The Food of The Gods in Chhattisgarh: Some Structural Features of Hindu Ritual by Lawrence A. Babb

The Food of the Gods in Chhattisgarh: Some Structural Features of Hindu Ritual
Author(s): Lawrence A. Babb

Source: Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, Vol. 26, No. 3 (Autumn, 1970), pp. 287-304
Published by: The University of Chicago Press
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The Food of the Gods in Chhattisgarh: Some Structural
Features of Hindu Ritual'
LAWRENCE A. BABB
Analysis of Chhattisgarhi ritual reveals a common structural core which un

ostensibly diverse ritual expressions. This structure is grounded in the purity-
tion contrast, especially as it relates to hierarchical distinctions, and ritual is
fore integrated with some of the most pervasive features of Chhattisgarhi social
ture. Two elements are combined in ritual sequences: 1) the creation of a zon
purity within which the deity (or deities) may be approached, and 2) a recip
transaction in foods. Food is offered to the deity and then retrieved from th
for consumption by the participants in the ritual. The transaction allows the
to be paid for divine favors and at the same time establishes a hierarchical op
tion between the deity and the worshippers as a group. Differentiation within
congregation is obscured by the wider opposition between divinity and the
shipping group as a whole.
R ECENT YEARS have seen the emergence of an extensive literatu

systems of religious belief and practice in South Asia. As yet, howe
relatively little attention has been given to the problem of the struc
underpinnings of Hindu ritual. The fact that inquiries have not been p
in this direction is in no way surprising in view of the immense comp
and variability of Hindu ritual expression. The purpose of this study
look behind the manifest diversity of Hindu ceremonialism by showin
a simple structural formula may be applied in such a way as to bring o
order to what appears at first to be an extremely disordered range of
behavior. The observations upon which the study is based were made in
Chhattisgarh region of eastern Madhya Pradesh. Fieldwork took place i
settings: in Raipur, the principal city of Chhattisgarh, and in a village
25 miles north of Raipur.
The central proposition which I wish to advance is that most, if not
Chhattisgarhi ceremonial may be reduced analytically to a single core r
which, in practice, is elaborated upon in various ways for various pur
As observed, Chhattisgarhi ritual consists of a melange of conventional
formulae, stylized gestures, and physical manipulations of certain obj
and materials. Under closer scrutiny, however, certain regular associa
1 The fieldwork upon which this study is based was carried out between August
and November 1967 in Raipur District, Madhya Pradesh, India. The research was sup
by a grant from the Foreign Area Fellowship Program. I would like to thank
Inden for valuable suggestions relating to some of the most important issues explo
this study.
287
VoL. 26, 1970
288 SOUTHWESTERN JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGY
of features emerge from the apparent confusion. These clustered f

constitute together the minimum requirement for what is term
(worship, homage) in Hindi and define what I shall consider a prima
of structure in Chhattisgarhi ritual. There are, of course, variable f
of Chhattisgarhi ritual which are of great importance as well, and
this variation that we might look for the "meaning" of a particular
opposed to other ritual expressions. This level of analysis, however,
be of primary concern in the present essay.
In order to disentangle the primary structure of Chhattisgarhi ritual
its variable aspects, it will first be necessary to describe particular
sequences in some detail. By means of description and comparison it
possible to separate elements which are basic to puja from features
are contingent in the sense that their presence or absence from a pa
ritual sequence depends on the context and ostensible purpose of the
THREE EXAMPLES
Three ritual sequences were chosen as a basis for the presen

Since this essay deals with the problem of uniformity underlyi
diversity, these particular rituals were chosen because they seem
a maximum degree of variation. Two of the three were observe
setting, although similar rituals may be seen in towns and cit
These two rituals differ considerably in scale and socio-cultural
pitar pak, is essentially a family rite consisting of a relatively simp
of ritual manipulations and involving a limited number of part
second, matar, is a village-wide festival. It is far more comple
pak, and its participants number in the hundreds. The thi
bhajan-singing session, was observed in an urban setting-the cit
-although parallel activities might also be observed in rural
from its urban context, the third ritual differs from the first two
in its Sanskritic, high-culture overtones. Despite this apparent d
however, the third ritual exemplifies basically the same structu
village rites.
PITAR PAK
Pitar pak, deriving from Hindi pitr paksh, may be translated as "the
fortnight of the fathers." The term refers to a period when the eldest male
member of a joint family must worship his agnatic ancestors, who are be-
lieved to be present in the home at this time. The ritual period falls during
the first fortnight (pak) of the lunar month of kunvar (September-October).
The observances of pitar pak are supposed to take place on each day of the
fortnight, but most families restrict elaborate formalities to the first and last
days.
STRUCTURAL FEATURES OF HINDU RITUAL 289
The following sequence of events was observed on

pak in the village household of a family belonging
caste. The head of the family emerged from the h
to go to the village tank for a bath. Although a bat
daily routine, its importance is elevated on cere
bathing purifies as well as cleans, and, in this inst
state of purity is an essential prerequisite to ritua
itself, the ceremonial observance of pitar pak bega
household head made an offering of water and a s
to his ancestors, pouring the water away from his b
merged.
While this was underway, the women of his household-his wife and his
son's wives-were applying the finishing touches to an elaborate meal which
had been under preparation for some time. As this was a special day, the cost
and variety of the foods were greater than usual. Apart from the customary
rice and lentils, the meal included fried breads, a sweet dish made from rice,
and a type of small fried cake made from urad (one of the lentils), which is a
traditional preparation during pitar pak.
When the head of the household returned from his bath, the main part
of the day's observances began. He entered the kitchen-a room of religious
as well as culinary significance which is always kept pure-carrying a com-
plete plate of food, a smaller plate holding a brown liquid, and a brass pot
containing water, which he had brought with him from his bath. After he
entered the kitchen, the wife of one of his sons appeared with a piece of
burning cowdung, which she deposited on the floor at the base of an earthen
stove. The household head squatted in front of the smoldering cowdung
and, using his right hand, sprinkled some water from his pot around it. He
then placed a small amount of the brown liquid on the fire, sprinkled water
around the fire again, and placed some of the food from his plate on the
fire. Once more he sprinkled water around the fire; he then brought his two
hands to his forehead, palms together, and bowed until his hands touched
the floor, a gesture known as pranam. With this, the ceremony was com-
pleted, and the family proceeded to its dinner on the veranda adjoining the
kitchen.
Later it was explained that the elaborate manipulations which took place
in the kitchen had one main point: to offer food to the fire. This is a pro-
cedure known as hom (Sanskrit homa), and the offerings were made, my
informant said, "in the name of the ancestors." The brown liquid turned out
to be a mixture of ghi (clarified butter) and gur (unrefined brown sugar),
and it was pointed out that this is one of the purest types of food offerings.
Technically, I was told, the worshipper should have offered to the fire a
small amount of each kind of food of which the family partook durin
meal, but this is not absolutely necessary and would probably have ex
guished the fire. The food which is consumed after the formalities is k
as prasad.
MATAR
Divali, the so-called "festival of lights," is one of the most important of

the many calendrical festivals of north and central India, and surely one
of the most protracted as well. To Chhattisgarhi informants, divali (or di-
pavali) refers not to a single rite but to a complex of ceremonial events which
are conceived to be related and which cluster around the new moon night
of the lunar month of kartik (October-November). There are, in fact, four
major ritual events which occur during the divali period: lakshmi puja (the
worship of Lakshmi, the goddess of wealth), gaura (a symbolic re-enactment
of the marriage of Shiva and Parvati), gobardhan puja (a celebration of one
of Krishna's heroic deeds), and, finally, matar.
Matar is the name of a deity associated with one of the cowherder sub-
castes (the Kanaujia Ravats) of Chhattisgarh. As is the case with many of
the minor Chhattisgarhi deities, the attributes of Matar are extremely vague.
The god is apparently worshipped only once each year during one of the
four festivals of the divali period.
The festival, as I observed it in a village setting, began with extensive
preparations in a special area of an open field located just outside the village.
The area was first purified by applying an infusion of cowdung. Cowdung
is considered a purifying substance, and purification in this fashion is a
standard procedure. Several poles, each about four feet long and forked at
one end, were then inserted in the purified ground with the forked ends up.
These poles were said to represent the deity.
The next phase of the day's activities began in the village itself. A danc-
ing party composed of men of two cowherder subcastes (the Kanaujia and
Jharia Ravats) was formed, and late in the morning they began to dance
through the village. The party gathered a large crowd of spectators as it
slowly wound its way through the lanes of the village and finally made its
way to the field where the images of the deity had been placed. In the mean-
time, the cattle of the village had been assembled at this spot; and as the
dancers and spectators arrived, the cowherds attempted-not always success-
fully-to put ornamental collars around the necks of their own animals.
While this was in progress, clay lamps were placed before the representations
of the deity and ignited. Of the throng of cowherds in attendance before
the god, several became possessed and lay on the ground, trembling dramat-
ically. Finally, a large area encircling the deity was cleared. A herd of cattle
was then driven around the images at full speed; wh

water buffalo were driven around the images in a simil
The final part of the day's ceremonies began arou
afternoon in which the dancing party had visited
households individually. Once again the dancers beg
lanes of the village, gathering a crowd. Led by the d
headed toward the field where the representations of t
ing. The greater part of the male population of the
concentric circles around the god. Huge brass pots c
viously been placed before the deity, ready for the
ing the untouchables of the village, was now given
which was consumed on the spot as prasad. Those
events for me made much of the fact that untouchables were included in
these festivities. I was told that on the day of matar "there is no untouch-
ability." With the distribution of milk to all participants the festival of
matar came to a close, although the dancing of the cowherds and the usual
festival drinking and carousing went on well into the night.
BHAJAN SINGING
Bhajans are devotional songs which comprise an important component

of a religious style associated with the bhakti (devotional) tradition in Hin-
duism. In Chhattisgarh the songs may be sung in Hindi or in its Chhattis-
garhi dialect, and they may be passed on orally or through written texts.
They may be set to traditional tunes, but increasingly their melodies are
borrowed from films. The singing of bhajans is one of the most popular and
conspicuous religious activities in rural and urban Chhattisgarh alike. These
devotions may occur in a variety of contexts and are often held in conjunc-
tion with specific festivals or periodic rituals of other kinds. But often, too,
bhajans are sung by groups of friends simply for the sake of the singing itself.
These are usually informal groups of variable composition which assemble
periodically for the sole purpose of singing bhajans. Groups of this type are
common, and in my experience their membership almost always cuts across
caste lines. Singing may take place without accompaniment, but the voices
may also be supplemented with a harmonium, drums, and cymbals.
The singing session to be described was held in the home of a clerk em-
ployed by Raipur's Public Works Department. As it happens, this man be-
longed to the goldsmith (Soni) caste. Most of the other participants belonged
to different castes, but all had similar educational and economic backgrounds.
For the most part they were clerks or schoolteachers of Chhattisgarhi back-
ground, but they spoke standard Hindi fluently and had some knowledge of
English.
The group met in a storeroom in the host's home. The storeroom i

for religious purposes in many houses and is often kept pure as a ma
course. The room was bare of furniture except for a wooden stool i
corner, upon which a vividly colored picture of Krishna as an infan
been placed upright.
The formalities began about 8 P.M. as the host sprinkled a few dro
water on the glass front of the picture of Krishna. He then sprinkled
quantity of red powder on the picture, explaining later that he was h
ing the god by symbolically applying a tilak (a red spot) to the god
head. Then a garland was hung over the picture. Incense sticks were i
and placed near the god, and a tilak was applied to the forehead of
the participants.
The singing of bhajans followed. On this occasion, the time spent
ing was somewhat abbreviated-only some two hours. Frequently, sess
this kind last the entire night. When the singing was over, everyone
harmonium player and the drummer stood up and faced the pic
Krishna. The host ignited a piece of oil-soaked cotton which had
placed on a brass plate and held the plate in front of the picture, mo
slowly in a circular fashion while everyone sang. This sequence, iden
by informants as arti, was described as one manner of honoring th
Upon the completion of arti the plate was passed from person to pe
Each man held his hands briefly over the flame and then brought th
his forehead as if he were transferring the vapors of the flame into h
While the bhajans were being sung, the host's wife had unobtrus
placed a plate of sliced bananas before the picture of Krishna. This fo
now distributed among all the participants as prasad. Each man h
hands out, the back of his right hand resting on the palm of his left. As
as the prasad was deposited in his hand, he brought his fingertips t
forehead. The prasad was then eaten, and after a few minutes of co
tion everyone left for home.
Afterwards, the host told me that singing bhajans in this fashion is sim
an elaborate form of pufa, one way among many of worshipping the
is an expression of devotion (bhakti) to the god; apart from the sheer
ure of singing together, it imparts punya (merit) to the participants
may lead to good fortune in this life or better fortune in the next.
GENERAL FEATURES
The three rituals which I have described display wide variatio

sible purpose, format, and context. Actually, the full range of
Chhattisgarhi ritual is somewhat greater than the three example
gest. Some rituals are performed in order to persuade superna
to grant specific favors, some are linked to conception

tion, and some are said to take place merely because "it
hai). Other rites center on interludes of possession or i
are clearly Sanskritic; still others appear to have little,
the Hinduism of Sanskrit texts. Nevertheless, despite t
it seems clear that there are underlying features which
scribed share with each other and which they, in turn, sh
tisgarhi ritual. These shared features relate directly to
of ritual purity and pollution, especially as they apply
food. It is to these considerations that I now turn.
APPROACHING DIVINITY: PURITY
It should be clear from the three examples that the first cond
ritual event is purity of context; indeed, this appears to be a un
of Hindu ceremonialism. Each of the three rituals took place in
surroundings which were either kept pure as a matter of course
being a prime example) or which had been purified especially for
(the application of cowdung wash being a conventional tech
general rule, too, the principal actor or actors in a ritual must
be in a purified condition before approaching or making offer
deity. This usually means that the worshippers will be freshly
wearing garments appropriate to a condition of purity: a minim
ton, which is easily polluted; silk, if possible, which is consider
resistant to accidental pollution.
Following Van Gennep, Dumont and Pocock (1959:31) have ch
purity as a "condition" for beneficial contact with supernatura
deed, there is a strong sense in which purification, as a prelud
suggests the creation of an extramundane context in which con
divinity is appropriate. The concept of pollution, the obverse o
linked to some of the most pervasive conditions of mundane li
elimination, sexuality, and body effluvia of all kinds. Pollution,
related to the biology of human life in the most general sense a
constitutes the sine qua non of everyday, worldly existence. To p
is to lift the place and the person in some sense out of, or above
and into a kind of threshold plane in which the sacred may be a
It should be noted as well that purity and pollution are re
tributes. Purity, as a precondition for ritual, seems to refer to t
which it is appropriate for a particular person, or group of peop
into contact with a particular deity, or set of deities. A context
always required when men approach the sacred. But some deiti
eral, those of Sanskritic Hinduism and of the highest castes-are
gent in this requirement than the local godlings and the deities of the
castes. A person belonging to a very low caste purifies himself before p
any sort of important role in ritual; he may then approach his own de
But under no circumstances, even after the most elaborate purifications
he come in contact with the deities of the highest castes, nor may he
the inner enclosures of the major temples of the region. At the concep
level, therefore, divine and worldly hierarchy reflect and complement
another (see Harper 1964:151-152). The members of one caste may be
to be less or more pure than the members of another. This fundamenta
of worldly hierarchy appears to be associated in the most basic fashion
differential access to a highly differentiated supernatural world.
In any event, the requirement of purification as a prelude to ritua
always present. As a consequence, the ritual event may be said to take
in a thoroughly artificial environment, an environment generated and
tained by elaborate requirements of washing and treatment with purif
substances, and by equally elaborate restrictions on physical propinquity
contact. As such, it is a fragile state which the very dust of the streets
defile.
TRANSACTIONS IN FOOD: PRASAD
The physical setting of ritual is purified; so too are the principal

The god or goddess may now be approached, and the prescribed
sequence may go forward. Informants are clearly aware of the purpo
that follows. The god, one is told, must be "honored." Honoring th
may take any of a variety of forms. Garlands may be offered, a tilak
applied, clothing may be given, mantras (sacred utterances) may be
devotional songs may be sung, arti may be performed, or the celebra
employ less conventional procedures, such as having a herd of catt
cumambulate the god. But in all this variation one requirement sta
as a constant: the god must be fed. It has been noted that food off
were made in each of the three rituals I have described, and, in fact
a characteristic of virtually all Chhattisgarhi ritual. Indeed, without
offering of some kind the ritual would simply not be puja in the c
tional sense of the term. The type of food given may vary widely; a
that men eat the gods eat too, although the superior deities tend to
vegetarian fare. But always, in puja, some kind of food is offered, an
ever the act may be elaborated under particular circumstances, the m
giving seems always to be the same: food is presented to the deity, it is t
back, and it is distributed to the worshippers as prasad. The food of
then, is as essential a part of the ritual sequence as the preliminary p
tions; and, I shall argue, it is in some ways the central

In Chhattisgarh, as on the South Asian subcontinen
ing and taking of food is charged with meaning in a v
general, asymmetrical patterns of food exchange are u
sion of the ordering of local caste hierarchies. Because
volved have been well described (see Marriott 1968), I sh
matters in detail here. It is sufficient to note that certain
tations confer superior status on the giver and inferior st
The degree of hierarchical distance implied in such a
in part upon certain characteristics of the food that
rice-a common, everyday fare in Chhattisgarh-is thoug
lutable by those who prepare and serve it; taking cook
belonging to another caste would be, in effect, to accep
gree of pollution from the giver. Accordingly, the hie
plied by the transaction would be relatively great. Fo
ghi-more expensive, festive fare- are felt to be more
by the preparer or server, and exchanges of this type
ably less significant for differential status. The foodstuff
implies the greatest hierarchical distance of all consist
leftovers, known in Hindi as jutha.
Again, the hierarchical implication of the acceptanc
case with other forms of food, is rooted in the purity
the act of eating, food is contaminated by contact with th
Thus, accepting jutha from another is an act of the mo
In taking jutha from another person one states, in eff
am so low that I need not fear pollution from you; I
pollution from your saliva." In the area of Chhattisgar
observations were made, there were only two castes w
take jutha from others. These were the lowest castes of
the untouchable category-the Mehetars (sweepers) and
and professional beggars).
The concept of jutha and the implications of its a
context which is critically important for an understan
of Chhattisgarhi ritual. Food, as we have seen, is always
The deity, in turn, in some way partakes of the offerin
sumption of the food by the god is physically symbolized,
the food is visibly consumed by the fire. "The flame is th
a Pandit remarked in explanation. Sometimes the food
the god, often behind a concealing cloth. Here, too, it
deity actually partakes of the food. A Raipur lawyer as
take a quantity of food, weigh it carefully, put it before the god for a rea
sonable length of time, and then weigh it again, you will discover that a
small portion of the mass of the offering has disappeared.
If, then, the deity "eats" the food which was placed on the altar, the
items of food retrieved for distribution are quite literally the leftovers, o
jutha, of the deity (a fact noted by Carstairs 1961:162). Thus, in eating thi
food, the participants are according the most profound kind of honor to th
god. Harper (1964:181) has characterized this idiom of deference as "respect
pollution"; behavior resulting in pollution is performed intentionally "in
order to show deference and respect; by doing that which under other cir-
cumstances would be defiling, an individual expresses his inferior position.
It is clear, therefore, that in its expression of hierarchy the asymmetrical
exchange of foods which takes place in puja is in consonance with more gen
eral principles which pervade Hindu life. But beyond this, I think it
possible to show that the form which food exchange takes in puja is a neces
sary consequence of principles which may be inherent to reciprocity in an
context.
In the presentation of food to the deity, there is a sense in which th

is being paid for past or future favors. The food itself may be onl
this payment. Depending upon the circumstances, offerings of cl
money, precious metals, and so forth may also be made. But "pay
deity in this fashion carries implications which could easily run co
the overall purpose of the ritual. In ritual, as we have seen, the d
supposed to be honored. Indeed, if the gods are to be gods at all,
worthy of worship, their superiority must be affirmed; were the d
superior to the human, gods would scarcely be able to perform the
which men typically ask of them. Here, then, lies the crux of the
Ritual should honor the god, yet at the same time it should pay th
fact, gifts are offered in ritual with this latter end in view. But ta
from the hand of another is demeaning, and to augment the presen
food with more lavish gifts would seem to heighten the implicatio
honor. For, in the absence of some element of reciprocity within th
work of the ritual itself, the resulting symbolic configuration wou
of the unrepaid gift, and as Mauss (1967:63) pointed out, "The gif
repaid debases the man [here god] who accepted it. . . ." Thus, if t
is to have the net effect of affirming rather than negating the superio
of the god, reciprocity in some form must be incorporated within
sequence. Hence, the necessity of prasad, the counter-prestation.
The deity is initially given superior food. There is a general te
to include expensive types of food in such offerings; even when si
expensive foods are provided, they are prepared under stringent co
of purity. But the counter-prestation, that from god to m

of the most inferior sort, symbolic scraps and leftover
of the god with all of its hierarchical implications. In
ceiver, the god, becomes giver, and the purity-pollution
in such a way that the god emerges from the transact
honor. When prasad is received and eaten by the wors
rium which had been disturbed by the initial prestati
stored. The god has received payment with honor, and
hierarchy has been maintained.
An asymmetrical transaction in foods, then, lies at
transaction which is expressive of and supports hiera
tween the divine and the human. But more is involved
transaction is characteristically not between individuals
an individual deity and a group of people. In puja, as h
is not only taken back from the altar; it is distributed to
pers as well. This congregational focus was quite eviden
I have described, and, in fact, it appears to be a gener
Chhattisgarhi ceremonialism. The groups which may
are varied-families, caste mates, villages, neighborhoo
tivity of some kind is almost invariably to be found. It
fore, to examine the social dimensions of puja.
I have already stressed the importance of food excha
social organization. Its significance rests on the hierarc
unidirectional food prestations or of reciprocal exchan
observes more stringent restrictions about what he will ac
It should be noted, too, that within this wider system o
transactions, simple commensality carries structural im
a general rule, the sharing of food is associated with
closeness of relationship. Thus, the joint family eats fr
When, in the natural course of events, the joint family
are built. Local caste mates may eat together and some
on festival occasions. If an individual breaks an import
he is not allowed these commensal privileges. Acceptan
is sometimes symbolized by a feast in which the local
caste partakes, as a group, of food from the offender's
is once more a member of the commensal circle.
From these implications of commensality, it is eviden
tion of prasad at the conclusion of ritual sequences is a
potential sociological meaning. In the context of the co
which operate in Chhattisgarhi society, the sharing o
be construed as a symbolic statement of linkage betw
between members of a family, friends, coresidents of a village, or wha

In suggesting this interpretation of prasad distribution in puja I am no
vocating a return to simplistic functional analyses of ritual resting o
metaphysic of "sentiments of solidarity." Rather, I maintain that car
analysis of Chhattisgarhi ritual reveals an underlying structure with s
logical implications devolving from principles (those of the purity-poll
contrast in its relation to food exchange and hierarchy) which operate,
may be observed in operation, on the widest possible scale in Chhattisg
society. These familiar principles are utilized in ritual, but with the di
ence that the setting in which they are employed is in no way a norma
If we adopt this perspective, it is significant that puja provides a so
from which all participants may take food and, equally important, m
take food. Almost everyone in our neighborhood in Raipur contrib
something-time, money, or both-to the neighborhood celebration of
esh chaturthi, a ten-day festival which occurs in the lunar month of bh
(August-September). As it is not always convenient for everyone to be p
ically present at the pujas which occur every night in conjunction with
festival, boys are sent to carry prasad to each house. It was explained
even if one is not present at the ritual itself, prasad should be taken. "
neighborhood function," one informant explained, "and everyone in t
neighborhood must take prasad."
It is clear, then, that while prasad is food, it is in no sense ordinary
Under normal circumstances one may reject or accept food as inclinat
dictates within the framework of everyday restrictions. In the ritual conte
however, the refusal of food carries a different meaning. For in refu
prasad, one would not merely be rejecting the other participants but,
effect, repudiating the deity to whom the food had been offered. Thu
ritual the principles of commensality operate in an extraordinary con
Commensality in ritual is not merely a matter of the group or the com
nity sui generis but, rather, of the definition of the group in relatio
something else. In sharing the jutha of the deity, the group mutes ma
differences within itself by reaching beyond the world of men, and munda
relationships among men, for a point of reference against which the g
as a whole can be defined. Whatever the normal cleavages within the g
for a moment all are one in the sense that the aggregate is defined as a uni
becoming one pole in hierarchical opposition to divinity.
Two possibilities seem to be inherent in the structure of puja. First,
can provide a setting in which, ironically, the principles underlying h
chy are employed in the partial or complete masking of hierarchy. Wo
hierarchy is momentarily eclipsed, reduced to relative insignificance b
overwhelming inclusiveness of the hierarchical opposi

dane and the divine.
But a second possibility exists as well: the basic format of puja can be
manipulated in such a way that hierarchy is reasserted. This may be done
in a variety of ways, but the most common method is to formalize the man-
ner in which prasad is distributed. Some participants may receive their share
before others, and, if arrangements are at all elaborate, groups of partic-
ipants may eat separately. It is possible, too, in a case of radical hierarchical
separation-e.g., between relatively high castes and low untouchables-for
some participants to be given the leftovers of other participants, the jutha
of the jutha of the god.
It should be noted, finally, that whether puja masks or reasserts worldly
hierarchy, it ultimately has the effect of sanctifying the principles upon
which hierarchy rests. For, as I have stressed, hierarchy is conceptually
framed by the purity-pollution contrast, and in puja this principle is vividly
exemplified and affirmed in a setting that is at once dramatic, sacred, and
public.
CHHATTISGARHI RITUAL IN ITS SOCIAL CONTEXT
The social-structural contexts of Chhattisgarhi ritual are

varied; indeed, it seems likely that almost every structural pe
Chhattisgarhi social organization is at one point or another ref
exceedingly intricate Chhattisgarhi system of interlocking ritu
Perhaps one of the simplest examples is provided by an elem
adic relationship manifested in a Chhattisgarhi form of instit
friendship known as mitan. Two men, even men of different ca
come mitan as a way of declaring undying friendship for each
appears to be variation in the ritual which is used in formalizin
state of friendship, but significantly the consumption by both
special type of prasad seems always to be a key part. This sugge
ritual is simply a variant form of puja. Mahaprasad (great pra
ferred for this purpose, i.e., prasad taken from the altar of Jagann
in Orissa during the annual festival of rath yatra and saved f
other special occasions.
The description of pitar pak presented an example of a r
provides ceremonial focus for the family. It is by no means the
Puja for household deities seems to fall in the same general cate
many families it is performed, however perfunctorily, every day. I
during the course of the year, there are a number of special fas
women. These fasts are associated with various deities; although
quirements differ, the basic format appears to be the same. The

period of fasting, followed by a puja. At the termination of the en
quence, prasad, in some form or other, is distributed to family memb
to other relatives and friends, if possible.
Many of the major festivals of the Chhattisgarhi sacred year are
occasions more or less explicitly linked to the village community
festivals include the following: matar (already described), gaura (a re-
ment of the marriage of Shiva and Parvati), gobardhan puja (a celeb
of the time Krishna lifted the Hill Gobardhan and used it to shelter his
fellow cowherds from a violent rainstorm), janam ashtmi (Krishna's birth-
day), and holi (a saturnalia). With the exception of holi,2 all of these
festivals have basically the same format, despite differences in ostensible
purpose and content. A procession of some kind is almost always involved,
and frequently the deities themselves are taken around the village. At one
or more points during the sequence puja is performed, and prasad is distrib-
uted to the participants at the termination of the festival.
The structural implications of prasad distribution are vividly displayed
in a modification of the core ritual sequence which occurs in conjunction
with gobardhan puja. At the conclusion of this festival, the cattle of the vil-
lage are worshipped in a dramatic fashion. A large heap of cowdung is
placed in an open field, and a herd of cattle is driven over it at full speed.
The cowdung, having been touched by the feet (a relatively polluted part of
the body) of bovine divinity, is now taken in handfuls by the men of the
village and applied to each others' foreheads (relatively, the purest part of
the body). This reciprocal application of cowdung (at one level an expression
of hierarchy between divinity and man) is explicitly regarded as an affirma-
tion of amity between the participants and is invariably followed by an em-
brace.
In the city of Raipur, neighborhoods conduct rituals in much the same

fashion as villages, though in the urban context such occasions are less fre-
quent and participation is somewhat less fervent. The urban ceremony
which seems to correspond most closely to the village festivals is ganesh
chaturthi. This is a ten-day festival of Maharashtrian origin which is only
now becoming known in Chhattisgarhi villages, but it has apparently been
a part of the urban scene for some time. The ritual is connected with
Ganesh, the elephant-headed son of Shiva and Parvati, and occurs annually
in the early autumn when the rains begin to slacken. Each neighborhood
erects a temporary shrine in which a clay image of Ganesh is installed for
2 For a vivid description of holi, see Marriott 1966.
the duration of the festival period. Puja is perform

distributed to the neighborhood. On the tenth nig
Ganesh are taken in a single gigantic procession to
of the city, where they are disposed of by immersio
palpable sense of neighborhood and neighborliness
The neighborhood as a whole is expected to contribu
and the procession float, and members of the neigh
to witness the pujas or, at the very least, to accept p
emphasis of the festival is heightened by a city-wide co
shrine and the most elaborate float in the procession.
Finally, entire regions or sub-regions may be link
expressions. The region of Chhattisgarh is far more
fined section of Madhya Pradesh; it constitutes a re
dynastic history and a cultural distinctiveness of it
region have a vivid awareness of things which are fe
tisgarhi. Even in explaining customary behavior, w
mon throughout north and central India, informan
is our Chhattisgarhi way of doing things." The s
region provides one focus of regional identification;
of sacred centers which are greatly venerated by th
garh but which are of little interest to people from
known to them. Stories which recount marvelous events connected with
these sites are an important part of the regional folklore.
One center is located at the town of Rajim, some 25 miles southeast of
Raipur, where the largest mela (religious fair) of the region takes place an-
nually. The fair begins on the last (full moon) day of the lunar month of
magh (January-February) and continues through the lunar month of phal-
gun (February-March). Visitors are drawn from the entire Chhattisgarh
region, and the Census Department estimates that as many as 100,000 people
may attend in any given year (Dubey and Mohril 1965:44).
People come to the mela in order to bathe in the semi-sacred waters of
the Mahanadi river3 and to worship the deities in several old temples which
are concentrated in the Rajim area. There are six important Shiva temples
in the vicinity, and visiting all of them is believed to constitute an especially
meritorious pilgrimage. The most important sacred center of Rajim, how-
ever, is the Rajivlochan temple on the bank of the Mahanadi. Rajiva lochan
is an epithet of Vishnu, and the temple houses an image of this deity. But if
3 The Mahanadi is the Ganges of Chhattisgarh, and Rajim is its Allahabad. Places
where rivers join (sangam) are always sacred, and Rajim is the place where the Mahanadi
and the Pairi flow together.
Vishnu is a pan-Indian deity, this particular manifestation belongs to

tisgarh. The story of the origin of the temple, a part of the folklore
region, may be paraphrased as follows:
Eight hundred years ago a Telin (a woman of the oil-presser caste) b

name of Rajiva lived in Rajim. One day this Telin happened to put her
oilpot on a stone which she found by the side of the road. When next she
the pot was filled with oil. She went home and told the story to her mother
who refused to believe her. So they both went to the stone with an empty oilp
again when the pot was put on the stone it filled with oil. The stone was
turned over and was discovered to be an image of Vishnu.
At the same time, Jagatpal, the Raja of Ratanpur (a town in northern C
tisgarh which was the seat of the ruling families of the region), had a dr
which a god told him about the image and said that a temple should be bu
house it. When the Raja asked the Telin for the image, she said she would
to him only if her name were connected in some way with the temple. Th
agreed, and thus the temple is today known as the Rajivlochan temple.
The atmosphere of the Rajim mela in some respects resembles a c

fair in the United States. Near the main encampment is situated
bazaar where merchandise in great variety is available for purchase: f
all kinds, household goods, cheap toys for children, fountain pens, pi
of deities, amulets, etc. There is entertainment as well: mendicants who
mortify their flesh, sideshows, hand-operated ferris wheels, and singing in
the evenings. And so it is that the ritual aspects of the mela are very nearly
submerged in a variety of other more conspicuous activities. Amidst all of
the clamor, however, each individual bathes himself, visits the gods, and
partakes of the prasad of the deities. In the mela, then, under layer upon
layer of elaboration, the familiar core ritual sequence may be observed, but
it is inconspicuous and emerges almost furtively from its surrounding matrix.
CONCLUSION
I have tried to show that relatively simple structural principles

beneath the diversity and manifest complexity of Chhattisgarhi ce
ism. There appear to be two basic components in any ritual seque
first is the creation of a physical zone of purity within which t
goddess may be approached. This zone is sometimes formed in a ca
ner but more often with considerable attention and exactitude.
The second component of the ritual sequence, which constitutes the
core of puja, consists of a simple transaction in foods. The transaction is a
reciprocal one: the worshippers give food to the god, and the food is taken
back and consumed. In the initial offering the god is given superior food,
whereas the worshippers receive the symbolic leftovers, or jutha, of the god.
The retrieval of the god's jutha enables the god

future favors without dishonor and, at the same tim
cal opposition between the god and the worshipper
garhi ceremonialism has a strong congregational em
structure is such that normal cleavages within the
obscured within the wider context of the hierarch
the group as a whole and the deity. Underlying the
lution contrast, which is exemplified in certain cru
ganization as well.
The line of argument which I have pursued is not
reductionistic. I have attempted to describe the fr
ritual action takes place. Yet within this framework
for more than one level of interpretation. Prasad,
rich in meaning. At one level it refers simply to t
back from the altar, but at another level it carries t
It is therefore possible for puja to fit, without disto
conceptual frame which admits a theistically concei
is at one level a ritual expression which Dumont (1
religion of the group" may at another level be acco
of individual salvation deriving from the bhakti v
Hindu tradition.
Moreover, there is immense variability in the ritual content which may

be developed within the basic framework I have described. The central focus
of a ritual might be on the recitation of a text, on singing, on animal sacri-
fice, on possession, or any combination of these. The food which is offered
might consist of sweets, a full vegetarian meal, or even meat. These and
many other variables of the same order relate to important aspects of ritual
symbolism which cannot be dealt with within the analytical framework
developed in this essay. But at the same time it seems clear that if a full
understanding of the rich symbolism of Hindu ritualism is to be achieved
it must be based upon a firm comprehension of the most elementary levels
of structure in Hindu religious action. It is toward this goal that the present
study is directed.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
CARSTAIRS, MoRRIS G.
1961 The Twice-Born: a Study of High-Caste Hindus. Bloomington: Indiana
University Press.
DUBEY, K. C., AND M. G. MOHRIL
1965 Fairs and Festivals of Madhya Pradesh. Delhi: Manager of Publications.
DUMONT, LOUIS
1960 World Renunciation in Indian Religions. Contributions to Indian S
ogy 4:33-62.
DUMONT, LOUIS, AND DAVID POCOCK
1959 Pure and Impure. Contributions to Indian Sociology 3:9-39.
HARPER, EDWARD
1964 Ritual Pollution as an Integrator of Caste and Religion. Journal of
Asian Studies 23:151-197.
MARRIOTT, McKIM
1966 "The Feast of Love," in Krishna: Myths, Rites, and Attitudes (ed. by
M. Singer), pp. 200-212. Honolulu: East-West Center Press.
1968 "Caste Ranking and Food Transactions: a Matrix Analysis," in Struc-
ture and Change in Indian Society (ed. by M. Singer and B. Cohn), pp.
133-171. Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co.
MAUSS, MARCEL
1967 The Gift (trans. by Ian Cunnison) . New York: Norton and Co.
AMHERST COLLEGE
AMHERST, MASSACHUSETTS

The Food of The Gods in Chhattisgarh: Some Structural Features of Hindu Ritual by Lawrence A. Babb

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The Food of The Gods in Chhattisgarh: Some Structural Features of Hindu Ritual by Lawrence A. Babb

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The Food of the Gods in Chhattisgarh: Some Structural Features of Hindu Ritual

Author(s): Lawrence A. Babb

Analysis of Chhattisgarhi ritual reveals a common structural core which un

R ECENT YEARS have seen the emergence of an extensive literatu

VoL. 26, 1970

of features emerge from the apparent confusion. These clustered f

Three ritual sequences were chosen as a basis for the presen

The following sequence of events was observed on

Divali, the so-called "festival of lights," is one of the most important of

was then driven around the images at full speed; wh

Bhajans are devotional songs which comprise an important component

The group met in a storeroom in the host's home. The storeroom i

The three rituals which I have described display wide variatio

to grant specific favors, some are linked to conception

APPROACHING DIVINITY: PURITY

TRANSACTIONS IN FOOD: PRASAD

The physical setting of ritual is purified; so too are the principal

tions; and, I shall argue, it is in some ways the central

In the presentation of food to the deity, there is a sense in which th

of purity. But the counter-prestation, that from god to m

between members of a family, friends, coresidents of a village, or wha

overwhelming inclusiveness of the hierarchical opposi

The social-structural contexts of Chhattisgarhi ritual are

quirements differ, the basic format appears to be the same. The

In the city of Raipur, neighborhoods conduct rituals in much the same

the duration of the festival period. Puja is perform

Vishnu is a pan-Indian deity, this particular manifestation belongs to

Eight hundred years ago a Telin (a woman of the oil-presser caste) b

The atmosphere of the Rajim mela in some respects resembles a c

I have tried to show that relatively simple structural principles

The retrieval of the god's jutha enables the god

Moreover, there is immense variability in the ritual content which may

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