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Bryks. Hearths and Minds
Bryks. Hearths and Minds
Bryks. Hearths and Minds
REFERENCES
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Polity
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"Hearts and Minds":
Bringing Symbolic Politics Back In*
Alison Brysk
Pomona College
*John Seery has provided close readings, useful references, insight and support. Many
thanks to Gerardo Munck, Sidney Tarrow, and Jane Jaquette for helpful comments.
Polity
Polity Volume XX
Volume VII,Number
XXVII, Number4 4 Summer J99S
Summer 1995
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560 "Hearts and Minds"
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562 "Hearts and Minds"
5. For a feminist critique of economics' "story of the marketplace of ideas" and "story
of free choice," see Dianna Strassman, "Not a Free Market: The Rhetoric of Disciplinary
Authority in Economics," in Beyond Economic Man: Feminist Theory and Economics, ed.
Marianne A. Ferber and Julie A. Nelson (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), pp.
54-68; also Paula England, "The Separative Self: Androcentric Bias in Neoclassical
Assumptions," in Beyond Economic Man, pp. 37-53. For a narrative reading of the ideol-
ogy of science, see Donna Haraway, Primate Visions: Gender, Race, and Nature in the
World of Modem Science (New York: Routledge, 1989). Michael Oakeshott provides an
interpretive critique of ideology with distinct, Burkean conclusions, in Rationalism in
Politics (Indianapolis: Liberty Press, 1991).
6. See Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The German Ideology, ed. R. Pascal (New
York: International Publishers, 1960); Marx, The 18th Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte (New
York: International Publishers, 1964).
7. Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks (New York: International
Publishers, 1971) and Ronald Chilcote, "Post-Marxism: The Retreat from Class in Latin
America," Latin American Perspectives, 17 (Spring 1990): 3-24. The debate on the poten-
tial autonomy of ideology is discussed in Chantal Mouffe, ed., Gramsci and Marxist
Theory (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1979).
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Alison Brysk 563
8. See Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture (Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press, 1963); Almond and Verba, eds., The Civic Culture Revisited (Boston:
Little Brown, 1980); Ronald Inglehart, Culture Shift in Advanced Industrial Society
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990). While Harry Eckstein attempts to apply
political culture to social change, in "A Culturalist Theory of Political Change," American
Political Science Review, 82 (September 1988): 789-804, Sidney Tarrow questions the abil-
ity of political culture to account for collective action in "Mentalities, Political Cultures,
and Collective Action Frames: Constructing Meanings Through Action," in Frontiers in
Social Movement Theory, ed. Aldon D. Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (New Haven:
Yale University Press, 1992), pp. 174-202. Edward N. Muller and Mitchell A. Seligson
empirically test the relationship in "Civic Culture and Democracy: The Question of Causal
Relationships," American Political Science Review, 88 (September 1994): 635-52.
9. See Max Weber, Theory of Social and Economic Organization (Glencoe, IL: Free
Press, 1964); William Connolly, Legitimacy and the State (New York: New York Univer-
sity Press, 1984); John Scharr, Legitimacy in the Modern State (New Brunswick, NJ:
Transaction Press, 1981). The critique is in Adam Przeworski, "Some Problems in the
Study of the Transition to Democracy," in Transitions To Democracy, ed. Phillipe
Schmitter, Guillermo O'Donnell, and Laurence Whitehead (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
University Press, 1986).
10. Douglas Madsen and Peter G. Snow, The Charismatic Bond: Political Behavior in
Time of Crisis (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1991).
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564 "Hearts and Minds"
I. Politics as Persuasion
11. Hannah Arendt, The Human Condition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1958), pp. 199-207.
12. See Aristotle, On Rhetoric: A Theory of Civic Discourse, trans. George A. Kennedy
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1991); Hannah Arendt, Crises of the Republic (New
York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1969), pp. 103-98 and "Communicative Power," in
Power, ed. Steven Lukes (New York: New York University Press, 1986); P. Bachrach and
M. S. Baratz, "Decisions and Non-Decisions: An Analytical Framework," American
Political Science Review, 57 (September 1963): 632-42; Nancy Hartsock, Money, Sex and
Power: Toward a Feminist Historical Materialism (Boston: Northeastern University Press,
1983).
13. For classical roots, see Plato, The Republic and Other Works, trans. B. Jowett (New
York: Anchor Books, 1973), Books II and III; for modem critique, Max Horkheimer and
Theodor W. Adorno, Dialectic of Enlightenment (New York: Seabury Press, 1972).
14. Alan Wolfe, The Human Difference: Animals, Computers, and the Necessity of
Social Science (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993).
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Alison Brysk 565
identity of political actors that acknowledges the need for meaning, long
recognized by theorists but only recently rediscovered by scholars of
political behavior. This builds on Eisenstadt's analysis of Weber, that:
"among the 'egoistical' wishes of human beings a very important part is
comprised by their quest for and conception of the symbolic order, or the
'good society,' and of the quest for participation in such an order."15
Rational choice theorist Jon Elster recently concluded that, "a largely
ignored but very significant phenomenon for the study of political life is
that of beliefs arising from a need for meaning."' Elster's survey of polit-
ical behavior leads him to conclude that norms cannot usually be
changed by an appeal to interest, but more often by an alternative norm
or description.'6
The hermeneutic approach sees social life as a search for meaning
through narrative. Hermeneutics thus departs from the positivist strategy
of causal, law-like explanation to seek interpretation: the recovery of
meaning and intention through the textual analysis of human behavior.17
The rationality of political behavior is defined within the context of a his-
torical political narrative. Hence, to discover the motives and mech-
anisms of political behavior such as collective action requires a her-
meneutic reading of that narrative.18 But an account of symbolic politics
must go beyond interpretation to consider the impact and influence of
narrative communication on political actors and social change.
The post-modern project suggests one channel for the influence of nar-
rative communication in its depiction of communication as constituting
rather than simply representing identities. 9 Although some forms of
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566 "Hearts and Minds"
20. Bonnie Honig, Political Theory and the Displacement of Politics (Ithaca: Cornell
University Press, 1993), esp. pp. 79-80, 84-96, and p. 89ff. on Arendt, Derrida and per-
formative utterance.
21. Donna Harraway, Primate Visions, p. 289.
22. Nozick attempts to integrate symbolic utility in a theory of rationality, but concludes
that they cannot be amalgamated because they appear to follow a different logic, The
Nature of Rationality (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), esp. pp. 26-35,
133-39.
23. James Davies, "Towards a Theory of Revolution," American Sociological Review,
27 (1962): 5-19; Ted Gurr, Why Men Rebel (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970).
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Alison Brysk 567
24. On rational actors, see Albert Hirschmann, Exit, Voice and Loyalty (Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press, 1970), and Mancur Olson, The Logic of Collective Action
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1965). On resource mobilization, see Charles
Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1978) and
"Models and Realities of Collective Action," Social Research, 52 (Winter 1985): 717-47;
William Gamson, The Strategy of Social Protest (Homewood, IL: Dorsey, 1975); John D.
McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial
Theory," American Journal of Sociology, 82 (1977): 1212-41. On political process, Doug
McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency (Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1982). Disruption is emphasized in Frances Fox Piven and Richard A.
Cloward, Poor People's Movements (New York: Pantheon, 1977).
25. For related criticism, see Shawn Rosenberg, "Rationality, Markets, and Political
Analysis: A Social Psychological Critique of Neoclassical Political Economy," in The
Economic Approach to Politics: A Critical Reassessment of the Theory of Rational Action,
ed. Kristen Renwick Monroe (New York: Harper Collins, 1991); Virginia Held, "Mother-
ing Versus Contract," in Beyond Self-Interest, ed. Jane Mansbridge (Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1990), pp. 287-304.
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568 "Hearts and Minds"
26. James Q. Wilson, Political Organizations (New York: Basic Books, 1973).
27. Edward N. Muller, Henry A. Dietz, and Steven E. Finkel, "Discontent and
Expected Utility of Rebellion: The Case of Peru," American Political Science Review
(December 1991): 1265.
28. Sidney Tarrow, Struggle, Politics and Reform (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University We
ern Societies Occasional Papers, 1989), pp. 6-7.
29. Samuel Popkin, The Rational Peasant (Berkeley: University of California Pr
1979), p. 262.
30. Charles Tilly, "European Violence and Collective Action since 1700," Socia
Research, 53 (Spring 1986): 159-84.
31. Tarrow, Power in Movement.
32. Aldon D. Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller, eds., Frontiers in Social Moveme
Theory, includes several studies seeking to reintegrate social psychology into the stud
collective action.
33. An exception is Ernesto Laclau, Politics and Ideology in Marxist Theory (London:
Verso, 1977).
34. On Cuba, see Richard Fagen, The Transformation of Political Culture in Cuba
(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1969). On China, see Martin King Whyte, Small
Groups and Political Rituals in China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974).
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Alison Brysk 569
35. Alexander George, "The Operational Code: A Neglected Approach to the Study of
Political Leaders and Decision-making," International Studies Quarterly, 13 (June 1969):
190-222.
36. Peter Haas, "Do Regimes Matter? Epistemic Communities and Mediterranean
Pollution Control," International Organization, 43 (Summer 1989): 337-403.
37. Alexander Wendt, "Collective Identity Formation and the International State,"
American Political Science Review, 88 (June 1994): 384-96.
38. Amos Tversky and Daniel Kahneman, "Causal Schemas in Judgments Under
Uncertainty," in Judgment Under Uncertainty: Heuristics and Biases, ed. Daniel Kahne-
man, Paul Slovic and Amos Tversky (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), pp.
117-28; James H. Kuklinski, Robert C. Luskin, and John Bolland, "Where Is the Schema?
Going Beyond the 'S' Word in Political Psychology," American Political Science Review,
85 (December 1991): 1341-56; Milton Lodge, Kathleen M. McGraw, Pamela Johnston
Conover, Stanley Feldman and Arthur H. Miller, "Where Is the Schema? Critiques,"
American Political Science Review, 85 (December 1991): 1357-82.
39. Steven P. Feldman, "Stories as Cultural Creativity: On the Relation Between Sym-
bolism and Politics in Organizational Change," Human Relations, 43 (1990): 809-28.
40. On new social movements, see Cohen, Melucci, Slater, Alvarez, Alesandro Pizzorno,
"Political Exchange and Collective Identity in Industrial Conflict," in The Resurgence of
Class Conflict in Western Europe since 1968, ed. Colin Crouch (New York: Holmes and
Meier, 1978); Claus Offe, "New Social Movements: Challenging the Boundaries of Institu-
tional Politics," Social Research, 52 (Winter 1985): 817-69; Russel Dalton and Manfred
Keuchler, eds., Challenging the Political Order: New Social and Political Movements in
Western Democracies (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Bert Klandermans,
Hanspeter Kreisi, and Sidney Tarrow, eds., From Structure to Action: Comparing Social
Movement Research Across Cultures (Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, 1988); Bert Klander-
mans, ed., Organizing for Change: Social Movement Organizations in Europe and the
United States (Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, 1989).
41. On frames and discourse, see David A. Snow and Robert D. Benford, "Master
Frames and Cycles of Protest," in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory, ed. Morris and
McClurg Mueller; Paolo R. Donati, "Political Discourse Analysis," in Studying Collective
Action, ed. Mario Diani and Ron Eyerman (London: Sage, 1992), pp. 136-67; Maines,
"Narrative's Moment"; James C. Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden
Transcripts (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990).
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570 "Hearts and Minds"
42. See Murray Edelman, The Symbolic Uses of Politics (Urbana: University of Illi
Press, 1964); Edelman, Political Language: Words That Succeed and Policies That
(New York: Academic Press, 1977); Victor Turner, Dramas, Fields and Metaphors: S
bolic Action in Human Society (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1974); Sally Falk M
and Barbara G. Myerhoff, eds., Symbol and Politics in Communal Ideology (Ithaca: C
nell University Press, 1975); Ferdinand Mount, The Theatre of Politics (New Y
Schocken Books, 1972); Frederic Jameson, The Political Unconscious: Narrative
Socially Symbolic Act (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1981).
43. Murray Edelman, Constructing the Political Spectacle (Chicago: University
Chicago Press, 1988), p. 29.
44. Michael Lipsky, "Introduction," to Edelman, Political Language, p. xxi.
45. Seymour Drescher, David Sabean, and Allan Sharlin, Political Symbolism
Modern Europe: Essays in Honor of George L. Mosse (New Brunswick, NJ: Transact
Inc., 1982), p. 5.
46. Edelman, Spectacle, pp. 104-17.
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Alison Brysk 571
47. On unmasking, see Edelman, Symbolic Uses; on metaphors, Jameson, Political Un-
conscious, and Turner, Dramas, Fields, and Metaphors. Agenda change is treated most
extensively by Roger Cobb and Charles D. Elder, Participation in American Politics: The
Dynamics of Agenda-Building (Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1972).
48. Discussions of political theater range from plot types in A. Paul Hare and Herbert
H. Blumberg, Dramaturgical Analysis of Social Interaction (New York: Praeger, 1988) to
performer status in Mount, The Theatre of Politics, to social drama as crisis resolution in
Turner, Drama, Fields, and Metaphor.
49. See Edelman, Spectacle; Clifford Geertz, "Centers, Kings, and Charisma," in Local
Knowledge: Further Essays in Interpretive Anthropology (New York: Basic Books, 1983);
Sally Falk Moore and Barbara G. Myerhoff, eds., Symbol and Politics.
50. Robert D. Benford, " 'You Could Be the Hundredth Monkey': Collective Action
Frames and Vocabularies of Motive Within the Nuclear Disarmament Movement," Socio-
logical Quarterly, 34 (1993): 195-216.
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572 "Hearts and Minds"
51. See the Klandermans, Tarrow, and Snow and Benford essays in Morris and
McClurg Mueller, eds., Frontiers in Social Movement Theory.
52. Max Weber, Economy and Society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978).
53. Roth, "Interpretation as Expectation," in Hiley, Bohman, and Shusterman, eds.,
The Interpretive Turn, pp. 184-92.
54. Edelman rarely considers the source of symbols in his earlier work, while symbols
are seen as condensations in Spectacle. Hare and Blumberg posit universal plot types in
their treatment of political theater in Dramaturgical Analysis.
55. Interview, Buenos Aires, April 27, 1988.
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Alison Brysk 573
56. See Lars Erik Blomqvist, "Introduction," in Symbols of Power: The Esthetics of
Political Legitimation in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, ed. Blomqvist and Classes
Arvidsson (Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell Intl., 1987).
57. Clifford Geertz, "Deep Play: Notes on the Balinese Cockfight," in Rabinow and
Sullivan, eds., Interpretive Social Science, p. 217.
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574 "Hearts and Minds"
58. Kristen Monroe, "John Donne's People," Journal of Politics, 53 (May 1991):
394-433.
59. Allesandro Pizzorno, "On the Individualistic Theory of Social Order" in Changing
Society, ed. Pierre Bordieu and James Coleman (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1991),
p. 224.
60. See Bert Klandermans, "The Formation and Mobilization of Consensus," in From
Structure to Action: Comparing Social Movement Research Across Cultures, ed. Bert
Klandermans, Hanspeter Kriesi, and Sidney Tarrow (Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, 1988), pp.
173-96.
61. Paul Roth, "How Narratives Explain," Social Research, 56 (Summer 1989): 449-78,
drawing on Thomas Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1962).
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Alison Brysk 575
digms often overlap and coexist even within the same population or
individual.62
We need some sort of semantic framework to make sense of the con-
stant influx of political data. Most of the time, some form of received
wisdom tells us who we are, what interests to seek, what is political, what
is just, and what is possible (perceived inevitability creates obedience
while a judgment of injustice inspires resistance to authority).63 Undis-
turbed, this semantic framework is rarely visible (and thus often suscepti-
ble to rational actor modelling); it performs the function of a paradigm
in "normal science." But occasionally some highly salient political event
or figure does not make sense: peaceful protestors are massacred, a hero
defects, the government bans a language, a child is dragged away in the
middle of the night. When anomalies concatenate, we seek a new story.
Triggering events that open hearts are usually linked to the actor's sense
of personal identity, and often to a vision of justice, coinciding with
some facets of the "moral economy" approach.64 Ideology helps to con-
struct and politicize grievance from triggering anomalies.65 As the
founder of an Amazonian Indian social movement described his reaction
when faced with cultural, physical, and environmental threats, "I
realized that my problem is not folklore, my problem is politics."66
The paradigm shift analogy suggests that anomalies are likely to have
more impact when regnant canonical paradigms are visible and in crisis.
At these moments any form of social order legitimated by strong claims
about justice and identity will be particularly vulnerable, as both
Arendt's analysis of totalitarianism and "culture theory" would pre-
dict.67 Rapid changes in economic, cultural, and authority systems
generate large numbers of incommensurable phenomena. Yet deteriora-
tion in material conditions or universal modernization are not enough to
62. Imre Lakatos, The Methodology of Scientific Research Programmes (New York:
Cambridge University Press, 1978).
63. See Barrington Moore, Injustice: Social Bases of Obedience and Revolt (White
Plains, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1979).
64. See James Scott, The Moral Economy of the Peasant (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1976); Marsha Pripstein Posusney, "Irrational Workers: The Moral Economy of
Labor Protest in Egypt," World Politics, 46 (October 1993): 83-120.
65. For examples from the women's movement, see Steven M. Buechler, "Beyond
Resource Mobilization? Emerging Trends in Social Movement Theory," Sociological
Quarterly, 34 (1993): 217-35.
66. Interview, Geneva, July 25, 1993.
67. Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York: Meridian, 1958);
Michael Thompson, Richard Ellis, and Aaron Wildavsky, Cultural Theory (Boulder, CO:
Westview, 1990).
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576 "Hearts and Minds"
What makes a new story about politics persuasive? First, symbolic poli-
tics must speak to the heart: successful symbols must be culturally appro-
priate, have historical precedent, be reinforced by other symbols, and
signal a call for action. In Vietnam, the Mandate of Heaven mobilized
68. Nikki R. Keddie, "The Revolt of Islam and Its Roots" in Comparative Political
Dynamics, ed. Dankwart Rustow and Kenneth Paul Erickson (New York: HarperCollins,
1991), pp. 292-308.
69. See Rafael de la Cruz, "Nuevos movimientos sociales en Venezuela," in Los movi-
mientos populares en America Latina, ed. Daniel Camacho and Rafael Menjivar (Mexico:
Siglo Veintiuno Editores, 1989).
70. Richard E. Petty and John T. Cacioppo, Communication and Persuasion: Central
and Peripheral Routes to Attitude Change (New York: Springer-Verlag, 1986).
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Alison Brysk 577
71. Frances Fitzgerald, Fire in the Lake: The Vietnamese and the Americans in Vietnam
(Boston: Little, Brown, 1972).
72. Geertz, "Centers, Kings and Charisma," pp. 122-23.
73. Crane Brinton, The Anatomy of Revolution (New York: Vintage Books, 1965).
74. See Barrington Moore, Injustice, pp. 87-89.
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578 "Hearts and Minds"
75. See Turner, Dramas, Fields and Metaphors, and Francesco Alberoni, Movement
and Institution (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984).
76. See Jameson, Political Unconscious, p. 40; Jean Comaroff, Body of Power, Spirit of
Resistance (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985); Rowan Ireland, Kingdoms Come:
Religion and Politics in Brazil (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1991); Anita M.
Waters, Race, Class, and Political Symbols: Rastafari and Reggae in Jamaican Politics
(New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 1985).
77. See Alison Brysk, "Acting Globally: Indian Rights and International Politics in
Latin America," in Indigenous Peoples and Democracy in Latin America, ed. Donna Lee
Van Cott (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1994).
78. See Daniel Thomas, "International Norms and Political Change: The Helsinki
Process and the Fall of Communism in Eastern Europe, 1975-1990," Ph.D. dissertation,
Cornell University, 1995; Kathryn Sikkink, "Human Rights, Principled Issue-Networks
and Sovereignty in Latin America," International Organization, 47 (Summer 1993):
411-41.
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Alison Brysk 579
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580 "Hearts and Minds"
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example of success, but it can also be seen in the rise of the Solidar
movement in Poland, the Philippines' "people power" challenge
Marcos, the Sandinista revolution, the transition to majority rule
South Africa, and U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam. Future Czech pre
dent and dissident Vaclav Havel characterized the 1968 Prague Spri
uprising against Soviet domination in terms of this type of loss of legit
macy, as "merely the final act and the inevitable consequence of a l
drama originally played out chiefly in the theatre of the spirit and con-
science of society."93
93. Vaclav Havel, Power of the Powerless: Citizens against the State in Central-Eas
Europe (New York: M.E. Shape, 1985), p. 43.
94. See Maria Garcia Pilar, "The Venezuelan Ecology Movement: Symbolic Effecti
ness, Social Practices, and Political Strategies," in Escobar and Alvarez, eds., The Ma
of Social Movements, pp. 150-70.
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Alison Brysk 583
95. On the role of religion as symbolic integrator in disparate systems, see Clifford
Geertz, Negara: The Theater-State in Bali (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980),
and Leonardo A. Villalon, "Sufi Rituals as Rallies: Religious Ceremonies in the Politics of
Senegalese State-Society Relations," Comparative Politics, 26 (July 1994) 415-37.
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584 "Hearts and Minds"
96. Elizabeth Crighton and Martha Abele MacIver, "The Evolution of Protracted
Ethnic Group Conflict: Group Dominance and Political Underdevelopment in Northern
Ireland and Lebanon," Comparative Politics, 23 (January 1991): 127-42.
97. See Jenny Phillips, Symbol, Myth and Rhetoric: The Politics of Culture in an
Armenian American Population (New York: AMS Press, 1989).
98. For a discussion of the French experience, see Jean-Francois Lyotard, Toward the
Postmoder, ed. Robert Harvey and Mark S. Roberts, trans. Kenneth Berri (London:
Humanities Press, 1993), pp. 87-114; on Russia, see Richard Stites, "The Origins of Soviet
Ritual Style: Symbol and Festival in the Russian Revolution," in Symbols of Power, ed.
Arvidsson and Blomqvist, pp. 23-42.
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Alison Brysk 585
99. See Kathryn Sikkink, "Codes of Conduct: The WHO/UNICEF Case," Inter-
national Organization, 40 (Autumn 1986): 815-40.
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