdall, Moeykens, & Castillo, 1994). Heavy
drinking on college campuses has become a wide-
spread characteristic of the culture at many univer-
sities. First year students experience a significant
change in the transition from high school to college.
It is during this transition that students form social
networks and peer groups, many of which are fa-
cilitated when freshmen students are put into on-
campus housing and dormitories. For some stu-
dents, excessive alcohol consumption and the re-
lated negative consequences emerge after matricu-
lation to college (Turrisi, Mallet, Mastroleo &
Larimer, 2006).
Perceptions of campus alcohol use norms
continually emerge in the literature as one of the
greatest determinants of undergraduates drinking
behaviors (Novak & Crawford, 2001). Both active,
which includes actual offers of alcohol and passive,
which refers to perceived norms of peer influences
have been identified as being associated with heavy
episodic drinking (Wood, Read, Mitchell, & Brand,
2004). Among the first studies to propose and iden-
tify individual characteristics that affect drinking
tendencies based upon social drinking norms con-
cluded that compared to those who drank moderate
quantities of alcohol, students who consumed ex-
cessive and large quantities of alcohol perceived
their peers to have attitudes that were lenient with
regards to excessive use (Berkowitz & Perkins,
Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008
1986).
According to a systematic literature review
by Sullivan and Wodarski (2004), intervention pro-
grams at many colleges were once implemented
based on a common-knowledge based idea that
binge drinking was a normal part of the develop-
mental process entering college and therefore drink-
ing and its associated problems could not be pre-
vented. According to Strano, Cuomo, & Venable,
(2004), interventions targeting specific audiences
sharing similar attitudes and expectancies towards
drinking are more likely to yield better results than
the great majority of the campus-based alcohol inter-
ventions programs being widely used. Peer drinking
norms, especially for women, have been found to be
strong predictors in their own alcohol use (Lewis &
Neighbors, 2004). Support for the use of peers
within the intervention process has shown efficacy
within certain populations (Dunleavy & Campbell,
2006).
Borsari and Carey (2000) proposed that per-
ceived drinking norms and alcohol expectancies
were the missing factors in the majority of campus
based intervention and alcohol awareness programs.
Numerous studies have approached this challenge in
a variety of ways. Support for parent-based interven-
tions is strong and has shown efficacy in many col-
lege samples. Recent indications that parents can
also communicate the importance of expectancies
about alcohol and social experiences could provide
another means of correcting attitudes and social
norms (Turrisi, Jaccard, Taki, Dunnam, & Grimes,
2001). By encouraging social skills training, increas-
ing student awareness of the dangerous conse-
quences of binge drinking, and thoughtful planning
and decisions prior to drinking, overall drinking
39
 Drinking norms and attitudes
rates have been reduced on many campuses
(Ichiyama & Kruse, 1998).
The purpose of the current investigation was
to evaluate the accuracy of perceptions of alcohol
use and drinking norms in the sample population
and to examine the role of attitudes regarding binge
drinking as they relate to ones individual alcohol
use. It was hypothesized that students would sig-
nificantly overestimate the number of drinks con-
sumed by the average freshmen student of their
same sex. It was also hypothesized that permissive
attitudes regarding binge drinking and the related
negative consequences would be predictive of
greater alcohol consumption.
Methods
Participants
Participants were obtained from the popula-
tion of undergraduate freshmen students at a small
private university in south Florida. Approximately
600 students were enrolled in the fall semester of
2007. A total of 162 students completed an ade-
quate percentage of the survey within the second
wave of data collection to have results included in
data analysis. Male participants made up 45.6% of
the sample; female participants represented 54.4%.
Based on participants reported ages at the time of
data collection, less than 3% of the sample was le-
gally allowed to consume alcohol. Over 90% of the
freshmen participants reside in an on-campus resi-
dence hall or dormitory. Unique to this sample,
89.4% of the sample reported the economic status
of their family to be above average or moderately
higher than most families.
Procedure
All students enrolled as freshmen in the fall
semester were informed of the opportunity to par-
ticipate prior to the beginning of the fall semester.
Upon arrival at freshmen orientation, students were
invited to complete the first wave of the survey
which included demographic information and ques-
tions about personal alcohol consumption. Confi-
dentiality was protected throughout using a secure
server and participants were issued a personal iden-
Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008
Bendjebar, Riedel, Ainbinder
tification number that was used to gain access to the
online self-report. Participants were did not com-
plete the first wave of the survey were given the op-
portunity to complete the second wave which in-
cluded the additional information from the first
wave.
Perceived Drinking Norms. Included in the
second wave of data collection, perceived drinking
norms were measured through a seven part question
instructing participants to enter an estimation of how
many drinks a typical freshmen student of their same
sex consumes on each day of the week. Responses
were measured on a continuous scale. Participants
were asked to enter this estimation to the nearest
whole number (see Appendix A).
Binge Drinking Attitudes. Binge drinking
attitudes were assessed using five statements regard-
ing beliefs and attitudes about alcohol use and binge
drinking-related consequences. Responses to these
statements were provided on a 4-point scale ranging
from strongly agree to strongly disagree with no
neutral response available. A total score based on the
responses to the five statements was calculated to
provide a score that indicated their general attitudes.
This score was interpreted to indicate that higher
scores were representative of more permissive atti-
tudes about binge drinking and excessive alcohol
consumption (see Appendix B).
Individual Alcohol Use. The dependent vari-
able was assessed using self-report questions of al-
cohol consumption. Similar to the format of the
question assessing perceived drinking norms, par-
ticipants were asked to estimate the number of
drinks they consume each day of the week. Re-
sponses were recorded on a ratio or continuous
scale. Two other questions also asked participants to
recall a two week period and report how many times
they had engaged in binge drinking behaviors and
also how many times participants had gotten drunk
or very high from alcohol over the last 30 days (see
Appendix C).
40
 Drinking norms and attitudes
Results
Perceived Drinking Norms
Results supported the hypothesis that par-
ticipants overestimated the amount of alcohol con-
sumed by their peers for all seven days of the week.
Mean comparisons between average number of
drinks consumed by the participant and partici-
pants perception of average student alcohol con-
sumption were all statistically significant. The
mean number of drinks consumed on a typical
Monday and estimation of average number of
drinks consumed by peers on that day was statisti-
cally significant, t (160) = 3.07 p = < .01. On Tues-
day, t (161) = 3.98, p = < .001. The number of
drinks consumed on a typical Wednesday was also
significant, t (160) = 4.24 p = < .001. For Thursday,
t (161) = 5.89, p = < .001, and Friday, t (161) =
11.60, p = < .001. For Saturday, t (161) = 11.56, p =
< .001. Finally, the t-test on Sunday indicated sig-
nificance between average number of drinks con-
sumed by the individual participant and perception
of peers mean number of drinks consumed, t (160)
= 4.13, p = < .001 (see figure 1).
Figure 1. Perceived versus actual number of drinks consumed
Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008
Bendjebar, Riedel, Ainbinder
Binge Drinking Attitudes
Linear regression analyses between drinking
norm attitude scores and estimated number of drinks
consumed on each day of the week, excluding Sun-
day, demonstrated statistical significance. Regres-
sion analyses for Monday, (R 2 = .06), F (1, 150) =
10.22, p < .01. For Tuesday, (R 2 = .04), F (1, 150) =
6.22, p < .05. For Wednesday, (R 2 = .09), F (1, 151)
= 14.75, p < .001. For Thursday, (R 2 = .09), F (1,
150) = 15.91, p < .001. For Friday, (R 2 = .13), F (1,
151) = 22.00, p < .001. For Saturday, (R 2 = .06), F
(1, 150) = 10.01, p < .01.
Discussion
Results from the current investigation sup-
ported the hypotheses and provided evidence to sup-
port the future application of norm-correcting inter-
ventions. Participants overestimated the number of
drinks consumed by their peers each day by an aver-
age of 2.29 drinks more than the actual average
number of drinks participants reported they con-
sumed. Further examination of the participants av-
erage number of drinks consumed on each night of
the week and the estimation of the number of drinks
41
 Drinking norms and attitudes Bendjebar, Riedel, Ainbinder

consumed by the average student revealed signifi-
cant inconsistencies between perceived and actual
alcohol consumption. Results from this study also
suggest that a permissive attitude towards binge
drinking is predictive of increased alcohol use. This
suggests that when binge drinking and excessive
alcohol consumption is perceived as normative and
acceptable behavior, students are more likely to en-
gage in binge drinking despite the risk of negative
consequences.
Limitations to this study include the sample
size as well as the sampling method. Convenience
sampling was used based on the online format and
participant recruitment procedures may not be rep-
resentative of the population of undergraduate
freshmen students. Another limitation involved in
this study relates to the uniqueness of the sample
and university setting involved. The sample of fresh-
men students were collected at a school with signifi-
cantly higher proportion of international students
than that of many universities around the country.
Based on the results of this sample, further
research will be aimed at correcting inaccurate
drinking norms and expectancies and attempt to ad-
dress attitudes about binge drinking. Implications
from the study include support for the use of norm-
correcting strategies using peer education of factual
drinking norms. Interventions applying a social-
norms theory approach could be explored in an at-
tempt to correct inaccurate perceptions.

Appendix A. Perceived Drinking Norms

Consider a typical week during the last month. How much alcohol, on average (measured in number of
drinks *), do you think a typical college student (of your same sex) at your university drinks on each day
of a typical week?

Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008 42
 Drinking norms and attitudes Bendjebar, Riedel, Ainbinder

Appendix B. Binge Drinking Attitudes

Please indicate your attitude towards the following statements in general.
Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

I know that there are policies/ rules

about alcohol use on campus, but
most students disregard or choose
not follow them.
I do not consider heavy alcohol use,
five or more drinks in a row
(males) or four or more drinks in a
row (females), to be a problem
among my peers.
I often hear my peers making jokes
or laughing about stories of foolish
or dangerous activities as a result of
a friends alcohol use.
Excessive alcohol use is not as bad
as using other illegal drugs or legal
drugs without prescription.

Drinking large amounts of alcohol

over the course of a few hours is a
normal part of the college experi-
ence.

Appendix C. Individual Alcohol Use

On a typical Monday, I have ____ drinks.
On a typical Tuesday, I have ____ drinks.
On a typical Wednesday, I have ____ drinks.
On a typical Thursday, I have ____ drinks.
On a typical Friday, I have ____ drinks.
On a typical Saturday, I have ____ drinks.
On a typical Sunday, I have ____ drinks.
Think back over the last two weeks. How many times have you had 5 or more drinks within a 2 hour
period?
During the past 30 days (about 1 month), how many times have you gotten drunk, or very high from al-
cohol? (Please give your best estimate)

Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008 43
 Drinking norms and attitudes
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 2008 Awards and acknowledgements
In 2008 at the APA National Conference,
the Prevention Section of the Society for Counsel-
ing Psychology (Division 17) presented awards to
members and new professionals in the field based
on their proven interest and quality work. The fol-
lowing are the Award Recipients for 2008:
George Albee Award
The George Albee Award was given this
year to the University of Vermont in memory of Dr.
George Albee for his extensive contributions to the
field of prevention over his lifetime. He was a ma-
jor provider of theoretical, research, and interven-
tions in the prevention field. The Prevention Sec-
tion takes great pride in recognizing his enormous
impact and influence, and we are thankful for the
excellent leadership and creativity he showed in
being a developer of the field. The award was pre-
sented to a representative from the University of
Vermont at the Business Meeting.
Counseling Psychologist Life Time Achievement
Award in Prevention
For counseling psychologists who have en-
gaged in more than ten years of prevention activi-
ties, including theory building, research, practice,
training, and/or leadership.
The award this year went to Dr. Michael Waldo,
New Mexico State University.
Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008
Student Awards:
Counseling Psychology Graduate Student Prevention
Research Award
For prevention research in counseling psy-
chology conducted by a student as part of his/ her
graduate training. The recipient of the award re-
ceived $200 for research on prevention.
The award this year went to Stephanie Chapman,
University of Houston
Counseling Psychology Dissertation of the Year-
Award in Prevention.
This award is awarded for a dissertation pro-
ject demonstrating outstanding contributions to field
of prevention. The recipient of this award received a
plaque acknowledging the award.
The award this year went to Erica L. Medlock of the
University of Oregon
The Prevention Section was allotted two poster
presentations at the National Conference. The
chosen papers were:
Evaluation of a Teen Sexual Assault Awareness and
Prevention Program
Authored by: Sulzner, J.M., Donovan, A.,
& Israel, T. University of California, Santa Barbara
Comprehensive School Counseling Program and
Perceived School Climate
Authored by: Tu, C.C., & Wahl, K.H.
University of Minnesota, Twin Cities
45
 2008 Awards and acknowledgements

Spotlight On:

Michael Waldo, Award Recipient: Counsel-

ing Psychologist Life Time Achievement Award in
Prevention

Michael Waldo (miwaldo@nmsu.edu)

earned degrees from the University of California
and University of Utah, and held faculty positions
at the University of Maryland, Montana State Uni-
versity and, currently, New Mexico State Univer-
sity. His practice and research interests focus on
design and evaluation of preventive interventions
that employ group work to improve interpersonal
relations. He is a Fellow in the American Psycho-
logical Association and Chaired the Division 17
Prevention Section. He currently serves as chair of
the Editorial Board for the Sections publication,
Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory,
Research, Practice and Training.

In the nomination materials for Michael

Waldos award, Arthur Horne clearly articulates
Waldos many virtues and the accomplishments
which made him the ideal choice for the Counseling
Psychologist Life Time Achievement Award in Pre-
vention. Waldo was responsible for elevating the
prevention special interest group into an acknowl-
edged Section of Division 17 and promoting the
work of the section in APA through dedicated pres-
entations held by the section.

Horne states of Waldo, In short, he has in-

fluenced all aspects of the prevention work field
within counseling psychology. It is imperative to
recognize that the progress prevention work has
made in the last two decades has been strongly in-
fluenced by his scholarship, research, teaching, su-
pervision, and clinical work. In short, he has had a
strong personal influence in one of the major move-
ments of our time.

Prevention in Counseling Psychology: Theory, Research, Practice, & Training Volume 2 Issue 1 2008 46