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    Walter Mignolo, Chapter 2, THE DARKER SIDE OF THE RENAISSANCE

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    Walter Mignolo, Chapter 2, THE DARKER SIDE OF THE RENAISSANCE

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    Walter Mignolo, "The Materiality of Reading and Writing Cultures"

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    Michael Litwack
    Walter Mignolo, Chapter 2, THE DARKER SIDE OF THE RENAISSANCE

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    The Darker Side of the Renaissance Literacy, Territoriality, and Colonization Warrer D. MiGNoLo An Arbor ‘THe UNIVERSITY oF MICHIGAN PRESS Chapter 2 ‘The Materiality of Reading and Writing Cultures: The Chain of Sounds, Graphic Signs, and Sign Carriers Who Is Naming That Object Book? Alejo Venegas wat a well nown humanist and man of eter inthe Spain of Charles I. He was the teacher of Cervantes de Salazar, who ‘went to Mesco around 360 and became the ist profesor of het rica the Real Univerad de Mexico, In 1540 in Toledo Venegas published the fst pat ofan ambitious project enti Primera parte 1 las difcrencins de lor que bay en el snvers. He provided the following defination of the book: [A] book san ark of depositin which, by means ofesentia ino ‘mation or things or figures, thse things tat belong to the infor mation and -clanty of undestanding.[emtndimiono) are eposited Following the rues ological discourse athe time, Venegas po- ceds to analyzeeach component ofthe dfition. The book san ark, he syn, because the noun is derived rom the verb armatar (i ffghten,and the book frightens ignorance, The book sa depositor besa, in the same way the ak contained things, books Keep the ttemtesofknowledge Furthermore, things are deposited “by means ‘een information” because the Divine Book contains the infor ‘maton and knledge that God has ofhinselfand dough which he Knows everthing past, present, fire, and pomuble, Beease of is 7 Tie Darter Sidesfoe divine cence, God produces and engenders the eternal Verb by meats of which he creates eventhing. The definition also includes, “hing” Beas things are wg that bring information about ome thing eke. Fina, figures are included becaune of the diversity of cen eters. Ths, gues basically means writin eter AMer defining the book, Venegas intouces the distinction be tween the “archetype book” andthe “metagraphbook.”? Hecillthe fit exemplar or delade (role or pater) and the second, tanunto (Uikeness) or tala tr lation, moving something from one place to another), The Bt is the uncreted book ead only by the anges the second the book read by human beings. The archetype book the expresion ofthe Divine Word andthe container ofall knowledge Good, 3 the supreme writer, has expensed the ert inthe Book of ‘Nature andin the Holy Book archetype which hasbeen inscribed Alphabetic characters, The human book has two functions: to Ihuman agents to know the crestor ofthe universe by readings bok andy at the ame time, to censure every human expresion in whch the ‘dev manifests himself by dictating alse books, That the Holy Book wa the expresion ofthe Divine Wor and the una bo >fhnowledge and the inscription ofthe ha man voce in alphabetic writing was taken for granted duting the sixteenth cent, and the ea sill ha valid in communities of believers. Inthe sistenth centr, what misionarie and men oft ts perceived in Amerindian sgn carirs wat mae by an image of the book to which Venegas definition consbuted, One can ao surmise thatthe concrete exrple Venegas, or any icited person in siateemth century Cale, hal in mind were the medieval codices anu the recently prited books (ig. 2.1) That ypothetial person haa probably forgrten what a book might have been before pups ‘vas replaced by vellum andthe rl by the codes, and pera frp ten alo that writing didnot require a book ig. 22) Soca person might noc have heen aware that inthe transformation and subsequent se ofthe codes form, Christianity and the reproduction ofthe Bible Played a ruil oe * Thus, when 2 misonay, an educated soldier, or aman ofleters was expose tothe afc the Mexiis nae max ‘iad the Maya named vu e described them objects led ike accordion and uaslted these terms “book” fg 2.3). In China and Japan, during the fftcenth cent natives pain on folded screen and hanging scroll wer very common, an the bound Book fama t European men of lterslike Venegas ws probably un known But since Spaniards were not sure what Kind of books the Amerindian “books” wer, they fared tht the words ofthe devil were epistered in them, without suspecting thatthe notion ofthe Written word might have ben ale othe Amerindian” and the very idea of the deil questionable. The Spaniard took action consistent with what they believed ahok ead what they pereied Ameria sans to have. One eacton was to bum them, pehaps with thecal and secure spe that characterizes Diego de Lana's descrip: These people used cenain charters of ters, wth which they ‘wrote in their books about their angus and teisciences With hes, and with gues, and cerain signs in the figue, they under stood dhe matters, made them known, and taught them. We found a great number of books in these eters and since they contained nothing bt spertions and fachoods ofthe devi we tnume hem all, which they took mos revo and wich gave ‘hem great pin Misunderstanding was entrenched inthe coloniratonoflanguage: Landa presupposed equal mean of communication an socal prac vices in such away tha eading ad writing were the sume both fr Spaniads andthe inhabitants of the Yuatin peninsula; he abo pe supposed the concept of letters among the Maya, which be Adstingushed fom characters. Final, because he was accustomed! seeing medical illuminated books, he assumed that the Maya rh ‘vereaso writen andlstrated with pctres- Tedd not occur to him thar sch a distinction might no be relevane to the Mayas. Landa round 1566 gave a description (instead ofa definition) ofthe mate Fality of Maya “books.” It is worthwhile when eading to keepin rind Venegas definition: “They wrote ther books. on along sheet double in folds, which was then enclose between two boards ney omamenteds the writing ‘vas onone se and the other according othe ods. Tepper they mae from te ets of tree amd gare owt fi ellen for ritng np. Some of the principal lords were lamed in these ‘Siences, from interests, and forthe greater esteem they enjoyed thereby, yets they did not make use of them in pub (Nas mine” ‘Landa might have had no choie but to tak about “their eters” and “their books” eater than thinkin terms of “our val” and ak ‘what concepts the Maya used to designate the basic units oftheir Twitng or task whether the ditinction between painting and writ ing mae sense for them and, consequent, what was the purpose of sdeseibing “thee” books as having pictures usrating ther writing. Tanda could have asked alo whither the Maya distinguished “book” from “paper,” since hse to rele tthe surface in which igsare imseribed ato the object rested by writen sigs in a solid surface made out of te bark (ra). But there itll mor: why did Land tecive thatthe materiality of Maya writing was to be understood in teams of books, and why di he nt think that they could have had he | Reading Caltres exer surfces in which signs were inscribed and writing practiced !° For Landa writing was naturally conecved in tem of papers and tok and books in tems ofthe medieval manuscript and the print ing pres, which wee ao the examples Venegas might have had in smn some twenty ive years before Land's por Tn Anuhuac, among the Nahuatl peaking people, the tem re: lay employed to refer tothe material surface on which painted narratives were isribd was amaxt.rogherTorbio de Movin) who arved in Mercoin §24,eported on such Merica books Contrary to Lands, Motoina’s description oxilates be tween the materity of inscriptions and the conceptual genes he perched in Mesias’ books. In a letter, Moana reponed to Lord Antonio Pimente, [all reat ofthis and of Anshuse or New Spain. according 10 the ancient books which the natives had or postesed. These books seer writen in symbol and picture. This was thei way of wring, ‘epplving theirlack ofanaiphabetby thus ofsymbol... These tes ha fv boot, which, a si, were written in pictures and Symbals The fit book deals with year and calulations of time; the sexi, with dhe dae and with the feasts which che Indians bseved during thc yur; the third wih dean lion opel ‘ons and omens in which the Indians believed the Rou, with tupiams and with names that were bestowed upon children; the mens ofthe Indiansrelitive to manage. Only one ofall thse books, namely the is, can be Borgia See's transation leave out important wording from the ‘rig, namely, Moto’ statement that only the st book can be tested decnathe ther four were invented bythe devils. Ix curious to note that a simile observation was made by Landa in commen with the Maya concept of time, This section translated Maya gph into alphabetic writing and reported hat The cences which they taught were the reckoning ofthe yar, months and das the fetal and ceremonies, the administration oftheir sacraments, the omens ofthe dav thcr methods of din ‘om and prophecies, events, remedies for sckess,antguities, and ‘he at of reading and writing by thir ltrs and the characters herewith ey wat, and by peters stra the wring? Venegas’ dul typology, cditnguishingberwcen the archetype and the metagraph book, allowed an interpretation of the later that merged in amon every report about writing and books inthe New ‘orld ic might be the book of the dei, which contained not ekence but superstition, noe eth but seo, Mate ferences arose ‘kre in writing practices, the orage and transmision of nora ‘on and the consiriction of knowledge were ersed—ina proces of analogy, fightin the name of God aginst the devi The game ofthe word became, ths, conceptual game tha im pinged on understanding arose alures (what i “behind” words Sich as amas, ob, and bok), on the exercise of power (who sin positon to decide whose knowledges trath, what smtaincr and ign ‘arc i prefered and shouldbe sted?) and the colonization language. The ony atts that Motoinia trated he named shut ‘al ama(ook counting the yeas) -Amatfisdrived fom amt plant that grew in the Lakes in the Vale of Mesco and om whe hace sgn cars were prepared, Amaracuilo was 4 name for the Individual whose social ole wast pint on the ama twas ta oil roles in writing activites have been derived, such at mei amatlaeil, which Simcon ranted as secretary oe principal wnt"; and alo amastlacal, ‘whic he translated 3 “scribe, author” Simeon’s transitions of the TeDerter Sie fist a secretary” and the second a authoe” suggests that aman ‘might have refewed to “books” and amatlto “paper” In any case,not ‘only was the materiality ofthe arc diferent, but abo the sci le Sn the concepraization each clare aseated othe signs (lttrs te painting) the sign caer (ameastior book), and to the social oles (duel or scribe), aswell athe activites (weting/eeading an look: Ing at/telling a story). These coneeptualizations varied according to respetive traditions cultural and socal ses, and the materiality of| reauing and writing interactions, Spaniards, however, had the ls ‘wont and took fr granted tht thei reading and writing habs, their Truman and divine books, and their ways of organizing and transmit: ting knowledge were beter and exempe from delish design. The Spread of Wester eric, then id not ony take the form of reading dha wring Ie was ao a massive operation in which the materiality ind the ideology of Amerindian semiotic interactions were inte: mingled with or placed by the materiality and ideology of Wester reading and wing clr. Writing without Words, without Paper, without Pen ‘Wing does not presuppos the book, although during the sixteenth century celebration ofthe eter, it was narrowed down to mean just that almost exlisivey Is image 0 strong in cultures ofthe book ‘that those who do not belong ro them, as we no longer do, are not always aware of what a book means" Alternative sign cases (Ike fwpapers) wee not ye avilable, andthe complicity between writ: ing and the book wa such thatthe possiblity of writing on clay, imal skin tee bak, and the ike was beyond the cultural horizon of the time. Venegas definition ofthe book, very much ike Nebria’s Cclcbraton ofthe eter, rae previous material mans of writing, practices or denied coctal ones that were not alphabetically based, “Keeping with examples from the Yucatin peninsula, we observe thar the many Spanish descriptions and reactions to Maya waiting practices were presented af Wester books and the equialent of ‘iestem paper were the only sign caer. The colonizers paid less attention to writing caved in stone and in potery, which had ver Wide we and signicant socal fnesons. The reader ofsuch descrip tions as Lands and Motos war invited to conceive Maya literacy in European tem and never the iese, imagining what Europeans might lack the pint of reference were Maya script and sign cares. Th few year afer Landa wrote bis lai, apother Fancscan, Antonio de Cina Real, observed in his epor on theif of Brother ‘Alon Ponce thatthe Maya shoul be pease above all other people ‘of New Spin fr tres things. Hl was impress ist, bythe charac ters and figures (he called them Zayas) with which dhe Maya wrote ‘ther aratives nd econdd heist (which heeled storia). The Second noteworthy apect was their religion and sacri ites ‘devoted to thir gods (which he called do). And third were the Maya ‘lena, inscribed in aifacts made of tre bark. He described them {consisting of very long trips almost a hid ofa var (thi three inches) wide, which wer folded “and came to be mote ot es ikea ‘quarto bound book.” He aso observed the spread of May era ‘Only the “pret of the ios” (al in) and every 0 often a noble person understood sich “figures and lerter.” Afr the conquest, ‘ven wre them"! “The analogy with a quaro-bound hook s indeed quite revealing. ‘The medical bound manuseipe was basal simian format tothe printed book during the Renaisanc. When paper was iaoduced in Europe toward the en of the thineenh cena placing pesos sign cuir (sich a parchment), twas folded in two of four in folio ‘rin guano) and then asembled in segments (fascculs) of four tosix sheets, Medieval and Renaissance printed hooks aquired a very di tinctv format in elation to previo roll oreo Yet one can find in standart histories of the book the notion thatthe ist books were scroll, Sach expressions presuppose that a gen materia format the medieval and Renaissance book) was imperfect when vented and finaly achieved an estence shat was in pteniasnce its inception, This ‘volutonary model of wring andthe book was oa great extent a8 invention ofthe European Renaissance, anditwas precisely the mode! ‘nace by missionaries and menofletcrs when they deserbed Amer indian writing practices and sign carers It's somewhat curious that the analogy was made between Amerindian amastl or ru and ‘quarto bound book instead of estilo which new pees could be ‘Med, and which could be ole and welled Ia his amos descrip ‘don, Bema Dae del Casilla chove instead sy that Mescan books ‘were folded like Cantina woul ike 0 elaborate on di pots, aking a example rom cent ways of talking about wring. An evolutionary mee sill ‘ems to previ, according to which tru writing alphabetic wating ands indstnguishable fom the book, which, in ts tm, is indi ‘ingushable from the mater form of dhe European medieval and Renaisance examples. Flowing David Disinge, for example, ence kinds of writing can ‘TeDenter Sef ‘be vsalizedcmbo, nonalphabei andalphabetc. He cals the st two “pure” writing ts posable he says, "to coun ax wring’ any semiotic mark. anindvial makes and assignsameaningto,” and the antiquity of writing is peshaps comparable to the antiquity of spech, But a crit and unique breakthrough into new worlds of Knowledge was achieved within human consciousness not wien si ‘ple semiotic marking was devised bur when a coved system of ise nas wasinvented whereby 3 writer ould determine the exact words thatthe reader would generate fom the tex." Writing thas con {cited sresnicted sy andalphabetc wring. Its dsinetion {eva fom the standpoine ofthe histor of wtng, ethnography, oF paleograpy tis not as satisfy fom the semiotic point of view. Smles concerned with the change of ame, whether we calla action ‘rting." than with 2 change of level decing us away from the particular lexicon and expesions ofa cure linked withthe pe Scntaton of particular mode ofineraction and toward disciplinary tinderstanding,in which soncpts bonded ots theoretical dein tion, One needs, Sista dheoreial definition of graphic signs and of traphic semiotic interactions before moving into a istrialclassifc ‘on of diferent stages inthe development of writing. Semiotcaly trapic sgn then, «physical sign mae with che purpose of ea Thing a semiotic interaction, Consequently human interactions semiotic one if there is a community and a ody of common know ‘eg acconfing to which (a) person an produce graphic ig with the purpose of conveying a menage (to somebody ese orto him: oF fer, (0) a person perceives the graphic ign and interprets ita sign prodced with the purpose of coaveving a message and («) that peron atbutes a given meaning tothe graphic ign. Notice shat in this theoretical definition of wating the inks berween speech and wwting are not necessary becuse weting snot conceived of the Fepresentation of peech, Tn ths sense writing isa communicative device common to all cultures, although is concepeuaizations and uses diverge and not ‘rey member ofcommunit has access to writing, whereas in Walter ‘Ones conception, wing i imted to alphabetic or slab stems Frits pa, book isa concept united with wring only inthe concep tualzation of culturein which writing is understood in he resited tense defined by Diringer and Ong. To avoid the ambiguities caused bythe use ofconcepts that presen ina disciplinary context, the same ‘meaning they bok i cultural (nondscipiny) expresions athe retical definition is needed, Before giving a definition of book, Iwi Fist attempt a description In what allows lyon Diringr’s asic study devoted to the book befor printing.” My own recognition of hisimporant contribution wil nox prevent me from challenging some ‘this base presuppositions. The most elevant of his peesuppasiions 79 for the issues explored inthis chapter is revealed by hisconstencyin ‘sing the term doin the rested sense fumished by hisown West- The ‘mand contemporary ultre and projecting it toward erent ines Mati tn places, Let me ilasrate this statement, Diringr rite: Heading, irs Linte( “linen book) ae mentioned by Livy not as exiting Cale {in ison ime, but seconded by Linus Mace who tated thaclinen “books” were kept inthe temple of Juno Moneta. They were not “books” inthe madem sense, but simply very ancient ‘nna and ibs magistatum (“books of magistrates”) Deapite the cation “they were not books inthe modem ssc” Diringer tants “ib a “bos.” Diringercersinly knows that Milne designates ancient chronicesothe Romans that were wt ‘tenon inenand preserved inthe Temple of uno Moneta Butitisnot Known forsurethatthey were hooks, sinc idrmay have been wed Aesgnate the sod surface on which writing was performed (a possible «serson from the original meaning the ines bark ofa wee). Thus, libri inte col be ust wring on linen; ir miratnm cold tbe translated a “writings ofthe magsates™ second example comes om te idea that papyrus was the main writing materi or books in the Greso Roman world Although pa pyrus was indeed the primary writing matali does no follow that it vas foe wring book, bu ater just for 3 multitude of weting Purposes (eg, reonfing data for fare use, everday human interac tions, communication with gods). To be inscribed and taneited, 4 grap sign cemainly needs 3 men, Bt fom this point to the book along road. Dirnger sates thatthe Greck word ils means ‘the “pith ofthe papyrus stalk gave origin to bin the common wor for “papyrus sro” or “papyrus oll” whose plural was ili, “papyrus,” bla, “the scrolls." Inthicase, Dsinge tants “ne srol" tthe equivalent of book. "2° With regard tothe Roman lexicon, Diingerrelatestharthe modem word *olume” denvs rom the Latin rafumen (a thing rolled up) its formed frm the verb volver (to ell) and renders the Greek flindras elinder). In is context eevee fia alee (to wal) was often sc the ens of | “to read (lin conicee). When, ater al tis information, Diinger relates tha the tem semen, ke liber (to pel the nner bark of 3 tre), was in common use for “book,” the quotation marks do ot solve the problem ofthe manner in which a community represents its ‘own objectsand socalinteractons. Foran educate memb of West ‘emcultre, the word dots asociated witha bud of owe (and ‘representations fr fom the meaning of role) ofr bark j ofatee (lier) the amen wich rollwascut (sma) which probaly were among the mcanings asocated with hese words the Roman community ‘Censinly the entire problem ofthe book cannot be reduced tthe meaning of the words coined to designate the mater aspects of ‘writing rll" “c,”“unfld"“barkofa tee") and we cannot ‘ie the book only aan objet or aclasof objets, With the ineeay Ingcomplestyoflieracy,the peace of writing on ike, apy, tiblonchanged. A change ina given practice andin the object fected ‘bythat practice was accompanied sooner ost, with change inthe conceptuaization ofthe practice and ofthe objet. The meaning of the engl words related tothe practice of wsting and the graphic Sign caer catered aprocessof tassformation. Lam manly interested in ewo aspects ofthis transformation: (a) the paral of ibn, ila, aime to indicate sacred Serigtures andthe Book par excellence (8) from blade inner bark of papyrus) was formed the Greck bili se house of papyrs) it eme to mean wisdom or know 2* Tnother words, the representation ofthe semiotic system of interac tion achieved by inserbing snd tansmiting graphic signs on slid surfaces began to change with the increasing complesty of eracy tnd became strongly associated with religion nd know. “This long detour through the house of words keds me to believe hata more accurate transation of amasté would be bboy papyra, libro bec eather than “book” o “libro,” as shawn through acloser look atsome ofthe Aztec words elated to amesti2? Amex, wove ros ae amas and ico, to paint. inscribe something: Amoxcaly whan 00 re amet and call, house, room; “Arasitn/amaspos, whose 100s ae amex itoa means 88 O€ 1 arate something by heart; and pow meas to ell o summarize 3 process, coun “The tranaltion of amasita/amospos offered by Simon, “ire wn lime” (fo read book) quit misleading fits understood cites in the sms of *to go over a wten page wit the exes" oF “to pro ounce out loud whats writen,” forthe Romance words ior fer (to read) come fom the Latin leper, meaning “to collec (tia ‘gathering, collecting). The sense of “collecting” is absent fom the Nala! word, and the emphasis son “telling ornarating what has beenimeribed opted onasolid surface mad out of amasil.” The Aierenceis notte gies us better understanding of the Mdea of | ‘the book a nonbterate ad iterate sities 24 ‘Now its ponsbl to attempt a definition of bok that, contrary 10 that ofthe sgn will be clare specif 12) Avoid surface in book an object tothe degree to whichit isthe Sign caer for some kind of graphic emote interaction; ») Abook aan object sao books text tothe degree which it belongs to 4 specie age i the development of writing (“pure wring,” acording to Disinger's lsiication) and the members ‘ofa gen culture preset the stem of graphic semiotic inter tom i such away that it tbat tothe sign camer (books as ‘objet high and dees ancion (theological and epstemolo- cal) for thee own organization According to this defiton, the book 2 txt implies “pure” writ ing, although “pure writing” does nox neces imply the idea ofthe tok. The neesiyconctions ar founded in the presuppositions underlying cultural expresions. rereading ofthe seminal chapter by Garis, “The Books Symbol wil show that he devotesa great deal oftime to metaphors abou weg and that he seems to asume that they ate plan and simple ynionyms of metaphors a the book. Bertha asit mason example nee tobe drawn rom Cuts in ‘onder to back up our deBrition ofthe book as text. In 1948 Curis fled attention to the amount andthe sigiBcance ofthe images that Aeon cltres had contracted to represent their ides about writ= tng andthe book. He begins bis survey with the Greeks, noting that they didnot have any “idea ofthe sacrednessofthe book, athere sno pepe prey east of seb." What is more one can even find Aisparagement of writing in Pato. There isthe fiir st par of | Pat's Peers in which Socrates atempts to convince Phaedrs ‘that writing isnot an aid to memory and learing but, to the contra, ‘amon “awaken reminiscences” without replacing ther dicourse Tying inthe payche of the wie man, which must be wansmited ‘through on interactions. It shouldbe underlined that Socrates s mainly concerned with wring ins raioship to knowlege adits transmission, but aot with he “book.” ne thinks ofthe sich vocab- tar sociated with graphic semioi interactions inherited fom the Geeks and als remembers thatthe ia ofthe sacred ok was alien to them-for they were moee conceemed with “writing” than with “ook” —one again conces that to translate Hiblsas “book” im plies impring our meaning of book upon their rather dan all ‘dertandingy tee meaning of bbls. This observation, the general problem of the fasion of horizon o the fasion of uur expressions, i also valid inthe ease where ama stant 8 ar Contrary to the comupted nature of wring in which Pat repre sented graphic semionicinteractions, nothing found bt the ume praise (and God asthe archerypal waite) ia Christianity. this form of representation, the tongue Becomes synonymous withthe Band andthe universe with the Book." While Soceats anchors knowledge inthe prche and conveys it though ral tranemiion of signs, CChistiait secures knowledge inthe Book and coaveys it through the graphic uansmision of signs. One could sums chat the idea of the book may have entered into the sytem of representation of _raphic semiotic interaction at the point wien writing gained is au tonomy from oaity and the Book eeplaced the person a receptacle snd a source of knowledge ts quite comprehensible that when the ‘word was detached fom its orl source (the body iebecame tached to the invisible body and the sent voice of God, which cannot be Iheard but ean be read in the Holy Book, However, the theological vow of writing developed by Chrisianty and the epistemological ‘ew ofknomledge provided by Socrates and Plato (where Gods not only the archerype of the writer but also the archetype of wisdom), Joined forces during the Middle Age” and extended to the Rena | Sace. Natures the book God wrote, and to know natre the best | way to know God. Caius quotes a eli passage from Luis de Gra das Simba dela fn which Granada ses the expres “otk Phlosophicaly i this gret book of earthly create” ro mean that because God pur us in font ofthe *manlous book ofthe ene universe” we must read the ecaure livers an this, through them, rea of the excellence ofthe resto. ‘Chrsianity is ot, ofcourse, the only eligi having holy book for Scrprres (the Koran the Torah). Butt shares with those ‘others the dsequtibrium of power between religions posesing the ‘Book and those without it Atsake hee isthe ole payed bythe book 25. 1ext during the proces of colonization cared on by iterates ‘iets Asa mater offic, theroleofthe bookinourundemtandingof the colonial period inthe New World may not have been entirely exploited. One could, peehaps, profit by aking an example fom Jack Goody and sing tas an analogy: To practice the Astte religion, jobsenes Goody, you have to be Asante. Due othe lak of writen rarative tracing the border between the intemal an the exten space of whats prescribed and permitted fromm whats prscribed and forbidden the “dex” attached to the Asunte religion varies conser shivovertine. Religions founded onalphabeticwnting and the come ‘ofconveson, not simply religions of bith. You can spread them like jm. And you can persuade orfrce people to give upon et oblics and practices and take up another set 2" What important heres not the “content” ofthe Book butrather the vey exten ofthe abjectin which asetofregulationsand metaphors wasinsribed, giving tot the special stars of Truth nd Wado, Tis now easier to undestand Motolina’s metaphorical language ‘when he ees toand describes Ate hooks.” One canals unde stand the context of meaning undeing the epistemological meta hors he employed to describe thee “books.” By selecting the ist, he Drojects the cognitive component ofthe ides ofthe book; bychooning the second, he drs fom the theological component of the ies ‘ofthe Bookin which truth finds its warrant. I Moroliniacastthe devil 2 the author of the false books, twas nox only because the del ws tziy ofall wrongdoing in this world, but abo Because he had a ‘hovsand fics. In this ease, the fice he showed wae relied tothe ‘scralzaton of the Book in Christianity The model of writing and the book embedded in the European Renasance, and generaly defined by Venegas, erased many of the postbilices fe diferent writing systems and sgn carers that mis Sonaries and men of letes might have ingsired about rather than describing by analogy with thee own model. Because the parc matic example of wating was alphabetic and refered tothe medival ‘codex and the Renaissance printed book, the Penvian ip was vir ‘ually eliminated ffom the penpestive one can get about the mate- salty ofreadng and writing cultures. There wat cenainly more than a readingand witing culture ia bok the European Renalsance ad the «colonial New Wold. However, awe have seen inthe ist chaper, the ‘model provide! bythe alphaber and the book was the paradigmatic ‘cxample ofthe material fies of reading and writing. Thequipacenainy did no go unnoticed among those who werein em obsewing Amerindian evlures during the fist century of the snguest. Acosta, in his Historia maturaly mora dea Indias 1590) «devoted several chapters (book 6) to descpiogs of Amerindian wit ing ystems, comparing them with alphabetic aswell as Chinese writ ing. Acoma refers tothe qupu when he writes about memory and ‘record Accping in Per. He begins his description by noticing the siternces between the quip and other whiting systems: {os inos del ir, antes de ven epanoes,ningingénero de ‘crit uvieron,nporletrasniporearacteres, 0 caso figs, ‘como los dea Chimay los de Mexico; no por eo conserva ‘menos la memoria de sus antigua, i tsieron meno cuenta Matra Reading. Wing ero, before the Spaiads came, had no Rimaiance thee alla of peace, war and goverment The quam by Acosta ai grec epg character or figures (fg. 24) Acota's definition of wating, then rm tit for amish However, when Acosta ha to describe what a ipa is and how iis he makes a perfect analogy betwcen writing with eters and writing fan! knots, In Aconta's deition, “Soa quip tnosmemoriales oregstrshechos de ramaes,en que dversos dos ¥ diversas [se] colores, sgiican diversas cons” [Quipus are ak Tecond keeping or ester made out of st of branches in which 2 Givenity of knots and a What attracted Aco rest of colors mean diferent things never, was not the material ap nce dd with , Acosta thought pearance of the quip, but what the that whatever coud be done with books in maters af recording the past keeping track ofthe lav itl, and business matters cou be to done with the quips peden decide stoi, yleyes ppanteament, que amir”), Thus, cosas hestation between the fot that quipos were not writing or books, although they peform pect i the analogy ke waiting and books. Me Avowa established with lp da manojo de sos, tanton dos fdcos,y ills atdos mente tanta diferencias que wef Andin every bundle ofthese, so many grater andeserkot, and 0 id they, with dei nots and color, draw fo innumerable meaning of tings. © Tescems evident afer reading Acosta a wll as other writers who described the quip that not only was dhe material image of rll or scroll forgotten and replaced by the quaro-bound book, bur the meaning of textum had also fide ou ofthe vocabulary ofthe de “esi Latin meant “to make” and more specially “to weave." By ‘transience, it was ao wed inthe ens of ino together," 10 interac oro inten. Hence, teatum ivoked the idea of sone: thing woven or made into 3 web Iwas ao transfered by Roman ‘etoicns to apabetic writen compesitions to denote the texture ‘of compostion (aco tectum tnue). What Acosta missed, be ‘aun he sured that wen presuppose graphic signs inscribed on Aacerfces, was the tactile aspect ofthe quipu. Moder scholars who have recently staied them in detail observe thatthe quip maker produced meaning, rsorded memony and worked with numbers by tracing figures in space. Inthe process of organizing or weaving ‘rings and color, and of knotting tem, the guipuenmayoc had 0 ‘ange the direction ofthe strings and the position of the colors ela tive o cach other This proves, the authors observe, was not simpy repratry tothe real makinga recon. twas an integral par oFauip ‘makingor wring. The materaty of quipu making ivtesintresting ‘omparson withthe brsh nd the sus, the instruments of Mexica tnd European writing practices “The quipumaker's way of recording direct constuction —re red tactile ens to amuch greater depree. nic the oer Sl aesthetic ofthe quip i elated to the tactile: the manner of ‘econ and the recording ts ae decided yt he Fst im the activity the second in the eect. We seldom realize the po tent of our sense of touch, and we ar usually unaware ofits sssocation with hth... In ft, acl sensi begins inthe ‘hythmic pulsating envionment ofthe unbor chi Fin advance ‘ofthe development of ther sense? “The tactile sent perceived tay in the quipu maker would have been obscureto Renaissance men ofleers who werethinkingin tems of etter writing and books the paradigmatic model of pro ducing meaning and keeping records. Acosta, 8 we have see, tainly did not miss the smarts between guar (0 organize or weave leer, strings, ite stones or beans) inorder to produce tneaning and keping records, But he filed to se the tactile dimen sion in quipa making ‘Quip maing ws thn, an important activity in Inca society i pant enough to havea sci ole signed tit ha ofthe quip maker. Guaman Poma de Ayala, his Nueva cromicn ybuen bic, Teta fw drawings tha ilistate what a quip and a guipucamayec look like (ig 2.8) For Acosta to consider the muipuamayocasasocial role equivslent toa medial xribe (ig, 2.),a Renaisancesecretan, for aman of etter (fig. 27) would perhaps have been beyond his horizons. Or perhaps he was alo sei from diferent perspective, the ransormaion that Guaman Poma de Ayala saw when be depicted tn Inca colonial secretary (Big. 2-8); this, we can imagine, resulted for the sca tansormation ofthe ancient quipu makerin the eo al socey ‘In medieval Europe (3 wel asin the samic world), the practice and concepuaization of writing were closer to physical labor than an Snllectual port (ce 61). Dietare was the ver that described the activity that today one would deserbe as writing and composition. “The generation ofa text began with the dictation tha these in sesbed in wax table; afer corrections introduced by the dct it ‘was transcribed in prchments. Wasting, then, requied not onl asl in which all pars ofthe body were engaged, but also the sill to pace the instrament (sys, feather, ink parchment, et). The transformation om the aictatarand the erie the consolidation of both act in one person began to take pace perhaps toward the sivcenh century3¥ However the ide hat weiing implied the woice {id nor vanish as quickly as one might sappose fer the transforma: tion of reading brought about by the multiplication of manuscript, ring the eal fourteenth cent, and the sventon ofthe printing resin the second half ofthe fourteenth cent Tite Cust Yupanks eporedin 570 how people fom nother Peru witnessed the aval ‘ofthe fit Spaniards and described them as bearded men who talked to themselves ooking at pecs of white abi 3° In Ans, the acl waste socal role equivalent to the Peru vian up maker, the medieval sre, othe Renasance secretary [see fig 6.19), He didnot deserve se mh attcaton fom the Spanish writers, however 3 those who had the wisdom ofthe word (lama Tinie ia Nab amanty; in Aymara and Quechua; gonad in ‘Maya Cachigue),tanlated as “orators o philosophers” by Span ‘schonistsSahagin,forinstanee who did such thorough obinre- searching and describing Mcsca ultr, devoted an entre book out ofthe twelve in his Frenne Cadex(1§78)47 to rhetoric and moral pilenopy. The acl was practically hide n.achaperhe devoted to the cratmen and dsgised under the name ofthe ofl de lt plum” [uhercrafsman] (Rg. 2.9) The Mendoza Cae gathered lbymandateof Viceroy Mendoza toward 1550, as the acai an his soninthe contextofasinsin Mexia sodety (fig. 2.10). Matric Reading Wing alee ss TheDarter NE SAIN aR yan soi ole: Andean pcan Francisco de San Anton Mun Chimalpan, bom around 1579 in chao Amyiencon see lass wien a sts ins “Octar Remco” gh elation), a deibedia deal hs soures anesthe process WN Thost them, Hi specie that he information came fom ve pars cor books, fom ancient painted papers, very oid and painted by elder and deat nobles fom the towns of Tracuatan Tenanco Chien ‘lua, they wrote them before Taranged them, and wrote his Soy” [De cinco partes libros, de antgiospapelespinados muy ticjos hechoe por lox antignos querdos bles que fern de Teacualtilan Tenanco Chiconctniac, antes que yo los rela fe compuestaexta historia). The refercace to five unit cepa (80 ‘alle “ron” by Chimps) reminds ws of Molina’ clsieation ‘oF Arzecan “books” or pare (pcces). What th been can be suse by what Chimspain refers cscs might have painted ementh, He descr, furore, where the information stor viejo eats fueron hechos durante empo de os sehores nuestros padres nuestros antpasadon. Ya prnturar del publ y %® rneend filueftin tenn ‘Vorgutes et poten ra effec 90 TieDarter Renaisance a ior de os linaes antignar fron guards mientras a Dios plugo dale vida, por Don Diego Hemindez Mochintetalohuat. tin, Principe reinante quien se hio espaol y muri en Ce-Call, 1545, TEntones, papel pintado y la historia de los inaesaniguos fueron dejadosasu quedo hijo clsehordon Domingo Hemindez “Ayopochtrn, quem se sry en la eweta de las bray pin wm libs wriindele com lara, sin abate nada, sno como un fl espe de as cone que de ale washd.#° [These old stories were made during the tine of the lors our fathers, our ancestors. And these paintings of the people andthe histor ofthe ancien nobility were kee, slong sit pleased God to gant him lie, by Don Diego Hemindez Mochintztalohuat. tn egning Prince who became a Spaniard and died in Ce-Call, ‘Then, the pained paper and the history of the ancent nobility were lef 10 his beloved son, the esteemed Don Domingo Her hinder Ayopochzin who instructed himself the tling of the books and then painted 3 book, writing iin letes, adding noth ing, but eather ae fathfol miror ofthe things translated from there} In thesame way thatthe proper namesare lead clear manifesta sion of colonial semen, yan the cognitive struc ture of those who ved, thowght, nd narrated between the world oF the painted amast and the alphabedc written books. The laming proces alld to by Chinalpin ("se insruyd en la cuenta de los irom” lead to inerpret he books] alo nds the perp Sion oftwe kinds ofschooing the old one in which part oflaming va to lok at an wo ster the books: and the new one in which CChimalpin himself was edcated an! leaned to replace the pints arth vocab 8 Materia Wing ‘by alphabetic writing, and to move speech rowand written prose, The fact hat Chimalpain sil maintained in his wetng the repetitive smc ture of the oalis indicative ofthe fractures of colonial semis inthe transton fom oral naeatives in which repetition sa pac of every speech, oan alphabetic written pos (in both the Latin and Spanish fom which Chimalpain eared to wnt in Nahuat)- By the sbteeath entry, this eptition had already eal established is distinction ‘vith yersifation Even in modem Spanish warslation the echoes of hyhmicspesch could behead: “l papel pintado ya historia de os linajesaniguos [the painted paper and the lineage history], “ahora yohe pintado, he extito con eras un ibro™ [paint book, writing it wit eter; “l me To pret libro de ss antepasaes, me 10 roporcond” [he loaned it tome the book ois ancestors, he made ‘avaiable to me]: here were at least fv ancient books, a8 Motlini and Chima pain mentioned, perhaps the tec was ot jst one singe person, fener rained to pant any of them, and perhaps there was adv Sion of labor and a divson of training ako, Don Fernando de Alva Tniochid was 4 deicendant of the same Texcoran family who hosted Pero de Gante around 1523, What emerges fom the words of ‘Mexican chronists such as Chimalpain and Ixhvochitl is what the Spanish hronists had some dificult in understanding (orat asin soringout ina way that would il be sic for today’s ear) that both Spanish an Amerindian recorded thei pas 2 wells heir ‘widom in graphic and oa forms; that both uly treasured those records, even if they had diferent perspectives on he values tha shouldbe atibuted tothe oral and the writen nd tha the qupusia the Ande and the pained signs in Mesoamerica were the equal fof feners The Spanish never understood tha, ithe Ameringians lacked eters, they themscines by the same token iced quips and ‘amoszi. And while the Spans had men of lene, the Incas had (pripoamayoc snd Mesias tail Trochitl and Chimalpin left an extensive description oftheir working methods, inochi’ rten Spanish was quite impressive, ‘ren though he vay crazed the Spanish interpretation of Mex an histon Asa historian writing in aeement with the conventions ‘ot Westem historiography and alphabetic writing, he ound his source ‘oFinformaton i ancient painted amstlas well atin oa reports and the memoris ofthe elders (ele. Ia onder to find out the tath about the past of New Spain, Itech could aot rust the con tractor opinions of various authors (mos ioral, Spaniaeds) who ‘wrote ts history. He decided to lok ato the painted records of the “Mesicasthemscies a well tothe songs they ase restr their memories (¥y de ls cantor con que las obseraban, autores my faves nat modo de cenciay ficult”). Theauthoracoeding to Trochid, was inthe ands ofthe “mos istinguihed and wise people [gente muy iste yentenda, who looked at the evens arefily and ntelgently a "the mow serious and trastworhy a- thorsand historians ofthe word” [los mis graves Biedignos autores hintrco del mundo}. chi backed up issn by saying thatthe disinguished and wise people he tasted as the wimate a thority ha foreach genre of record keeping tei Sxbes (eit sacl) ‘ino que tratabun delosanalesponiendo por sonfen as coms que Acacsn en cada ao, con dia es y hora. Ouos tenia 2s argo las genealogy descendencis de los ees chores y personas de lina, asentando por cuenta azn fos que naan y boraban los «que morian, con lamisma cent, Unosteniancukdado de as pin tures de os éninos, limites ymojoneras de as adds, provin- tia, pcblony hares, y de las suenesy repanimientos de ls tien, cuys crn ya quien pertenecian, Ot, de los bros de is eyes rts y eremoniss que uaban en su infield fos sacer- Mavis Reading Cale ores, de os tempos, de ss idolatriasy modo des doctrna ido: ‘tea dela festa de silts diwes calendars. finales Tas fils ois qu tenia entre cl, taba au cargo pinta todas ls conis ue sabia yaeancaban, y enchar de memoria todas las canter que nero eu inca isis td ‘mud el cempo cm ln eid de as reyes y sore os el pesccucionesde sus dscendintesy a calamidad de ms sibitoy cal (some dealt with the annals, placing in order the things that had ‘occured in each yea, reson the] day, month and hour. Or es, werein charge ofthe genealogies and descent ofthe kings and and persons of aoe bi, noting fithfily those who were erasing those who died, in the same manner Some tok intng the lis, boundaries and bo provinces, towns and villages andthe parcling and ditrbution of lands: whose they were and to whom they belonged. Others {looked afer the books of laws, ital and ceremonies that they practiced in thir unbeiand the pists theiridolaiesand the manner of thee dots doctine, ard the Feasts thee le god and calendars. nd finale pipers sind wise men among them were entrusted with painting all the ‘hey peed and bad tained, and with tenching frm ‘memory alte chants they oberved in ther eres and loreal of bic me altered with tefl. red the times of the ing and ods a the aos rosa led 98 96 TheDerter Suef Revsinnce and persecutions of thei descendants and the calamity oftheir subject and vasa, [alisochits distinction, o lack thereof, between the seibes (es crtoes, cal) and wise men (if, sabio tlamatin) in other ‘Sonics establishes an atracive analogy withthe station inthe European Middle Ages. Ieisnot obvious that oth Fanci were pat ofthe same socal rol, since there were, precisely, diferent names for those who had wislom and those who had kl IFs noe suprising, then, that Sahagin placed the sacle among the

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