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Agencija za saradnju, edukaciju i razvoj

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2015.
 14 149 ECHOES
At

| CONTENTS
EUROPEAN PRESS

Se
ABOUT THE SARAJEVO ASSASSINATION

De
AND THE JULY CRISIS

THE EXHIBITION CATALOG

THE NATIONAL AND UNIVERSITY LIBRARY OF THE REPUBLIC OF SRPSKA

32 170

Hu It FOR THE PUBLISHERS
Lilja Petrovic Zecic

AUTHORS
. Prof. Branko Tosovic, Ph.D.
Muharem Bazdulj
Zoran Pejasinovic
. 46 184 Assoc. Prof. Draga Mastilovic, Ph.D.
Vahdet Alemic, Ph.D.

Hr Rs
. Prof. Dr. Mladenko Sadzak
a Dusan Topalovic, MA History
Vojislav Pavlovic, Ph.D.
Zeljko Vujadinovic
. Prof. Slobodan Soja
. Assoc. Prof. Milos Kovic, Ph.D.

PREFACE
79 194 Miljenko Jergovic

Ba Ru
EDITOR IN CHIEF
Lilja Petrovic Zecic

PREPARATION AND SELECTION OF THE EXHIBITION MATERIALS

Dragoslav Ilic
Predrag Lozo
A Spomenka Kuzmanovic, MLSc

104 212 LANGUAGE EDITOR
Stanislava Popovic

;

Tr Fr ENGLISH TRANSLATION
Dijana Miljatovic
Language editor/Proof-reader
Mark Dakin

THE DESIGN OF THE EXHIBITION AND CATALOG

124 234 Nikola Savic

Bg Gb
PRODUCTION
, Grafid, Banja Luka

1 300 Circulation 1300

6
PREDGOVOR
Prvo to emo primijetiti itajui stare novine
iz dana nakon ubojstva austrougarskog
prestolonasljednika Franje Ferdinanda i
vojvotkinje Sofije jest da ton izvjetaja i
pripisani moralni kontekst ovise o zemlji u
kojoj reene novine izlaze. Po nainu na koji je
opisivan atentat lako se da pretpostaviti tko e
protiv koga ratovati u buduemu ratu. Politiki
atentati u ono su vrijeme bili trenuci jasnog
i nedvosmislenog opredjeljivanja, onako kako
su to danas nasumini teroristiki napadi.
Atentat svi osuuju, ali po nainu na koji ga
osuuju, a jo i vie po fatalnoj rjeici ali koja
uslijedi nakon rijei osude, zna se to netko
misli o atentatoru, a to o njegovoj rtvi. Tako
je bilo nakon sarajevskog, ali i nakon svakoga
onodobnog atentata. Uvijek su postojale
novine koje e se solidarizirati s atentatorom
i novine koje e se solidarizirati s ubijenim. Po
tome se, uostalom, politiki atentati i razlikuju
od ubojstava iz koristoljublja, iz strasti ili iz
nehata. Novine ine razliku, a novine su uvijek
ogledalo drutvene zajednice, sloja i stalea,
te na kraju ili na poetku - drave, njezinoga
vojnog potencijala i nacionalne ideologije.
Prije sto godina pojam slobode tampe nije bio
vrsto definiran kao danas. Nisu do kraja jasni
bili pojmovi o ljudskim pravima, pa ni pravu na
slobodu izgovorene ili napisane rijei. Osim to
nije bila uspostavljena ravnopravnost izmeu
ena i mukaraca, jednako vrijednim nisu
smatrani ni oni koji su se od normirane veine
razlikovali po boji koe, vjeri ili naciji. Prije sto
PREFACE
The first thing we notice by looking at the
old newspapers from the days after the
assassination of the Austro-Hungarian
Archduke Franz Ferdinand and the Duchess
Sophia is that the tone of the reporting and
the attributed moral context depend on the
country, in which the said newspapers were
published. Based on the way they described
the assassination, it was easy to assume who
was going to fight who in the forthcoming war.
The political assassinations at that time were
the moments of clear and the unambiguous
commitment, the same way as random
terrorist attacks are carried out nowadays.
An assassination is condemned by everyone,
but based on the way they condemned it
and even more based on the fatal word but
that follows the words of condemnation, it is
obvious what the one thinks of the assassin,
and what about their victim. That was the case
after the Sarajevo assassination, as well as
after every contemporary assassination. There
were always newspapers expressing their
support for the assassin and those newspapers
that show solidarity with those who died.
That is in fact the main difference between a
political assassination and a murder for gain,
or in the heat of passion, or manslaughter.
The newspapers make a difference, and the
newspapers are a mirror of the society they
serve, of the strata and the class, and at the
end or at the beginning - of the country and
its military potential and national ideology.
 godina rasne su teorije bile neto to ne samo
8 da nije bilo politiki zazorno, nego je najveim
dijelom pripadalo diskursima desnice i ljevice,
reakcionara i revolucionara... Sve to mora imati
na umu onaj koji se uputa u itanje starih
novina i donoenje krajnih zakljuaka o tome
to je proitao.
Zahvaljujui ponajvie krvavim svjetskim
ratovima, uasu holokausta i gulaga, kao i
nizu pokuaja da se tokom dvadesetog vijeka
istrijebe itavi narodi (meu kojima je, ne
zaboravljajmo, bilo i uspjelih, dovrenih
genocida), stvoren je vrst sustav deklaracija,
pravnih i politikih akata, svojevrsnih
svjetonazorskih paktova, kojima je definirano
sve: od slobode tampe i ljudskih prava do
aksiomatski prihvaene jednakosti svih ljudi,
bez obzira na boju koe i oiju, duinu bedrene
kosti, oblik lubanje...
Zato sve to spominjati u prii o Sarajevskom
atentatu? Zato da bismo pokuali vlastitu
perspektivu iz 2014. ili 2015. prilagoditi
perspektivama iz 1914, jer jedino tako moemo
razumjeti to se tada dogodilo, to je na umu
mogao imati Gavrilo Princip kada je pucao u
Franju Ferdinanda, ali i to je o svome ubojici
mogao misliti Franjo Ferdinand, makar ga
nije poznavao. to su oni bili jedan drugome.
Gavrilo je na sudu izjavio da je nadvojvoda
iz njegove perspektive bio tiranin. Ali to je
ta rije njemu, zapravo, znaila? To je vano
pitanje, jer mu sigurno nije znaila ono to
znai nama dananjima. itanje starih novina,
moda, i najbolji je nain za razumijevanje
individualnih perspektiva u nekoj epohi.
Ali itanje starih novina je prilika i za jo neto:
za usporedbu razliitih epoha, ideolokih moda
i prevladavajuih pogleda na svijet. Godinjica
Sarajevskog atentata bila je sjajna prilika za
tako neto. Trebalo bi samo usporediti pisanje
londonskih, bekih, beogradskih, zagrebakih
A hundred years ago the concept of the freedom
of the press was not firmly defined as it is today.
The conception of human rights was not fully
clear either, as well as the right of the freedom
of the spoken or written word. Besides that
there was not an established equality between
men and women, for those, who had a different
colour of skin, religion or nationality from the
standardized majority, were not considered
to have the equal value or status. A hundred
years ago the racial theories were not only
something politically abhorrent, but it mostly
belonged to the discourses of the left and right
wing, reactionaries and revolutionaries ... All of
this must be borne in mind of the one that are
reading the old newspapers and making the
final conclusions on what he or she is reading.
Thanks mostly to the bloody world wars and
the horrors of the Holocaust and the Gulag,
as well as a series of attempts to exterminate
entire nations during the twentieth century
(among them, do not forget, there were some
successfully, completed genocides), there was
a sturdy system created of declarations, legal
and political acts that were a type of viewpoint
pact, which defined everything: from the
freedom of the press and human rights to the
axiomatically accepted equality of all human
beings, regardless of the colour of their skin
and eyes, length of femur, shape of their skull ...
Why is all of this mentioned in the story of
the Sarajevo assassination? In order to try
to adjust our own perspective from 2014 or
2015 to the perspectives from 1914, because
that is the only way we can understand what
happened then, what did Gavrilo Princip
have in his mind when he shot the Archduke
Franz Ferdinand, but also what could Franz
Ferdinand think about his killer, though he
ili sarajevskih novina u dane stogodinjice s
pisanjem novina iz tih istih gradova u vrijeme
atentata. Pred takvu avanturu sjajno e nam
posluiti nalazi do kojih su u ovoj knjizi doli
istraivai i itai starih novina. actually meant to him? That is an important
Ako su se poetkom jula 1914. perspektive
toliko razlikovale da je slutilo na rat, i ako
se - bez obzira na zajedniku naelnu osudu
atentata - oko istoga dogaaja nisu mogli sloiti
novinari i komentatori iz razliitih dijelova
Europe, premda je stvar bila naoko oigledna,
stotinu godina kasnije, tokom cijele 2014,
razilaenje u perspektivama ne samo da nije
iezlo, nego se jo i zaotrilo, i pojaalo se do prevailing worldview. The anniversary of the
apsurda. Premda je Sarajevski atentat odavno
preao iz suvremenosti u povijest (dogodilo
se to jo 1918, s prividom poetka nove
europske ere...), premda su jo prije tridesetak
ili etrdeset godina umrli posljednji svjedoci
Ferdinandove posjete Sarajevu, i ve dugo na
zemlji nema nikoga tko je poznavao Gavrila
Principa i mladobosance, kao da vidovdanske
eksplozije i pucnjevi s Apelovog keja danas jae
odjekuju nego to su odjekivali u novinskim
napisima iz ljeta 1914. Kao da se s mnogo vie
emocionalnog angamana, afekta i sudbinskih
hiperbola o Sarajevskom atentatu pie danas,
nego to se pisalo 1914. A ono je pisanje, rekli
smo, najavljivalo rat. to onda najavljuje ovo
dananje pisanje? I to se to, zapravo, dogodilo,
zato smo tako gnjevni i puni oaja? Ne samo
mi s Balkana, nego i oni inae utiani, mirni i
pristojni ljudi iz urednijih dijelova Europe i
svijeta, sve do Novog Zelanda.
Na ova pitanja postoje dva jednako pogrena
odgovora. Prvi: o Sarajevskom atentatu i
Velikom ratu nije se u miru i sabranosti pisalo
dok je bilo vrijeme, pa su se mrtvi digli iz
grobova, e ne bi li ponovili igrokaz. Drugi:
dananja Europa dijeli se na jednak nain i du
istih granica kao i 1914.
did not know him. What they meant to each
other? Gavrilo stated before the court that
the Archduke was a tyrant from his own
perspective. However, what does that word
question, because it certainly did not mean to
him the same as it means to us today. Reading
the old newspapers is maybe the best way to
understand individual perspectives in an epoch.
However, reading old newspapers also gives
opportunity for something else - to compare
different eras, ideological fashions and the
Sarajevo assassination was a great opportunity
for doing that. You could only compare the
writing coming from the London, Vienna,
Belgrade, Zagreb and Sarajevo media in the
days of the centenary with the writing of the
newspapers from the same cities at the time
of the assassination. Before taking such an
adventure, it would be very useful to see the
evidence in this book that the researchers and
readers reached by reading the old newspapers.
If the perspectives at the beginning of July 1914
were so different that boded the war, and if -
despite the common principled condemnation
of the assassination the journalists and
commentators from these different parts of
Europe could not agree about the same event,
although the matter was seemingly obvious;
a hundred years later, throughout the whole
2014, the divergence in the perspectives not
only failed to disappear, but was even more
sharpened and increased to the absurd.
Although the Sarajevo assassination has been
transferred from the contemporariness into
history a long time ago (it happened even in
1918, with the illusion of the beginning of a new
European era ...), although the last witnesses of
 Drugi odgovor pripada imaginaciji tabloida,
10 iako ga esto ujemo i od ozbiljnih ljudi.
Nita danas nije kao to je bilo 1914, pa
ni konfiguracija i raspored saveznitava i
neprijateljstava. A o Sarajevskom atentatu i
uzrocima Velikog rata prije samo pedesetak
godina pisalo se u miru i bez ideolokog naboja,
mimo velikodravnih interesa i dnevnih
politika, istina sa slabijim uvidima u arhive, ali
tako da nikakva arhivska otkria do danas nisu
demantirala ondanje nalaze. Zato smo se
onda o stogodinjici toliko uspalili i premazali
ratnikim bojama? Zbog ega bi nekome
danas bilo vano mijenjati odnos dobrih i zlih
momaka u ratu od prije sto godina? Nita to
se tada dogodilo ne moe se o stogodinjici
promijeniti, revidirati ili popraviti.
urnalistiki ratni manevri odrani u danima
jubileja Velikog rata, koji e se, sva je prilika,
produiti i u sljedee etiri godine, kako budu
nailazile stogodinjice davnih bitaka, smrti
cara i kralja Franje Josipa te prekida sukoba
i Versajskoga mira, zapravo se tiu neega
banalnog, premda ne i manje opasnog: potrebe
da se ozabave i spektakulariziraju povijesne
injenice, ratna sjeanja i historiografske
analize. A to e se najlake uiniti ako se
svi obuemo u ratne kostime i maskiramo
u svoje davne sunarodnike, ukundjedove i
ukunbabe, i u njihove ljute dumane. Jedan
povijesni jubilej tako je iskoriten za neku
vrstu folklorne igre u kojoj su, da udo bude
vee, sudjelovali svi. Nama Balkancima, bez
obzira na vjeru i naciju, svojstveno je da se
lako i spremno potrpamo u vremeplove i ivo
evociramo zbivanja od prije vie stoljea, pa se
prigodno i pokoljemo zbog njih, ali kao da se
o stogodinjici Velikog rata balkanizirala cijela
Europa. Princip je opet ubijao nadvojvodu.
Francuzi i Austrijanci su na stranicama
svojih novina nanovo odigrali Julsku krizu.
Uskrsnuo je Apis, kao strana, mitska prijetnja
Ferdinands visit to Sarajevo died some thirty
or forty years ago, and there is no one who is
now alive who knew Gavrilo Princip and the
members of the Young Bosnia, it seems that the
St. Vitus Days explosions and gunshots at the
Apel Quay resonate stronger today than they
were echoing in the articles of the newspapers
in the summer of 1914. It seems that there are
much more emotional engagements, affects and
the critical hyperboles in todays writing about
the Sarajevo assassination, than in the articles,
written in 1914. And that writing, as we said,
announced war. What then do the writings of
today announce? And what in fact happened,
why we are so angry and full of despair? Not
only we from the Balkans, but they, who are
usually muted, quiet and polite people from
the more orderly parts of the Europe and the
World, even all the way to the New Zealand.
There are two equally wrong answers to these
questions. First: the Sarajevo assassination
and the Great War were not unhurriedly and
calmly written about in time, so the dead rose
up from their graves in order to repeat the play.
Second: Todays Europe is divided in the same
way and along the same boundaries as in 1914.
The second answer belongs to the imagination
of the tabloids, although we often hear it
also from the serious people. Nothing is the
same today as it was in 1914, not even the
configuration and disposition of alliances and
enemies. However, only fifty years ago, the
Sarajevo assassination and the causes of the
Great War were written about in peace and
without any ideological charge, Putting aside
state interests and daily politics, although with
not much insight into the archives, but in a
way that the archive findings have not denied
the evidence till nowadays. Why did we then
europskome miru, i na as ozbiljno zaprijetio
Raspuinovoj slavi na sveuropskome i
svjetskom zavjerenikom Parnasu. Uzalud to
ga 1917. osudie i strijeljae u procesu Crnoj
ruci, kad je, evo, nanovo oivio. I sve to iz
zabave, sve zbog velikog spektakla. Jer nakon
to su u ljeto 2014. upriliili igrokaz Julske
krize, ve u augustu Francuska i Austrija bili su
u najboljim moguim odnosima. Davni se ratovi
samo u nas ozbiljno shvaaju. Samo na Balkanu
mrtvi doista oivljavaju, a ivi se bakare po
grobovima svojih mrtvih sunarodnika.
Europa se o jubilejima, uglavnom, zabavljala.
Korporacije su iz toga izvlaile profit, cvjetala je
trgovima, strunjaci za promociju i marketing
procjenjivali su vrijednost brendova, i zakljuili
da 1914. ve i zbog igre okruglih brojeva, ali ne
samo zbog nje, vrijedi mnogo vie nego to e facts entertaining and spectacular, the war
godinu zatim vrijedjeti 1945. Na 1945. slabo
se moe zaraditi, jer je ta godina jo poluiva, easiest way to do it is if we all put on our war
i mnogo je neistih savjesti oko nje, a 1914.
odavno je prola. Prije mnogo, mnogo vie od
sto godina. Europljani dobro znaju koliko se
njihov dananji pogled na svijet razlikuje od
pogleda na svijet njihovih ukundjedova. Tu su
u velikoj prednosti u odnosu na nas. Zato su od
1914. mogli nainiti zgodnu ljetnu zabavu, sve
s historiografskim knjigama kao bestselerima
za plau. Zato im kapitalizam tako dobro ide.
Mi smo sve ovo smrtno ozbiljno shvatili.
Uivjeli smo se u svoje unaprijed zadane uloge,
uvjereni u to da smo Gavrilovi i Ferdinandovi
suvremenici. A nismo. I ne samo da nismo, nego
se nimalo ne snalazilo u novoj 1914. Recimo,
ne razumijemo oblike lojalnosti i patriotizma
kojim su bili voeni nai preci kada su se
javljali kao ratni dobrovoljci ili se odazivali na
vojne pozive. Kako je bilo mogue da se Jevrejin
Stanislav Vinaver uzdigne do srpskoga ratnog
junaka, a da Srbin s dna kace Milo Crnjanski
odano ratuje za austro-ugarskoga cara i kralja?
get pumped up and smeared ourselves with
war pain at its centennial? Why would it be
so important for someone today to change the
relations between the good and the bad guys
in the war that happened a hundred years ago?
Nothing that happened at the time cannot be
changed, revised or repaired at the centennial.
The journalists war manoeuvres were held
in the days of the Jubilee of the Great War
and which will most likely continue for the
next four years, as the centennials of the
ancient battles come in turn, the death of the
Emperor and King Franz Joseph and the end
of the conflict and the Treaty of Versailles, are
actually related to something banal, though no
less dangerous: the need to make historical
memories and historiographical analysis. The
costumes and dress as our old compatriots,
great-grandparents and great-grandmothers,
and as their bitter enemies. That way an
historic jubilee can be used as a kind of folk
game, in which, to make a bigger wonder of
it, everybody participated. A characteristic
of us, the Balkan people, regardless of our
religion and or nationality, is to put ourselves
easily and readily into a time machine and
lively evoke the events from centuries ago,
and appropriately even slaughter each other
because of it, but it seems that the centenary
of the Great War balkanised the whole of
Europe. Princip killed the Archduke again.
The French and the Austrians played the July
crisis again in the pages of their newspaper.
Apis resurrected as a terrible, mythical
threat to European peace and for a moment
seriously threatened Rasputins glory on the
all-European and the global conspiratorial
Parnassus. It was in vain they had sentenced
and shot him in the process against the Black
 Pitanja asti i graanske obaveze 1914. jo
12 uvijek se nisu primarno ticala nacije. Odanost
kruni i vladaru, drutvenom sustavu unutar
kojeg su socijalizirani, za tadanje Europljane,
pa i za veinu naih ljudi, bila je vodiljom u
opredjeljivanju. Tek e se Velikim ratom i to
promijeniti, ime e se Vinaver i Crnjanski nai
na istoj strani.
Dok itamo novine, one od prije stotinu godina,
i ove dananje, ponekad nam na um padne to
bismo inili da smo, ali doista, bili na njegovom
mjestu i u njegovo vrijeme. to bih uinio da
sam bio sarajevski gimnazijalac u godinama
pred Veliki rat, da li bih bio s onima koji su pisali
pjesme, prevodili Walta Whitmana i u akam
zalueno sluali zavjerenika predavanja
Dimitrija Mitrinovia, koji je upravo navratio
iz Mostara, da nas izvijesti o stanju Svjetskoga
duha, ili bih prema svemu tome bio ravnoduan.
Poznavajui sebe dananjeg, ini mi se da bih
bio s njima, to, naravno, ne znai da bih pucao
na cara. Takvo to bilo bi presmjelo tvrditi.
Ali padne li nam na um, i moe li se do odgovora
na to pitanje doi preko novina, ta bi danas
radio Gavrilo Princip, e da se rodio stotinjak
godina kasnije? Ovo je pitanje, zapravo, mnogo
zanimljivije. Zbog takvih pitanja strastveno
itamo stare novine.
Miljenko Jergovi
Hand in 1917, since he, behold, revived. And
all of it just for fun, all because of a great
spectacle. Because, after they staged a play of
the July crisis in the summer of 2014, already
in August France and Austria were in the best
possible relations. The ancient wars are taken
seriously only by us. Only in the Balkans the
dead ones truly revive, and the living ones
lounge at the graves of their dead compatriots.
Europeans mostly had a good time at these
jubilees. The corporations gained a profit
from of it, the trade flourished, the experts in
both promotion and marketing assessed the
value of brands, and concluded that the 1914
war, even because of the numbers game, but
not only because of it, is worth much more
than the 1945 war will be worth the next
year. You cannot earn much from the 1945
war, because that event is still semi-alive, and
there are many guilty consciences still about it,
and the 1914 war was a long time ago, Much,
much more than one hundred years ago. The
Europeans know very well how much their
current view of the world differs from the
view of world that their great-grandparents
had. They have a big advantage over us in
this regard. That is why they could make an
enjoyable summer party regarding the events
of 1914, all together with the historiographical
books as their beach-bestsellers. That
is why the capitalism works so well.
We took all of this deadly seriously. We
identified ourselves with our default roles,
being convinced that we are Gavrilos and
Ferdinands contemporaries. And we are not.
And not only that we are not, but we even cannot
handle the new 1914 at all. For example, we do
not understand what the forms of loyalty and
patriotism that our ancestors were driven by
when they joined the Army as a volunteer or
responded to the military call up. How was it
possible that a Jew, Stanislav Vinaver, became a
national Serbian war hero and that a Serb from
the gutter, Milos Crnjanski, loyally fought on
the side of the Austro-Hungarian Emperor and
the King? The matters of honour and the civic
duty in 1914 did not yet primarily concern the
nation. Loyalty to the crown and the ruler and
the social system within which they were living
and socializing in, was the guiding principle in
the commitment for the then Europeans, as well
as for the most of our people. The Great War
will change it too, and Vinaver and Crnjanski
will be consequently on the same side.
While we read newspapers, the ones that are
hundred years old and the present ones, it
sometimes comes to our mind what would
we do, but really, if we were in their shoes
and at their time. What would I do if I were
a high school student in Sarajevo in the years
before the Great War; would I be with those
who wrote poems, translated Walt Whitman
and infatuatedly listened to the conspiratorial
lectures of Dimitrije Mitrinovic in the aksham
/TN: Turkish evening/, who just popped in
from Mostar to inform us on the status of the
World spirit, or would I be indifferent to all of
it. Knowing myself today, it seems to me that
I would be with them, which, of course, does
not mean I would shoot the Emperor. Such
a thing would be presumptuous to argue.
But if it comes to our mind, and could
that question be answered through the
newspapers, what would Gavrilo Princip
do today, if he were born a hundred years
later? This is in fact a much more interesting
question. Just because of such questions we,
passionately, read these old newspapers.
Miljenko Jergovi
 At
D

 Branko Toovi
Pisanje austrijske i njemake tampe
16
u periodu od 28. maja do 3. avgusta
1914. o Sarajevskom atentatu i poetku
Prvog svjetskog rata
U periodu od 28. maja do 3. avgusta 1914.
vodei dnevni listovi Austrije i Njemake1 daju
detaljnu informaciju o Sarajevskom atentatu,
a naroito o situaciji koja je dovela do Prvog
svjetskog rata. Neki prilozi sadre iskljuivo
pisani tekst, a drugi imaju kodne kombinacije,
u kojima se objedinjuje pisana rije i ilustracija
(ona dolazi u obliku fotografije, crtea, skice i
karikature)2. Svi analizirani radovi napisani
su goticom (ona je bila u upotrebi do 1941).
Autori su anonimni, jer se nigdje ne spominju.
Dominantne rijei u naslovima bile su: atentat,
Franc Ferdinand, ubistvo, zloin, krvavi in,
katastrofa, Srbija, ultimatum, rat.
U tadanjoj tampi prevladavaju tri teme: 1.
kako je i zato dolo do atentata, 2. kakve su
bile njegove posljedice, 3. kako je poeo Prvi
svjetski rat.
to se tie atentata, novine su se razumljivo
najvie koncentrisale na Franca Ferdinanda.
O njemu se izdvajaju dva tipa priloga: jedni
daju golu, suhoparnu informaciju o tome
ta se desilo 28. juna, a drugi tom dogaaju
prilaze analitiko, ponekad emocionalno,
ak vrlo emocionalno. Prvi su znatno
ei, a otvaraju ih naslovi tipa: Atentat u
Sarajevu Ubistvo prestolonasljednika
Prestolonasljednik i njegova supruga ubijeni
Ubijen prestolonasljednik Austrije!
At
D
Writing of the Austrian and German
press from the period of May 28
to August 3, 1914 on the Sarajevo
assassination and the beginning of the
First World War
From the period of the 28 May to the 3 August
1914, major newspapers from Austria and
Germany1 provided detailed information on the
Sarajevo assassination, and in particular on the
situation that led to the First World War. Some
articles contain only written text, while others
have coded combinations, in which the written
word and illustration is combined (it comes in
the form of photographs, drawings, sketches and
caricatures)2. All analysed articles were written
in Gothic letters (which were in use until 1941). Vijest o atentatu i
The authors are anonymous, since they were not neposrednim posljedicama,
mentioned anywhere. The dominant words in the Nove novine, Be, 30. jun
titles were: assassination, Franz Ferdinand, murder, 1914.
crime, bloody act, disaster, Serbia, an ultimatum,
war. The news on the
assassination and the
immediate consequences,
At that time the press was dominated by three Die Neue Zeitung, Vienna,
30th of June, 1914
themes: 1. how and why the assassination
happened, 2. what were its consequences, 3. how
the First World War started.
As for the assassination, newspapers were logically
most concentrated on Franz Ferdinand. There
are two types of articles about him: one gave dry
information about what happened on June the
28th, and the other ones had a more analytical
approach to the event, sometimes emotional, even
very emotional. The first ones are much more
Priziv osvete, Njemake
common, and used titles such as: Assassination in novine, Be-Grac, 5. jul
Sarajevo the murder of Archduke The Crown 1014.
Prince and his wife killed The Crown Prince of
Austria Killed! the Heir to the throne, Archduke The appeal for revenge,
Deutsche Zeitung, Vienna-
Graz, 5th of July 1914

Ubijen prestolonasljednik nadvojvoda Franc
18 Ferdinand i supruga Prestolonasljednik princ
Franc Ferdinand i njegova supruga princeza
od Hohenberga ubijeni od strane Srba
Ubijeni nadvojvoda prestolonasljednik Franc
Ferdinand i vojvotkinja Hohenberg Ubistvo
prestolonasljednika i njegove supruge! Drugi
su mnogo rjei: Herojska smrt Krvavi zloin
u Sarajevu. Druga vanija linost Gavrilo
Princip manje je osvjetljavana jer se radilo
o potpuno nepoznatoj osobi bez bilo kakvih
znaajnijih podataka.
Nakon atentata u centru panje nalazi se odnos
Austrougarske i Srbije. On dominira tokom
jula, da bi poetkom avgusta ova tema prela
u iru, budui da ne dolazi samo do sukoba
izmeu Austrougarske i Srbije ve do rata na
irem prostoru Evrope.
U periodu od 28. maja do 28. juna plasirano
je vrlo malo informacija o pripremi i odlasku
Franca Ferdinanda u Sarajevo. Krajem maja
i tokom itavog juna u centru panje bila je
albanska revolucija, odnosno ustanak. Malo je
bilo vijesti sa podruja bive Jugoslavije. Jedna
od takvih je, recimo, ona od 29. maja o tome
da je austrijski car pomilovano srpske pijune.
Poetkom juna novine javljaju o demisiji
Paieve vlade i politikoj krizi u vezi sa time,
optem haosu u Albaniji, poziciji Srbije prema
Albaniji, odnosu Rumunije prema pitanju
Dardanela. Sredinom juna slijede prilozi o
jaanju zategnutosti izmeu Grke i Turske
i moguem novom balkanskom ratu. Ve 17.
juna plasira se informacija o predstojeem
ratu Bugarske i Turske protiv Grke i Srbije.
Sutradan se pie o poetku grko-turskog rata
At
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Franz Ferdinand and his wife murdered the Vijest o Sarajevskom
heir to the throne, Prince Franz Ferdinand and
atentatu, Berlinske
berzanske novine, Berlin,
his wife Princess of Hohenberg were killed by 29. jun 1914.
Serbs Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir to the
throne and the Duchess Hohenberg killed the The news on the Sarajevo
murder of Archduke and his wife! Others were assassination, Berliner
less common: A heroic death Bloody Crime Brsen-Courier /the
in Sarajevo. Other important personality Berlin stock exchange
newspaper/, Berlin, 29th
Gavrilo Princip was covered less because he
of June 1914
was a completely unknown person without any
significant records.
After the assassination, the focus was on the
relationship between Austria-Hungary and Serbia.
It dominates during July and in early August this
topic became more widely covered since it was
not turning only into a conflict between Austria-
Hungary and Serbia but a war in the wider area of
Europe.
In the period from the 28th May to the 28th June,
there was very little information on the preparation
and departure of Franz Ferdinand to Sarajevo. At
the end of May and throughout June attention was
focused on to the Albanian revolution, the uprising.
There was not much news from the former
Yugoslavia. One of the articles was, for example, one
from the 29th of May that the Austrian Emperor
pardoned Serbian spies. In early June, newspapers
report on the demise of the Pasics government and
the political crisis in this regard, the general chaos
in Albania, the position of Serbia towards Albania,
Romanias attitude regarding the issue of the
Dardanelles. In mid-June there were articles on the
growing tension between Greece and Turkey and
the possibility of a new war in the Balkans. Already
on June the 17th, the information on the upcoming
war of Bulgaria and Turkey against Greece and
Serbia was launched. The following day, it was

i tekim borbama sa ustanicima u Albaniji. O
20 grko-turskom konfliktu se izvjetava i 23.
juna. Sljedeeg dana daje se informacija o
imenovanju albanskog generalnog konzula u
Beogradu. A 24. juna dolazi prva informacija
o posjeti Franca Ferdinanda Sarajevu pod
naslovom: Odlazak nadvojvode Franca
Ferdinanda u Bosnu. U prilogu se konstatuje
da je Ferdinand otputovao 23. juna u 9 sati sa
beke June eljeznike stranice. On je prvo
stigao u Trst, odakle je nastavio vonju brodom
Dalmat do Metkovia. Odatle je krenuo
specijalnim vozom u Mostar. Predvieno je
da se vrati u Be na Junu eljezniku stanicu
30. juna prije podne. Zatim se daje izvjetaj iz
Sarajeva u kome se kae da je uprava grada
na svojoj sjednici donijela odluku da se druga
ulica po veliini emalua nazove Ulicom
Franca Ferdinanda, a povodom njegove
posjete Sarajevu radi prisustva velikim vojnim
manevrima u okolini grada.
Sljedeeg dana, 25. juna novine piu o srpskim
tenjama ka Jadranskom moru, pri emu se
poziva na izvore iz Rima o suptilnoj srpskoj
propagandi u Albaniji sa eljom da se jednog
dana izae na more. A 27. juna dolazi vijest iz
Zagreba o stvaranju srpsko-crnogorske unije
sa zajednikom armijom i finansijama. Na dan
atentata 28. juna novine donose informaciju
o zabrani vrbovanja dobrovoljaca za Albaniju
i nemirima u toj zemlji, kao i o odlasku
austrijskog cara u Il.
Dogaaji koji su uslijedili vrlo su operativno
osvjetljavani. Oni se mogu podijelite na dva
perioda: od 29. juna do d 24. jula i od 25. jula
do 3. avgusta.
At
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written about the beginning of the Greek-Turkish
war and heavy fighting with insurgents in Albania.
The Greek-Turkish conflict was also reported on
the 23rd June. The next day, there is information on
the appointment of the Albanian Consul General
in Belgrade. And on June 24, there is the first
information about the visit of Franz Ferdinand
to Sarajevo titled: Departure of the Archduke
Franz Ferdinand to Bosnia. The article states that
Ferdinand travelled on June the 23rd, at 9 am from
the Vienna Southern Railways station. He first
arrived in Trieste, and then continued his journey
by the Dalmat boat to Metkovic. From there, he Vijest o ultimatumu,
took a special train to Mostar. It was anticipated for Njemake narodne novine,
him to return to Vienna at the South railway station Be, 25. jul 1914.
on June the 30th before noon. The following news
is from Sarajevo, about the management of the city The news on the ultimatum,
Deutsche Volks-Zeitung,
deciding at its session that the second-largest street
Vienna, 25th of July 1914
Cemalusa will be named the Franz Ferdinand
Street; on the occasion of his visit to Sarajevo and
that he would be present at the large military
manoeuvres planned in the vicinity of the city.
The following day, on June the 25th, the papers
write about the Serbian aspirations regarding the
Adriatic Sea, while quoting unnamed sources from
Rome about subtle Serbian propaganda in Albania
with a desire to have access to the sea one day. On
June the 27th, there was news from Zagreb on the
creation of the Serbian-Montenegrin union with
a common Army and finances. On the day of the
assassination, on June the 28th, the newspapers
reported information on forbidding re-cruitment
of volunteers for Albania and riots in that country,
as well as on the departure of the Austrian Emperor
Poetak rata, Beke
ToIschl.
najnovije vijesti, Be, 3.
avgust 1914.
The events that followed were illuminated rather
operationally. They can be split into two periods: The outbreak of
from June the 29th to July the 24th and from July the war, Wiener Neueste
Nachrichten, Vienna, 3rd of
25th to August the 3rd.
August 1914

Vrijeme od 29. juna do 29. jula obuhvata
22 izvjetaje o atentatu, alosti u Austriji, sahrani
Franca Ferdinanda, poetku istrage, optubama
na raun Srbije, antisrpskim demonstracijama,
srpskim provokacijama, jaanju zategnutosti
izmeu Austrougarske i Srbije. Udarne vijesti
su ovako hronoloki dolazile.3
29. juni atentat i njegova politika strana,
linost atentatora i njihovo hapenje,
pretpostavke o zavjeri protiv Austrougarske,
demonstracije protiv Srba u Sarajevu, uvoenje
vanrednog stanja u njemu, sahrana i alost u
Austriji,
30. juni detalji ubistva, obdukcija, odjek tune
vijesti u Austriji, linost Franca Ferdinanda
(posebno kao lovca), njegov testament,
sasluanja ubica, prvi rezultati istrage,
antisrpske demonstracije,
1. juli beogradski moral ubice, ko su uhapeni
atentatori, transport ubijenih preko Metkovia
i Trsta, priprema sahrane u Beu,
2. juli velikosrpska zavjera protiv
prestolonasljednika, posljednji trenuci Franca
Ferdinanda, ceremonija sahrane, vanredno
stanje u itavoj Bosni i Hercegovini, krvari
sukobi izmeu Srba i Hrvata u nekim mjestima
BiH,
3. juli dolazak u Be voza sa posmrtnim
ostacima Franca Ferdinanda i njegove
supruge, dani alosti, djeca Franca Ferdinanda,
senzacionalne izjave abrinovia, Principova
odbrana, demonstracije u Slavoniji,
4. juli impozantna sahrana u Beu, velike
demonstracije ispred Ambasade Srbije u Beu,
5. juli nastavak antisrpskih demonstracija u
Bosni, prijetnje srpskih novina Austrougarskoj,
At
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The time from June the 29th to July the 29th includes
reports on the assassination, mourning in Austria,
the funeral of Franz Ferdinand, the beginning of the
investigation, accusations against Serbia, anti-Serb
demonstrations, Serbian provocation, growing
tensions between Austria-Hungary and Serbia.
Breaking News came chronologically in this order.3
June the 29th - the assassination and its political
side, personality of the assassins and their arrest,
the presumption of conspiracy against the Austro-
Hungarian, demonstrations against Serbs in
Sarajevo, imposing a state of emergency, funerals Antiratni apel, Naprijed,
and mourning in Austria, Berlin, 25. jul 1914.
June the 30th - details of the assassination, the
autopsy, echo of the sad news in Austria, the The anti-war appeal,
personality of Franz Ferdinand (especially as Vorwrts, Berlin, 25th of
July 1914
a hunter), his will, the assassins interrogation,
the first results of the investigation, anti-Serb
demonstrations,
July the 1st - Belgrade morale of the assassin, details
of the arrested assassins, transportation of the
deceased from Metkovic and Trieste, preparations
of the funeral in Vienna,
July the 2nd Greater Serbian conspiracy against
the throne, the last moments of Franz Ferdinand,
the funeral ceremony, a state of emergency in all of
Bosnia and Herzegovina, bloody clashes between
Serbs and Croats in some areas of Bosnia and
Herzegovina,
July the 3rd - arrival in Vienna of the train with
the remains of Franz Ferdinand and his wife, the
days of mourning, the children of Franz Ferdinand,
Cabrinovics sensational statements, Princips
defence, demonstrations in Slavonia, Vijest o Sarajevskom
July the 4th - an imposing funeral in Vienna, a large atentatu, Gornjovapske
novine, 30. jun 1914.
demonstration outside the Embassy of Serbia in
Vienna, The news on the
Sarajevo assassination,
OberschwbischeZeitung,
30th of June 1914

dogaaj u Sarajevu i austrijski parlament,
24 kretanje voza alosti po zemlji i moru,
6. juli velikosrpstvo, istorija modernih
atentata, posljednje vee Franca Ferdinanda,
7. juli srpska zavjera u Sarajevu, posmrtna
maska Franca Ferdinanda, ogromno
neraspoloenje u Srbiji prema Austrougarskoj,
8. juli srpska opasnost u zemljama
austrougarskog carstva,
9. juli Srbija i ubistvo u Sarajevu, istraga u
Sarajevu,
10. juli politika srpske vlade,
11. juli antisrpske demonstracije,
12. juli austrougarski bojkot u Srbiji,
13. juli srpske provokacije (u vezi sa srpskim
stavom da se nee dozvoliti mijeanje u njene
unutranje stvari), Austrija i austrougarska
diplomatija, odjeci zloina u Sarajevu,
14. juli panika u austrougarskoj kolonijini
u Beogradu, optube na raun Srbije da je
planirala atentat, ruski anarhisti pripremaju
napad na austrougarsko poslanstvo u
Beogradu,
15. juli evropska bolest,
16. juli Austrougarska i Srbija, istraga u
Sarajevu,
17. juli jedan austrijski vlasnik lokala kraj
Sarajeva ubijen od strane Srba,
18. juli zategnutost izmeu Austrije i Srbije,
19. juli Rusija protiv Austrougarske, srpske
vojne izbjeglice u Maarskoj, velikosrpska i
velikoaustrijska ideja,
20. juli srpske neprijateljske izjave protiv
Austrije,
21. juli Austrija i Srbija, vojne mjere Crne
Gore,
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July the 5th - the continuation of anti-Serb
demonstrations in Bosnia, Serbian newspapers
threatening Austria-Hungary, the events in Sarajevo
and the Austrian parliament, the movement of the
mourning train across the country and the sea,
July the 6th Greater Serbianism, history of modern
assassinations, the last evening of Franz Ferdinand,
Ultimatum upuen Srbiji,
July the 7th - Serbian conspiracy in Sarajevo, Nove novine, Be, 24. jul
the death mask of Franz Ferdinand, the huge 1914.
resentment in Serbia towards Austria-Hungary,
Ultimatum to Serbia, Die
July the 8th - Serbian danger in the Austro-
NeueZeitung, Vienna, 24th
Hungarian Empire,
of July 1914
July the 9th - Serbia and assassination in Sarajevo,
the investigation in Sarajevo,
July the 10th - policy of the Serbian government,
July the 11th - anti-Serb demonstrations,
July the 12th - Austro-Hungarian boycott in Serbia,
July the 13th - Serbian provocation (in conjunction
with the Serbian position that will not allow
interference in its internal affairs), Austria and
Austro-Hungarian diplomacy, echoes of the crimes
in Sarajevo,
July the 14 - Panic in the Austro-Hungarian colony
in Belgrade, accusations of Serbia plotting the
assassination, Russian anarchists are preparing
an attack on the Austro-Hungarian mission in
Belgrade,
July the 15th A European disease,
July the 16th - Austria-Hungary and Serbia, the
investigation in Sarajevo,
July the 17th - an Austrian owner of a restaurant Uoi rata sa Srbijom, Nove
near Sarajevo killed by Serbs, novine, Be, 26. jul 1914.
July the 18th - tension between Austria and Serbia,
On the eve of the war with
July the 19th - Russia against Austria-Hungary, Serbia, Die NeueZeitung,
Serbian war refugees in Hungary, Greater Serbia Vienna, 26th of July 1914
and Greater Austria idea,
July the 20th - Serbian hostile statements against
Austria,

22. juli audijencija grafa Bertholda kod cara
26 prije odluujueg koraka: jasna pitanja Austrije
i traenje nedvosmislenih odgovora od Srbije,
23. juni Austrija i Srbija: potreba iznoenja u
javnosti ovog pitanja, srpski demar.
U periodu od 25. jula do 3. avgusta u centru
panje nalazile su se sljedee vijesti: ultimatum
Srbije, dranje i reagovanje velikih sila,
mobilizacija, prijetnje ratom i sam poetak
rata. tampa ih je ovako hronoloki biljeila.
24. juli ultimatum Austrougarske Srbiji,
osiguranje materijalnog stanja djece Franca
Ferdinanda,
25. juli deset zahtjeva Austrougarske
upuenih Srbiji, dan odluke: Srbija ima
rije, ponaanje Srbije, nota velikim silama,
reagovanje Rusije, diplomatske igre, apel
Socijaldemokratske Partije Njemake da se ne
ulazi u rat,
26. juli Srbija eli rat, nezadovoljavajui
odgovor Srbije na ultimatum, prekid
diplomatskih odnosa, mobilizacija kompletne
armije u Srbiji, Rusija za Srbiju, naputanje
Beograda od strane dvora i vlade i njihovo
premjetanje u Kragujevac,
27. juli uoi rata sa Srbijom, nota Srbiji,
rat za nau carevinu, rat protiv Srbije, Italija
upozorava Srbiju, njemaki glas za pravo na
rat, odnos Austrougarske i Srbije (Srbi i mi),
situacija u Beogradu, proglas u Beogradu
srpskom narodu, mobilizacija u Srbiji,
patriotizam Bosanaca,
28. juli krivica srpske vlade za atentat, rat sa
Srbijom, banditski rat protiv Austrougarske,
ratne pripreme u Srbiji, prvi hici, dizanje
mostova izmeu Beograda i Zemuna,
velikosrpska agitacija i propaganda, srpska
nota (odgovor na ultimatum), stanje u
Beogradu,
At
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July the 21st - Austria and Serbia, Montenegro
military measures,
July the 22nd - Audience of Count Berthold with the
Emperor before the decisive step: clear questions of
Austria and requesting the unambiguous response
from Serbia,
June the 23rd - Austria and Serbia: the need
of presenting this issue to the public, Serbian
demarche.
In the period from July the 25th to August the 3rd, the
focus was on the following news: an ultimatum to
Serbia, attitude and response of the great powers,
mobilization, threat of war and the beginning of
the war. The press covered it chronologically in this
manner.
Austrijanci u Beogradu,
July the 24th - an ultimatum from Austria-Hungary Berlinske jutarnje novine,
to Serbia, securing the financial status of the Berlin, 31. jul 1914.
children of Franz Ferdinand,
Austrians in Belgrade,
July the 25th - Austro-Hungarian ten requests Berliner Morgen-Zeitung,
sent to the Serbia, decision day: Serbia has the Berlin, 31st of July 1914
word, Serbias behaviour, note to the great powers,
Russias response, diplomatic games, appeal of the
Social Democratic Party of Germany not to enter
the war,
July the 26th - Serbia wants war, unsatisfactory
response to the ultimatum from Serbia, severance
of diplomatic relations, the mobilization of the
entire Army in Serbia, Russia supporting Serbia,
the court and the government leave Belgrade and
move in Kragujevac,
July the 27th before the war with Serbia, note to
Serbia, war for our empire, the war against Serbia,
Italy warns Serbia, the German voice for the right
to go to war, the relationship between Austria-
Hungary and Serbia (Serbs and we), the situation Rat sa Srbijom neminovan,
in Belgrade, proclamation in Belgrade to the Narodni glasnik, Bremen,
Serbian people, mobilization in Serbia, patriotism 27. jul 1914.
of Bosnians, The war with Serbia
inevitable, Nationale
Gazette, Bremen, 27th of
July 1914

29. juli objava rata Srbiji, manifest austrijskog
28 cara, neminovnost rata, dranje Njemake
i Francuske, uvoenje vanrednog stanja u
Zagrebu i itavoj Hrvatskoj i Slavoniji,
30. juli na obraun sa Srbijom, vijesti iz
Srbije,
31. juli najnovije vijesti sa ratita, akcije
srpskih ratnih brodova, rat sa srpskom
bandom, unitena dva srpska parobroda,
napredak naih trupa, glasine o nemirima
u Srbiji, meunarodna situacija, dranje
Francuske i Italije, srpska armija i njena
komanda, patriotske manifestacije u Beu,
1. avgust opta mobilizacija u Austriji, dranje
Engleske, spremnost za rat u Italiji i pripreme
za mobilizaciju, evropski rat, njemako-rusko i
njemako-francusko ratite,
2. avgust mobilizacija u Austriji, Rusiji,
Holandiji, Belgiji i vajcarskoj, spremnost
Njemake da ue u rat, Rusija i njen svjetski
rat,
3. avgust njemaki ultimatum, njemaka
objava rata Srbiji, poziv na patriotska osjeanja
Austrijanaca i upozorenje na postojanje velikog
broja subverzivnih elemenata, rasplamsavanje
njemako-ruskog rata, mobilizacija
Francuskoj, poetak evropskog i svjetskog
rata, Evropa u plamenu.
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July the 28th - guilt of the Serbian government for
the assassination, the war with Serbia, the bandit
war against Austria-Hungary, war preparations
in Serbia, first shots, blowing up bridges between
Belgrade and Zemun, Greater Serbia agitation
and propaganda, Serbian note (the answer to the
ultimatum), the situation in Belgrade ,
July the 29th - a declaration of war against Serbia, the
manifesto of the Austrian emperor, the inevitability
of war, the attitude of Germany and France, the
introduction of state of emergency in Zagreb and
the whole of Croatia and Slavonia,
Evropski rat na vidiku, Nove
July the 30th - our showdown with Serbia, news novine, Be, 2. avgust 1914.
from Serbia,
Evropski rat na vidiku, Nove
July the 31st - the latest news from the battlefield, novine, Be, 2. avgust 1914.
actions of Serbian warships, war with Serbian
criminals, two Serbian steamships destroyed, the
progress of our troops, rumours of riots in Serbia,
the international situation, the attitude of France
and Italy, the Serbian Army and its command,
patriotic events in Vienna,
August the 1st - general mobilization in Austria,
attitude of England, readiness for war in Italy and
preparations for mobilization, European war, the
German-Russian and German-French battlefield,
August the 2nd - mobilization in Austria, Russia,
u
Holland, Belgium, Switzerland, Germanys
readiness to enter the war, Russia and its World
War,
August the 3rd - German ultimatum, the German
declaration of war against Serbia, call on the
patriotic feelings of the Austrians and warning
to the existence of a large number of subversive
elements, the flaming growth of the German-
Russian war, mobilization in France, the beginning Objava rata, Nove novine,
of European and World War, Europe ablaze. Be, 29. jul 1914.
Objava rata, Nove novine,
Be, 29. jul 1914.

30
1
Za analizu su izabrana sljedea izdanja: a)
A u s t r i j e Der Grosse Krieg, Deutsche Zeitung,
Die neue Zeitung, Grazer Tagblatt, Illustrierte
Klagenfurter Zeitung, Kronen Zeitung, Linzer
Tages-Post, sterreichische Illustrierte Zeitung,
sterreichische Volks-Zeitung, sterreichisches
Kriegs-Echo, Wiener Bilder, Wiener Montags-
Journal, Wiener Neuste Nachrichten, Wiener
Salonblatt, b) N j e m a k e Berliner Brsen-
Courier, Berliner Tageblatt, Frankfurter Zeitung,
Freiburger Zeitung, Hamburger Fremdenblatt,
Mnchener Neueste Nachrichten, Neue Preussische
Zeitung (Kreuz-Zeitung), Reichspost, Pilsner
Tagblatt, Vossische Zeitung. Wiener Zeitung.
2
Tada nije bilo mogue da se brzo dobiju slike sa mjesta
dogaanja pa su ih zamjenjivali crtei sa velikom dozom
individualizacije (to se posebno odnosi na prikazivanja
samoga atentata). Npr. na jednom od crtea je princ
Eugen u bici kraj Beograda. Meu linostima izdvaja se
slika kralja Petra I i princa Aleksandra, a meu skicama
prikaz mjesta atentata.
3
Navodimo ih onim rijeima koje su koriene u
tekstovima.
At
D
1
For the analysis the following issues were chose: a)
Austria - DER GROE KRIEG, DEUTSCHE ZEITUNG, DIE
NEUE ZEITUNG, GRAZER TAGBLATT, ILLUSTRIERTE
KLAGENFURTER ZEITUNG, KRONEN ZEITUNG, LINZER
TAGES-POST, STERREICHISCHE ILLUSTRIERTE
ZEITUNG, STERREICHISCHE VOLKS-ZEITUNG,
AUSTRIAN KRIEGS-ECHO, WIENER BILDER, WIENER
MONTAGS-JOURNAL, WIENER NEUSTE NACHRICHTEN,
WIENER SALONBLATT, b) Germany - BERLINER
BRSEN-COURIER, BERLINER TAGEBLATT, THE
FRANKFURTER ZEITUNG, FREIBURGER ZEITUNG,
HAMBURGER FREMDENBLATT, MNCHENER NEUESTE
NACHRICHTEN, NEUE PREUISCHE ZEITUNG (KREUZ-
ZEITUNG) REICHSPOST, PILSNER TAGBLATT, VOSSISCHE
ZEITUNG. WIENER ZEITUNG.
2
It was not possible to quickly obtain images at that time
from the scene and they were replaced by drawings with
a great deal of individualization (this is especially true
regarding the display of the assassination). Eg. in one of
the drawings is Prince Eugene in a battle near Belgrade.
The image of King Peter I and Prince Alexander stands Svjetski rat, Keninsberke hartuke novine, Keninsberg, 1. avgust 1914.
out among the persons, and among the drawings the The World War, Knigsberg Hartus ZeitungKeninsberg, 1st of August 1914
display of assassination.
3
Words cited as they were used in the texts.
 Hu

 Muharem Bazdulj
MAARSKA
34
Od mira do rata
Istraujui grau (novinske tekstove,
fotografije, faksimile, prepiske, objave) iz
Maarske, a iz perioda od 28. maja do 3.
avgusta 1914. godine, pregledajui razliita
arhivska dokumenta, uinilo mi se da se
pria o pomenutom periodu, o vremenu u
kojem je Maarska zajedno sa Evropom ila
od mira do rata, moe najbolje isposredovati
kombinacijom plakata i novinskih fotografija.
Kad je rije o kontekstu s kojim Maarska
doekuje proljee i rano ljeto 1914. godine,
vano je podsjetiti se nekih istorijskih
fakata. Najprije valja rei da su vojni porazi
Austriji u pedesetim i ezdesetim godinama
devetnaestog stoljea, konkretno u bitkama
kod Solferina, odnosno kod Kenigreca, doveli
do situacije koja je Maarima odgovarala.
Naime, ti su vojni porazi doveli do toga da
se neoapsolutistiko Austrijsko carstvo
preobrazi u Austro-Ugarsku, odnosno u
takozvanu Dvojnu monarhiju. Nagodbom iz
1867. godine, mo je raspodijeljena izmeu
dva dominantna naroda: Austrijanaca i
Maara. Unutar svoje Kraljevine Ugarske
Maari su drali lavovski dio moi i vrsto two dominant nations: the Austria and
su se drali dualistikog kompromisa, koji Hungary. Within their Kingdom of Hungary,
su pak mnogi kritikovali, izmeu ostalih
i prestolonasljednik - nadvojvoda Franjo
Ferdinand.
Kad je Ferdinand ubijen, to u Maarskoj
nije bio pretjeran razlog za alost. Recentna
globalna istoriarska zvijezda Kristofer Klark
u svojim uvenim Mjesearima plastino excessive reason for sorrow in Hungary. The
opisuje reakciju maarskog premijera grofa
Hu
HUNGARY
From peace to war
While exploring materials (newspaper articles,
Plakat Mojim narodima sa
photographs, facsimiles, correspondence, pu- obrazloenjem objave rata,
blications) from Hungary and the period from graa Nacionalne biblioteke
28 May to 3 August 1914, while reviewing Maarske, 28. juli 1914.
various archival documents, it seemed to me
that the story about this mentioned period
The poster To my people
of the time in which Hungary together with with an explanation of the
Europe went from peace to war, can be best declaration of war, the
communicated by combination of posters and documents of the National
newspaper photographs. Library of Hungary, 28th of
July 1914
In respect of the context in which Hungary
welcomes spring and early summer of 1914,
it is important to remind ourselves of some
historical facts. To begin with, it should be
said that the military defeats of Austria in the
fifties and sixties of the nineteenth century,
specifically in the battles of Solferino, i.e.
Kenigrec, led to the situation which was suitable
for the Hungarians. Specifically, these military
defeats led to the transformation of the neo-
absolutistic Austrian Empire into The Austria-
Hungary Empire, and into the so-called Dual
monarchy. With the settlement arrangement
from 1867, power was distributed between
the Hungarians held the lions share of
power and were firmly stuck to the dualistic
compromise which was criticized by many,
including the heir to the throne - Archduke
Franz Ferdinand.
When Ferdinand was killed, there was no
world renowned and respected historian,

Itvana Tise na vijest o Sarajevskom atentatu:
36 Ubistvo prestolonasljednika Tisa nije
doiveo kao razlog za alost nego za sirovo
olakanje. Reforme o kojima je razmiljao
Franc Ferdinand poremetile bi celokupnu
strukturu moi na kojoj je Tisa izgradio
svoju karijeru. (...) Tako je ubistvo Franca
Ferdinanda predstavljalo neoekivano
izbavljenje, a za razliku od mnogih svojih
austrijskih kolega, maarski premijer nije
oseao ni gnev niti elju da brzo deluje.
Treba rei da Tisa nije bio neki ideoloki
pacifista, odnosno da njegovo protivljenje
ratu nije bilo apsolutno; on je, recimo, bio
za vojnu akciju protiv Srbije tokom druge
albanske krize u oktobru 1913. Sada je,
meutim, bilo drukije. Po Klarkovim
rijeima, Ma koliko snane emocije obuzele
austrijsku politiku elitu u (...) danima
posle atentata, ubrzo je postalo jasno da
neposredna vojna akcija ne dolazi u obzir.
(...) postavljalo se pitanje kako ubediti Tisu
da podri stav Bea; ni politiki ni ustavno
nije bilo mogue zaobii tog monog igraa u
dualistikom sistemu.
Otud se na plakatu Mojim narodima
sa obrazloenjem objave rata, odnosno
objanjenjem zato je nuno napasti Srbiju,
nalaze likovi i potpisi i austrijskog cara,
odnosno maarskog kralja Franje Josipa i
maarskog premijera Itvana Tise. Plakat je,
naravno, precizno datiran u dvadeset i osmi
juli 1914. godine.
Iz posljednjih dana jula i prvih dana
avgusta 1914. su i preostali plakati koji
dobro ilustruju prelaz iz atmosfere mira u
atmosferu rata. Recimo, reklamni plakat
za pivo iz pivare Kobanja ima slogan koji
se uklapa u novi kontekst: Pivo je stiglo,
Hu
Christopher Clark, plastically describes the
reaction of the Hungarian Prime Minister
Count Istvan Tisza on news of the Sarajevo
assassination in his famous The Sleepwalkers:
Tisza has not experienced the killing of the
Archduke as a reason for mourning but as a
relief. The reforms which were considered
by Franz Ferdinand would disrupt the whole
power structure in which the Tisza built his
career. (...) Thus the murder of Franz Ferdinand
meant an unexpected deliverance, and unlike
many of his Austrian colleagues the Hungarian
Prime Minister felt neither anger nor desire to
act quickly.
It should be said that the Tisza was not some
ideological pacifists, and that his opposition to
the war was not absolute; for example, he was
for military action against Serbia during the
second Albanian crisis in October 1913. Now,
however, it was different. According to Clarks
words, Regardless how strong emotions filled
the hearts of the Austrian political elite (...) days
after the assassination, it became clear soon
that direct military action was not an option.
(...) question how to convince Tisza to support
the attitude of Vienna was raised; it was not
possible to circumvent this powerful player
in the dualistic system neither politically or
constitutionally.
Because of that there are the images and
signatures of both the Austrian emperor, i.e.
the king of Hungary, Franz Joseph and the
Hungarian Prime Minister Istvan Tisza on the
To my people posters with an explanation
of the declaration of war, otherwise an
explanation of why it was necessary to attack
Serbia. The poster was, naturally, dated
precisely on the twenty-eighth of July 1914.
Reklamni plakat za pivo pivare Kobanja sa sloganom
Pivo je stiglo, neprijatelj se predao, graa Nacionalne biblioteke Maarske, 1914.
The promotional poster for the beer ofKobanyabrewery with the slogan Beer has arrived, the enemy has
surrendered, documents of the National Library of Hungary, 1914

neprijatelj se predao. (Ono to je za pivare
38 danas fudbal, onomad je, oito, bio rat.)
Neprijateljstvo je tu jo uvijek na relativno
apstraktnom nivou (neprijatelj). Na
sljedeem plakatu, meutim, ironija je vrlo
konkretno usmjerena. Uz natpis Srbija
objavljuje rat stoji ironina legenda filmska
komedija.
Slian je podtekst reklamnog plakata za
novine Magyar Hirlap (Maarske vijesti),
gdje se vidi srpski vojnik kako napada
kolportera sa novinama.
Naposljetku, tu je i plakat kojim se najavljuje
izloba djeijih crtea o ratu. Crtei su djelo
uenika osnovnih kola iz Budimpete.
Kad je rije o novinskim fotografijama,
nakon opirnijeg istraivanja, primarno
sam se koncentrisao na ugledni ondanji
maarski nedjeljni list Vasarnapi Ujsag.
Gotovo cijeli broj od 5. jula 1914. godine,
prvi broj, dakle, pripreman i objavljen nakon
atentata, posveen je Franji Ferdinandu,
njegovoj supruzi i samom Sarajevskom
atentatu. Na naslovnici su portretne
fotografije ubijenih suprunika, a unutra
skoro pa itava foto-reportaa. Tu su najprije
fotografije porodice, pa fotografije grada
Sarajeva: jedna panoramska i jedna na kojoj
se vidi most na Miljacki. Tu su takoe i one
uvene fotografije posljednjih minuta ivota
Ferdinanda i Sofije, fotografije nainjene
pred sarajevskom gradskom Vijenicom,
fotografije kasnije valjda i milion puta
pretampavane, ovdje u nekim od svojih
prvih kopija. Napokon, tu je i fotografija
privoenja Ferdinanda Bera, dugo drana
za fotografiju privoenja samog Principa
(a u tu zabludu mnogi i do dana dananjeg
Hu
The remaining posters that well illustrate
the transition from the atmosphere of peace
into an atmosphere of war are also from the
last days of July and the first days of August
1914. For instance, the beer poster from the
Kobanya brewery has a slogan that fits into
the new context: Beer has arrived, the enemy
has surrendered. (What football, is to beer
makers, nowadays the war was obviously in
the past)
Hostility is there still at a relatively abstract
level (the enemy). In the next poster, however,
the irony is very precisely directed. Next to
the Serbia declares war caption, there is the
ironic legend Film comedy.
The subtext of the advertising poster for the
newspaper Magyar Hirlap (Hungarian
news) is similar, where one can see a Serbian
soldier attacking a paper boy with newspapers.
Finally, there is also a poster announcing an
exhibition of childrens drawings on the war.
The drawings are the work of elementary
school pupils from Budapest.
As regards to the newspaper photographs,
after some more extensive research, I
primarily focused on the prominent former
Hungarian weekly newspaper Vasrnapi
Ujsg . Almost the entire issue from 5 July
1914, the first issue, the one prepared
and published after the assassination, was
dedicated to Franz Ferdinand, his wife and
the Sarajevo assassination. On the cover there
were the portrait photographs of the murdered
spouses, and inside was almost entirely photo-
reportage. First there were photographs of
the family, then photographs of Sarajevo: one
panoramic and one which shows the bridge
over the Miljacka River. There were also the Ironini reklamni plakat Srbija objavljuje rat filmska komedija,
graa Nacionalne biblioteke Maarske, 1914.
Ironic promotional poster Serbia declares war - the film comedy
documents of the National Library of Hungary, 1914

vjeruju). Greka s poetka jula 1914. nije,
40 naravno, neobina, a iz konteksta jednog od
prisutnijih hungarizama u srpskom jeziku,
interesantan je potpis pod slikom gdje se za
Principa kae da je - ilko.
Nepunih mjesec dana kasnije, u prvom
avgustovskom broju istog nedjeljnika (2.
avgust 1914) su fotografije grada Beograda,
glavnog grada zemlje s kojom je Austro-
Ugarska ve zapoela rat. Jedna je panoramska
fotografija, dvije su atmosferine (krave i
konji na asfaltu, to valjda treba da sugerie
zaostalost), a na jednoj je premijer Nikola
Pai.
Jedan od razloga zbog kojih je Maarska
izbjegavala poetak rata sa Srbijom bilo je
pitanje sudbine Srbije poslije eventualne
pobjede Austro-Ugarske. Maarska nije
eljela da Srbija ue u sastav Dvojne
monarhije; Tisa je mislio da Slovena ionako
u Austro-Ugarskoj ima previe. Sada su,
meutim, sve rezerve odbaene. Rat je,
naime, poeo...
Hu
famous photographs of the last minutes of
Ferdinands and Sophies life, taken in front of
the Sarajevo City Hall, photographs which were
later reprinted probably a million times, as first
copies. Finally, there is a photo of Ferdinand
Bera being brought in, for long considered
as the photo of Princip being brought in (and
there are many that to this day still believe in it).
The error from the beginning of July 1914 was
not, of course, unusual, and from the context
of one of the ever-present Hungarisms in the
Serbian language, the interesting point is the
signature under the picture where it says for
Princip that he is ilko /TN: Hung. gyilkos -
assassin, dandy, dangler/
Nearly a month later, in the first August issue of
the same weekly paper (2nd of August 1914)
there were the photographs of Belgrade, the
capital of the country with which the Austro-
Hungarian empire has already begun a war.
One is a panoramic photo, two atmospheric
photographs (one of cows and horses on
asphalt, which could suggest backwardness),
and the one the Prime Minister Nikola Pasic.
One of the reasons why Hungary avoided the
starting of war with Serbia was the question of
the fate of Serbia after the eventual victory of
Austria-Hungary. Hungary did not want Serbia
to become part of the Dual Monarchy; Tisza
thought that there were already too many
Slavs within the Austria-Hungary Empire.
Now, on the other hand, all reservations were
dismissed. The war, actually, started...
Fotoreportaa o Sarajevskom atentatu, Nedjeljne vijesti, Budimpeta, 5. j 1914.
The photo-story on the Sarajevo assassination, VasrnapiUjsg,5th ofJuly, 1914
 Hu

42

Fotoreportaa o Sarajevskom atentatu, Nedjeljne vijesti, Budimpeta, 5. j 1914.

Fotoreportaa Beograda koja sugerie sliku zaostalosti srpskog drutva,
The photo-story on the Sarajevo assassination, Vasrnapi Ujsg,Budapest,5th ofJuly, 1914 Nedjeljne vijesti, Budimpeta, 2. avgust 1914.
The Belgrade photo-story, suggesting the image of underdevelopment of the Serbian
society, Vasrnapi Ujsg, Budapest,2nd of August 1914
 Hu

44

Fotoreportaa Beograda koja sugerie sliku zaostalosti srpskog drutva, Nedjeljne vijesti,
Budimpeta, 2. avgust 1914.
The Belgrade photo-story, suggesting the image of underdevelopment of the Serbian society,
Vasrnapi Ujsg, Budapest,2nd of August 1914
 Hr


Hr

O THE ECHOES OF THE SARAJEVO

48 ASSASSINATION AND THE JULY CRISIS IN
THE PRESS OF THE TERRITORY OF THE
PRESENT-DAY CROATIA

The press contents in this paper do not serve as

, a classic historical source, a source out of which
, we could find something out, or obtain new
. facts about the Sarajevo assassination or the
, , , July Crisis. Our intention is, in fact, that it serves
, , as a mirror, a reflection of social circumstances,
political, ethnic and other issues in the territory
of the present-day Croatia during the weeks
. before and after the Sarajevo assassination. In
, all this, it should be kept in mind that Croatia, in
, its modern sense of the word did not exist back
, then, i.e., but that Croatia, in the strict sense of
the word, and Slavonia were in the Hungarian
, part of the Dual Monarchy while Dalmatia
. , was in the Austrian half of the Empire. Also, it
should be recalled that those regions had a high
, presence of non-Croat ethnic groups, primarily
, Serbs, who played a very important role in the
, , , , 28. 1914.
political, economic and cultural life, and that the
, - Croat-Serb Coalition was at that time the axle The War manifesto of Franz Joseph, Obzor, Zagreb, 28thof July 1914
. , , of the Parliament. It should also be kept in mind
that that was the time of the strengthening of
, Yugoslavism after the historic victories of the
. Kingdom of Serbia in both Balkan Wars. THE PRE-WAR PROFITEERS

, On the other hand, we tried to present a , Two days before the Austro-Hungarian declaration
, of war, the newspaper Obzor /Horizon/ from Zagreb
representative sample of the press of those reported on the speculations, anxiety and tensions,
. times. Among the most important newspapers , which prevailed in almost all European capitals,
, that we analysed were Obzor /Horizon/ and concerning the Serbian governments response to the
- , Novosti /News/, from the class-national papers . , Austro-Hungarian Ultimatum. Most likely, there was
, , , , . , some brokering too in all of that. In an article titled
we analysed Privrednik /Entrepreneur/, , Stock Market Tricks, Obzor /Horizon/, tipped off by
; among the Serbian ones, of course, Srbobran / , a correspondent from Budapest, wrote about how the
Srbobran/, and among the local ones Smotra 25. hausse news, published in the Frankfurter Zeitung, saying that
. dalmatinska /Review of Dalmatia/ and Frankfurter Zeitunga the Serbian government had accepted the conditions
Dubrovnik /Dubrovnik/; we took into account . O of the Ultimatum caused hausse (inflation) in the
... afternoon of July 25th. This simple stock market trick...
the writing of one satirical newspaper as well , nevertheless, did not miss its goal, since the prices of
it was the writing of the famous Koprive / . many documents and valuables significantly jumped.
Nettles/. , Whether by accident or not, this article irresistibly
() reminds of a semi-legendary story of how Nathan
Rothschild got instantly rich just before the Battle of
. Waterloo nearly a hundred years earlier.
 Hr

OBZOR /Horizon/
50
, 1860. A daily newspaper, which was published, from
1941. . 1860 to 1941. Its name was changed several times.
, Before the First World War it was considered a
. ( ). nationalistic, pro-Frankist newspaper. (MSL NS -
Matica Srpska Library - Novi Sad).
26.
. On July 26th the front page of Obzor /Horizon/
, published confusing news stories. It is obvious
. , that the news items were overtaking, even
obliterating each other. Be that as it is, The
Negative Response of Serbia is the dominant
. headline, under which there was a detailed
report on the Serbian response to the Austro-
Hungarian Ultimatum. In the same issue, Obzor
, , /Horizon/ properly reported on reactions to
the Ultimatum and war cries in St. Petersburg,
Bucharest and Belgrade, and also wrote that
many people in Sofia were gloating while
, . the press were saying that the bomb that
had exploded in Sarajevo did not hit just the
(29. )
presumptive couple, but Serbia as well.
.
Three days later (July 29th), the dominant
, headline on the first page of Obzor /Horizon/
is The Evidence of the Greater Serbia
Propaganda. In the article Serbia was accused of
, establishing the National Defence as a Greater
. , Serbia organisation, and that accusation was
, then supported with the claim that the founders
of the said society were Serbian generals and
other senior officers and government officials.
. Furthermore, it reported on the response of the
Serbian government to the Austro-Hungarian
Note, and particularly important is The Official
Comment to the Note in which objections
, to the Serbian response were exhaustively
presented. The detailed comment deserves
. special attention as a counterargument to
a thesis that has been dominant in Serbian
historiography even to the present day, a thesis , , , 26. jul 1914.
.
which claims that Serbia had accepted all the The termination of diplomatic relations with Serbia, Obzor, Zagreb, 26thof July 1914
terms of the Ultimatum, except for the presence
 Xr

25. 1914.


.

.
: !
. .
, of the emperors investigative authority in
52 , , the territory of the Serbian state. In the same


. issue, Obzor /Horizon/ published His Majesty , , ,
the Kings War Manifesto. Even though this ,
7. document was back then published as a poster
-- To My Dear People in the languages of Austro- .
, Hungarian nations, it is rarely mentioned
.
around here and therefore, it too, should be
read carefully. .

On August 7th, Obzor /Horizon/ published
. the Proclamation by the Bosnian Res-ul- .
, , Ulema Causevic through which this religious
, leader urged the Muslims to be ready to
, -- perform all the services and sacrifices for the . ,
. superior administrators and for the bodies of , ,
either military or civilian authorities in every .

circumstance and in any case. If any kind of need ,
appears, or if there is a call for physical, material .
or moral sacrifices, do not regret anything, said
the Reis-ul-Ulema to the Bosnian Muslims. .
, ,
,
1907. 1941. ( ).

25. 1914. NOVOSTI /News/
! !
, A daily newspaper, which was published in
. , , Zagreb continuously, from 1907 to 1941 (MSL - ,
NS). , , 24. 1914.
, The Proclamation of theReis-ul-Ulema/The head of the Islamic
. On July 25th 1914, the front page of the Novosti Communitytranslators remark/Dzemaludin Effendi Causevic, Obzor,
/News/ was about the Austro-Hungarian Zagreb, 24thof July, 1914
demarche against Serbia and the official results
of the investigation of the Sarajevo assassination.
The newspaper, in fact, published the integral ZAGREB JUST BEFORE THE WAR
, text of the Austro-Hungarian Ultimatum, which
. , - we must stress - was not the case in the later On July 25th 1914, Novosti /News/ published a special edition with the headline The War Between the Monarchy and
Serbia dominating the front page. A small article titled Zagreb Just Before the War is especially striking. The whole
, literature. The same front page included a
article reads: War! You see this word on everyones faces. Like a spectre it hovers over everyone. People who have never
Circular for the envoys abroad, in which the seen each other, let alone knew each other, stop one another and, nervously and impatiently, ask, comment, and listen
1909. , Austro-Hungarian authorities demanded of their for the hundredth time to the same words and always with the same attention. In front of the Headquarters of different
legations to inform the governments of the host newspapers people read the quickly written notes. But the whole picture of curiosity and feverishness is exceeded by
countries about the causes, the reason for the the sight in front of the Headquarters of Novosti /News/ in Ilica Street. A huge crowd of people, crammed across the
Note and the contents of it. In that article, which width of the whole street, was expecting a special edition of our newspaper. Even though the first news was exceedingly
. , extended to another page, it was explained short, the first printing of Novosti /News/ was sold out in no time. One hundred people held out their hands, the crowd
was screaming, pushing, quivering with excitement. The guards and infantry devotedly defended the entrance to the
Headquarters, because otherwise the crowd of people would have smashed the glass fence. Later, there were cries against
Serbia and King Peter, but those were lonely cries. However, in the same issue of Novosti /News/ we read the latest news
according to which anti-Serb demonstrations accompanied with shouting of Down with Serbia! and Hooray for the
war! started on the streets of Zagreb.
 Ma

. 5.

.




1909. how the Serbian government had not complied
54
:
with its obligations undertaken in March
(
1909, when it had actually admitted defeat in
. ..) .
the Annexation crisis and committed itself to
,
terminate agitation and a policy directed against
,
the interests of Vienna. Accordingly, Novosti /

News/ also published the text of the Serbian
.
declaration from 1909 in which the Belgrade .

authorities had accepted the annexation of ,
.
Bosnia and Herzegovina and committed itself
... ,
to terminate its anti-Austro-Hungarian policy
- , ,
as well as to disband and disarm all volunteer
,
and Ustasha troops, and in the future to prohibit
, , ,
and prevent the organization of such troops in
,
its territory. It was followed by The Official
Journala:
Announcement of the Sarajevo Investigation ,
.
Results. It is interesting that Novosti /News/ ,

also published an article which wrote that a ...
,
part of the French press strongly attacks the
, 16. (29.) 1914.
Austro-Hungarian Empire by criticizing it for
, . .,
endangering the peace, while a small part
,
of the French press shows a no comment

attitude, and it also quoted the conclusion of THE EPISTLE OF THE BISHOP MIRON
.
the Paris Journal: The only hope for peace is
now in Germany. On the same page there was The war erupted. On August 5th, Novosti /
a statement the Montenegrin Prime Minister News/ published the Epistle of Miron Nikolic,
the Bishop of Pakrac. In this epistle, archpriest
Vukotic gave in Venice, in which he expressed of the Serbian Orthodox Church - who also
hope for a peaceful resolution of the dispute, performed the duty of the administrator of
but also stated that Serbia will by no means the Patriarchate of Karlovac after the tragic
, tolerate any kind of insults or threats, and he death of the Patriarch Lukijan Bogdanovic
said to the congregation: As always, stay true
. unambiguously added that Montenegro will
to our merciful ruler (Franz Joseph - AN ZP)
1898. 1941. undoubtedly stand by its ally. and his imperial house. Do not forget the love
; 1924. . His Majesty equally bestowed upon us and all
the nations of our spacious Monarchy. Do not
. forget the love for your homeland, to which we
1914. PRIVREDNIK /Entrepreneur/ are bound by the cradles of our children and
the graves of our ancestors... I advise you, to
. whom the battle cry is directed, you, whom the
A newsletter written in the Cyrillic alphabet,
, , war trumpet had already invited and whom it
published by the Alliance of the Serbian
, is yet to invite, I advise you, to show that you
Agricultural Cooperatives, and later a body of the are worthy sons of those fathers who had shed
. ( ).
Serbian business association Entrepreneur. The their blood for their Lord and homeland and ,
2. 1914. newsletter was first launched in 1898 and was with swords in their hands and a song in their
, , 5. 1914.
mouth headed into a battle, a bloody battle...
: , 28. , published until 1941; from 1924 it was published The Epistle of the Pakrac Orthodox Bishop Miron Nikolic,
, in Belgrade. Until the First World War, the chief Written in Karlovci, July 16th (29th) 1914 Novosti, Zagreb, 5thof August, 1914
editor of the newsletter was the famous Pavle Miron HW, bishop of Pakrac
 Hr

, Arsinov. In 1914, it was published on the first

56 ... and the third Thursday of the month. It also dealt
with topics concerning economics, education,
agronomy and other sectors of the economy, but
it also regularly dealt with political issues. (MSL
. NS).
.
On July 2nd 1914, Privrednik /Entrepreneur/
: published the news: This Sunday, the 28th of
. 16. this month, our beloved heir Franz Ferdinand
13. fell victim to a terrible assault, committed by
() . the bloody hand of an evildoer, in Sarajevo... The
royal couple was greeted by all the people of
Bosnia and Herzegovina, without distinction of
: 100 44 religion, with the most sincere joy and ineffable
, 100 delight. But a villain appeared who destroyed
21; 100 33 , all that great joy.
100 34; 22
, 100 That is where Privrednik /Entrepreneur/
44. stops: they barely even write about the sabre-
, rattling. On July 16th, in the corner of the 13th , , , 1. 1914.
page they published an interesting analysis The Austro-Hungarian Empire and Serbia, , Zagreb,
of educational circumstances and difficulties 1stof July 1914
in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In an article titled
Which Share do the Orthodox Serbs in Bosnia
, , , ... and Herzegovina Get stood the following: In
Bosnia and Herzegovina, 44 out of 100 souls
, . are Orthodox Serbs, and out of 100 schools the
EDUCATION IN BOSNIA
, Serbs have 21; 33 out of 100 souls are Muslims,
. and out of 100 schools the Muslims have 34; 22 29. 1914. On the third page of the Srbobran issue published on
, out of 100 souls are Roman Catholics, and out May the 29th 1914, there was an article titled The
of 100 schools the Catholics have 44.Privrednik . Educational Policy of the Bosnian Government. That
/Entrepreneur/ actually referred to how the , was a authorities true study that in a very explicit
. , 36 way, through using a statistical method, proved that
, Sarajevo newspaper Srpska rije /Serbian the Bosnian authorities, under the Hapsburg, led
, word/ had criticized the educational policy of 60% an unsuccessful educational policy for the previous
. 70% the Provincial Government in the sense that . , 36 years, because over 60% of the population, at
it gave preference to opening schools in non- , the time, still lacked access to primary education.
Furthermore, this policy was very biased, because the
, 30%.... Serbian communities and they supported that , , government - as it was claimed - favoured regions that
, claim with the situation in Popovo Polje villages . had a majority Croatian population, followed by the
, such as Velicani, Dracevo, Dubljani, Drijenjani... , , regions with a Muslim population, while the Serbs were
. If those were Catholic villages, they would have , severely neglected. When it comes to the deployment
got schools a long time ago, the newspaper : 100 of primary schools, i.e., the physical accessibility of
. that level of education, the paper presented a very
. added. Well, that is how Srpska rije /Serbian 26,5%, 43,9%, clear statistic: Out of 100 Orthodox Serbs across the
55,4%. country barely one quarter of them (26,5%) can attend
schools, opposed to the 43,9% of Muslims and 55,4%
of Catholics.
 Hr

1.
: ...
.

, word/ writes and what it asks, and we respond .
58 . to it that we are in the same situation here. We , .
neither have schools in the Orthodox regions,
while in the Catholic regions every single village ,
has both a school and a church. We do not feel ,
jealous because the Catholics get what they need,
.
.
but we are both sorry and we feel bad because
. , : ,
the Orthodox Serbs are deliberately neglected , ,
1892. .
everywhere. Here, 70% of the Orthodox people .
(Benussi).
can neither read nor write, while that is the case ,
, .
with only 30% of the Catholics... And we, Serbs .
, , : , ,
in Croatia and Slavonia, just like those in Bosnia
, , ,
and Herzegovina, are stepchildren and second-
,
class citizens. No one tries to open the eyes of
, , , ,
the mind of the Serbs. The eyes of the mind are
.
opened with literacy. Illiterate people are blind
.
people and cannot be enlightened in any way.

( ) ( ).
THE NEWSPAPERS FROM NOVI SAD ALSO
, 1923. . ( ). DUBROVNIK CONDEMNED THE ASSASSINATION

Newspaper of the Dubrovnik Serbs. It was
- , published from 1892. The chief editor was
Antonio Benussi. Before the First World War it
. was published weekly, on Thursdays. Through
23
its articles, the newspaper, except for the area
(5. j) 1914. of Dubrovnik, covered the Bay of Kotor and,
in particular, Bosnia and Herzegovina, while
. , all that was written about Serbia, Montenegro,
Bosnia and Herzegovina, Old Serbia and
. assassinations, but that will only make matters worse.
, Macedonia was classified in a separate section
: called Serbian lands. It is interesting that this
4. 1914, newspaper was often published simultaneously
, in the Latin alphabet (left column) and Cyrillic
, alphabet (right column). The newspaper was
banned at the beginning of First World War but
, was renewed in 1923. (MSL NS).
, ,
, , 4 , Up until the First World War Dubrovnik oscillated
between Serbs and Croats. Immediately after
, , the Sarajevo assassination Dubrovnik found
, itself under fire by anti-Serb demonstrations.
On July 1st, Srbobran quoted the writing of the
newspaper Zastava /Flag/ from Novi Sad: ...The truth
is that the political and economic situation in Bosnia
and Herzegovina is unbearable. Political freedom does
not exist and the serf issue has not yet been settled.
Sons of the homeland are suppressed in all ways, while
the foreigners are expanding and getting richer. The
persecution of students in Mostar and Sarajevo could
have brought the youth into a state of bitterness and
despair, but that injustice will not be prevented by
Only a persistent political struggle will help improve
the situation. The newspaper Srpstvo /Serb hood/
from Novi Sad also condemned the assassination: We
highly doubt that such a radical remedy, no matter from
whom it came, could make a social change. History of
the world has not shown us that assassinations are
followed by changes in society and its form. A social
revolution is carried out though: education, civilizing,
and that is why every bombing assassination must be
strongly condemned and marked as an act of malice and
shallowness of a mans soul, quoted Novosti /News/ the
writing of the newspapers from Novi Sad.
 Hr

, Paper no. 23, which came out in early (on the

60 ( , 5th of) June 1914, depicted the state of things
, best exactly with what was not written in it.
). In fact, this issue was full of censorship blanks
, with the comment confiscated. As we read
from Sasa Nedeljkovics text, a few days after
, the Sarajevo assassination the newspaper
. Dubrovnik wrote: Already on July 4th 1914,
, six days after the assassination of Archduke
Franz Ferdinand, an oblivious crowd of all
, sorts of ragtags and Dogon scams, incited
. , by the bodies of the Austrian military and
. civilian authorities, broke into Serbian school
, , premises, broke the furniture, destroyed all
23. 1914. : of the learning material, shredding it, which
, on July 4th, when the memorial service for the
Austrian heir was held, set up in Dubrovnik by
, a ragtag, forced into it by the Austrian police,
.. against good patriots and especially against
Serbs, made him so angry (in a tavern, where he
hid from them, he talked about shooting at the
crowd). From Nedeljkovic we learn as well that
after the Sarajevo assassination the authorities
had performed a search of the newspapers
, 1884.
Headquarters, as well as of the house of its chief
. 20. ,
editor Krsto Dominkovic. Since Dominkovic

was not home, the police forced the old
,
maidservant, threatening to put her into prison,
- .
to let them in. They brought along a blacksmith,
, .
who opened what was locked up. According

to Nedeljkovic, Dominkovic commented on
8. 1914. . ( ).
that on July 23rd 1914 by saying: If they were
18. 1914. interested in finding the Kragujevac bombs,
they would have found them just the same in
the presence of the host of the house as they
would have in his absence, and they would have
24. 27. . left empty-handed too.

, ,
. , SRBOBRAN , 1. 1914.
... ,
A Serbian newsletter, published since 1884 in The Frankos followers
, , Zagreb. Since the beginning of the 20th century, and the Sarajevo
assassination, ,
Zagreb, 1stof July 1914
 Hr

the newspaper was a gazette of Svetozar

62 , Pribicevics Serb Independent Party, which was
! part of the Croat-Serb Coalition. It was published
, daily in the Cyrillic alphabet. Authorities had
, banned the newspaper at the beginning of the
27. . war - the last issue was published on August 8th
1914. (MSL NS).
15.
, In the issue published on May 18th 1914,
Srbobran announced the arrival of Franz
Ferdinand in Bosnia and Herzegovina and
. explained that the Archduke was to monitor
, military exercises that would be organized
from June the 24th to 27th. Nine days later, the
front page of the newspaper had an interesting
article on the agrarian problem in Bosnia.
. However, Beys seek compensation... Actions
are being taken to get hundreds of thousands of
, people out of inhuman poverty, to move them
from a position that is a calamity for the entire
economic and cultural development of the
, country, while the Bosnian lords try to get some
. 20. benefits for themselves from that action too! It
Pester Lloyd is no longer a selfishness of a certain class, it is
moral misery and social unawareness, reported
Srbobran on May 27th.
.
On June the 15th, the newspaper published on
: the front page an extensive article Serbia and
. Austria-Hungary in which the agreement
between the two countries concerning the
. purchase of Eastern Railways was written on in
, detail and with great optimism. As it is obvious,
Serbia - far from placing whatever kind of
, obstacles for the Austro-Hungarian trade in the
, a Balkans - offered everything it could give and
. more than they expected in Vienna. If they see
Novosti 25. jula 1914.
, the good will in Vienna and sincere neighbourly - Drugo posebno izdanje
: . . intentions of Serbia, the Austro-Hungarian trade
. ... and industry will be able to find again a grateful
and wide open market, one almost closed by News, July 25th, 1914
, - The second special edition
their previous policy. The issue of June the
20th referred to the writing of the newspaper
. 25. , ,
 Hr

, Pester Lloyd, thus outlining the current issue

64 of the Orthodox Church in Hungary and the
. different interests of Budapest and Belgrade
in this regard. The newspaper mentioned the
, possibility of the restoration of the Patriarchate
of Pec, but also added: The Serbian church in
St. Stefans state is autonomous and has nothing
to do with the Church organization beyond our
. national borders. Moreover, it reminded that
, the issue of church affiliation of the Bosnian
Serbs, who were under the jurisdiction of the
, Patriarchate of Constantinople, was raised, but 4. 1914.
, that nothing would be changed concerning that
issue. In accordance with the pro-Hungarian 1902. . ,
policy of the party whose attitudes the author
of the article was presenting, he concluded: ,
. ,
?! , , The matter of Serbian ecclesiastical autonomy
,
is in good hands... Serbian patriotic circles are .
. 4. aware of that, and therefore cannot get upset
even by the loudest rant of blinded partisans 12
, and rebels. In the issue dated June the 25th,
meaning only three days before the Sarajevo ,
assassination, Srbobran devoted the largest 7,30 !!!
. part of its front page precisely to Serbia. It
wrote in detail about the state union of Serbia
and Montenegro as a done deal, and that was
followed by the news that the Serbian King
, ... FRANZ FERDINAND IN BELGRADE
Peter had travelled away for medical treatment
, , and issued a Proclamation, in which he declared On July the 4th 1914 Srbobran published the story of
surrendering his power, until his own return, Franz Ferdinands incognito visit to Belgrade that
. to the heir presumptive Prince Alexander. happened in 1902. It was said that Ferdinand crossed
Two days before the assassination by Princip, from Zemun to Belgrade disguised as a hunter, with
, Srbobran published a sharp text which crashed false documents in the name of Nikola Ristic. He
, , , down on a member of Parliament Fran Novak enjoyed the local dishes, and he went to Topcider as
, well, where he saw the place of the assassination of
who crossed the boundaries of Frankist
. Prince Mihailo Obrenovic. It is interesting that some of
corruption, for he as they said condemned the Belgrade newspapers wrote about that secret visit,
the recently signed Concordat between Serbia that took place 12 years earlier, exactly at the same
, and the Vatican, in which he saw as a Serbian time and they spiced up their stories with the details
conspiracy with the aim of enslaving Bosnia of what the Archduke had for lunch and drank at the
and Croats?! Srbobran, in addition, criticized Imperial hotel, and with the claim that the bill worth 7
. , Obzor /Horizon/ as well, because it contained 30 dinars which the Archduke did not pay!!!
not a single line of condemnation for the Novak
. denunciations. And on July the 4th, Srbobran
 Hr

criticized Obzors /Horizons/ report regarding

66 , the anti-Serb demonstrations, especially due
to the unfounded accusation of Milan Pribicevic
.
concerning the organizing of the assassination.
.
Srbobran also wrote on the matter of the
, :
Concordat without hiding its satisfaction with 1913.
,
the agreement between the Serbian state
7.
.... and the Pope, who gave his blessings to King
Peter, Serbian Royal family, collaborators on
, 1913. ,
the Concordat, and the entire Serbian people.
,
, , In the same issue, there was also news that
the Heir presumptive Franz Ferdinand had ,
arrived in Dalmatia, and went to Mostar, where
. , ,
he was, among others, welcomed by Orthodox

, bishop Zimonjic, the Catholic bishop Misic and ,
mufti Rizanovic. The newspaper gave plenty of
, . ,
details about the Archdukes further journey ,
. towards Ilidza and Sarajevo, where he and his
wife Sophie bought many different items in
, an oriental store, and later returned to Ilidza. .
Along the route and in front of the store, a group
, , of people cheerfully greeted the prominent
, guests.
,
, On the first day of July, the newspaper published
, the headline The Assassination in Sarajevo, THE INVESTIGATION OF CABRINOVIC IN
... and in the text it crashed down on anti-Serb 1913, BELGRADE
4. behaviour of the Frankist in the Parliament.
The Srbobran issue from July the 7th
There was an official statement by the Croatian published a very interesting article about
Parliament as well. It was read by the President the experiences of the Belgrade police
, Bogdan Medakovic, who said: Dreadful with Cabrinovic at the end of 1913, as the
. news that the hands of a criminal killed His police - it is said - formally requested the
Highness the heir presumptive came as a bolt Austro-Hungarian diplomats assistance in
the investigation of this suspicious guest,
from the blue... on the same page, Novosti / the alleged typographer who had arrived
News/ conveyed the decision of the Orthodox in the Serbian capital from Zemun without
. bishop Miron, administrator of Metropolitanate any documents. The response came, as they
of Karlovac, according to which, as a sign of say, after a month and a half and in it was
, allegedly stated that Cabrinovic identified
mourning, in all the churches of Metropolitanate himself truthfully and suggested the
of Karlovac Heir presumptive and Heiress administration of Belgrade to leave him
, presumptive are to be mentioned in the services alone to do his job. However, in the same
. for the next full six weeks, and also that black issue Srbobran reported on the denial of
flags were hoisted on all official buildings of the Habsburg authorities, which said that it
is not true that the consulate intervened
, autonomous authorities, as well as schools and in favour of Cabrinovic or, even more, took
educational institutions. guarantee for him.
 Hr

. In the days following the assassination, Srbobran

68 reported on the pogroms against Sarajevo Serbs,
, , the reactions to the assassination, the funeral of
the Archduke, the Frankist outbursts of anti-
Serb sentiment, the investigation in Sarajevo, the
, potential punishments for the assassinators, the
. arrests of young men in Maribor who publicly
() supported the assassination, etc. On July the 4th,
Srbobran again attacked Obzor /Horizon/ for its
, shameful role, as it unreservedly conveyed the
, news of Milan Pribicevics alleged involvement
. , in the assassination, and for not condemning
, anti-Serb pogroms across Croatia. The same
day, the newspaper gloated in spite of the
, Frankists because Vienna had decided that the
. Parliament Speaker Bogdan Medakovic, along
with a delegation of Parliament, was to attend
. the funeral. This is one strong lesson for the
Frankist noisemakers and brawlers, who argued
, that the Serb, Dr. Medakovic must not represent
, the Croatian Parliament at the funeral, and
- who protested against it through telegraphs.
, The same page contained a Circular by the
, mandatory of Gornji Karlovac, Bishop Ilarion
. Zeremski. In the Circular by this very educated
? and respected bishop of the Serbian Orthodox
Church, on the matter of the assassination,
50 among other things, said that in Sarajevo a
, hand of a villain ended in a horrible way the
life of our heir presumptive, Archduke Franz
. Ferdinand and his faithful wife. There was
, , an interesting article that showed that anti-
,
Serb demonstrations did not happen in all the

communities in Bosnia, but only in those towns Cenzorske bjeline ponekad
. . govore vise od rijeci -
where next to the Orthodox and Muslims lived
Dubrovnik 5. juna 1914.
the Catholics. Those Catholics, inspired by

. the Frankist leadership, gathered the Muslim
rag tags and together scolded Serbs wherever The censorship blank
they could, wrote Srbobran. Next to this text spaces speak louder
7. ,
than words sometimes -
, was a very detailed report on the destruction Dubrovnik on June 5th,
: , 1914
of Serb property in Petrinja. Srbobran also

reported on The Memorial Service in Belgrade
.
 Hr

10. for the Sarajevo victims, held in the chapel of

70 . the Austro-Hungarian Legation, which was
, , attended by heir presumptive Prince Alexander,
, Prime Minister Pasic and many other high
, officials, including the Russian Minister Hartwig. 11. 1914.
, There was a rather short article Comitadjis in
... Bosnia? which discussed the bazaar rumours on
.
how, allegedly, 50 comitadjis with bombs were
14. getting ready to blow up all dungeons using the
, , underground corridors and that therefore the
number of guards in front of all the dungeons , ,
, .
was doubled. As reported by Srbobran, the
memorial service for the Archduke was held .
in the Orthodox Church in Zagreb as well, and ,
. the Church was packed with people while , ,
the Serbian Civic Choral Society performed at ,
, ,
the service. On the same page, there was news , ,
, about the memorial service for the Archduke , ,
held in the Orthodox Church in Sarajevo. , ,
, . ,
In the issue dated July the 7th, there was also ,
.
!. , The Interview with Pasic in which the Serbian
Prime Minister, among other things, raised
. , the question: What is incomprehensible to us
, is the thought that the whole Serbian nation
should be made responsible for this senseless THE METROPOLITANS CONDEMNED
, act of frenzied children. In the issue dated July THE ASSASSINATION
the 10th, the Austro-Hungarian demarche in
Serbia was already greatly rumoured about. On July the 11th 1914, Srbobran published
. The newspaper regularly, and often on the The Communiqu issued by the club of the
Serb members of the Bosnian Parliament
17. front page, published news about the political who gathered around Dimovics newspaper
, , relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Istina /Truth/. The Communiqu reflected
, situation in the countrys parliament, the plans on the assassination as an act that caused
to create a sort of military frontier along Drina disgust against this insidious crime and
, river, the relations between the nations, etc. added that these feelings are shared by all
Serbian people, except for the misguided
. enthusiasts who participated in the horrible
, On July the 14th, Srbobran reported on a crime. Additionally, there were expressions
sensation, i.e., the panic that gripped the of loyalty to the Most Serene Highness
Austro-Hungarian subjects in Belgrade, who of the imperial house. It was signed by
were frantically leaving the Serbian capital due the metropolitans Evgenije Letica, Petar
. Zimonjic, Vasilije Popovic, Ilarion Radonjic,
to the expansion of the news that a slaughter the priests Jovan Simic and Jakov Popovic,
of the Austro-Hungarian nationals was in and by Dr. Ljubo Simic, Danilo Dimovic,
, preparation. There were speculations about Dr. Milan Jojkic, Dr. Vlado Andric, Dimitrije
. the sudden death of the Russian Minister Vasic, Dr. Milan Hadzi-Ristic, Vaso Vasiljevic
and Vukan Kuljanin. All above mentioned, it
was added, joined the Serbian Progressive
Party of Danilo Dimovic.
 Hr

Hartwig that happened during his visit to an

72 Austro-Hungarian colleague, and even news
that the two Russian anarchists left Kragujevac
, ... in order to avenge Hartwigs death by killing
, Minister Gizl! appeared. None of those things
... happened, but this crazy news caused the anti-
Serb demonstrations in Zemun. Besides, it was
; explained that there was no such thing as two
Russian anarchists who wanted to blow up the
. Austro-Hungarian Legation, but that some
Bulgarian terrorists who were planning on
assassinating the heir presumptive Aleksandar
were arrested. On July the 17th, Srbobran
LA RASEGNA reported on the writing of Rijeke Novine /
DALMATA Rijeka Newspaper/ who, allegedly, received
a tip from Sarajevo that at a secret meeting,
1888.
held by the Croatian and Muslim club a few
1918. , ,
days earlier in Sarajevo, new conditions for the
. . (
joint work of Croats and Muslims was created.
).
The most important was the conclusion, where
1914. the Muslims have committed themselves to
help Croats with the annexation of Bosnia and
Herzegovina to Croatia. As the counter favour
for that, the Croats guaranteed the Muslims
. an agricultural policy, meaning supporting
, large Muslim landowners requirements, and
. against Dimovics requirements. The next day,
Srbobran quoted the Russian newspaper Novoye
Vremya /the New Times/ which stated that the
Austro-Hungarian request for the bodies of the
Monarchy to conduct judicial investigations on
Serbian territory is unacceptable... No country
- - in the world would allow its territory to be
. 1906. regulated by foreigners... In such circumstances,
1939. 1941. the remark of one Belgrade newspapers
. , is entirely reasonable; Let the Austrian
investigators come - we shall welcome them
. ( ). with bayonets.
Smotra dalmatinska
28. jul 1914.
, , ,
. The Dalmatian review,
1914. on July 28th, 1914
.
 Hr

, SMOTRA DALMATINSKA - LA RASEGNA

74 DALMATA /Review of Dalmatia/
ee1 (Neue Freche Presse).2
, A newspaper published in Zadar from 1888 to
, 1918, twice a week, simultaneously in Croatian
. , and Italian. (MSL NS).
:
. On the St. Vitus day, June the 28th1914, the
newspaper published on their front page a 23. 1914.
death notice framed in black with the names
, ,
. of the victims from Sarajevo, and it stated
. that a horrible transgression was committed
in Sarajevo this morning. The newspaper

. published the first details about Princip and . ,
. Cabrinovic, as well as about the assassination. ,

.
.
, 20. 1914. KOPRIVE /Nettles/
...
The famous, humorous-satirical, weekly. Was
published in Zagreb from 1906 to 1939 under PRINCIP CONFESSED
. that name, and until 1941 under the name Nove BECAUSE OF THE BELGRADE
! Koprive /New Nettles/. The illustrator, journalist PRESS WRITING
and publisher Slavko Veres was the moving spirit
On July the 23rd 1914, Srbobran
: of this newspaper. (MSL NS). wrote about the behaviour
3, of Gavrilo Princip during the
Koprive /Nettles/ followed up on all that was investigation and reported on

happening in Croatia, all social classes, events, a very interesting fact that the
,4 ,
and the writing of the other papers. So, at the assassinator held up well until
, they showed him the Belgrade
beginning of May 1914, they published a very
5 newspaper which condemned
provocative article titled The Three Arrests. the assassination. It is said
,
The article, in a very cynical and sardonic way, that that severely angered and

quoted the bogus writing of a bogus newspaper shook Princip and that is why
!
Neue Freche1 Presse2. It was stated in the article he exploded and confessed
, everything.
that Seherovic Milutin, a Serb, attempted to
!
assassinate his Excellency the Ban of Croatia. It

turned out that he was a member of a dangerous
Pjesma o gospodinu Pfeifferu i hrvatksoj
comitadji society: Either war or peace. During
toleranciji.
a search they found a pistol-shaped cigarette
, :
case and two buttons, the origin of which they
/ ? /
could not determine, in his pockets, Books of
/ .
the St. Jerome society and postmarks of St. Cyril
/ , /
and Methodius and of other saints of Slavic
?
 Hr

, countries. The rupturing of the walls resulted 4

, 1910-1917, desire and constant inquiries of their patient
76 , in zealous polices finding of a nest of bedbugs. . readers, the editorial board, as we found out,
That justified the suspicion that a conspiracy turned to a specialist in Croatian history with
5
. 1868.
. for sucking the blood out of the heads of a request to resolve that interesting question.
1938. 1907. . ,
departments and other prominent figures was .
His response was: Ferdinand I.Since this
, made. In the next issue, May the 20th 1914, they . interesting question, which constantly made
, . published an article which began with the words the whole Croatian public twitch, was finally
They call me Gavrilo, and in the middle of the happily resolved, the editors of Novosti /News/
, , article there was a rather large photo of some decided to stop printing further sequels to this
, kind of a trial which irresistibly reminded the novel.
readers of the trial of Young Bosnia members.
. The visual resemblance was incredible! The *
: I. same month, Koprive /Nettles/ published a brief
, but very valuable review in which it wrote that: * *
The event of celebrating Dositej Obradovic in
When observing the contents of the press
, , Belgrade3 was attended by many Croats as well
as a historical source with caution and from
as the city of Zagrebs Mayor Holjac, 4 prive
a distance, we can still say that it in a way it
. /Nettles/, further on, noticed how the Osijek
resets the truth about history! That is exactly
German newspaper Drau5 concerning that
* why old press contents should always be re-
matter wrote a denunciational editorial in
read repeatedly. There is always something new
which they wondered how did the Mayor of
* * to be discovered from it!
Zagreb have the nerve to go to visit Belgrade!
It was high treason and demonstrations against

the Monarchy, as Serbs are the enemies of
,
the Monarchy and Croats! Koprive /Nettles/

even published a satirical poem The Song of
!
Mr. Pfeiffer and Croatian Tolerance. It makes
. ! 1
Naughty.
fun of the old moth /TN, word moth rhymes
with surname in the original poem/, the editor 2
The allusion to the famous Viennese newspaper Neue Fri
of the newspaper Drau, and the poem goes: Presse is more than clear.
How dares mister Holjac / To Belgrade to go?
/ Brazenly asks the moth / the indictment will 3
This was about the unveiling of the monument to Dositej
be raised. / the work betrays, because what is Obradovic on May 27th 1914. The monument was the work
1
. Holjac doing / there at the parade? of Rudolf Valdec and was located opposite the Serbian
crown, next to the City Library. The monument was later
2
Neue Fri Presse As a reaction to the feuilleton Ko will be the relocated to the Student Park, where it remains to this day.
. King that Novosti /News/ had been publishing, 4
anko Holjac, Mayor of Zagreb from 1910 to 1917,
Koprive /Nettles/ published an acerbic article architect.
3
,
titled Tko will be the King /TN: Serbian and
27. 1914. ,
,
Croatian version of the word WHO/. The article 5
The weekly newspaper of Osijek Germans. Published
. read that the readers of that interesting novel, from 1868 to 1938. From 1907 was published as a daily
, . published by Novosti /News/, still do not know newspaper. Political newsletter close to the upholders ideas.
who (tko) will be the King. To meet the ardent Joseph Frank himself was its editor for a while.
 Ba


Ba

PRESS OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA

80 DURING 1914ON THE MATTERS OF
1914. SARAJEVO ASSASSINATION AND THE JULY
CRISIS

In Bosnia and Herzegovina, just before the

, First World War, many newspapers which
, regularly followed up on social and political
- developments in the country were published
. periodically or continuously. The political
newspapers were a faithful reflection of the
, political scene of Bosnia and Herzegovina at
, , the time, i.e., a reflection of religious, national
. and political divisions in the society. Thus, all
three religious communities had their own
, political organizations and their political
pamphlets, with the difference being that the
former Serbian political elite in Bosnia and
Herzegovina was divided and its parts sharply
, conflicted, while Croats and Muslims were
fairly united in the political sense. An authentic
. reflection of such a situation is the press from
, that time, so the interests of the Bosnian
Serbs, from different political positions and
of different visions, were represented by
, . several newspapers. Srpska rijec /Serbian
Word/ was the newspaper of a political group
which fought for church-school autonomy
- , and consisted of mostly older members,
, such as Gligorije Jeftanovic, Vojislav Sola
. and others. Two Serbian opposition parties
in the Parliament were represented by the
, je newspaper Narod /People/which gathered
. ,
the, so called, Herzegovinian Opposition
,
, , Group with Vasilj Grdjic, Nikola Stojanovic, , , 25.
, ., , Risto Radulovic, etc., and the newspaper 1914.
Otadzbina /Homeland/which gathered the
Koievci/TN: followers of the Petar Kocic A welcome to Franz
. , Ferdinand, Sarajevski list,
Sarajevo, 25thof June 1914
 Ba

, ideas or The Krajina Opposition Group led

82 by Zivko Njezic. Finally, the newspaper Istina
, /Truth/ gathered the Serbian politicians who
. were considered loyal to the government and
. were led by a lawyer Danilo Dimovic. Their
newspaper Istina /Truth/ was financed by
the Minister Bilinski. The political interests
, of Bosnian Croats before the First World War
, were represented by the newspaper Hrvatski
, dnevnik /Croatian Daily/, launched and
published by Archbishop Josip Stadler, and
, , the newspaper Hrvatska zajednica /Croatian
1914. Community/, which was the first newsletter
. of the Croatian Peoples Union for Bosnia and
Herzegovina, and then, from April 1914 also
the newsletter of the Croatian Parliamentary
Club in the Bosnian Parliament. The most
, important newspaper which represented the
. interests of the Bosnian Muslims, just before
the First World War, was Vakat/TN: Turkish, The
, Times/, the newsletter of the United Muslim
1912. Association. Muslimanska svijest /Muslim
, Awareness/ was a body of the Independent
1914. . , Muslim Party in Bosnia and Herzegovina,
the publishing of which stopped in 1912 due
to financial problems and it was launched
, again in February 1914. Besides the above-
, mentioned newspapers, just before the start of
the First World War in Bosnia and Herzegovina
. , several less significant political newspapers
, were published, those which represented the
interests of all three religions, but there were
. also a few newspapers that represented the
interests of workers. Furthermore, Sarajevski ,
list /Sarajevo Newspaper/, the official gazette , , 29.
- of the Provincial Government of Bosnia and 1914.
Herzegovina, was regularly published in
Sarajevo. The news on the Sarajevo
1914. , assassination, Sarajevski
list, Sarajevo, 29thof June
1914
 Ba

The first news of the arrival of the Heir to

84 the throne Franz Ferdinand in Bosnia and
. Herzegovina appeared in Bosnian press in mid-
April 1914, and as the exact date of the arrival
, was approaching several newspapers paid
more and more attention to the event. Most
, attention to the forthcoming visit was paid
. by the Sarajevski list /Sarajevo newspaper/,
, , which closely monitored the activities of
118, 13. 1914. the Heir to the throne Ferdinand before his
visit to Bosnia and Herzegovina, and also the
12. , details of the preparations for his reception in
126, 23. , Sarajevo. Thus, for example, Sarajevski list /
, Sarajevo Newspaper/ in its issue no. 118, dated
, , the June 13th 1914, published the news about
, Ferdinands meeting with the Emperor William
in Konopiste on June the 12th, while in the issue
no. 126, dated June the 23rd, it published an
. , extensive article with a detailed description
, of the hotel Bosna in Ilidza that was restored
25. . for that occasion, in which the imperial
, couple was to stay, along with the details of
the interior design of the chambers which
, , Ferdinand and Sophie were supposed to sleep
, in. Also, Sarajevski list /Sarajevo Newspaper/
! followed up on the preparations for their
, welcome in Mostar as well, which was planned
for June 25th. On the day when Ferdinand
, arrived in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Sarajevski
list /Sarajevo Newspaper/dedicated almost the
: entire issue to him, starting with the front page
, title, festively framed with a yellow and red
border, which said: A Warm Welcome to You!
As it could have been expected, besides the ,
praises for Franz Ferdinand and the Habsburg , , 29.
. dynasty, Sarajevski list /Sarajevo Newspaper/ 1914.
... wrote about the happiness of the people of
Bosnia and Herzegovina under the sceptre The editorial article on the
of the dynasty: The many-sided progress of Sarajevo assassination,
Vakat, Sarajevo, 29thof
June 1914
 Ba

, these countries is proof of how His Majesty

86 reigns them caringly and fatherly, and of how
. their further development and prosperity is
permanently enabled and secured within the
, large and powerful Monarchy. The sceptre of
the Habsburgs is a guarantee of their happiness
. and futureThe sound of joy is heard all around
Bosnia and Herzegovina and the people are
, getting ready to take advantage of the happy
1914. occasion and to express their patriotic feelings
for the dynasty. With every step, the Archduke
Heir to the throne encounters the warmest of
. love and the peoples most sincere feelings, and
his stay in Bosnia and Herzegovina will remain
- unforgettable. If nothing else, Sarajevski list /
Sarajevo Newspaper/ was right about this last
sentence, because Ferdinands visit to Bosnia
, and Herzegovina from 1914 would truly
, remain unforgettable not only in Bosnia and
. Herzegovina, but throughout Europe and the
, , 33. world as well.
27. 1914.
. A similar enthusiasm about the arrival of the
, , , Heir to the throne and his wife was expressed by
-- the Croatian press in Bosnia and Herzegovina,
, naturally, while emphasizing their specific
, desires, and also political and national interests
: and aspirations. Thus, for example, Hrvatska
zajednica /Croatian Community/ dedicated
its issue no. 33, dated the June 27th1914, to
. the welcoming of Franz Ferdinand. On the
front page that was, also, festively framed
with a red, white and blue border, the colours
. , of the Croatian tricolour, under the title A ,
Warm Welcome to Our Capital City, Hrvatska , , 29.
, zajednica /Croatian Community/ wrote: The 1914.
confirmation of the vassal fidelity and loyalty
: to the Most Serene Habsburg dynasty would The Announcement of the
be superfluous of us. The Croats have vouched establishment of the court
martial, Sarajevski list,
Sarajevo, 29thof June 1914
 Ba

for that with their deeds ever since their own

88 . history became closely tied to the House of
Habsburg at the Council of Cetina. In the
rest of the text, it was clearly emphasized
what were the political aspirations of the
Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina, or more
, precisely those of the overriding part of their
. , political and intellectual elite: Torn by the
unfortunate circumstances of their historical
development, Croats long for the uniting of
, their national authorities. Under the bright
, sceptre and the bright home, we have already
- been brought together by the paternal hand
, , of our exalted ruler for the torn limbs to
, unite and to be inspired with the breath of
. , the national Croatian state body that is the
desire which lies deep in the soul of every true
, Croat. Thus, in these lines what is more than
, clear is the tendency of the Croatian politicians
: to unite all the South Slavic regions of the
, Monarchy, including Bosnia and Herzegovina,
. with Croatia and to create within the Austro-
Hungarian Empire a type of Greater Croatia
or, as they themselves had called it, national
. Croatian state body. Of course, that implied
a new trialist state structure of the Habsburg
Monarchy, and the reason why they addressed
Ferdinand directly could be seen at the very
. 140. end of the text: - that his personality is what
25. 1914. , , fills us Croats with hope and trust. We look at
him and greet him along with his Most Serene
, , , : life companion upon their arrival at the centre
- of our homeland. -
,
, The Muslim Vakat/TN: Turkish, The Times/ , ,
, wrote about Ferdinands arrival in Bosnia fairly , 28. 1914.
--, - rationally and almost diplomatically wise. In
its issue no. 140, dated June 25th 1914, under The news on the Austria-
, the headline The Arrival of the Heir to the Hungarian declaration
of the war to Serbia,
Sarajevski list, Sarajevo,
28th of July, 1914
 Ba

Throne on the front page Vakat/TN: Turkish,

90 [...] The Times/, among other things, wrote: As for
us, the Bosnian Muslims, this visit is certainly
most comfortable for us, because the desire of
, , our silver-haired and exalted ruler, which he
, expressed to the new Reis-ul-Ulema, for the
Muslims of Bosnia and Herzegovina to be a
, role model for Muslims all around the world,
. will undoubtedly be passed down to His Most
, , Serene Highness, our heir to the throne [...] We
, are only sorry that as His Majesty comes for a
, purely military purpose and will spend most
, of his time in Bosnia on manoeuvres, exposed
. ! to all military mishaps, we cannot prepare
him a welcome that our hearts desire. We will
have to be satisfied with the small, ordinary
- decorating of houses and streets, down which
he shall pass, but the true feeling, our most
, . sincere joy for of our rulers arrival is much
greater and stronger than all of that. A warm
welcome to you!

, The least amount of enthusiasm for the
upcoming visit by the Austro-Hungarian heir to
. , , the throne was shown by the Serbian political
newspapers in Bosnia and Herzegovina,
126. , 25. 1914. , especially by the oppositional ones. Although
, they essentially expressed identical views
about the state of the Serbian people in
!. Bosnia and Herzegovina under Austro-
, Hungarian occupation, they still had different
-
, approaches and nuanced attitudes. Thus,
,
, for example, a more moderate oppositional ,
. Serbian newspaper Srpska rijec /Serbian , 7. 1914.
Word/ in its issue no. 126, dated June the 25th
, 1914, on the front page, without any festive The news of the Austria-
colours, published an article titled A warm Hungarian declaration of
welcome to you!. The whole text was basically war to Russia, Hrvatski
dnevnik, Sarajevo, 7thof
, complaints about the administration in Bosnia
August, 1914
 Ba

, and Herzegovina, especially of Potiorek and , in the honour of Ferdinands arrival but in the
92 : Bilinski, on the harassment and persecution honour of the upcoming great Serbian holiday
. of Serbs, on the unresolved and intolerable , St. Vitus Day (June 28th). Instead of odes to
, agrarian question, and the like.Before it put ; the Austro-Hungarian Heir to the throne, on
, forward these serious accusations against its front page Narod /People/ published an
Potiorek and Bilinski, Srpska rijec /Serbian . excerpt from the Nove besede /New Sermons/
Word/ made an effort to emphasize the , by Nikolaj Velimirovic, that is, a text titled
expressions of loyalty of Serbian people in Beyond Sin and Death which spoke of the
. Bosnia and Herzegovina to the Habsburg , , Kosovo vow, Kingdom of heaven, darkness
court, although a few days after they had been of slavery and light of freedom, the triumph of
: published, these words sounded pretty ironic , good over evil and, above all, the prophecy of a
to many people: For however long his position , , great day as great as St. Vitus Day, but brighter
. , allows it to His Majesty the Heir to the throne, , : than this one; a day on which the final reward
he will have the opportunity to, through direct for Lazars justice and the bravery of Miloss
contact with our people, assure himself in the will be given.About Ferdinand and his visit to
, sincerity of the feelings of loyalty and fidelity . Sarajevo, on the third page of the same issue,
of our people to His exalted Personality and Narod /People/ published a brief and almost
. His Most Serene Home. The basic message of unnoticeable article titled The Heir to the
, this text is in fact contained in the following . , Throne and his Wife in Sarajevo, without the
lines: The Serbian people rely immensely epithets Most Serene, Excellence, exalted,
, , on the direct relationship with the Venerable and the like, which briefly stated the following:
Crown. They are convinced that the Supreme , The Heir to the throne Ferdinand arrived on
- Person of the future ruler, on this occasion, . Thursday afternoon in Ilidza where he was
, will look deep into the soul of our Serbian welcomed by military and civilian authorities.
people and will use his powerful influence , The Heir and his wife immediately visited
. , to end the persecution and suffering of the Sarajevo and visited the Kabiljos oriental
, 404. , 27. Serbian people in Bosnia and Herzegovina. , store for over an hour. Yesterday afternoon,
1914. , , Unlike the Srpska rijec /Serbian Word/, the on Friday, the Heirs wife the Duchess of
, most radical Serbian oppositional newspaper . Hohenberg visited the Catholic cathedral, the
at the time, Narod /People/ appeared to have Franciscan church and the Sisters of Mercy.
, tried as hard as possible to ignore the visit of , It is as if Narod /People/ wanted to point out
, the Austro-Hungarian Heir to the throne, and , , Ferdinands animosity towards the Serbs
. through that to express its deep dissatisfaction through this text, noting that the Heir was
, - with the Austro-Hungarian occupation of their , spending hours in Muslim shops, and his wife
homeland. Thus, for example, the newspaper , was visiting the Roman Catholic churches and
, Narod /People/ issue no. 404, dated June the , communities.
, 27th 1914, ergo, a day before Ferdinands , .
, arrival in Sarajevo, came out in festive colours 27. , However, the Serbian newspapers in Bosnia
, , of the Serbian flag on the front page, but not 26. . and Herzegovina, except for Dimovics Istina /
 Ba

1915. . Truth/, no longer even had a chance to write 29. , no doubt that the bombs thrown originated
94 about Ferdinand and the assassination by from Belgrade, and it caused a sad and deep
Princip, because the Srpska rijec /Serbian doubt which had destructive effects both in
. Word/, Narod /People/ and Otadzbina / . our country as whole and in Sarajevo. With
Homeland/, along with the newspaper Srpski , , the greatest loathing we condemn those
, 29. , pokret /Serbian Movement/ that used to come that committed this evil deed, and we are
130. out in Tuzla, were no longer published as of that especially saddened by the fact that it took
, day. The last issues of both Srpska rijec/Serbian , place in Sarajevo, so we call upon the entire
, Word/ and Narod /People/ were published on Sarajevo citizenship, which has always proven
. June the 27th, while the last issue of Otadzbina . itself as faithful and loyal, to exterminate such
/Homeland/ was published on June 26th. , , and similar excrements of the human race
, Dimovics Istina /Truth/ was published until 132. 30. from among them, in order to prevent such
, 1915. The Headquarters of Srpska rijec / 1914. , shameful acts in the future. This cleverly
, Serbian Word/ were completely demolished . worded statement in fact was an invitation
. during the anti-Serb demonstrations that for the lynching of Sarajevo Serbs, and Serbs
, followed. in other parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
. , , 135. On June the 29th, Sarajevski list /Sarajevo
, 130. The day after the assassination, on June 29th, 2. , Newspaper/ printed a special edition in which
Sarajevski list /Sarajevo Newspaper/ dedicated , they published Potioreks Announcement on
, its whole issue no. 130 to the Sarajevo : the proclamation of the court-martial for the
28/29. , assassination, and the death of Ferdinand city and district of Sarajevo. At the same time,
: and Sophie was mourned on the front page, . in this and the next few issues of Sarajevski
, framed in black under the title Darks Days. list /Sarajevo Newspaper/not a single word
Over the next few days as well, the newspaper . - was written about the demonstrations
, dedicated the largest part of its content to the against Serbs in Sarajevo and other places in
, Sarajevo assassination, paying attention to , Bosnia, the demolition of their shops and the
, , the details, the transfer of the mortal remains , destruction of their property. The first news
. of the assassinated, the reactions within the about the anti-Serb demonstrations, those
country and abroad, and the like. Being the . which happened in Zagreb, was published by
, , official gazette of the Provincial Government, the Sarajevski list /Sarajevo Newspaper/in its
, Sarajevski list /Sarajevo Newspaper/ refrained , issue no. 132, dated June the 30th 1914, in
, from public accusations against Serbs, but , which it denoted the demonstrations as the
, already in its issue no. 130 published the , testimonies of loyalty. In the following period,
well-known statement of the Sarajevo City Sarajevski list /Sarajevo newspaper/ led the
, Council, which was made during the night of . anti-Serb propaganda in a quite disguised
. June 28th-29th, in which among other things and skilful way. Thus, for example, in its issue
it was written: Even though the root of this . 37. no. 135, dated July the 2nd, it paraphrased the
, terrible act comes not from our homeland, 11. 1914. , text from the Berlin newspaper German in the
. due to the confession of the assassin there is following way: The dynastic patriotism in

, Bosnia and Herzegovina was ignited through
96 the disgust over this crime. The same emotion
, should overtake all the provinces of the
: Monarchy and unite them into one. Then the
, Austro-Hungarian Empire neednt any longer
, be afraid of the Greater Serbia propaganda,
while the fault of Serbs, which took such great
. victims, will finally only additionally help the
, salvation of the Danube Monarchy and its
- ruling House.
, ,
, . , Unlike the Sarajevski list /Sarajevo Newspaper/,
which did it quite subtly, the Croatian
, newspapers in Bosnia and Herzegovina led
. an open harangue against the Serbs starting
, , 164, 24. from the day of the assassination. The Greater
1914. , Serbia propaganda and the idea of a Greater
, , Serbia were accused of the assassination.
: 28. Hrvatska zajednica /Croatian Community/ said
. . , in its issue no. 37, dated July the 11th 1914, as
, a response to the resolution of Croatian and
Slovenian academic youth in Prague, who
condemned the anti-Serb demonstrations after
the assassination, published an article titled
, Sick Phenomena and then also published: . and many fists clenched while looking at the
. The Greater Serbia propaganda goes after the , ,
Greater Serbia idea, not after Yugoslavia, so if
this assassination cannot open the eyes of our
[...] , youth then they shall forever remain blinded.
, Do they actually believe that the Greater Serbia
conspiracy would commit such desperately
. , fanatic deed for the sake of the Yugoslav
, idea, another idea which does not serve the
: Serbdom alone? Nevertheless, the most
, , prominent newspaper when it came to anti-
Serb writing was Stadlers Hrvatski dnevnik
. /Croatian Daily/, which did not choose its
words lightly when offending and humiliating
. the Serbs. Thus, for example, in its issue no.
Ba
, 164, dated July the 24th 1914, this newspaper
, , wrote about the events that took place in
. Bosanski Brod after the assassination in the
, . ?! following way:In the afternoon of the fatal
, day of June the 28th h.a., the ominous news that
[...] , the damned Serbian hand had brutally ended
, the lives of our future King Archduke Franz
Ferdinand and his Most Serene companion
, Sophie, Duchess of Hohenberg, rapidly spread
, throughout our city. A deep sorrow and agony
, curled around the hearts of aggrieved Croat
, Muslims and Catholics. [...] The indignation
. against the Serbs is great, but everyone stayed
?!... , away from their business, so now we despise
them and avoid their company. In the same
? issue, Hrvatski dnevnik /Croatian Daily/ wrote
about the events that took place in Varcar
Vakuf on the day of the assassination: The
news of the Vlachs predatory assassination
. , of the Heir to the throne and his wife deeply
, shocked all Croat citizens, both Muslims and
Catholics. At first we could not believe the
terrible news. And when the news turned out
to be true, many faces became wet with tears,
city decorated with Vlach flags. Well, St. Vitus
day is the day of the Serbian revenge. And
, the Serbs?! - They were returning cheerfully
. from the gathering held in Jezero, where they
were dispelled from. [...] Then, when the Vlach
145. 14. hotheads cooled down a little bit, and when
1914. they noticed the black flags on the public and
private buildings, when they heard the bells
. , of the Catholic church and saw the gloomy
, : ! faces, they held their tongues, seeing that
. . it was not yet time to reveal their true faces,
, so they took the Vlach rags off their houses
- and hung a black flag on their church. Was it
. a sign of mourning?! ... We know each other,

dear brothers; we are just asking you why
98 . there was not a single black flag on any of the
; , Vlach houses? In the period after the Sarajevo
assassination, the columns of Hrvatski dnevnik
. /Croatian Daily/ were full of such and similar
, texts insulting and accusing the Serbs. In
, addition, Hrvatski dnevnik /Croatian Daily/
, . , frequently spread false news, such as the news
that the Serbian peasants in Gacko attacked
, a military convoy that was transporting
. ammunition from Mostar to a military camp
in Avtovac, and the like. To what extent certain
Croatian newspapers, especially Hrvatski
, 29. , , dnevnik /Croatian Daily/, were passionate
, about anti-Serb propaganda, is demonstrated
, through the fact that some of their issues had
, to be censored for it. Even the official gazette
. Sarajevski list /Sarajevo Newspaper/, in its
: issue no. 145, dated July the 14th 1914, felt
, the need to warn Hrvatski dnevnik /Croatian
. Daily/ about the unacceptably hostile writing
, against the Serbian people. The article, among
other things, says: Remember, Bosnia !Under
this title the local newspaper Hrvatski dnevnik
/Croatian Daily/, in its Friday issue, wrote an
. article which sounded like a battle cry against
the Serbian Orthodox population in these
. countries. We truly do not give ourselves the
, right to censor Hrvatski dnevnik /Croatian
: Daily/ and its way of writing; but we cannot
, refrain from saying that this article is somewhat
, , contrary to recent pastoral epistle of His
; Eminence Archbishop Dr. Stadler, which we all
, remember very well, and which preached love,
, forgiveness and reconciliation. Thus, while
, Archbishop Stadler publicly invited people
to love, his Hrvatski dnevnik /Croatian Daily/
, . openly spread the hatred.
Ba
The Muslim Vakat/TN: Turkish, The Times/
published on the day after the assassination,
. June 29th, its special edition, and on the front
, page under the headline The Assassination of
: - the Heir to the Throne mourned the death of
, Ferdinand and Sophie, at times with excessive
, pathos. The text began with the words: We
, sincerely wept and wept over the horrific crime
that happened yesterday. The two individuals
, with a most dubious past, two fanatical Serbs
. dared to shoot at our Most Serene guests,
500, the Heir to the throne and his wife, and so
500 separated them from this world forever.
browninga Immediately after that, Vakat/TN: Turkish,
. The Times/ pointed a finger at those it held
responsible. Even though it was not specifically
stated, Vakat/TN: Turkish, The Times/did
. unequivocally accuse Serbs and Serbia for the
assassination: It is a disgrace to the whole
of Sarajevo, a disgrace to the whole of Bosnia
and Herzegovina, a disgrace to all the people,
, a disgrace that it had not been prevented;
. but anyone who has any common sense and
is familiar with our situation knows whom to
, blame for what had been done, so we warn
. 154. , immediately that the culprit must be searched
24. 1914. for on the right side and in the place of his
origin.Vakat/TN: Turkish, The Times/ slightly
, made the impression that, through such texts,
. wanted to eliminate any potential possibility
for the Muslims to become connected to the
assassination in any way. Otherwise, it would
be difficult to understand the following lines,
. 159, 27. , which sound more than pathetic: We Bosnian
Muslims, especially those from Sarajevo, are
truly sorry that we were not allowed to again
, take care of the safety of His and her lives as
, we did back then when His Highness visited
Bosnia four years ago. There were 500 of us

, who guarded the life of His Highness with our
100 , , own bodies, while 500 loaded Browning guns
: were just waiting for someone to make the
wrong move and to be blown to pieces.Over
, , the next few days, Vakat/TN: Turkish, The
. Times/ extensively wrote about the anti-Serb
, , demonstrations in Sarajevo and other places in
, Bosnia and Herzegovina.
, Until the outbreak of the First World War,
- besides the official gazette Sarajevski list /
, Sarajevo Newspaper/ some Croatian political
, newspapers also dealt with the Sarajevo
, assassination and its consequences. Sarajevski
. , list /Sarajevo Newspaper/ followed on the
28. 1914. , 160. diplomatic activities in Europe, which came as
consequences of the assassination. In its issue
no. 154, dated July the 24th 1914, Sarajevski
list /Sarajevo Newspaper/ published on its , .
front page the Austro-Hungarian Note to
, . Serbia, and then the Austro-Hungarian Note
to the European powers. Potioreks orders
and regulations, which adapted the country
, , for the upcoming state of war, were regularly
, published in the official part of Sarajevski list
, /Sarajevo Newspaper/. In its issue no. 159,
dated July the 27th, Sarajevski list /Sarajevo
, Newspaper/ extensively wrote about the new
patriotic events of Muslims and Croats in
, , Sarajevo, which were caused by the declaration
, of war against Serbia, while especially
emphasizing the massive participation of
, , Muslims, and quoting the speech of Serif
. , , 164. Arnautovic, who, addressing Potiorek, among
other things, said: The Muslims of Bosnia and
Reichspost , Herzegovina who are offended and saddened
, , : , by the horrible assassination that happened
, in Sarajevo, eagerly awaited for this moment
: . to come. Your Excellency knows of the love,
Ba
, devotion and loyalty of the Muslim population
. . of Bosnia and Herzegovina and I can tell
you with utmost certainty that the Bosnian
Muslims are ready, not only now but anytime,
, to sacrifice their lives and property, and to
shed their blood for salvation, well-being and
happiness of the famous Habsburg Monarchy.
. Finally, the next day, on July the 28th 1914, in
its special edition issue no. 160, Sarajevski
list /Sarajevo Newspaper/ published only a
. text titled The Declaration of War that was
actually the telegram with the declaration
, of war against Serbia written by the Austro-
Hungarian Foreign Minister, Count Berchtold.
, With much more enthusiasm than the official
gazette Sarajevski list /Sarajevo Newspaper/,
Hrvatski dnevnik /Croatian Daily/ also followed
up on the Austro-Hungarian diplomatic and
military preparations for the war against
, , 148. 11. Serbia, with of course undiminished harangue
1914. , , , against Serbs and Serbia, while at the same
: time it was still trying to point out the main
, goals of the Croatian policy in Bosnia and
, Herzegovina, i.e., the creation of Greater
Croatia within the Habsburg monarchy, which
would include Bosnia and Herzegovina, and,
. of course, the trialist reorganization of the
, , Monarchy. Thus, for example, in its issue no.
164, Hrvatski dnevnik /Croatian Daily/ quoted
the article of the Viennese daily newspaper
. , , Reichspost on the Croatian issue where,
among other things, stood: But, we inevitably
, , have to realize that we are now facing an
, either or decision. Either Greater Serbia,
149. 15. 1914. , or a real, not just illusive Croatia within the
, Monarchy. There is no third option.
:
, , During the month of July, Vakat/TN: Turkish, The
, Times/ also dealt with the consequences of the
 Ba

assassination, and it followed and reported on constant provocations forced the Muslims of
102 , the developments in the European diplomacy Stolac to exclude him from their communities
, mainly based on the writing of the European and to deny him access to all Muslim
. press. Undoubtedly, this newspaper was most institutions in Stolac. Vakat/TN: Turkish, The
concerned about what kind consequences Times/ especially actively followed up on the
, would Bosnia and Herzegovina suffer after events after the publication of the Austro-
, the assassination, and what changes would Hungarian Note to Serbia, refraining from bile
- , happen. In a fairly quieter tone, and with far comments, and when the Austro-Hungarian
159. 29. less insults than the Croatian newspapers, Empire declared war against Serbia, Vakat/
1914. , , : Vakat/TN: Turkish, The Times/ occasionally TN: Turkish, The Times/ in its issue no. 159,
expressed accusations against Serbia and the dated July the 29th 1914, among other things,
Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina, presenting wrote: Down the Bosnian soil ran the blood of
sometimes completely absurd claims like the our cherished Heir to the throne and his wife,
, one that the Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina his life extinguished on the Belgrade basis, and
, were constantly favoured by the Austro- now both Bosnia and Herzegovina burn with
Hungarian rule, to the detriment of Muslims the desire to contribute to avenging that blood
., and Catholics. Thus, for example, in its issue and punishing the originator of that infamous
158. 1. 1914. no. 148, dated July the 11th1914, Vakat/TN: crime. Finally, the last issue of Vakat/TN:
, Turkish, The Times/, among other things, wrote: Turkish, The Times/ no. 158 was published
: ! We must warn the relevant bodies of the fact on August the 1st 1914, and there was a big
that the vast majority of the Bosnian people headline on the front page that said: The war
were dissatisfied with the previous course, as it has started!
had a Serbian character and because the Serbs
were favoured throughout it to the detriment
of other elements.The continuous striving of
Vakat/TN: Turkish, The Times/ to vigorously
reject even the smallest suspect of Bosnian
Muslims connection to the assassination
could still be noticed. So, for example, the
news reported by the Belgrade press that one
of the conspirators was a Muslim from Bosnia
and Herzegovina, Muhamed Mehmedbasic,
Vakat/TN: Turkish, The Times/ in its issue no.
149, dated July the 15th 1914, under a title
Lies of the Serbian Press, commented on in
the following way: As for this individual, we
know that he was a fanatical Serb, who by his
 Tr

 Vahdet Alemi
RATNA FORTUNA
106 NA RAZMEU BALKANA 1914.
Razliit pristup ili viestran prikaz dogaaja
osigurava pravilo ISTINA NADVISUJE, ONA
NE BIVA NADVIENA, izvjetavajui o ratnoj
fortuni na Balkanu, jedan je od naslova
Ikdama, turskih dnevnih novina, na dan 27.
jula 1914. god. Pitanje Balkana oduvijek je
bilo predmet pekulisanja, na kojem su se
odmjeravale snage i preklapali interesi, upravo
radi velikih aspiracija spram Balkana. Ratna
fortuna na razmeu Balkana 1914 predstavlja
niz ulomaka iz turske tampe, koji konstatuju
stanje i odnose samog ina.
Pucanj u prestolonasljednika princa Franca
Ferdinanda je in koji die zastor sa lica svetih,
pojanjavajui zlokobnim licem rata. Eho
pucnja rasvjetljava mehanizam opte invazije
na Balkan. Prema pisanju Ikdama na dan 23.
jula 1914. godine Alameti fortune znakovi
invazije deavali su se neposredno i u toku
svetog mjeseca, Ramazana1, mjeseca posta
muslimana.
Ikdam navodi odreene razlike stanja i
meuodnosa Istoka i Zapada: Razlika je
evidentna u duhovnom suodnosu snaga
(manevijatu). Istonjaci vie potuju
duhovnost (manevijat). Izmeu Istoka i Zapada
postoji jedna totalna razlika koja se ogleda
u potrebi potinjavanja. Meutim, duboke
analize nam pokazuju da je najvaniji uzrok
sadanjeg ponienja i ropstva Istoka upravo
ova uzvienost duha i prefinjena osjeajnost.
Sedmini politiki magazin Sevreti funun
Tr
THE FORTUNES OF WAR AT THE
CROSSROADS OF THE BALKANS IN 1914
A different approach or a multidimensional
view of the event provides the following
rule: THE TRUTH TRANSCENDS, IT IS
NOT TRANSCENDED, was one of the titles Posljedice tragedije u
of Ikdam, the Turkish daily newspaper Sarajbosni. Car Franjo Josif
reporting on the fortunes of war in the Balkans, na sahrani nadvojvode
Franca Ferdinanda, Ikdam,
on the 27th July 1914. The Balkans issue has Istanbul, 17. jul 1914.
always been the subject of speculation, where
ones strength was measured and interests
The consequences of the
overlapped, exactly because of the high tragedy in Saraj-Bosnia.
aspiration towards the Balkans. The fortune The emperor Franz Joseph
of war at the crossroads of the Balkans in at the funeral of Archduke
1914 presents a series of excerpts from the Franz Ferdinand, Ikdam,
Turkish press noting down the state of affairs Istanbul, 17th of July1914
and relations of the act itself.
The gunshot aimed at the heir to the throne,
the Prince Franz Ferdinand is an act that
raises the curtain from the face of the saints,
elucidating with the ominous face of war. The Tragedija u Sarajbosni.
echo of that shot illuminates the mechanism for Nedjeljko abrinovi kao
the general invasion of the Balkans. According prvi atentator, Ikdam,
to the Ikdam on the 23rd July 1914, Alameti Istanbul, 17. jul 1914.
fortune signs of invasion were occurring
around and during the holy month, Ramadan1, The tragedy inSaraj-
the Muslim holy month of fasting. Bosnia. Nedjeljko
Cabrinovic as the first
assassin, Ikdam, Istanbul,
The Ikdamstates certain differences of
17th of July1914
circumstances and interrelations between
East and West: The difference is evident in the
spiritual relation of the powers (maneviyat /TN:
Turkish, spirit). Easterners respect spirituality
more (maneviyat). Between the East and the
West there is a complete difference which

dana 27. jula 1914. godine daje pregled
108 evidentnih razlika: Prvi znaajan faktor biva
vjera a onda, drugi znaajan faktor jeste
geografsko podruje ili pak vojni savezi koji
su uveliko predodredili liniju razdvajanja
ili razgranienja. YAVUZ I MIDILLI, nae
oklopnjae, su odraz odnosa Njemake i
Turske u savezu kada je engleska mornarica
zaplijenila ratne razarae osmanske mornarice
Sultan Osmana i Readiju.
Sarajbosna2 na dan 26. jula 1914. god. odie,
prema kazivanju i pisanju Ikdama, znatno
drugaijom percepcijom glede historijskog
hoda, sudei po likovima okupljenih oko Mlade
Bosne i samim akterima, jer im zvanini Ikdam
posveuje neznatnu panju, imenujui ih kao
komite regrutovane i obuavane neposredno
prije alameta3 u Beogradu. Samim akterima
nije posveena posebna panja, ve toliko da
bi ih samo uzgred pomenuli kao balkanske
komite, iji hitac bezumlja pokree maineriju
masovnih ubistava i nasilnog prekomandovanja
teritorija, ljudi i kapitala civilizacije Istoka
i Zapada. Sam dogaaj ubistva ni izbliza ne
dobija publicitet javnosti. Post festum, dalo
bi se rei da se ubistvo dogodilo, a svjetska
javnost kao da nije bila zateena inom.
Znatno kasnije u balkanskom grotlu nastaju
deavanja naroda kao reakcija na balkanski
ratni sindrom. U Sarajbosni je bilo zabranjeno
okupljanje ehalija (stanovnitva) na sokacima.
Usljed uobiajene upravne prakse narod se
poeo sakupljati po kafanama. Demonstranti
su poslije u dugoj koloni u kojoj se nalazilo
mnogo oficira i vojnika otili pred vladin
konak. Ovdje im se obratio guverner, iji je
govor znatno pojaao volju i ope kretanje.
Tr
is reflected in the need for subordination.
However, the deep analyses show that the most
important cause of the current humiliation and
slavery of the East is exactly this sublimate of
spirit and sophisticated sensibility.
The weekly political magazine Servet-i Fnun
on the 27th July 1914 provides an overview to
the obvious differences: The first important
factor is faith, and then, secondary is the
geographic region or the military alliances
that have largely determined the line of
separation or demarcation. YAVUZ I MIDILLI,
our battle cruisers, are the reflection of the
relationship between Germany and Turkey in
an alliance when the English navy seized the
Sultan Osman and Readiye battleships of
the Ottoman Navy.
Sarajbosna2 on the 26th July 1914 exudes,
in the words and writing of Ikdam with a
significantly different perception concerning
the historical pace, according to characters
gathered around the Young Bosnia movement
and the protagonist themselves, because their
official Ikdam, pays just slight attention
to them, calling them comitadjis, which
were recruited and trained immediately
before the Alamet3 in Belgrade. Therefore,
the protagonists were not given special
attention, but just enough to have them as only
Sultan Mehmed V
casually mentioned as the Balkan Comitadjis
prisustvuje vojnoj paradi
whose bullet of insanity set into a motion the vojske Osmanskog carstva,
machinery of mass murders and violent the Ikdam, Istanbul, 25. jul
redeployment of territories, people and capital 1914.
of both Eastern and Western civilizations. The
assassination, as something that happened, not Sultan Mehmed V attends
even remotely got the publicity. Post festum, it the military parade of
the army of the Ottoman
could be said that the assassination took place,
Empire,Ikdam, Istanbul,
25th of July1914

Stanovnitvo je pjevalo domoljubive pjesme
110 i uz carski mar kruilo ulicama. Aplauzi su
dopirali sa svih strana. Na mjestu ubistva
prestolonasljednika nadvojvode Franje (u
tekstu Fransoa) Ferdinanda i njegove supruge
stanovnici su kleali uei dove. Nastala je
opa opasnost od sveopeg rata, pisalo je u
Ikdamu.
Godinji susret balkanskih komita, tekst
koji donosi Ikdam, govori o sastanku
organizacije okupljene oko zajednike ideja
protjerivanja Turske sa Balkana i eliminisanje
turskih interesa. Skup je odran u Londonu u
Centralholu jedne srijede u julu 1914 (taan
datum u tekstu nije naveden). Sastanku
su, izmeu ostalih, prisustvovali: sekretar
londonske mirovne organizacije, ije ime nije
navedeno u tekstu, britanski vojni dopisnik
Henri V. Nevinson, kao poznavalac balkanskih
prilika, koji je i autor teksta u Ikdamu i
Noel Baksten, jedan od najveih zagovornika
protjerivanja Turske sa Balkana i indirektni
uesnik balkanskih ratova. U tekstu koji je
djelimino prenesen Nevinson pie:
Balkanske komite, koji predstavljaju
skrivenog podstrekaa i koji su istinski
faktor za nevinu krv koja je prolivana za
vrijeme dvogodinjih strahota na Balkanu,
odrali su ove srijede godinji skup u velikom
kongresnom salonu Centralhola... Oko tri sata
ustao je na noge Noel Baksten te je nabrajajui
navodio lou upravu Turaka, drei u rukama
Berlinsku konvenciju. Rekao je da se nisu
ostvarila obeanja o promjenama te da su
tamonji narodi izgubili strpljenje. Rekao je da
se ve deset godina balkanski komiti trude oko
propagande i oko organizovanja. Objelodanio
Tr
and that the general public of the world was
not surprised by this act.
Much later, in the Balkans cauldron, people
started doing things in response to the Balkan
war syndrome. Gathering the population in
the alleyways in Sarajbosna was forbidden.
Due to the usual administrative practice the
people began to gather in the taverns. The
protesters, later forming a long column, in
which there were many officers and soldiers,
went in front of a government Guest house.
There they were addressed by the governor,
whose speech significantly encouraged the
will and the general movement. People sang
patriotic songs and roamed around the streets
marching to imperial marches. The applauses
was emanating from all sides. At the site
of the assassination of Heir to the throne,
the Archduke Franz (referred in the text as
Francois) Ferdinand and his wife, people were
reciting the Dua on their knees. There was the
general danger of a major war, said the Ikdam.
The annual meeting of the Balkan comitadjis,
was the text written by the Ikdam, about a
meeting of the organization assembled around
the common idea of throwing Turkey out from
the Balkans and the elimination of Turkish
interests. The meeting was held in London in
Central Hall one Wednesday in July 1914 (the
exact date is not specified in the text). Among
others the meeting was attended by: the
Secretary of the London peace organization Nagovjetaj rata. Kratke
vijesti iz Bea, Ikdam,
whose name is not mentioned in the text, Istanbul, 27. jul 1914.
the British military correspondent Henry W.
Nevinson, as an expert in the Balkan situation, A hint of war. Briefnews
who is also the author of the text in the Ikdam from Vienna, Ikdam,
and Noel Buxton, one of the biggest advocates Istanbul, 27th of
for the expulsion of Turkey from the Balkans July1914

je da e doi do rata pripisujui sve grijehe i
112 loa djela Turcima. Rekao je: Naravno, vi
ete se na ovaj rat podsjetiti aplauzima, jer
je ovo bio rat za slobodu. Potom je govorio o
Drugom balkanskom ratu, istiui kao njegov
uzrok poziciju velikih zemalja, nastojei da
ih proglasi odgovornim. On tvrdi da je meu
kranskim narodima ovaj rat doekan kao
velika nesrea. Potom su jo dva govornika
uzeli rije. Svi su isto potvrdili. Zatim se Henri
Nevinson4 obratio skupu:
Naalost... Naalost... Neu moi pruiti
organizaciji vijesti koje e raspoloiti njihova
srca. Jer stanje na Balkanu danas je tako da
je sto hiljada puta loije nego za vrijeme
uprave Turaka Ako nita Turci su, plaei se
kontrole Evrope, nastojali da budu pravedni.
to se tie sadanjih kranskih vlada one ine,
sa nacionalistikom tenjom, mnogobrojne
neprihvatljive zloine, poto nemaju ovog
straha. Na kraju britanski ratni dopisnik
zakljuuje:
O Englezi, dobro to razmotrite! Krani na
Balkanu nisu krani kao vi. Oni se ne mogu
ubrojiti u ljude koji su samilosni i koji pruaju
zatitu. Ja za svoj raun kaem da oni koji su
pripremili rat na Balkanu nisu nainili uslugu
ni hrianstvu, ni ovjeanstvu, ni slobodi.
Na stotine hiljada ljudi uvueno je u propast
i nesreu. Ovaj mir dananji koji se vidi na
prostorima Balkana samo je privremeni zastoj.
Danas na Balkanu nema nijednog naroda, a da
je zadovoljan
Ovaj rat nije nikako u slubi vjerskih sloboda.
Ono to pada u oi svakog posjetioca Balkana
danas je jedna mrnja i jedan vjerski i
Tr
and an indirect participant in the Balkan wars.
In the text that has been partially transposed,
Nevinson writes:
The Balkan comitadjis, who represent the
hidden instigators and who are a genuine
factor for the innocent blood that was spilt
during two years of atrocities in the Balkans,
held this Wednesday an Annual Meeting in a O impresijama na rat
large congress suite of the Central Hall ... At Austrija-Srbija. Kako sve
about three oclock Noel Buxton rose to his utie rat na Be, Ikdam,
feet and listed the details of mismanagement Istanbul, 1. avgust 1914.
by Turks, while holding the Berlin convention
in his hands. He said that they had not fulfilled About the impressions
the promises on changes and that local on the Austria-Serbian
population have lost patience. He said that for war. How is the war
affectingVienna,Ikdam,
ten years the Balkan comitadjis were making Istanbul, 1st of August
efforts on propaganda and on organization. He 1914
revealed that there will be a war, attributing
all the sins and evil deeds to the Turks. He
said: Of course, youll admonish this war with
applause because this was a war for freedom.
He then spoke of the Second Balkan War,
pointing out, as its cause, the position of large
countries trying to proclaim them accountable.
He claims that among the Christian nations Ministar rata Enver paa dodjeljuje
this war was welcomed as a great misfortune. diplome i zaklinje pitomce Carske vojne
Then two more speakers took the floor. Both of kole, Ikdam, Istanbul, 1. avgust 1914.
them confirmed the same stance. Then Henry
Nevinson4 addressed the assembly: The Minister of War Enver Pasha
presents the diplomas tothe cadetsof
Unfortunately ... Unfortunately ... I will not the Imperial military school, who are
be able to provide news to the organization taking the oath before him, Ikdam,
Istanbul, 1st of August 1914
that will make their hearts happy, because the
situation in the Balkans today is such that it is
a hundred thousand times worse than during
the administration of the Turks ... If anything,
the Turks, being afraid of the control of Europe,
tried to be fair. As for the present Christian

nacionalni fanatizam. Krani koji su za vrijeme
114 turske uprave uili slobodno u svojim kolama,
crkvama i obavljali svoje obrede, danas su pod
kranskom upravom lieni ovih privilegija
Bugari na grkoj zemlji, Grci na bugarskoj
zemlji susreu se sa nevoljama. Osobito stanje
muslimana zasluuje samilost. Ne mogu
dati mogunost, naspram ovih situacija koje
podsjeaju na inkvizicijska nasilja, da uti
Engleska koja brine o milionima podanika
muslimana. Gospodin Noel Baksten je u svom
govoru kazivao o izbjeglitvu Rumelijaca u
osmanskoj Aziji kao o posljednjoj nesrei.
Zato nepristrasno ne razmiljamo o tome ta
je istina? Da li su prihvatljiva mnogobrojna
muenja koja pogaaju muslimane pod
Grkom? Osjeam veliku muku u pogledu
savjesti zbog stranih posljedica koje je
proizvelo djelovanje balkanskih komita iako
godinama zajedno radimo...
Izvjetaji koje imamo u vezi sa ovim balkanskim
strahotama, koje su dodate kao velike krvave
mrlje na svjetsku historiju, takoer potvruje
ovo to ja iskazujem. To isto je i u konzularnim
izvjetajima koji su poslati Ministarstvu
vanjskih poslova, a koji nisu objavljeni. Svoje
rijei zavravam sa aljenjem te preporuujem
balkanskim komitima da se u budunosti trude
da budu sredstvo mira i spasa...
Ovaj govor je naveo na razmiljanje cijelu
organizaciju. Naroito su Noela Bakstena
zbunili oni na vrhu organizacije. Noel
Baksten je ime Turaka uvijek spominjao sa
omalovaavanjem, nastojei da prikae Turke
kao ruitelje sree i civiliziranosti.
Tr
governments they are committing, with
nationalist aspirations, many unacceptable
crimes because they do not have this fear.
At the end the British war correspondent
concludes:
Oh, English, consider it well! Christians in the
Balkans are not Christians like you are. They
cannot be counted among the people who are
compassionate and who provide protection.
I, on my own account, say that those who
prepared the war in the Balkans did not do a
favour neither to Christianity, nor humanity,
nor freedom. Hundreds of thousands of
people are being drawn into the disaster and
this misfortune. The peace that is seen in the
Balkans today can only be seen as a respite.
Today in the Balkans there is not a single
nation that is content...
This war is not at all serving the freedom of
religion. What catches the eye of every visitor
to the Balkans nowadays is the hatred and
the religious and national fanaticism. The
Christians who were, during the Ottoman reign,
taught freely in their schools, churches and
exercised their religion freely are now, under
an administration of Christians, deprived of
these privileges...
Bulgarians in the country of Greece, Greeks
in the country of Bulgaria are faced with
adversity. In particular, the state of the
Muslims deserves compassion. As opposed
to this situation which is a reminder of the
violence from the inquisition. I cannot give you
War, Serveti funun,
the option of England being so silent, as they Istanbul, 21. jul 1914.
look after about a million Muslim subjects.
Mr. Noel Buxton talked in his speech about War, Servet-iFnun,
Istanbul, 21st ofJuly 1914

Nakon ovoga govora glavni sekretar londonske
116 mirovne organizacije se na sljedei nain
obratio organizaciji da bi stekao podrku:
Kako god su balkanski komiti pokuavali da
prue isprike oni su ti koji su jedini odgovorni
za sve nesree. Drugo, njihova krivica je to to
ne nastoje shvatiti glavne ideje nevinih Engleza
i to Turke, u ijoj prirodi nema nikakvog
barbarstva i divljatva, nastoje prikazati
drugaije da bi dobili u ovoj sramotnoj tubi.
Budite sigurni da Turci zasluuju da budu
iznad istonih krana.
Odlika ovih krana koji su nazvani
Levantincima je to to nastoje potpaliti vatru
smutnje (fesada) izmeu Istoka i Zapada,
uzimajui kao izgovor hrianstvo. Istinski
dentlmeni u Turskoj opet su Turci. Izvjetaji
potovanog gospodina Henrija i konzularni
izvjetaji potvruju jednu istinu, a to je da
balkanski nasilnici nisu Turci nego hriani
koje vi vidite kao one koji su samilosni.
Balkanski se rat nije zavrio unato tome to je
stradalo na hiljade ljudskih dua. Uskoro ete
vidjeti da e to tamo postati grob ovjeanstva
i pitam Noela Bakstena koji je najvatreniji
branitelj u ovom sporu: Kada e poeti trei
balkanski rat?... A ja zavravam svoje rijei
mojom preporukom balkanskim komitima da
ne budu sredstvo smutnje i licemjerstva nego
da budu sredstvo mira i spasa (selameta). I
elim da njihov trud ne obuhvata samo ove
hriane nego i potlaene muslimane.
Balkanska organizacija komita je spram ovih
situacija i dogaanja pokazala zbunjenost.
Kada ovjek shvati da je istina tako blistava
(rei e): ISTINA NADVISUJE, A ONA NE BIVA
Tr
the refuge of the Rumelians in Ottoman Asia
as about the last calamity in his speech. Why
arent we impartially thinking about what is
the truth? Are the numerous tortures that
affect the Muslims under Greece, acceptable? I
feel a great torment in terms of conscience due
to terrible consequences caused by the actions
of the Balkan comitadjis, although we have
worked together for years...
The reports that we have in relation to these
Balkan atrocities, which were added as a large
blood stain to the worlds history, also confirm
what I state. The same is also in the consular
reports submitted to the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, but not released. I end my words with
regret and I recommend the Balkan comitadjis
to try in the future to be an instrument of peace
and salvation ...
This speech made the entire organization
contemplate. Noel Buxton was particularly
confused by those at the top of the organization.
Noel Buxton always mentioned the name of
the Turks with contempt by trying to show
the Turks as destroyers of happiness and
civilization.
After this speech the Secretary of the
London peace organizations addressed the
organization in order to gain support in the Manevar oklopnjaa sa
following way: balonom za navoenje i
njemakih podmornica
u Kielu, Serveti funun,
Whatever the Balkan comitadjis were trying Istanbul, 21. jul 1914.
to find excuses in, they were the ones who
were solely responsible for all its misfortunes.
The maneuver of the
Secondly, it is their fault that they do not try battleships with the
to understand the main ideas of the innocent guidance dirigible and
Englishmen and because they tend to show German submarines
in Kiel,Servet-i Fnun,
Istanbul, 21stof July 1914

NADVIENA. Prisiljen da istinu spomene, sa
118 jednim posebnim olakanjem skup se najzad
okonao. Pristrasnost spram balkanskih
ustanika poprimila je suprotan uticaj. A Noel
Baksten nije dobio nikakav aplauz, zakljuuje
gospodin Nevinson u svom tekstu.
to je rat, biva pitanje koje nudi bezbroj
razliitih odgovora, uz nezamislivu
kombinatoriku ratnih intriga. U vezi s tim,
prenosim dijelove teksta ispisane u Sevreti
fununu, to e biti najbolji pokazatelj turske
misli spram dogaaja:
Rat biva udarac ispaljenog baruta ija
eksplozija izvlaiti odreene poruke koje uvode
u proces uticaje i faktore koji su doveli do rata,
to je jedan djetinji postupak. Nadmetanje je
ono to proizvodi rat... ivotrpno nadmetanje...
nadmetanje za ansu, za ivotni prostor, za
mogunost, to proizvodi rat... ovjek vremena
stvarao je potroaki stil, isto jede, mirno
spava, ostvarujui poboljanjem socijalnog
ivota prosperitet i iskorak iz divljine... kamen
mijenja tanetom, gnijeivi glavu neprijatelja.
Duh divljatva nije ostavljen u predsoblju
XX vijeka. Ovo je misao koja opominje i ne
ostavlja ravnodune ni one koji ive vrijeme
globalizma.
Ovaj tekst nudi na sebi svojstven geopolitiki,
kulturoloki i socioloki naini niz injenica,
ukazujui slikom i rijeju na prolost
uokvirenu na rezmeu Balkana iz vremena
1914. godine, ostavljajui dubok i neizbrisiv
trag na ivot obinog ovjeka, koji iz nude
ulazi u sukob. Kao najautentiniji prikaz datog
pragmatizma nude, a ujedno i kao zakljuak
Tr
the Turks in a different light, whose nature has
no barbarism and savagery, in order to win
this shameful lawsuit. Be sure that the Turks
deserve to be above the eastern Christians.
The characteristic of these Christians, called
Levantines, is that they are trying to light a
fire of malevolence between East and West,
taking as their excuse Christianity. The true
gentlemen in Turkey again are the Turks. The
reports of the Honourable Mrs. Henry and the
consular reports confirm one truth, and that
the bullies in the Balkans are not the Turks but
the Christians who are the ones you believe that
are compassionate. The Balkans war was not
over despite thousands of human souls being
killed. Youll soon see that there will be a grave
for mankind and I ask Noel Buxton, who is the
most ardent defender in this dispute: When
will the third Balkan war start? ... And I end my
speech with my recommendation to the Balkan
comitadjis not to be the means of obstruction
and hypocrisy but to be an instrument of peace
and salvation (selamet). And I want their
efforts to include not only these Christians but
also the oppressed Muslims.
The Balkan organization of the comitadjis was
confused regarding these situations and events.
When a man realizes that the truth is so bright Oklopnjae kupljene
(he will say): THE TRUTH TRANSCENDS, IT od Njemake koje su
Osmansko carstvo uvele
IS NOT TRANSCENDED. Having to mention u Prvi svjetski rat, Serveti
the truth, the gathering was finally over with a funun, Istanbul, 21. jul
special relief. Being biased towards the Balkan 1914.
rebels had the opposite effect. And Noel
Buxton received no applause, Mr. Nevinson The battleships
concludes in his text. purchased from Germany
thatbroughtthe Ottoman
Empire intothe World War
I, Servet-iFnun, Istanbul,
21st of July 1914

na balkanski sindrom zvani rat, donosim
120 ulomak sarkastinog teksta autora Sevreti
fununa:
Simpatini razgovor dva Levantinca na
pristanitu Galata, dijalog tee na grkom!
- Vidim da si tuan?
- Kako da ne budem tuan, idem u rat u Evropu!
- Ta je nevolja pala i na moju glavu! U Turskoj
sam sa francuskim pasoem. Jednom smo se
spasili od poreza i mnogo zaradili? Ali doao je
kraj. Najzad da se pomirimo s tim.
HAJDE DA IDEMO U SRBIJU!
KOLIKA JE PLAA?
1
Vrijeme turski mjesec Temuz odgovara mjesecu julu
godine 1914, odnosno hidretskom kalendaru 29. aban
1332, mijena za mjesec Ramazan.
2
Zvanini turski naziv Bosne i Hercegovine
3
Alamet - znak invazije
4
H. Nevinson bio je britanski ratni dopisnik, ali i
dopisnik turske tampe, u kojoj je smatran za
nepristrasnog svjedoka i izvjetaa o dogaajima nakon
Drugog balkanskog rata.
Tr
What is the war, that is a question that offers a
myriad of different answers with unimaginable
combinations of the war intrigues. In regard to
this, I will convey a part of the text published
in the Servet-i Fnun which will be the best
indicator of Turkish thoughts regarding this
event:
War is a blast of fired gunpowder whose
explosions draw particular messages that
emphasize the influences and the factors that
led to the war, which is a childish procedure.
Competition is what instigates the war ... life-
enduring competition for an opportunity, for
living space, the possibility, that produces war
... A man of that time was creating a consumer-
style, not being messy while eating, sleeping
peacefully achieving the prosperity and
stepping out of the wilderness by improving
the social life... the stone is being changed with
a bullet while crushing the head of the enemy.
The spirit of savagery is not abandoned in the
vestibule of the twentieth century. This is a
thought that gives us a warning and does not
make people indifferent even those living in
the age of globalism.
This text provides, in its own geopolitical,
cultural and social view, a series of facts,
indicating, through words and photos, the Ruski i Njemaki car. Dva
past captured on the crossroads of the Balkans ratna vladara koja su
from 1914, leaving a deep and ineradicable izvrnula Evropu, Serveti
mark on the life of the ordinary man who funun, Istanbul, 21. jul
1914.
entered the conflict out of necessity. As the
most authentic representation of a given
The Russian and German
pragmatism od necessity, and at the same
Emperors. Two wartime
time as the conclusion regarding the Balkan rulers that turned the
syndrome called war, Im conveying a fragment Europe inside out, Servet-
of the sarcastic text by Serve-i Fnun: iFnun, Istanbul, 21st of
July 1914

A pleasant conversation between two
122 Levantines at the Galata pier, the dialogue is in
Greek!
- I see youre sad?
- How can I not be sad, Im going to war in
Europe!
- This is the same trouble that fell on my head
too! I am in Turkey, with a French passport. We
saved ourselves once from taxes and earned
a lot? However the end is here. We can finally
come to terms with that.
Odlomak sarkastinog teksta autora Sevreti fununa:
Simpatini razgovor dva Levantinca na pristanitu Galata, dijalog tee na grkom!
- Vidim da si tuan? Tr
- Kako da ne budem tuan, idem u rat u Evropu!
- Ta je nevolja pala i na moju glavu! U Turskoj sam sa francuskim pasoem. Jednom smo se spasili od
poreza i mnogo zaradili? Ali doao je kraj. Najzad da se pomirimo s tim.
Hajde da idemo u Srbiju!
Kolika je plaa?
A fragment of the sarcastic text by Servet-iFnun:
A pleasant conversation between two Levantines at the Galata pier, the dialogue is in Greek!
- I see youre sad?
- How can I not be sad, Im going to war in Europe!
- This is the same trouble that fell on my head too! I am in Turkey, with a French passport. We saved
ourselves once from taxes and earned a lot? However the end is here. We can finally come to terms
with that.
Let us go to Serbia!
What is the salary?

Let us go to Serbia!
WHAT IS THE SALARY?

1
The Turkish month of Temmuz corresponds with the
month of July 1914, or the Hijri calendar, 29thShaaban
1332, change for the month of Ramadan.

2
The official Turkish name of Bosnia and Herzegovina

3
Alamet- sign of invasion

4
H. Nevilson was a British war correspondent but also
the correspondent of the Turkish press which was
considered to be an unbiased witnesses and reporter
about the events after the Second Balkan War.

Serveti funun, Istanbul, 21. jul 1914.

Servet-iFnun, Istanbul, 21st of July 1914
 Bg


Bg

28. ABOUT THE PRESS IN BULGARIA FROM THE

126 3. 1914. 28TH MAY TO THE 3RD AUGUST 1914

We will focus on two major Bulgarian

, newspapers, which are /Peace/ that
(), was published in Sofia as an organ of the
, National Party, and (Bulgaria),
(), , also from Sofia, which was an organ of the
- . Progressive Liberal Party.
Since the end of the Second Balkan War until
the Sarajevo assassination, there were many
articles that dealt with the consequences of
, the Treaty of London, followed by the Treaty
: of Bucharest: and in the World as well as in
Bulgaria there were discussions about all
() of the important (geo-political) issues that
. the then Bulgarian public was interested in.
: The examples from the press testify on it: in
the articles in the mentioned newspapers
, . it was discussed, for example, about the
, (. English attitude towards the fragmentation
of Macedonia, on the division of Albania (i.e.
), how poorly were territorial issues resolved
( after the Second Balkan War), the Russian
, policy on the Balkans ( and the proposal to
a, , create a new Balkan federation, which could,
together with Russia, oppose Austria and
), German expansion), about the development
( of railways in Serbia ( which would connect
), Serbia to the Austro-Hungarian railway in
( Bosnia), about the new political studies in the
Handbuch der Politik / Balkans (such as Handbuch der Politik /
, . , The Handbook of politics, by Prof. Dr. Felix , , ,
30. 1914.
Rachfahl, in which the geopolitical issues and
1870. relations amongst the major powers from 1870
1908. , The news of the Sarajevo
to 1908 were discussed, which concludes with
assassination, , Sofia,
), , . 30thof June 1914
 Bg

the Austro-Hungarian annexation of Bosnia

128 u and Herzegovina), etc, etc.
.
However, the most important news and articles
.
belonged to the events that were directly
related to the Sarajevo assassination. We shall
, analyse them in the following sections.
(),
Shocking news on the assassination, rushed
, 4528,
through Sofia like lightning, was said at the
17. VI 1914. .
beginning of the big story that /Peace/,
:
the National Party newspapers, published in

its issue No. 4528, dated 17th June 1914. The
,
whole news was in the title: The assassination

in Sarajevo - The murder of the Austrian
:
Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife,
,
while in the later passages it brought details

about the first and second attacks on the Heir
,
to the throne: mentioning the names of the

conspirators, quoting the statements related
,
to the route which the convoy of the officials

took, describing the explosive devices and
(
particular acts of killings, quoting the first
,
statements that Gavrilo Princip gave after being
)
arrested by the police (that he had planned for
,
a long time to kill a high ranked person as the
(
protest against the persecution of Serbs) and
, ...
Nedeljko Cabrinovic, the perpetrator of the
).
first attack (he said he got the hand-grenade
, , from a Belgrade anarchist, whose name he did
( not know ... and that he had no accomplices).
...
Much more space, however, took the first
.
impressions from Sarajevo (Nobody could
...
believe ... The news caused a general outcry. ,
.
Everyone was wondering why and who needed , , 30.
. . 1914.
this misdeed ... Everybody was stirred up with

the event. Many of them cried. The whole
Analysis of the tragedies
town was in mourning. During the whole day
..., .), , in the royal family and a
a bunch of people were standing on the site of
. short biography of Franz
Ferdinand, ,
Sofia, 30thof June 1914
 Bg

, , the event and commented on what happened ...

130 etc.), and then the reactions in Vienna, Rome
and other capitals.
(
Also, published in detail and with highlighted
),
attention, there were the telegrams of
, ,
condolence that had been sent to the Emperor
, .
Franz Joseph. Telegrams sent from Sarajevo

(Presidency of the Assembly and the Municipal
,
Council), representatives of England, President
,
of France, the Pope, the German Emperor. The
.
telegrams and condolences that were sent from
Bulgaria, from the Emperor, the Government
: , of Bulgaria and from certain ministers were
, particularly presented.

A short report from the Serbian capital was:
,
The joyful, cheerful mood in Belgrade that was
,
present everywhere among the population in
.
memory of the Battle of Kosovo transformed
.
into despondency, when the news of the
, assassination spread out. The sympathies
( 15. towards the Emperor Franz Joseph were
) expressed.
,
In contrast to that objectivity, the attitude

of the Bulgarian reporters on the reactions
,
from Rome (the 15th June) was coloured
, :
with partiality and presenting a prior
,
condemnation of Serbias policy, he said that
.
the assassination in Sarajevo caused severe
reactions in Rome, that everybody mourns
for the Crown Prince, and then concludes:
, Although they did not know the details, they
all agreed that the murder was the result of the
: Serbian propaganda.
, ,
In that first report from Sarajevo the Sofia , 30. 1914.
,
newspapers presented Franz
:
Ferdinand biographic data, but that was more
... The biographies of the
a glorification and praise rather than the assassins, , Sofia,
...
30thof June 1914
 Bg

. details of the life and work of the Archduke: it

132 tells how he was popular among the people
. in Austria, and had only one goal: to increase
... 1892. 1893. the power of the Austro-Hungarian Empire
, ... He was a soldier in his body and his soul
. ... He had good relationships with all of the
well-known names from the world of science.
He was the patron and the director of the
: , Academy of Sciences in Vienna. He possessed
the largest collection of weapons ... He made
, a journey around the world in 1892 and 1893
on, after which he wrote a story, Diary of My
Trip Around the World.
. One sentence at the end of this biography
also refers to the search for the causes of the
: assassination: When he arrived in Sarajevo,
the Mostar Serbs refused to participate in
. welcoming as a sign of a protest because the
. police allowed the Mostar Muslims to blame
the Serbs as the enemies of the dualistic
(), monarchy.
-
, . 221 17. VI 1914. , At the end, Franz Ferdinand was mentioned as
a publicist too: It was known in journalistic
, circles that Franz Ferdinand himself wrote the
articles for the Reichspost newspapers. The
articles were followed with interest.
( In the newspapers (Bulgaria),
, which was the organ of the Progressive
, Liberal Party, in its issue no. 221 of the 17th
June 1914, in the first reporting from Sarajevo
great attention was paid to the Emperor Franz
). Joseph, who was destined to suffer another
, , severe blow of fate at the very end of his life
, (describing the tragic death of his son Rudolf
. and his wife Elizabeth, killed by an Italian , ,
, 30. 1914.
anarchist, mentioning all unhappy wars
and upheavals through which the Danube
The reaction in Vienna,
, Sofia, 30thof June
1914
 Bg

monarchy went through during his reign).

134 ( All these breaks and whirls, as said in this
), , article, Franz Joseph endured stoically, which
, is a characteristic of the exceptional people.

As for the murder, the newspapers Bulgaria
( , ),
took over the first reports from the BTA

(Bulgarian Telegraph Agency), and in it, in
( ).
addition to the general agency news, you can
read the inaccurate names of the conspirators
, (Gabrinovic and Princic, later Principe), as well
. as the places, at which the killing took place
, (next to the Maljache river).
,
Special attention in this newspaper was paid to
,
the new Heir to the throne, the Archduke Karl

Franz Joseph. While he was only mentioned in
(
the , at the end of all reports, here he
, ,
was given a lot of type space, and at the end

his family ties with the Bulgarian dynasty were

clarified (Wife of the new Heir to the throne,
).
the Archduchess Cita, was the sister of the late
, Bulgarian Princess Marie Louise, Duchess of
, Parma and therefore the aunt of our Crown
, Prince).
, : .
As for the Archduke Franz Ferdinand, unlike
.
resumes from the newspaper , he was

described much more realistically and, among

other things it was said: He was considered
.
as a friend of the Czechs. The Hungarians did
, , not like him. The general opinion is that the
, Archduke Franz Ferdinand was a man of great
ambition and great plans.
,
However, quoting the articles taken from other

newspapers, the Bulgaria transferred an
, ,
obituary on Franz Ferdinand, published by the
, , 30.
Vienna State newspaper, which contained an
. 1914.
eulogy, paying tribute to the great charities of
:
the late Archduke, who won the sympathies of
, The reactions in Germany,
, Sofia, 30thof
June 1914
 Bg

all and was very respected. At the end of many

136 glorifications the following was pointed out:
. , The unity of the royal throne and the nation,
, loyalty of citizens to the dynasty and emperors
, concern for the people, imbued with love - were
, the indestructible foundation of the empire for
centuries. Today, more and stronger than ever
. before, the nations unite around the throne
and shocked, but determined, they renew the
, oath on giving their lives and material goods
: , for the glory of the crown and honour of the
, . army.
, These last words seemed to hint the future
, events of the war, that is giving lives, the oath
and suffering, and all of that for the glory of
. the crown and honour of the army .
, Later reports, which filled pages of the
, . Bulgarian press for days, included all
manifestations and all events that followed the
assassination.
, , In the reports from Sarajevo, but also from
other European capitals, the so-called Political
. newsletters presented the numerous news
and articles about the events before the attack
on the Archduke, but also about the causes,
: about the culprits and the consequences of
( the Sarajevo assassination. It is enough to cite
only the subheadings of the sections from
), those newsletters, so you can see the wide
, range of the media interest in the events:
, ( Before the assassination in Sarajevo (about
the Duchess of Hohenberg and her visit to
, Sarajevo and Ilidza) State of war declared in
... and around Sarajevo, Franz Josephs return
j , ,
to Vienna, Serbia and assassination (About , 1. 1914.
), the communiqu published by the Belgrade
( press office, condemning the assassination
The anti-Serb
, ,
demonstrations in Sarajevo
and Zagreb, , Sofia,
1stof July 1914
 Bg

that touched the hearts of the peoples of the

138 monarchy ... and that caused resentment and
, most severe condemnation in our country),
Manifest of the population of Bosnia and
), Herzegovina (In which the Presidency of the
, , Assembly, on behalf of the people, confirmed
, unwavering commitment to the monarchy and
, ( , the Imperial family, and according to which
, , , ...), . every future act and every initiative that could
, , lead to similar crimes will be suppressed in
: the beginning), General grief in Germany;
Greece and the assassination; Transport of the
, remains to Vienna; Romania and assassination;
Messages of condolence (from France, Russia,
. Turkey, Germany, England ...), etc.
, Today, one hundred years later, the two
, moments that still attract attention: the first
is about some vague details relating to the
, assassination committed by Princip, and the
other one is about the anti-Serb demonstrations
in Sarajevo and Zagreb.
. From a reliable source we learn, says the
reporter of the newspapers Bulgaria, at
, the Archdukes car were thrown two small
. missiles that exploded, but in the Archdukes
: car even after that they did not fully
( understood what had happened. Upon arrival
, at the City Hall, Archduke expressed outrage
, due to the assassination, but still he was
, , cheerful during the reception.
, The description of the second assassination
was even more interesting: At the Crown
), Princes car (in which also were general

, Potiorek, the governor of Bosnia, who was , ,
; sitting across from the Archduke and Duchess, , 1. 1914.
, , and Count Harrach, who was standing on the
, , , running board of the car, in order to protect The reaction of the
Belgrade officials,
, 1stof July 1914
 Bg

. , the Archduke from a possible new attacks with

140 , his own body), when the convoy of vehicles
; entered the street of Franz Joseph, two muffled
shots were fired; general Potiorek thought at
, first that, fortunately, nothing new happened,
because the Archduke and the Duchess were
. sitting still and upright in the car. A little bit
later, as general Potiorek noticed, the Duchess
, , suddenly fell on the Archduke; the general
, thought that she fainted because of nervous
distress, because the Archduke and Duchess
. quietly exchanged a few words that he did not
. understand.
, According to the reporter of these authentic
details of the assassination, when the general,
, . who was forced to show the way to the driver
, who was not familiar with the streets, turned
. to Archduke - he noticed blood in his open
, mouth. The Archduke was sitting quietly.
, When the car stopped in front of the Konak /
TN: manor house/, the Duchess was completely
: , unconscious when she was taken out of the
, car, and the Archduke also fell down. Doctors
(15. ) arrived immediately, but any help was in vain.
, As for the anti-Serb demonstrations, which
. do not give the impression of spontaneity, it is
15. 16. , possible to reconstruct a particular sequence
, of the events, based on the reports on them:
namely, it was noted that immediately after
... the assassination (June 15th) the Croatian
students organized anti-Serb gatherings
, in Sarajevo, due to which the Army had to
, intervene and restored the order.
, ,
In Zagreb, on the night between the 15th and , 1. 1914.
. 16th of June many students walked in the
streets carrying in front of the themselves
The Government
. the Croatian tricolour flag, tied with a black Manifesto addressed to the
population of Bosnia and
Herzegovina, ,
1stof July 1914
 Bg

cloth ... The assembled crowd expressed

142 .... their outrage at the assassination with anti-
Serb demonstrations and smashed the
: windows of the Soko /Falcon/ association,
, (17. at the editorial offices of Novosti /News/
, . .) . and Pokret /Movement/ and at the Serbian
, municipality building. The police dispersed
, the protesters in front of the Serbian bank.
The newspapers expressed their resentment
. : over the assassination and reported that the
Croatian people were deeply shaken by seeing
, the funeral coffin of the beloved heir to the
, throne...
The protests continued in Sarajevo for the
, next two days: Anti-Serb demonstrations
. were organized yesterday and today (the 17th
. June, TN) that were even bigger. Croatian and
Muslim youth, followed by a crowd of people,
, walked in the streets, carrying a portrait of
(17. ) , the Emperor in front of them and singing the
Emperors hymn. They shouted: long live the
: monarchy and the dynasty; they also chanted
, other anti-Serb slogans, smashing all the
. window of the Europe Hotel, in which was the
. residence of the Serbian culture association, as
well as the windows of many Serbian shops.
, The Army and police have restored the order.
. In the report on the events in Sarajevo it was
. said that the protesters, which the Army and
. police had dispelled that morning (the 17th
. June), that they reunited in other parts of the
. . city again: The demonstrations acquired a
disturbing character once the people joined
the protesters. Serbian shops were taken by
an assault and looted. Due to the hazardous , , , 1.
: 1914.
character of the demonstration and the rise of
... tensions, the state of emergency was declared.
All major points in the city were taken over by The anti-Serb riots in
, Zagreb, , Sofia, 1stof
July 1914
 Bg

; the Army. This morning a young man tossed a

144 hand grenade at the street corner. The hand
... grenade exploded and slightly wounded a
, , Muslim. The attacker was arrested. Details of
, the attack are not known.

The next news also testify about the drama
....
and confusion about the events in the streets
17. of Sarajevo: During the protests, there
was a quarrel between the Croatian and
. Mohammedan youth ... The crowd was kneeling
. at the place, where the assassination occurred,
, as well as at the square in front of the church;
. , prayers were read over there with tears for the
. longevity of the Emperor and for the peace of
the souls of the Archduke and Duchess ... The
, excitement that came over everybody as the
, result of the terrible crime led to the already
, mentioned sad incidents against the Serbian
element ...
. Patriotic demonstrations of the Croats and
(): ( Muslims were also launched on the 17th June
in Travnik. It was a protest against the Serbs.
, After the windows of the Serbian church were
broken, a priest started to shoot and a man was
, wounded. The priest was arrested to prevent
him being lynched.

The reports on the demonstrations also
), (
continued over the next few days, and the articles

on political turmoil after the assassination, in
: .
general, illustrated the political attitudes and

strategic position of the Austro-Hungarian
. ),
side. The following selection of titles is from

the newspapers /Peace/: What has the
( , , ,
investigation revealed (Text of the assassins
, , 1. 1914.
and their accomplices as well as about the
,
initiators of the assassination, and that was - in
: The condolences of
the opinion of the powerful elite - a powerful
the Government of
Bulgaria, , Sofia,
1stof July 1914
 Bg

. propaganda, which included the Serbian , The reports on the transportation of the
146 Orthodox population and young people ), , remains of the Archduke and Duchess on
. from the Serbian schools and the Orthodox , their last journey were particularly followed:
socialists), New grenades (About the grenades transport by train from Sarajevo to Metkovic,
, that were tossed in Sarajevo the following , transfer to the yacht Dalmat and a trip down
...), day after the assassination: The culprits . the river Neretva to the mouth of the Adriatic
( were not arrested. It is believed that they are Sea and the transfer of their coffins to the
accomplices of yesterdays assassination. It Viribus Unitis cruiser, which then sailed to
, is peaceful in the town), Political motives Trieste.
: for the murder and its consequences (about The overall general assessment of the Bulgarian
. the attitudes of the Austro-Hungarian state press reports on the Sarajevo assassination
: authorities, outlined in the newspapers and the events during and after it, is, on one
Reichspost in the introduction, where among hand, the tendency to present the events
, other things it says: The Archduke Franz objectively (the acts of attack, the first and
), Ferdinand and the Duchess were the victims the second one, course of the demonstrations,
( , of a political assassination. The exponents reflections of the assassination in the European
: , of Serbian propaganda chose for a victim the capitals, reactions of the officials, etc.), as
: first representative of the great state idea. The well as certain level of condemnation of the
Crown Prince and his wife were killed by shots assassination, and above all the Serbian
. from a Browning revolver, a shot by a man who politics, the condemnation that was a result of
.), . was inspired by the idea of the Greater Serbia previous Bulgarias disagreements with Serbia,
... ), In Serbia they knew for the assassination the Second Balkan War.
in advance (The article taken from the London
newspapers Pester Lloyd, and their reporter
: brings the following news from Sarajevo: In
, , Serbia they knew the assassination would take
place. The newspapers Novosti /News/ in
their Thursday issue wrote: Let the Austrian
, . Heir to the throne have a good tour of Bosnia
and Herzegovina because that will be his last
chance to visit the country), Two assassins (On
, Cabrinovic, and Princip, who, when asked why
he carried out the assassination, answered: In
, , , the face of the Heir to the throne I see the face of
the Austrian imperialism and a representative
( , , of the highest power of the monarchy. Thats
, why I committed the assassination.), etc.
 Se


Se

SARAJEVO ASSASSINATION AND THE JULY

150 CRISIS - OVERVIEW OF SWEDENS LEADING
CONTEMPORARY NEWSPAPERS

- The murder of the Archduke Franz Ferdinand

and his morganatic wife Sophie in Sarajevo on
the St. Vitus Day in 1914 launched an avalanche
1914. of the events that were publicized widely on
the pages of the Swedish dailies. During the
five-week period between the assassination
. and the outbreak of the Great War, the Swedish
press monitored attentively the developments,
, caused by the assassination and informed
their readers eagerly on it. The purpose of
this enclosure is to answer the question how
. the Swedish press got the information and in
which way they reported on the development
of European political situation in this crucial
period before the outbreak of the Great War. We
will look for the answer through the analysis of
articles, published in three daily newspapers of
? completely different ideological, political and
social orientation. The analysis included: the
, conservative evening newspaper Aftonbladet
. (Aftonbladet), the liberal daily Dagens Niheter
: (Dagens Nyheter) and the leftist newspaper
A (Aftonbladet), Social Democrats (Social-Democrats), the
organ of the Social Democratic Party. Through
(DagensNyheter) the writing of these three newspapers you can
(Social-Demokraten), clearly notice the different attitudes of the three
. most important ideological - political groups of
Swedish society towards the assassination and
the direct consequences that resulted from it.
-
*** ,
. A,
The news that the assassination of the Austro- , 29. 1914.
*** Hungarian Crown Prince and his wife was
committed in Sarajevo showed up on the front The report on the Sarajevo
, pages of Swedish dailies on Monday, the 29th assassination, Aftonbladet,
of June. In this regard, most of the space was Stockholm, 29th of June
, devoted to the description of the act of the 1914
 Se

assassination and the events which directly

152 , 29. . preceded it, and then the reverberation,
which the assassination caused in Austro-
Hungary, Germany and Serbia, the reaction of
, the Emperor Franz Joseph when receiving the
-, news of the murder, and the biographical data
, of the murdered and the new Royal Couple,
, Archduke Carlo and his wife, Archduchess Zita.
The mentioned newspapers illustrated their
, articles with family or individual photos of the
, killed and the Aftonbladet added a photo of the
. panorama of Sarajevo.

, a The evening newspaper Aftonbladet1
A published, as the breaking news on that day, an
. article entitled The Austro-Hungarian crown
prince killed with his wife and a subtitle in
1 which it pointed out that The assassination
was committed by the Serbs in the Bosnian
capital. In the introductory section, formed on
the basis of wide excerpts from the Viennese
press, there was the detailed description of
. events that occurred the day before at the
, Appels Quay in Sarajevo. It is stated there
, that the assassination was carried out by a
high school student, who fired from a pistol
. and that a failed hand grenade assassination
attempt preceded the assassination. It further
says on the site that they, the both assassins,
were of Serbian nationality and that the
. assassination was ethnically motivated. It is
followed by the brief information about the
assassins, accompanied by the allusion that
. the assassination was organized in Serbia.
The perpetrator of the assassination, Gavrilo
. Princip, was described as nineteen years old
person, born in Grahovo, who spent a longer
,
, period of education in Belgrade, and that A,
, during the investigation, he said that he has , 1. 1914.
, been infatuated with the idea to assassinate
some prominent figure for a long time. As
The analysis of the causes
for Nedeljko Cabrinovic, they say he is a
of the assassination and
its direct consequences,
Aftonbladet, Stockholm,
1st of July 1914
 Se

. typographer and that he admitted he got the

154 , , grenade in Belgrade from an anarchist, whose
name he did not know. The assassins have
denied that they were linked, but they were
. not believed saying that. Their conduct before
the investigating authorities was estimated as
. cynical.
.
Unlike the Aftonbladet, its competitor, the
A(), Dagens Niheter2 wrote a brief overview of the
2 political background of the assassination along
with the abovementioned news. So they say
. that assassination was an expression of the
South Slavic hatred towards Austro Hungary,
- which they perceive as an enslaver that stands
in the way of their national development.
It then says that the population of Bosnia is
. predominantly composed out of Serbs, who

strive to unite with Serbia since the time of
awakening of their national consciousness.
Gavrilo Princip was described in that post as -
. the Slovene high school student. , A,
. , 23. 1914.
Social Democrat3 also brought as breaking
je
3
news a post in which they express a synthesis of
The analysis of the
German and Austrian press in connection with
international significance
the event. No supplementary commentaries
ofthe strained relations
. , were given in addition to the informative news between Austria-Hungary
. in the text. and Serbia, Aftonbladet,
Stockholm, 23 July, 1914
The event in Sarajevo continued to dominate
the foreign policy section of the Swedish press
. in the following days. The news was still coming
to Stockholm mainly from Vienna and Berlin.
. Their content was dominated by the new
details in connection with the assassination,
, then the information related to the results of
, the investigation, and beginning of anti-Serb
, demonstrations in Sarajevo, Mostar and other
, towns in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well
as a review of the life and personality of the
Archduke Franz Ferdinand and feelings that
. his death created within the country.
 Se

30. On the 30th of June the Aftonbladet printed an

156 article After the assassination in Sarajevo,
in which was explicitly stated that the
. assassination was the fruit of the Greater
Serbia conspiracy. Cabrinovics confession
and a considerable sum of money found in
Princips apartment in Sarajevo were specified
. as the main evidence for it. In the same article
there are quotes of the mayor of Sarajevo
proclamation, addressed to the citizens
immediately after the assassination, in which
was stated that the assassins were armed
in Belgrade and that the sacred duty of the
citizens of Sarajevo is to remove the shameful
. stain, which stained the name of our city today.
That was an indirect call for the persecution of
Serbs, because the very next day the Croatian
and Mohammedan youth organized anti-
Serb demonstrations in Sarajevo and other
. major towns in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The
specific targets of the protesters were Serbian
- cultural and educational institutions, as well
as shops and restaurants, owned by Serbs.
. The Aftonbladet points out that members
of all strata of society participated in the
. demonstrations. The violence is justified
with protesters contempt and resentment
towards the assassination, which was the
. fruit of the Greater Serbia agitation. The
Dagens Niheter transmitted this news without
running commentaries, while the Social-
1. Democrat in their article, published on the 1st
, of July, states that the anticipated fear that the
assassination would be used as an excuse for
, a general campaign against the Austrian Serbs
. and their leaders, unfortunately came true.

The article brought to attention that the news ,
, of involvement of Serbia in the assassination , , 1.
should be taken with caution until further 1914.
notice because it is possible that they could
originate from some of those factories of lies,
How was the news of the
, which systematically worked to raise anti- assassination received in
Vienna, Dagens Nyheter,
. Stockholm, 1st of July 1914
 Se

Serb tension at the most critical moment of

158 the Balkan War, trying to make the Prohaskas
affair as an unconditional cause for war against
Serbia.
.
It is important to note that the Aftonbladet
, brings a diametrically different description of
, , the personality of the assassinated Archduke
. and the echoes that his death caused within
the country, in comparison with the Dagens
Niheter and the Social-Democrat. So, Franz
. , Ferdinand was described in that newspaper as
a person of mature judgment and a strong will,
stable, respected and an influential person,
and cautious in making political decisions.
. They particularly emphasized his military
. virtues and the respect he enjoyed in the Army
for it. Additionally, the Aftonbladet points out
in a number of articles that the citizens of
, Vienna sincerely mourn their Heir, and that
his death has done irreparable damage to the
monarchy. Quite a different picture of this is
given by the Dagens Niheter. In a letter, sent
, to the newspaper from Vienna, shortly after
. receiving the news about the assassination, it
is said that the citizens of Vienna had received
. the news on the assassination in Sarajevo
. with a sense of general indifference but it
also produced their almost burning hatred
, towards the assassin only because he was of
the Serbian nationality. Some of them were
. even openly glad because the assassination
Worwrts, freed them of a Czech on the throne. A
, similar picture of the situation in this regard
is also brought by the Social-Democrat. So,
, that newspaper writes in the article The
, Archduke Franz Ferdinand that the news of
his death in Vienna was received with blunt
indifference. The Vienna correspondent of the
. , German socialist newspaper Worwrts, from

, which was this article taken, considered that , ,
the cause for it should have been looked for , 25. 1914.
, .
The analysis of the international
relations just before the war, Dagens
Nyheter, Stockholm, 25thof July 1914
 Se

, in the personality of the murdered one, whom

160 he described as a reckless, unpredictable,
, pretentious and an extremely stubborn man,
who achieved his goals by any means. Apart
, 4. . from the clergymen, whose views and ideas
he advocated and supported, no one else had
the slightest reason to grieve for him, it stated
, further in this article.

Among other news, the Aftonbladet paid great
attention to the transport of the corpses to the
castle of Arsteten, where the bodies were laid
. in a tomb chapel in the presence of close family
, members on Saturday, the 4th of July. On the
same day the editorial article The European
, situation and the issue of our armed forces,
was published in the newspaper, pointing out
. that killing of any other European monarch
would not cause greater complications within
, the European political scene, than the murder
of the Austro-Hungarian crown prince in
Sarajevo. The author of the text finds that the
Dual Monarchy must settle their accounts with
. Serbia while the old emperor is still alive if
they do not want to lose its prestigious political
, role in the Balkans. As this could lead to the
major complications in terms of maintaining
the peace in Europe in this case, the author
. appeals to the members of Swedish Parliament
, to reconsider the seriousness of the situation
and support the suggestion of the military
, experts regarding the reform of the Swedish
Armed Forces.
.
, On the other hand, a short article about
. threatening demonstrations in front of
the apartment of the Serbian Member of
,
Parliament Jovanovic in Vienna was published ,
in the Social Democrat on the same day. It is , 29.
, pointed out in the article that, despite the fact 1914.
that the Viennese press tried to show those
. demonstrations as nation-wide, the members The beginning of
of the working class did not participate in that the war, Dagens
Nyheter,Stockholm, 29th
of July 1914
 Se

, illegal activity. As the latest one in a series of

162 notes, the newspaper published the news of
. the assassinated couples funeral ceremony.

On the same day the Dagens Niheter published
a number of articles about the funeral of the
7. assassinated and the memorial service held in
, a Catholic church in Stockholm, noting that a
similar service was held in Belgrade. ,
,
. After that news, the events in connection with , 1. 1914.
, the assassination began to lose its topicality.
- That was undoubted influence by the soothing
The analysis of the political
, comments, made by the Austro-Hungarian
controversiesrelated to the
officials, published in the press after the Sarajevo assassination, the
session of the joint Monarchy Ministerial Social Democrats, Stockholm,
. , , Council on the 7th of July in Vienna, in which the 1st of July 1914
security situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina
and the attitude that the Monarchy should take
. towards Serbia were discussed. Relying on the
writings of the Viennese press, two days later
, the Aftonbladet published the article Austro-
Hungary and Serbia, in which they pointed out
that the empire had no intention to take any
. , diplomatic action against the neighbouring
: country. Thus, as the newspaper estimated,
prevailed moderate political option, quite
opposite to that one, which the murdered Heir
stood for. A part of the speech from Count Tisza
. in front of the Hungarian delegation, in which
he evaluated the assassination as a result
of a conspiracy of a gang, whose opinion is
, 9. not shared by the majority of the population
of Bosnia and Herzegovina, was quoted in
, the same article. The Hungarian President
ended his speech by saying: Everybody in
. charge of foreign policy in the Monarchy
is firmly determined to work hard for the
maintenance of peace and preservation of the
vital interests and prestige of the Monarchy.
Next day a new article appeared on the pages
. of the Aftonbladet, in which it was said that
Neues Wiener the Emperor, after Count Berthold made him
Tageblatt.
 Se

familiar with the decisions of the Ministerial

164 Council on the 9th of July at Ischl, supported
. the proposal to have a protest that will
- not affect the state sovereignty of Serbia.
17. sent to the Serbian government. The idea
15. was to oblige Serbia to punish its citizens
involved in the assassination and to provide
solid guarantees regarding suppressing the
anti-Austrian agitation in their territory. The
Aftonbladet took this news from the Neues
. Wiener Tageblatt, a newspaper close to the
government.
16. ,
The Dagens Niheter also wrote about the
soothing news that was arriving from
Vienna and Budapest during those days. This
newspaper, in the article Austro-Hungary
and Serbia, published on the 17th of July,
conveys the calming tone of clarification that
. , Count Tisza presented before the Hungarian
delegation on 15th of July, after his return from
Vienna, where he spoke to Count Berthold on
the coordination of joint steps towards Serbia.
. In the same context of the news there was a
review of the content of an article published
on 16th of July in Londons The Times, in which
that eminent European newspaper, awaiting
for the Austro-Hungarian protest urges the
Serbian government to take their own steps
. regarding the punishment of persons involved
, in the assassination and the suppression of
23. , anti-Austrian agitation on its territory. On the
, other hand, the newspaper expressed their
, hopes that Austria would continue with the
. same moderate actions and control as before
- , in its relations with Serbia.
25. , ,
However, the sequence of the next steps ,
. detailed in the Ballhausplatz will show that , 3. 1914.
this was a part of a broader political plan,
. taken for the purpose of misleading Serbia Description of the
Worwrtsa, and the deception of the European public. personality of Franz
25. The long awaited Vienna protest, addressed Ferdinand, Social -
Democraten, Stockholm,
3rd of July 1914
 Se

to Serbia in the form of an ultimatum on 23rd

166 of July, not only infringed its sovereignty but,
, according to the Dagens Niheter, presented
. a formal declaration of war. The same
newspaper in the article Austro-Serbian war
on the doorstep, published on the 25th of July,
states that by accepting the Austrian demands
Serbia would commit national suicide A
similar attitude in this regard was taken by
. the editorial board of the Social Democrat.
Relying on the writing of the Worwrts, the
newspaper, in the editorial article of the 25th
of July, described the Austrian demands as the
. , most brutal ever sent to a sovereign state in
23. , the history of mankind, calculated to provoke
a war. There was a kind of appeal in the
article, addressed to the European countries
1912-1913. . working-class, to unanimously oppose the
25. illegal Austrian imperial politics that for a
long time looked for a way to start its long-
awaited showdown with Serbia. In contrast
to these two newspapers, the Aftonbladet,
according to their earlier custom, followed the
, referral of the Austrian ultimatum to Serbia
with undisguised sympathy. In the article The
. tension on the Danube, published on the 23rd of
June, the newspaper states that Vienna already
considers the possibility of localization of
. war as it was the case from 1912 to 1913.
While awaiting the response of the Serbian
, , government, on the 25th of July this newspaper
. published an article from its temporary
correspondent from Vienna, in which it is said
that there is a belief in some influential circles
of Vienna that the assassination in Sarajevo
- was in fact organized by Russia, and that Serbia
. appeared as its extended arm in the whole ,
story. In favour of this hypothesis there is a fact ,
. stated that the murdered crown prince was a , 25.
determined, if not even the biggest opponent 1914.
of the Russian politics. Therefore, in Vienna -
says the correspondent further on they feel The criticism of
the same, if not even greater hatred for Russia the ultimatum,
than for Serbia. Social Democraten,
Stockholm, 25th of
July 1914
 Se

1
1830. 1
Aftonbladet was first published in 1830 as the first
- One of the questions that dominated in
168 . the columns of the Swedish press during
Swedish evening edition of a clearly liberal character.
. 1890, Since 1890, when Harald Solhman became the head of
those days referred to the possibility of (HaraldSolhman), the newspapers, it took an extremely conservative profile
, localization of the Austro-Serbian war. All with a pronounced inclination towards Germany. In 1915
. three newspapers considered that the answer . 1915. Solhman sold the newspapers secretly to the German
to this question should come from Petersburg. government to make them able to perform smoothly their
The optimism in this regard, which briefly wartime propaganda in Sweden. With a daily printing
appeared through the mediation initiative of . run of about 30 000 copies, Aftonbladet was then one of
. the English Foreign Minister Sir Edward Grey, 30.000 , A the most read Swedish newspapers.
.
. deflated after Germany resolutely refused to 2
Dagens Niheter (popular DN) was first published in
influence in any way the firm decision of its 2
( ) late 1864, six times a week as an independent political
ally Austria-Hungary to settle accounts with 1864. j newspaper, morning edition. As for its orientation, the
, Serbia. The answer to this and many other . DN was initially closest to the political attitudes of the
questions, the Swedish press searched in the Sweden Peasant Party (Lantmannapartiet) and therefore
, writings of the European press, especially in (Lantmannapartiet) considered as its party mouth piece, although it was
the major powers press. In the large numbers never really the case. Since 1897 the newspaper was
. of information that was flowing in during those . 1897. published on Sundays. In the early 20th century DN more
j. 20. and more begins to represent the liberal political ideas.
days from the various sides to the columns
. Before the outbreak of the World War I, the DN was one
of the Swedish newspapers, there was an of the three leading newspapers in the country with a
obvious search for an answer if there is still a daily printing run of about 50 000 copies. Since 1909 it
possibility to prevent a catastrophe. It seems 50.000 . O 1909. is owned by the prestigious publishing house Bonier.
that the hope was dying last even in this case. .
With theaggravation of the European political 3
Unlike the first two, the Social Democrat was distinctly
situation at the end of July, there was some 3
, the party character newspapers, profiled according to
shift in the writings of the Dagens Niheter the members of the working class. The newspaper was
that began to take more an expressively anti- . first published in Stockholm in 1885, first as a weekly,
1885. , and since 1890 as a daily morning newspaper. Since 1886
Russian stance in their articles, while the other 1890. . 1886. the duty of the chief editor was assumed by the famous
two newspapers still firmly kept their original Swedish Social Democrat Hjalmar Branting, who stayed
positions. in that position with minor breaks until 1917. Laying the
(Hjalmar Branting) foundations of the Swedish social democracy, Branting
1917. skillfully used the opportunities that position of the
editor provided. Just before the outbreak of the World
War I the newspaper was published in two editions, one
. in Stockholm, and one for the rest of the country, with
, , a daily circulation of 40 000 copies. The slogan of the
, 40.000 French Revolution: Liberty, Equality, Fraternity was in
. the header of the newspaper.
: , ,

 It

 Vojislav Pavlovi
It

J ITALIAN PRESS DURING

172 1914. THE JULY CRISIS OF 1914

The Sarajevo assassination was really just

the beginning of a relatively long-term crisis
1914. in which, during the month of July 1914, all
diplomatic and geostrategic contradictions in
XIX Europe at the turn of the 19th into 20th centurys
XX . - sublimated. Starting from the Franco-Russian
1894, alliance of 1894, Europe was gradually divided
into two blocks and their sporadic clashes
, of greater or lesser intensity had developed
1914, . into an all out war in the summer of 1914.
The basic diplomatic instruments that had
contributed to such an outcome were the
contractual obligations which were the basis
, (, of the two opposing blocs, the Triple Entente
) (Russia, France and the United Kingdom) and
(, ). the Triple Alliance (Germany, Italy and Austria-
J Hungary). During the July crisis, members of
both alliances had been guided in to making
crucial decisions in the belief that they were
respecting their contractual obligations in the
best protection of their vital national interests.
. , The only exception was Italy, which, as is it well
, , known, declared its neutrality and de facto
de facto , terminated the alliance that was connecting
1882. . them with the Central Powers since 1882.
The Italian government of Antonio Salandra
explained its decision with the fact that it was
not consulted about the steps that have been
, , undertaken by its allies, which ultimately led
, . to the war in Europe. This clarification was
not just formal but it was also revealed the
true essence of the relationships in the Triple , ,
. , Alliance. In fact, the Italian government felt , 29. j 1914.
aggrieved by its allies, not only by the fact that
it was not consulted, but above all else that The political background
, they, in making crucial decisions, disregarded of the assassination, La
, , Italian vital interests. Austrias decision to Stampa, Torino, 29thof
June 1914
 It

. use the Sarajevo assassination as a pretext

174 for a showdown with Serbia, in the Italian
interpretation, ignoring the fact that in this
way disrupted the existing balance of forces in
the Balkans in favour of the Austro-Hungarian
Empire. This was of particular importance
. because; according to Article 7 of the Treaty
, 7 of alliance Italy would in this case be given
the right to request territorial compensation,
, which in its case referred to the Italian-
speaking provinces of the Dual Monarchy. In
. short, Italy had perceived its vital national
, interest as the final completion of its national
integration, and it could be carried out only
, at the expense of its ally, Austria-Hungary.
Since during the consultations, which took
, . place after the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum
, to Serbia, on 23rd July 1914, on the line Rome
, 23. Vienna, they failed to reach an agreement
1914, - , on possible compensation, and the Austro-
, Hungarian government even refused to accept
such interpretation of the Allied contract, the
, government of Antonio Salandra had on 2nd
2. August officially declared the neutrality of Italy.
.
The government of Antonio Salandra enjoyed
the support of the Italian parliament and the
leader of the Liberal Party and Salandras
predecessor, Giovanni Giolitti. The attitude that
. Salandra and his Minister of foreign affairs,
the Marquis di San Giuliano, had during the
, , July crisis fully reflected the mood of the vast
J , majority in the Italian Parliament and the Italian
public. The condemnation of the assassination,
as a criminal act, was universal, although Franz
. , Ferdinand was not really liked by the Italian
, , public and politicians. At the same time, the ,
Austria-Hungarian aggressive policy towards , , 29.
. Serbia was condemned by the Italian Foreign 1914.
, Minister and the Italian press. San Giulianos
telegram informed the Italian diplomats in The report on the Sarajevo
, St. Petersburg and Belgrade that from the assassination, Aftonbladet,
. conversations with the German ambassador in Stockholm, 29th of June
Rome, Flotow, he got the impression that due 1914
 It

to immoderate demands of Austria-Hungary

176 the conflict with Serbia was inevitable. The
, , aggressive policy of Austria-Hungary was
seen as part of its strategy devised in order
. to achieve dominance in the Balkans, which
was assessed in Rome as a threat to the Italian
interests. Italian diplomacy and the public have
, therefore strongly advocated the preservation
of peace, and when it was no longer possible,
. they remained outside the European conflict.

, The Italian press had carefully followed the
, July crisis, particularly in the three largest
. dailies (Corrieredella Sera, La Stampa and Il
GiornaledItalia), which in the early twentieth
century, largely gained importance and
J increased their circulation. Corrieredella Sera
(Corriere della Sera, La Stampa Il and La Stampa have at the turn of the century
Giornale dItalia), XX received new directors and Il GiornaledItalia
was founded in 1901. The new directors,
. Corriere della Sera La Stampa Luigi Albertini at Corrieredella Sera in Milan,
, Alberto Frassati at La Stampa- in Turin and
Il Giornale dItalia 1901. Alberto Bergamini at Il GiornaledItalia in
, Corriere Rome, turned these Italian papers into modern
della Sera , La European dailies with large circulations.
Stampa Il Corrieredella Sera in 1913 printed 350
Giornale dItalia 000 copies. All three dailies were following
clearly defined political options. La Stampa
. Corriere was close to and the expressed the views
della Sera 1913. of Giolittis Liberal Party. Il GiornaledItalia
350.000 . followed the anti-Giolitti policy of enlightened
conservatism. Corrieredella Sera marked the
. La Stampa Albertini beliefs, of the moderate conservatism
and economic liberalism with a strong feeling
, Il Giornale dItalia for Italian statehood. The Socialist Party
newspaper Avanti stood out among the other
. Corriere della Sera Italian dailies by their clearly expressed
, political convictions.
, , ,
, Italian dailies presented its readers a 30. 1914.
. picture of the July crisis primarily from two
sources: reports from correspondents in the The report on the Anti-
European capitals and editorials written in Serb demonstrations in
Avanti. their newsrooms. As far as the assassination, Sarajevo, Corriere, Milan,
30thof June 1914
 It

the Italian press did not cover the journey of

178 J Franz Ferdinand in Bosnia, and news about
, : the assassination was written on the basis
of the correspondents reports in Vienna.
However, their description of the situation in
. Bosnia was not limited to the transmission of
, reports from Viennas newspapers, because
, they faithfully described the persecution and
killing of Serbs in Bosnia that followed after
. , the assassination. Serbia also failed to attract
the Italian correspondents but the attitudes
, of the Serbian government were carefully
monitored and faithfully transmitted. The
. course of the crisis and diplomatic initiatives
, of the great powers were in the focus of Italian
dailies which, before the outbreak of the war,
. had on that occasion even more dailies.

, Particular attention should be given to
the editorials signed by some of the then
. largest Italian journalists and publicists.
From their texts one can sense the division,
which will follow in Italian public policy and
stabilize during the first years of the war, on
. interventionists and neutralists. Hence Renato
Della Vale writes about the assassination in
, the Corrieredella Sera, on June the 30th, on the
disastrous trialist dream of Franz Ferdinand.
, . An attempt was made primarily to explain
, 30. , to the Italian audiences the historical roots
Corriere della Sera of the assassination. Virginio Gaidai at La
Stampa, already on the 29th June and then
. , , Vico Mantegazzain Corrieredella Sera on July
the 14th, described the history of the Austro-
. La Hungarian occupation of Bosnia-Herzegovina,
Stampa, 29. , the connections between Serbia and the
Corriere della Sera 14. , Serbian people in Bosnia, and above all they -
condemned the aggressive Austro-Hungarian , ,
, policy that tended to dominate the Balkans. , 25. 1914.
, Corrieredella Sera had already on the 25th July,
, in an editorial said that the Austria-Hungarian The editorial comment
. ultimatum to Serbia was unacceptable and on the Austro-Hungarian
Corriere della Sera 25. that by its aggressive goals, by subordination ultimatum, Avanti, Milan,
Serbia, disrupts the existing balance of power 25thof July 1914
 It

in the Balkans and thus threatens the vital

180 , interests of Italy. Avanti, on the day of the
, Austro-Hungarian declaration of war on
Serbia on July the 28th, informs its readers
. that the leadership of the Socialist Party and
Avanti, its members of parliament voted decisively in
, 28. , favour of the neutrality of Italy. Il Giornaled
Italia on the 2nd August publishes an editorial
that contains the entire argument that the
government of Antonio Salandra used to
. Il Giornale dItalia 2. explain its decision for Italy to remain neutral.

Italian dailies have covered the July crisis
with the unanimous assessment that under
. the current power relations Italy must do
everything to preserve peace, but without
losing sight of its interests, which, as it was
J unanimously assessed, were not congruent
with its existing alliances, because the
, aggressive policy of Austria-Hungary in
e , , the Balkans was considered a threat to the
, interests of Italy.
,


.

-
,
,
, 26. 1914.

The news on the

withdrawal of the Austro-
Hungarian Ambassador
from Belgrade, Il Giornale,
Rome, 26thof July 1914
 It

182

,
,
, 2. 1914.
, ,
, 25. 1914.
The attitude of the Italian
government on the Allied
commitments towards the The news on the
members of the Tripartite mobilization in Italy,
Pact, Il Giornale, Rome, Avanti, Milan, 25thof July
August 2nd, 1914 1914
 Rs

 Muharem Bazdulj
SRBIJA
186
POLITIKA KAO SUDBINA
Istraujui grau (novinske tekstove,
fotografije, faksimile, prepiske, objave) iz
Srbije, a iz perioda od 28. maja do 3. avgusta
1914. godine, pregledajui razliita arhivska
dokumenta, uporno mi se vraala pomisao
kako je jedini ispravan nain da se ispria
pria o vremenu neposredno prije Sarajevskog
atentata, a zatim i periodu Julske krize i
poetku samog rata, iz perspektive Srbije i
srpskog drutva, povlaenje vertikale kroz
priloge iz dnevnog lista Politika.
Nije samo dostetka ona uobiajena
kolokvijalna fraza prema kojoj je Politika
jedan od etiri stuba Srbije kao drave i Srba
kao nacije. Vanost Politike i u pozitivnom of Serbia as a state and the Serbs as a nation
i u negativnom smislu posebno dolazi na
vidjelo u tekim vremenima, a takva su bila i
ova na koje se koncentrie ovo istraivanje.
Na stranici sa oglasima i reklamama od 1. juna
1914. godine nasluujemo jednu mladu dravu
i naroito njen glavni grad kao prosperitetno
drutvo koje ivi u nekoj vrsti ekonomskog
uspona, a poneto i idilino, da ne kaem
belepokovski. Tu su oglasi za prodaju satova
i enskih eira, kao i reklame zubnih ljekara
i frizera. Slina je i stranica od 2. juna iste
godine, sa koje, meutim, vidimo i neke druge
naine na koje se drutvo modernizuje (oglas
za izgradnju solidne i jevtine kanalizacije,
recimo).
Naslovnica Politike od Vidovdana 1914.
godine je poput mementa posljednjem
predkriznom danu. Liena fotografija i
ilustracija, sa mnotvom sitnih naslova, iz
perspektive poznatog ishoda moda i izgleda
Rs
SERBIA
POLITICS AS FATE
While exploring materials (newspaper articles,
photographs, facsimiles, correspondence,
and publications) from Serbia, from the 28th
of May to the 3rd of August 1914, and while
reviewing various archival documents. One
idea was persistently coming back to me that
the only correct way to tell the story about the
time just before the Sarajevo assassination and
then about the July crisis and the beginning of
the war, from the perspective of Serbia and the
Serbian society, is drawing parallels between
the articles from the daily newspaper Politika.
A common colloquial phrase according to
which the Politika is one of the four pillars
is not only a witticism. The importance of
the Politika - both in positive and negative
connotation - especially comes to light in
difficult times, and this research was focused
on one of them.
On the page with ads and commercials from
the 1st of June 1914, we sense a young state
and especially its capital city as a prosperous
society that lives in a kind of economic boom,
somewhat idyllic too, almost like during the
Belle poque period. There are commercials
for watches and womens hats, as well as
commercials by dentists and hairdressers.
Similar is the page from the 2nd of June of Izvjetaj o atentatu,
the same year, where we can see some other Politika, Beograd, 29. jun
ways in which society is being modernized 1914.
(a commercial for building a solid and
inexpensive sewage, for example). The report on the
assassination, ,
The Politika cover page on St. Vitus Day in Belgrade, 29th of June
1914 is like a memento of the last pre-crisis 1914

funeralno, ali svojim je itaocima iz onog
188 vremena bila tek praznini dekor, dekor dana
za koji niko nije ni slutio da e da promijeni
svijet. Ve sutradan, meutim, sve se mijenja.
Na dvije udarna stranice Politike izvjetava
se o smrti Franje Ferdinanda. Jako je zanimljiv
i istorijski, i iz perspektive urnalistike
uredniko-profesionalne podnaslov glavnog
teksta: Dva atentata u Sarajevu. Smrt Franje
Ferdinanda i njegove supruge. Pojedinosti o
atentatu i atentatorima. I zaista, svima nama
savremenima, svima nama koji ivimo u svijetu
koji je nastao iz Prvog svjetskog rata, prirodno
je govoriti o Sarajevskom atentatu, jednom i
jedinom. Meutim, iz trenutne, kratkorone,
dnevne perspektive savremenika, to su najprije
zaista bila dva atentata, jedan abrinoviev,
jedan Principov, jedan neuspio, drugi uspio.
Poetak ovog podnaslova uva sjeanje na taj
trenutak. Kao to lini dnevnik neke osobe
komemorira trenutke jednog ivota i ne
doputa da se naknadno revidira lina istorija,
tako i dnevne novine, dnevnici, poput Politike
igraju analognu ulogu u ivotu jednog drutva
i jedne nacije. Ipak, treba primijetiti da ve
na kraju istog podnaslova atentat (za razliku
od atentatora) prelazi u jedninu, kao da
istorija ve die glavu, otimajui temu od
novinarstva. Interesantno je takoe, ponovo i iz
profesionalno-novinarske perspektive, kako je
brzo i promptno tema anrovski obraena, sve
do podsjeanja na druge tragedije austrijske
vladarske porodice (Udes Habsburgovog
doma).
Ipak, u danima neposredno nakon atentata,
stranice Politike nam ne sugeriu da je rat
nuan i neizbjean. Stranica sa oglasima od 3.
jula, samo pet dana nakon atentata, na jednom
od najistaknutijih mjesta poziva na ljetovanje u
Banji Baden kod Bea. Tu je i velika reklama za
okoladu Nestle najbolju od sviju vajcarskih
mlenih okolada, kao i reklama za sreke
Srpske dravne klasne lutrije.
Rs
days. Bereft of photos and illustrations, with
a myriad of titles, from the perspective of
the known outcome may seem even funeral-
like, but to its readers of that time it was just
a festive decor, decor of the day for which no
one could even imagine that would change
the world. The next day, however, everything
changes. In its two main pages Politika
reports about the death of Franz Ferdinand.
Its very interesting - and historically, and
from the journalistic editorial-professional
perspective - the subtitle of the main text:
Two assassinations in Sarajevo. Death of
Franz Ferdinand and his wife. The details of
the assassination and assassins. And indeed,
to all of us from the modern-world, to all of
us who live in a world that has emerged from
the First World War, it is natural to speak of
the Sarajevo assassination as of one and one
only. However, from the current, short-term,
daily perspective of the contemporaries, there
were really two assassination attempts, one by
Cabrinovic, and another one by Princip. One
failed, the other one succeeded. The beginning
of this subtitle keeps the memory of that
moment alive. Just like a personal diary of a
person who commemorated moments of ones
life and not allowing personal history to be
subsequently revised, so do daily newspapers,
diaries, such as Politika play analogous role
in the life of a society and a nation. However,
it should be noted that already at the end
of the same subtitle the assassination (as
opposed to the assassins) turns into singular Izvjetaj o austro-
form, as if history has already raised its head, ugarskom ultimatumu
snatching the subject from journalism. It is Srbiji i srpskom odgovoru,
also interesting, and again from a professional- Politika, Beograd, 27. jul
journalistic perspective, how quickly and 1914.
promptly the issue was genre processed, all
the way to the reminding readers of the other The report on the Austro-
tragedies of the Austrian royal family (The Hungarian ultimatum to
doom of the Habsburgs). Serbia and the Serbian
response, ,
Belgrade, 27th of July 1914

Istorijska lutrija krenula je ve ipak zlosrenim
190 tokom. Na naslovnoj stranici od 6. jula, malo
vie od nedjelju dana nakon atentata, Politika
donosi fotografiju Gavrila Principa. Potpis pod
fotografijom vrijedi citirati: Gavrilo Princip,
ak VIII razreda gimnazije, koji je na Vidovdan,
ubio, u Sarajevu, sa dva revolverska metka
austro-ugarskog prestolonaslednika Franju
Ferdinanda i njegovu suprugu hercoginju
Sofiju Hoenberg. Ponovo nam dnevne novine
uvaju duh vremena. Ni posmrtno sauee
nije moglo da prenebregne i zaboravi nie
porijeklo supruge nadvojvodine i morganatski
brak te se uz njeno ime istie da je hercoginja.
Princip je pak ak VIII razreda gimnazije,
nikako student, to se i kod nas odomailo,
nakon pacerskih i nestrunih prevoda
engleskih autora i izvora.
Naposljetku, tu su stranice Politike na kojima
se izvjetava o austro-ugarskom ultimatumu
Srbiji, tom najteem ultimatumu koji je
ikada uputila jedna drava drugoj nezavisnoj
dravi (po rijeima Edvarda Greja), odnosno
najdrskijem dokumentu te vrste ikad
sroenim (kako ga je opisao Vinston eril).
Iz naslova koji okruuju vijest o ultimatumu
(Rusija se die, Francuska je uz Rusiju...)
slutimo da je mogunost Velikog rata sad ve
mnogo vie od puke mogunosti.
Na samom kraju, tu je stranica Politike od
drugog avgusta. Tu je i naslov Svetski rat. Nije
u naslovu Veliki rat, to e postati tek poslije,
kad zavri. Nije naravno ni Prvi svjetski, to
moe da bude tek kad se desi i Drugi; samo je
Svjetski, jedan jedini u tom trenutku.
I drugi naslovi na ovoj stranici su vie nego
simbolini i indikativni: ivot u Beogradu
(Beograd je od jue ostao gotovo sasvim bez
vode. Na sve strane vidite ljude, ene i decu
gde ulicama vuku najraznovrsnije i najudnije
sudove: kante, kofe, bokale, balone, flae,
Rs
However, in the days immediately after the
assassination, the pages of Politika do not
suggest that a war was necessary or inevitable.
The page with advertisements from July 3rd,
just five days after the assassination, offers
holidays to the Spa Baden near Vienna in one
of its most prominent pages. There is also a
large ad for the Nestle chocolate the best of all
Swiss milk chocolates, as well as commercials
for lottery tickets for the Serbian state class
lottery.
However the historical lottery was already on
its ill-fated course. On the front page of the July
6th paper, a day or two after the assassination,
Politika, contains a photograph of Gavrilo
Princip. The caption under the photograph is
worth quoting: Gavrilo Princip, a student of
the VIII grade, who, on St. Vitus Day, killed in
Sarajevo, with two revolver bullets, the Austro-
Hungarian heir to the throne Franz Ferdinand
and his wife Sophie, Duchess of Hohenberg.
Again, the daily newspapers preserve the spirit
of the time for us. Not even the posthumous
sympathy could overlook and forget the
lower status of the Archdukes wife, and a
morganatic marriage, and it is emphasized
next to her name that she is a Duchess.
Finally, there are pages of Politika which
reported on the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum
to Serbia. The toughest ultimatum that was
ever sent by one state to another independent
state (in the words of Edward Grey), or the Izvjetaj o austro-
ugarskom ultimatumu
most outrageous document of its kind ever
Srbiji i srpskom odgovoru,
phrased (as described by Winston Churchill). Politika, Beograd, 27. jul
From the titles that surround the news of the 1914.
ultimatum (Russia is rising, France is with
Russia ...) we suspect that the possibility of
the Great War is now much more than a mere The report on the Austro-
Hungarian ultimatum to
possibility. Serbia and the Serbian
response, ,
At the very end, there is a page of Politika Belgrade, 27th of July 1914
from the 2nd of August. There is also a title,

testije pak ak i kace, idu tako kroz ulice i
192 raspituju, gde ima vode, jer vide ipak ponegde
ima, samo treba pronai gde.) pa Poslednje
vesti i napokon Politika u ratu. Ima, ini se,
neeg ne samo prigodnog u ovoj referenci na
na privilegovani izvor. Mobilizacijom lanova
urednitva Politike stavlja se prirodna taka
na uvid u ovaj burni istorijski period, uvid
dostupan nam upravo preko stranica dnevnog
lista Politika.
Rs
the World War. The Great War is not in the
title, it will become that only later, when the
war has ended. It is also not the First world
war, it could be that only when the second one
happens; it is just the World War, the only one
at the time.
Other headlines on this page are more than
symbolic and indicative too: Life in Belgrade
(Belgrade remained almost completely
without water yesterday. Everywhere you
see people, women and children, dragging
the most diverse and weirdest vessels in the
streets: cans, buckets, pitchers, water carrying
balloons, bottles, jugs and even vats. Going
through the streets and inquiring as to where
there is water, because they see there is water
somewhere, one only needs to find where. )
and the Latest News and finally Politika in
the war. There seems to be something not only
convenient in this reference to our privileged
source. By the mobilization of members of
the editorial board of the Politika there is
a natural stop point to the insight into this
turbulent period of history, an insight available
to us right through the pages of the daily
newspaper Politika.
Svetski rat, Politika,
Beograd, 2. avgust 1914.
The World War,
, Belgrade, 2nd
of August 1914
 Ru


Ru

RUSSIAN PRESS ABOUT THE SARAJEVO

196 ASSASSINATION AND THE JULY CRISIS 1914
1914.

Reporting on the Sarajevo assassination and

1914, the July 1914 crisis pushed into the background
. all of the other news in the Russian press.
, In this time of exclusivity the telegrams
and military announcements pushed from
the front pages even advertising - one of the
. most important sources of financing. Daily
newspaper editions became a major source
. of information from the European capitals. In
particular, there was increasing influence of
the newspapers that had developed a network
. of the correspondents abroad. Recently printed
editions were literally immediately snapped
( out of hands of the news dealers (Russian
, 3. 1914). word , August 3, 1914).
The Russian press paid great attention to the
28. 1914. . Sarajevo assassination on the 28th of June 1914.
, The agency news from Serbia and Austria-
Hungary or from countries that would later
, became a part of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats
, and Slovenians were published, the most
(), common ones were made by the Petersburg
: Telegraph Agency (PTA) and they transferred
the views of the Belgrade press: The Belgrade
press unanimously declares that the Sarajevo
... assassination caused a deep impression and
condemns it as the madness of the young
anarchist ... Denies the statements claiming
... that the strings of this crime should be looked
, for beyond the borders of Bosnia ... Serbia has .
nothing to do with this bloody crime, whose , ,
... roots should be sought in the dissatisfaction 29. 1914.
with the administrative authorities in Bosnia
.... ... King Petar and Crown Prince Alexander A report with the details of
expressed their condolences to Franz Josef the Sarajevo assassination.
... It was reported that the Montenegrin Sparks, Moscow, on June
King Nikola visited the Austro-Hungarian 29th, 1914.
.
 Ru

, , - mission in Cetinje in person and expressed his

198 ( condolences on the death of Franz Ferdinand.

The day after the assassination, on the front
) pages of many newspapers (in this section
there are some transferred statements of
( the then influential Russian newspapers)
). the dominating was the title The murder
of Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife
. (
). The news from Sarajevo covered
the front pages of the European newspapers
. , with the largest circulations. The assassination
, caused a sharp and unilateral reaction of the
press close to the Austro-Hungarian and
. German authorities. The Government of the
Kingdom of Serbia, which should be ended
with once and for all, was directly blamed for
. the support and assistance to the assassins. In
, the Entente alliance countries the press initially
even imputed to Serbia a part of the blame for
. the two fatal shots fired by a high school
student. The influential Russian newspapers
, were not exceptions, but they were gradually
started to take a consistent pro-Serb position.
( Although Franz Ferdinand was not a friend
, 29. 1914). of Russia, Russian publicity cannot help but
to feel a deep sorrow for his tragic end and
bitterness towards the assassins (New Time
, 29th of June 1914). In the next
issue of this St. Petersburg magazine it was
. emphasized that the assassination would
jeopardize European Security and turn the
, ( European governments and public opinion
, 30. 1914, : against Serbia and the Serbian people. In order

). to have a better future, the Slavic world needs
a Slavic exploit and not Slavic terrorism , , ,
(New Time, 30th of June1914, article: Slavic 30. 1914.
misfortune ).
.
, A wave of anti-Serb violence in BiH influenced The report on the Anti-
Serb demonstrations in
, the tone of the Russian press about the
Sarajevo, , Moscow,
. , assassination and subsequent events. The 30th of June 1914
attacks on Serbs, in which members of
 - ,
, , 24. 1914.
Ru
The Austro-Hungarian ultimatum to Serbia,
, Tomsk, 24th of July 1914

, , , Frankos party had a leading role, were

200 planned even before the assassination. The ,
( , , , 1. 1914.
scum and mob, with the support of the
2, 4, 7. 1914). government and singing the national anthem
of Austria, guided with animal hatred The report on Petersburg citizens gatherings in front
against the Orthodox Serbs, led the way in the of the Serbian and German embassies,
. pogroms (New Time, 02, 04, 07 July 1914). , St. Petersburg, 1stof August, 1914
Russian newspapers spoke out consistently in
: opposition to the accusations against Serbia
, and called for a fair trial for the assassins. For
, some of the ruling elite in the Monarchy, the
assassination meant achieving two goals: the
( , 30. , 4. 1914). elimination of an arrogant and autocratic Heir
from the throne and, more importantly, an
- opportunity for a final showdown with Serbia
on the wings of hysteria (New Time, 30 June;
, 4 July 1914).

( , 30. 1914). The Moscow newspaper Russian word
( , June 30th, 1914) pointed out
, , that the murder of the Austro-Hungarian
, Heir only worsened the position of Slavic
. , nations in the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The
assassination had no sense for the Greater
Serbian movement, whose appearance was
otherwise contributed by the Vienna and
Pest provocateurs. On the other hand, there
. was the apparent intention of the Danube
, Monarchy patented patriots to shift quickly
the responsibility for the assassination from
( ) few lunatics hotheads to the shoulders of
the entire Serbian nation. The police failed
. to respond adequately to the indications of
a possible assassination, and the doubt on
their efficiency was increased by the previous
. two (actually there were three) unsuccessful
assassination of the Archduke Franz Ferdinand.

. , These papers wrote critically about Franz
, Ferdinand. His suspicious and irritable
character influenced the profiling of the then
( , Austro-Hungarian politics. He did not like,
30. 1914). Hungarians and was in particular edgy
, towards the Serbs, considering them to be
 Ru

(...) , , the greatest enemies of the Austro-Hungarian

202 , Empire (New Time, 30th of June 1914). Even
, , as a young man the Archduke was a dark
. character, fanatical (...) secretive, closed, and
, in his adulthood he was an active Austrian
, nationalist, anti-Semitic, clerical and the
, , spirit of persecution of the Bosnian and
- Herzegovinian Slavs. As a fervent Catholic, he
. , was distrustful towards Protestant France and
even Germany, to which he distanced himself,
( , 1. primarily in a historical and political nature.
1914), The Catholic Party, which struggled to reduce
. the influence of Orthodoxy on the outskirts
of the state (Russian word, 1st of July 1914),
, , was structurally and ideologically close to him.
, Even the Austrians knew that Franz Ferdinand
, was in the hands of the monks and the
, . Jesuits, while for the Viennese, who were not
too sad about his death, clericalism is strange,
they are not religious fanatics, they are not
hypocrites. A correspondent from Vienna
. 1908, stressed that the Viennese particularly found
, strange the political program and imperialist
ambitions of Franz Ferdinand. Annexation of
. Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1908, according
to the author of the text, emerged from an
, 1889. initiative of this unpleasant and aggressive
Archduke. The inhabitants of Vienna had more
( , 7. 1914). sympathy toward the crown prince Rudolf, who
died in 1889 under mysterious circumstances
(Russian word, 7th of July 1914). The burial
of Franz Ferdinand and Sophie was followed
( , 9. 1914). by numerous misunderstandings arising from
the disharmony and disunity of the state
(Russian word, 9th of July 1914).
. ,
The Russian press wrote about the Archduke
, ,
from another angle. In the article on his , , 24.
,. marriage, it was emphasized that Franz 1914.
Ferdinand married Sophie Hotek for love,
despite the opposition of the Emperor Franz
. The demonstrations of
Josef. Because of morganatic marriage he
, , support for Serbia in
waived his childrens right of succession to Moscow, ,
, the Austro-Hungarian throne. He owned a Moscow, 24th of July 1914
 Ru

dazzling military talent, determination and

204 . systematic quality, the ability to listen to others,
and demanded subordinates to have autonomy
II. and initiative in decision-making. His anti-
Russian policy was formulated by the German
Emperor Wilhelm II. Franz Ferdinand believed
( , 3. that the defeat of Russia was a condition for
1914). the achievement of Austrian supremacy in the
Balkans (Morning of Russia - ,
3rd of July 1914). Some political projects of
. the tragic Viennese Habsburg could have
, been even acceptable for the Slavic nations
, in the Monarchy. Trialists reorganization of
, the monarchy, which was represented by the
, , Archduke was supposed to redirect the center
. , of Pan-Slavism from Serbia to Croatia, in
order to have the Greater Serbia movement
finally destroyed. However, the Sarajevo
. assassination forced the Austrian politics to
, finally and irrefutably depart from the path
, of patronizing South Slavs. The Archdukes
( traits, especially his weaknesses, did not have
, 20. 1914). a decisive influence on the government policy
(...) (Russian Gazette - , 20th
of July 1914). Narrow frames (...) of the title of
. crown prince hardly limited his authoritarian
, nature. Other people did not like his personal
( traits, but they were virtues of a statesman
, 2. 1914). (Russian Gazette on 2nd of July 1914).
, In comparison to other newspapers, the
Russian Gazette got more involved in the
. social causes of the assassination. Viennas
, bureaucracy in BiH did not abolish the semi-
. , feudal levies imposed even during the Ottoman

rule. On the other hand, the agrarian issue in
. , -
Serbia and Montenegro was resolved in favor , ,
, of the farmers. For this reason, and not because , 2. 1914.
. , of the Archdukes arrogance, a Serbian farmer
, turned to them. In addition to this, the Serbs
( Analysis of the events
were subjected to Germanisation, and Serbian that preceded the Austro-
, 20. 1914). schools were almost not opened (Russian Serbian war, ,
Gazette, 20 July 1914). Serbs loyalty to the Moscow, 2nd of August
, Austro-Hungarian Empire was conditioned by 1914
 Ru

( their social progress, which would exclude the

206 , 2. 1914). Pan-Serbianism and Pan-Slavism (Russian
Gazette, on 2nd of July 1914). The Archduke
, became a victim of the peoples discontent
with the administration of the occupier,
( culminating in personal actions of certain
, 24. 1914). members of nationalist groups (Russian
Gazette, 24th of July 1914). The correspondent
of this newspapers from Vienna pointed that the
, anti-Austrian sentiments of the Serbian people
could not be surpassed even by the visible,
, primarily and civilized results of the Austro-
Hungarian rule in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in
( , 2. 1914). which dirty towns and villages turned into
thriving cultural centres (Russian Gazette, 2.
( July 1914). That sentiment, stemmed from the
, 11. 1914). sincere, hatred of Serbia towards the Austria-
Hungary Empire. (Russian Gazette, 11th of
( ) July 1914).

The newspapers New Time ( )
and The Russian word presumed possible
. change in the political course of the Habsburg
, . monarchy after the death of Archduke Franz
Ferdinand. The decline in influence of radical,
clerical power was expected. It was pointed
( out that the aged Emperor Franz Josef was
, 2. 4. 1914). much more moderate in the profiling of the
Monarchys foreign policy course (New Time,
- 2nd and 4th of July 1914).
, ,
The public considered the new Heir to
, the Habsburg throne, Karl Franz Joseph,
unprepared to conduct state business and
.
that is why his environment could crucially
( influence important government decisions. His , , , 2.
), impressionable qualities, like his cheerfulness 1914.
, ( (opposite to a grumpy Franz Ferdinand),
, 17. 1914). playing sports and associating with officers
Slavism in danger - the
were emphasized (Russian word, July 17th, Russian press on the
1914, 1914). situation in Serbia, ,
Moscow, 2ndof August
. 1914
 Ru

208

II
.

.

The manifesto of the

Emperor Nicholas II
on the war.
Russian State
Historical Archives
 Ru

In mid-July 1914, articles about the Sarajevo Finally, it can be concluded that none of the
210 . assassination were gradually pushed into , Russian newspapers had a clear vision of
the background. A short break in the clash . the events after the Sarajevo assassination.
between Vienna and Serbia, the Russian press , The press considered the assassination as an
. , saw as a hope for a peaceful resolution of the internal issue of the Habsburg Monarchy. The
conflict. There was an undivided attitude that assumption that the reason and the time did
, Austria-Hungary will not risk to wage war on . not suite Germany to start the war, proved to
, , Russia over Serbia. The Emperor Franz Joseph, , be a tragic illusion. The beginning of military
, , who was supposed to take again the full 2. operations, information blockade and the
( , 4. imperial authority, was restrained and averse ; 4. propaganda war prevented the population of all
1914). to adventures, and the future monarch, Karl . countries to obtain accurate information in real
. Franz Joseph, due to his youth, will have to , time. One of the leading newspapers Russian
pursue a cautious policy (New Time, 4th of . word published eight telegrams from Berlin
, July 1914). History has shown that these hopes , already on the 2nd of August. Already on the 4th
o. were illusory. of August there was almost no news published
, from Germany. Under the new conditions, the
II Gradually, the Russian press wrote more and , military authorities wanted to take advantage
( more with increasing a dose of criticism about . of the press as a propaganda tool. On the other
, 30. 1914), the Austro-Hungarian Empire. In addition to hand, in spite of active cooperation with the
the analysis of relationships and emphasizing authorities and the usual censorship in the
- mutual distrust between the German Emperor time of war, the newspapers saw themselves
. II ( Wilhelm II and Archduke Franz Ferdinand primarily as a source of information, and only
) (New Time, 30th of June 1914), the Russian after that as a base for military propaganda.
, , press concluded that the German Empire had
, a decisive impact on the solution of the Austro-
Serbian dispute. The absence of Wilhelm
( II (due to pain in the lumbar region) and
, 3. 1914). , his brother, Prince Henry of Prussia, at the
funeral of Franz Ferdinand, was an indicator
, of Germanys lack of interest in the new
( , 12. Austro-Hungarian adventure in the Balkans
1914). , (Russian word, 3rd of July 1914). Even the
. Emperor Franz Josef, based on the results of
the investigation that were presented to him,
. was convinced of the groundlessness of the
accusations against Serbia (Russian word,
. 12th of July 1914). However, the Russian press
saw through this German policy as being not
, peaceful. There were no doubts that Germany
intended to support the Austro-Hungarian
. policy. The murder of the Archduke further
- exacerbated the relations between the Entente
. and the Tripartite Pact.
 Fr

 Slobodan oja
FRANCUSKA I PISANJE FRANCUSKIH
214 MEDIJA O BALKANU UOI IZBIJANJA
PRVOG SVJETSKOG RATA
Pria o Francuskoj s kraja devetnaestog i
poetkom dvadesetog vijeka je prije svega
pria o jednoj zemlji univerzalne tradicije
u velikom drutvenom, ekonomskom,
tehnolokom i kulturnom usponu. Francuska
je zemlja druge industrijske revolucije i pune
ekonomske i tehnolok e ekspanzije, sila
koja vraa izgubljeni meunarodni presti,
intenzivno gradi mreu velikih saveza,
naroito sa Engleskom i Rusijom, kako bi
postala globalno jaa i kako bi bila spremna za
okraj u sve vie polarizovanom svijetu. Svoju
snagu Francuska, izmeu ostalog, crpi, mjeri,
a naroito dokazuje na finansijskom polju,
jer su njene banke uspjele da se nametnu na
meunarodnom planu, naroito zajmovima
koji su esti i koji se plasiraju bez problema,
rapidno uveavajui poetni kapital.
Finansijski napredak ogleda se i u unutranjoj
stabilnosti. Trea republika je zemlja
dinaminog drutva, velikih sloboda, zavidnog
obrazovnog sistema, uopte gledano stabilna
i snana zemlja, puna optimizma i vjere u
opti napredak i u svoju snagu. Francuska
intenzivno ivi i jo plodnije stvara, a veselja po
bulevarima, kabareima, kafeima, opsjednutost
pozoritima, koncertnim salama, galerijama
i salonima, svjedoanstva su ekonomskog i
duhovnog napretka, simbioze bogatstva i duha.
Zato se ovo razdoblje oznaava u svjetskoj
istoriografiji kao Belle Epoque.
Meutim, uprkos nekoj vrsti idile koja je tada
vladala u Francuskoj u svakodnevnom ivotu, u
kolama, na univerzitetima na javnim mjestima
i tribinama, u medijima, u pisanoj rijei...
stalno je lebdjela sjena neega to Francuska
Fr
FRANCE AND THE FRENCH MEDIA WRITING
ABOUT THE BALKANS SHORTLY BEFORE
THE OUTBREAK OF WORLD WAR I
The story about the French at the end of the
nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth
century is primarily a story about the universal
tradition of a country in great social, economic,
technological and cultural ascendancy. France
is a country in its second industrial revolution
and a full economic and technological
expansion, the force that restores lost
international prestige and intensively builds
a network of powerful alliances, especially
with England and Russia, in order to become
globally stronger and to be ready for the battle
in a more and more polarized world. France
derives, measures, and in particular proves
its power, among other things, in the financial
field, because its banks managed to dominate
on the international level, particularly with
loans, which are frequent and launched without
problems, rapidly increasing the initial capital.
Their financial progress is reflected in their
internal stability too. The Third Republic is a
country of a dynamic society, great freedoms,
and an enviable educational system, a stable
and strong country in general terms, full of
Detalji atentata i vijest
optimism and belief in its general progress and
o obavjetenosti vlade u
its strength. The life of the French are intents Beu o pripremi atentata,
and creates even more productively, and the L omlibr, Pariz, 29. jun
joy in the boulevards, cabarets and cafes, 1914.
and obsession with theatres, concert halls,
galleries and salons are the testimonials of the The details of the
economic and spiritual progress, symbiosis of assassination and the
wealth and spirit. Therefore, this period went news on the knowledge of
on record in the world historiography as the the government in Vienna
Belle Epoque. about the preparations
for assassination,
LHommelibre,Paris, 29th
of June 1914

i Francuzi nisu ni mogli ni htjeli izbrisati.
216 Ta neizbrisiva ideja snano je obiljeila i
Francusku i ivjela u svakom stanovniku te
zemlje. Bile su to traume od tekog i velikog
poraza iz 1871. u ratu s Pruskom, poraza
praenog gubitkom Alzasa i Lorene. Bila je to
ona vrsta poraza koji raa neugasivu elju za
pobjedom. Francuski pokreta razvoja i pravi
tvorac onoga to e se nazvati Belle Epoque
zapravo je bio snaan patriotizam i elja za
dokazivanjem i revanom, pomijeana sa
divljenjem vlastitoj istoriji i vjerom u misiju
Francuske u svijetu.
U osvit 1914. godine bilo je dakle jasno da
su Francuska i Njemaka nalaze na dvjema
nespojivim obalama i da e se u velikom sukobu
koji je svako oekivao biti dvije zaraene
strane. Istovremeno, kao i u Francuskoj, na
Balkanu vlada strah junoslovenskih naroda
od germanskog prodora na istok. Ne treba se
stoga uditi to se, s politike take gledita,
u takvim okolnostima junoslovenski svijet
okretao Francuskoj koja mu je od ranije bila
uzor.
Medijski ivot u Francuskoj na razmeu
vijekova
Zahvaljujui izuzetno liberalnom zakonu o
tampi od 29. jula 1881, Francuska iz Belle
Epoque je zemlja najvee slobode tampe
u Evropi1. Zakon je nastao kao reakcija na
bonapartistiko guenje sloboda tampe i zato
je toliko liberalan. Uz stalne izmjene, zakon je i
danas na snazi u Francuskoj2.
Poetkom dvadesetog vijeka do izbijanja
Velikog rata moglo se na kioscima u Parizu
nai izmeu pedeset i sedamdeset dnevnika
svih orijentacija, od ljevice (republikanska
Fr
However, despite a kind of idyll that then
dominated everyday life in France, in schools,
in universities, at the public places and forums,
in the media, and in the written word ... there
was a constant hovering shadow of something
that France and the French people could not
and even did not want to delete. That indelible
idea strongly marked France and lived in the
heart of every inhabitant of the country. It was
the trauma, caused by severe and great defeat
in the war against Prussia in 1871, the defeat
followed by the loss of Alsace and Lorraine.
It was a kind of defeat, which gives birth to
an insatiable desire to win. The initiator of
further French development and the real
creator of something that would be called the
Belle Epoque was actually a strong patriotism
and the wish to achieve recognition and to
revenge, mixed with admiration for their own
history and belief in the position of France in
the world.
At the dawn of 1914 it was therefore clear
that France and Germany were like on the two
incompatible shores and that they will shortly
become the two major warring sides in a great
conflict - which everybody expected to happen.
At the same time, as in France, there is a fear
from the South Slavic nations of a Germanic
breakthrough to the east of the Balkans.
Therefore, we should not be surprised that,
from a the political point of view, in such
circumstances, the South Slavic world looked
towards France, which was a role model for
them even earlier.
Izvjetaj o protivsrpskim
demonstracijama u
Sarajevu, LMaten, Pariz,
30. jun 1914.
Media life in France at the turn of centuries
The report on the Anti-
Thanks to the extremely liberal laws on the Serb demonstrations in
press adopted on the 29th of July 1881 France, Sarajevo, Le Matin, Paris,
30th of June 1914
of the Belle Epoque, is a country that enjoys

ljevica: Le Petit Parisien, Le Petit Journal, Le
218 Sicle, radikalski La Justice, LAurore, te ostali
kao LAction, Le Bloc, La Lanterne, Le Rappel, Le
Mot dordre, Le Radical, LHomme libre...), preko
socijalistikih listova (LEgalit, Le Proltaire, Le
Crie du Peuple, La Petite Rpublique franaise,
La Petite Rpublique socialiste, Le Petit Sou,
Bonnet rouge, te glavni list LHumanit koji
je osnovao an ores [Jean Jaurs] 18. aprila
1904), pa preko desnog republikanskog centra
(Le Figaro, Le Temps, Le Journal des Dbats,
La France, le Soir, La Rpublique franaise, Le
National, La Paix, le Tlgraphe, La Rforme,
LOpinion, Le Paris...) desnice (Echo de Paris,
La Presse, La Libert, LEclair, do desnice sa
patriotskim nabojem kao La Patrie, La Cocarde,
La Revanche, Le Drapeau, LIntransigeant).
Postoji i jedan antisemitski dnevnik La Libre
Parole, ali naroito je popularan reakcionarni
LAction franaise, iji je osniva arl Moras
[Charles Maurras]. Ovaj je list snano uticao
na jaanje patriotske svijesti i revanizma kod
Francuza.
Dnevnici se uoi Velikog rata prodaju u oko
pet miliona primjeraka dnevno, pet puta vie
nego 1871. godine. Od tih pet miliona, etiri
miliona otpada na etiri glavna dnevnika (Le
Petit Journal, osnovan 1863, Le Petit Parisien,
1876, Le Matin, 1883, i Le Journal, 1882).
Poetkom dvadesetog vijeka, zbog poveane
popularnosti, francuski vei dnevnici
uglavnom prelaze sa etiri na est stranica.
Najbolji i najozbiljniji list u Republici prije
1914. je Le Temps, osnovan 1861. Njegov ugled
nisu u pitanje dovodili ni njegovi protivnici.
Mogao se pohvaliti kvalitetom i ozbiljnou, ali
ne i velikim tiraom. Od 1880. kad je imao tira
od 22 hiljade primjeraka, sporo je napredovao
i, a poslije prelaska na est strana 1911.
dosegnuo je u narednom periodu 45 hiljada
primjeraka. Le Temps je smatran nezvaninim
glasnikom Ministarstva spoljnih poslova, jer
je njegov glavni kolumnista Andre Tardje
Fr
the greatest press freedom in Europe1. The
law was created as a response to Bonapartes
suppression of the freedom of the press and
that is why it is so liberal. With constant
changes, the law is still in effect in France2
today.
At the beginning of the twentieth century,
before the outbreak of the Great War, on the
newsstands in Paris there were between fifty
and seventy dailies of all orientations, from
the Left (Republican Left: Le Petit Parisien,
Le Petit Journal, Le Sicle, radical La Justice,
LAurore, and others like LAction, Le Bloc, La
Lanterne, Le Rappel, Le Mot dordre, Le Radical,
LHomme libre...), through to the socialist
newspapers (LEgalit, Le Proltaire, Le Crie du
Peuple, La Petite Rpublique franaise, La Petite
Rpublique socialists, Le Petit Sou, Bonnet rouge,
and the main newspaper LHumanit, founded
by Jean Jaurs [Jean Jaurs]on the 18th of April,
1904), and through to the right republican
centre (Le Figaro, Le Temps, Le Journal des
Dbats, La France, le Soir, La Rpublique
franaise, Le National, La Paix, le Telegraphe,
La Reforma, LOpinion, Le Paris ...) right wing
(Echo de Paris, La Presse, La Libert, LEclair, to
the right wing with the patriotic charge lead
by the La Patrie, La Cocarde, La Revanche, Le
Drapeau, Lintransigeant). There was even
one anti-Semitic daily La Libre Parole, but
there was a particularly popular paper called
the reactionary LAction Franaise, founded
by Charles Maurras. That is a newspaper
that strongly influenced the strengthening of
patriotic awareness and revanchism among
the French. an ores, Posljednja
ansa za mir, L Imanite,
Pariz, 25. jul 1914.
The dailies were selling approximately five
million copies a day prior to the Great War,
Jean Jaurs, The
five times more than in 1871. Out of those five
lasthope for
millions, four millions were being sold by the peaceLHumanit,Paris,
four major dailies (Le Petit Journal, founded 25th of July 1914

[Andr Tardieu] svako jutro znao odlaziti u
220 Ministarstvo spoljnih poslova Francuske. Od
ulaska u list, 1905. gotovo svakodnevno je
pisao Inostrani bilten (Bulletin de ltranger).
Uz Le Temps, list LHumanit je imao redakciju
sjajnih pera, kao malo koja druga redakcija.
Karakteristian primjer nadolazee moi
medija je upravo Tardjeova biografija. Prije
1914. u cijeloj Evropi smatran je politikim
monikom, uoi rata postaje narodni poslanik,
a poslije rata bie ministar u nekoliko vlada te
premijer u dvije vlade.
Francuska tampa i austrijsko-srpska kriza
Kad bismo paljivo pratili samo pisanje
francuske tampe poslije atentata u Sarajevu,
mogli bismo zakljuiti da mjesec juli 1914.
uopte nije liio na posljednji mirni mjesec
uoi svjetske katastrofe. Povemene sumnje
i strahovi lucidnih umova predstavljali su
rijedak sluaj i ne umanjuju opti utisak o
pisanju tampe tog doba da ne postoji neka
velika opasnost na kratke staze. Svijet je vie
puta bio na ivici rata, pa ipak nije izbio, mislilo
se. Ova nada ublaavala je sumnje i strahove
koji su oigledno postojali.
Uzmimo kao primjer list LHumanit. Debate o
kongresu Socijalistike partije sredinom jula
1914. bile su vanije od ratnih tema. I svemu
se, pa i ratnim temama, pristupalo akademski,
a od rata ih je dijelilo petnaest dana. Istoriar
il Izak [Jules Isaac] se pitao: kako je mogue
da je svijet koji je oekivao rat jo od 1905.
godine doivio 1914. godinu kao da je iznenada
krenula lavina. Ipak, 9. jula 1914. kolumnista
lista Le Temps, Andre Tardje, osjea da je rat na
vidiku. or Klemanso [Georges Clemenceau]
takoe, u listu LHomme libre od 3. jula 1914.
Fr
in 1863; Le Petit Parisien, 1876; Le Matin,
1883; and Le Journal, 1882). At the beginning
of the twentieth century, due to the increased
popularity, the French major dailies generally
increased the number of pages, from four to six.
The best and the most serious newspaper in the
Republic before 1914 was Le Temps, founded
in 1861. Its reputation was not compromised,
not even by its opponents. It could be very
proud of its quality and seriousness, but not of
its lack of circulation. From 1880, when it had
a circulation of 22,000 copies, it made slow
progress and, after increasing its number of
pages to six in 1911, it reached 45,000 copies in
the following period. Le Temps was considered
to be an unofficial herald of the Ministry
of Foreign Affairs, since its main columnist
Andr Tardieu used to go every morning to
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France. From
the moment he joined the newspaper in 1905,
he wrote the International Bulletin (Bulletin
de ltranger) almost every day. Together with
Le Temps, the newspaper LHumanit had had
bright editorial staff and journalists, as quite a
few other editorial staffs did. A typical example
of the upcoming power of the media can be
seen in Tardieus biography. Before 1914 he
was considered one of the most powerful
politicians in the entire Europe, and just before
the war he became a Member of Parliament,
and after the war he would become be a
minister in several governments and the prime
minister in two governments.
or Klemanso, Austrijski
The French press and the Austrian-Serbian ultimatum Srbiji, L
crisis omlibr, Pariz, 25. jul 1914.
If we could carefully track only the French Georges Clemenceau, The
Austrian ultimatum to
press reporting after the assassination in
Serbia, LHommelibre,
Sarajevo, one might conclude that the month Paris, 25th of July 1914

ores je u tekstu Razuzdano nasilje objavljenom
222 u listu LHumanit od 30. juna 1914, smatrao
da je Atentat u Sarajevu samo epilog logike
metoda koje su prevladavale tada u Evropi,
naroito u njenom istonom dijelu. Velika
veina tekstova, ipak, bavila se linou Franje
Ferdinanda, faktografijom i komentarima.
Opti je zakljuak tih neanalitikih tekstova
bio da njegovo ubistvo ne bi trebalo da se
zavri evropskim ratom. Treba takoe znati
da se javno mnjenje u Francuskoj tog doba
nije pretjerano bavilo spoljnom politikom niti
ih je ona tjerala da kupuju novine. Veinsko
nepoznavanje spoljne politike bilo je naroito
veliko po pitanju jugoslovenskih realnosti.
Jedan francuski istoriar ak tvrdi da veina
Francuza, pa i onih obrazovanih, o ovim
pitanjima nije znala skoro nita3.
Isto tako, ukrcavanje na brod 15. jula 1914,
preduga plovidba prema Sankt Petersburgu
predsjednika Francuske Remona Poenkarea
[Raymond Poincar], koji je iao u zvaninu
posjetu Rusiji i skandinavskim zemljama, bila
je najbolji znak da francuski politiki krugovi
nisu bili zabrinuti da bi moglo doi do opteg
rata. O ratu izmeu Austro-Ugarske i Srbije
moglo se jo i razmiljati, ali o veem konfliktu
sigurno ne4.
U Francuskoj je sluaj htio da jedan drugi atentat
postane vanija tema od onog sarajevskog, pa
je on mnogo vie zanimao francusku javnost.
Supruga predsjednika Radikalne stranke,
nekadanjeg premijera i ministra finansija,
Anrijet Kajo [Henriette Caillaux], ubila je 16.
marta 1914. direktora lista Le Figaro, Gastona
Kalmeta [Gaston Calmette], jer je taj dnevnik
vodio estoku kampanju protiv njenog mua5.
Izbrojala je 138 tekstova o svom muu u 95
dana u Figarou. Bila je to najvea kampanja
protiv jednog uglednog politiara u Francuskoj.
Njen sudski proces zapoeo je 20. jula 1914.
Fr
of July 1914 did not look at all like the last
quiet month before this world catastrophe.
Occasional doubts and fears of some lucid
minds were rare and did not reduce the overall
impression of the press during that period,
that there was no great danger in the short run.
The world had been on the brink of war more
than once, and none the less it did not break
out, that was the general thought. That hope
alleviated the doubts and fears that apparently
existed.
Let us take as an example, the newspaper,
LHumanit. The debates at the Socialist
Party Congress in mid-July 1914 were more
important than the topic of war. All topics, even
the topic of war, were approached academically,
and there were only fifteen days before the
outbreak of the war. The historian Jules Isaac
wondered: How is it possible that the world,
which has been expecting a war since 1905,
experienced the 1914 as a sudden avalanche.
However, on the 9th of July 1914, a columnist
of the newspaper Le Temps, Andr Tardieu,
feels that war was in sight. It was the same
with Georges Clemenceau, in the newspaper
LHommeLibre on the 3rd of July 1914. Jaurs, in
his text The rampant violence, published in the
newspaper LHumanit dated the 30th of June
1914, found that the assassination in Sarajevo
was only an epilogue of the logical methods
that were prevailing in Europe then, especially
in its eastern areas. The majority of the posts,
however, dealt with the personality of Franz
Ferdinand, factography and comments. The
general conclusion of those non-analytical Andre Tardje, Austro-
posts was that his murder should not lead to Ugarska prijetnja, LTam,
a European war. We should also know that the Pariz, 25. jul 1914.
French public was not much interested then
in foreign policy, nor did it impel them to buy Andr Tardieu, The
newspapers. A general ignorance regarding Austro-Hungarian threat
foreign policy was particularly evident in terms Le Temps, Paris, 25th of
of the reality regarding Yugoslavs. A French July 1914

godine i na svakoj naslovnoj strani svih novina
224 veliki dio prostora bio je posveen upravo
njoj i suenju. Francuzi su sa neobino mnogo
panje i iekivanja pratili ovaj proces, jer je po
prostoru zauzimao mnogo vie prostora nego
meunarodna kriza.
Francuska tampa je, inae, dosta kasno
reagovala na evropsku krizu. Do 24. jula,
ukljuujui i taj dan, izvjetaji sa sudskog
procesa supruge ministra finansija odnose
skoro potpuno prevagu. Prvi ozbiljniji
tekstovi poslije sumarnih izvjetaja o atentatu
pojavljuju se 22. jula u listu Le Petit Parisien6
i LEcho de Paris7, a tek 24. jula oglaava se
LHumanit8 kao LEst Rpublicain9, to Le Petit
Dauphinois ini 25. jula10.
Trebalo je takoe dugo ekati da vijesti o
meunarodnoj situaciji preu sa unutranjih
na prvu stranicu. Le Petit Parisien poinje prvi,
23. jula, slijede ga 25. jula Le Petit Dauphinois,
LEcho de Paris i LHumanit, la 26. jula LEst
Rpublicain. Ali sve do 30. jula, ukljuujui i taj
dan, Le Temps je samo jednom, kad je zavren
proces, 27. jula, posvetio 29% svoje naslovnice,
a sljedeeg dana je LHumanit posvetio vie od
30% naslovnice. Moe se dakle kazati da je ovaj
sudski proces u velikoj mjeri znaajno odvratio
panju Francuza od evropske krize.
Uspjeh ljevice na izborima 1914. u Francuskoj
trebao je za premijera dovesti ozefa Kajoa
[Joseph Caillaux], ali on je morao ekati
rezultat presude za svoju suprugu. Kajo nije
bio za rat, a sigurno je takoe da bi vlast
podijelio sa oresom koji je bio vodei pacifista
u Francuskoj. Pitanje je naravno da li bi se rat
mogao izbjei, ali je sigurno da su Kajo i ores
imali istu spoljnu politiku.
Francusko javno mnjenje izgleda nije bilo
dovoljno svjesno namjernog izazivanja rata
Fr
historian even claimed that the majority, even
those educated, knew almost nothing about
the issues3.
Also, boarding the ship on the 15th of July
1914, for the long cruise to St. Petersburg of
the President of France Raymond Poincar,
who paid an official visit to Russia and the
Scandinavian countries, was the best sign that
French political circles were not worried about
the possible outbreak of a universal war. One
could imagine a war between Austria-Hungary
and Serbia, but certainly not about a larger
conflict4.
Coincidentally, another assassination became
a more important topic in France than the
one in Sarajevo, and that one was far more
interesting for the French public. The wife of
the President of the Radical Party, the former
Prime Minister and Minister of Finance,
Henriette Caillaux, killed the Director of the
newspapers Le Figaro, Gaston Calmette on
the 16th of March 1914, because that daily led
a fierce campaign against her husband5. She
counted 138 posts about her husband in 95
days in the Figaro. It was the largest campaign
against a prominent politician in France. The
trial against her began on the 20th of July 1914
and a great deal of type space on every front
page of all of the newspapers was dedicated
to her and her trial. The French followed this
process with unusually much attention and
anticipation, because it occupied much more
space than the international crisis. an de Pont, Srpski narod
na osnovu svojih narodnih
pjesama, L omlibr, Pariz,
The French press, otherwise, reacted quite 27. jul 1914.
late to the European crisis. By the 24th of July,
including that day, the reports from the court
Jean de Pont, The Serbian
process against the wife of the Minister of
people on the basis of their
Finance prevailed almost entirely. The first folk songs, LHommelibre,
serious posts after the summary reports on Paris, 27th of July 1914
the assassination, appeared on the 22nd of July

irih razmjera. Ono je bilo ubijeeno da e
226 se kriza svesti na obraun izmeu Austrije i
Srbije. Novine su stalno govorile da se radi o
austrijsko-srpskom sukobu (conflit austro-
serbe). Evo nekoliko primjera:
LHumanit javlja 24. jula 1914: Austrija je
jue uruila notu Srbiji, a 26. jula najavljuje
Austrijsko-srpski sukob. Isti naslov koristi
i Le Figaro11 u svim brojevima od 25. jula do
31. jula 1914. i tek 1. avgusta pominje se opti
nastupajui rat. La Bataille syndicaliste od 23.
jula: Austrijsko-srpska napetost, a 24. jula
Austrijsko-srpska napetost: Austrija bi mogla
da umiri malo situaciju. Le Bonnet rouge u
broju od 25. jula takoe jedino vidi Austrijsko-
srpski sukob. Le Temps objavljuje veliki
naslov 25. jula Austrijsko-ugarska prijetnja,
a narednog dana Istono pitanje: napetost
izmeu Austrije i Srbije. Le Petit Parisien 22.
jula obavjetava da Grof Berhtold predaje
caru nacrt austro-ugarskog ultimatuma, a 23.
jula na naslovnoj strani se pita ta se misli
u Rusiji o austrijsko-srpskoj napetosti, dok
na treoj strani govori o Austrijsko-srpskoj
napetosti. Le Petit Dauphinois 25. jula javlja
da je Austrijski ultimatum uruen Srbiji, a
26. jula pominje Austrijsko-srpski sukob.
Isto tako, LEst Rpublicain 24. jula govori o
Srpskom odgovoru na austrijski ultimatum.
Vano je naglasiti i da izvjetaji u francuskoj
zvaninoj administrativnoj prepisci najvie
koriste isti termin: austrijsko-srpski sukob.
Trebalo je vremena da se promijeni
terminologija i da se pone najzad govoriti
o evropskom sukobu. Prvi koji to ini je list
LHumanit od 26. jula 1914. Le Temps u broju
od 27. jula se pita: Da li Njemaka eli rat?
Meutim, Le Temps od 1. avgusta ostaje na
pola puta: Austrijsko-srpski rat i evropska
napetost. List Le Matin od 29. jula se pita:
Moe li se izbjei evropski rat?
Fr
in Le Petit Parisien6 and in LEcho de Paris7, and
LHumanit8 and LEst Rpublicain9 on the 24th
of July, and Le Petit Dauphinois did it on the 25th
of July10.
It also took too long to wait for the news about
the international situation to be switched from
inner pages to the front pages. Le Petit Parisien
started first on the 23rd of July, followed by Le
Petit Dauphinois, LEcho de Paris and LHumanit
on the 25th of July, and LEst Rpublicain on
26th of July. However, until the 30th of July,
including that day, Le Temps only once allotted
29% of its front page to it, when the process
ended, on the 27th of July, and the next day the
LHumanit allotted more than 30% of its cover
page. Therefore we might say that this trial
significantly distracted the French public from
this impending European crisis.
The success of the Left wing in the elections
of 1914 in France should have brought Joseph
Caillaux in to the position of the Prime Minister,
but he had to wait for the result of the judgment
on his wife. Caillaux was not in favour for the
war, and it is also certain that he would share
power with Jaurs, who was the most leading
pacifist in France. The question was, of course,
whether the war could have been avoided, but
it is certain that the Caillaux and Jaurs had the
same foreign policy.
The French public seemed to be not fully
aware of the wilful triggering of a large-scale
war. They were convinced that the crisis would
be reduced to a showdown between Austria
Austrijsko-srpski sukob:
and Serbia. The newspapers were talking
objava rata, LFigaro,
constantly about the Austrian-Serbian conflict
Pariz, 29. jul 1914.
(conflit Austro-Serb). Here are some examples:
The Austrian-Serbian
LHumanit reports on the 24th of July 1914: conflict: the declaration of
Yesterday Austria served Serbia with a note war Le Figaro, Paris, 29th
and on the 26th of July announced the Austrian- of July 1914

Faktiki, od svih velikih i itanih novina, jedino
228 su manje poznati dnevnici kao La Bataille
syndicaliste i Le Bonnet rouge u brojevima od
25. odnosno 26. jula pominjali mogunost
evropskog rata. Jedna francuska obavjetajna
zabiljeka od 25. jula 1914. veli da Socijalistika
partija i dalje ne vjeruje u skori evropski sukob,
odnosno da e lokalizovati izmeu Austrije
i Srbije. Tog dana, ores u listu LHumanit
pie tekst pod naslovom Posljednja ansa za
mir. U njemu potpuno svu krivicu svaljuje na
Austro-Ugarsku12. ores je bio najugledniji i
najjai antiratni militant u Francuskoj, ali je
smetao patriotima koji nisu bjeali od rata. U
petak 31. jula, u jednom pariskom restoranu,
u pauzi pisanja svog posljednjeg teksta,
ubija ga francuski student kome je smetalo
oresovo mirotvorstvo. Poslije rata, ubica e
biti osloboen krivice, a oresova udovica e
morati ak platiti trokove sudskog procesa.
Ubistvo oresa ponekad se prikazuje kao
uvertira u rat, odnosno dogaaj koji je rat
uinio izvjesnim. ores je uistinu bio velika
istorijska linost i istinski borac za mir, ali
ovakva tumaenja ipak precjenjuju njegov
znaaj i ulogu. Da je stoput bio jai i vei ne
bi uspio zaustaviti ratni vihor. Ima trenutaka
u istoriji kad istinsku veliinu jednog ovjeka
potpuno umanje i marginalizuju nadolazei
talasi velikih dogaaja, tanije svjetskih
sukoba. Pjer Baral (Pierre Barral) veli: Smrt
jednog ovjeka, pa makar to bio ores, djelovala
je sporedno u trenutku kad se nad Lorenom,
poslije toliko godina, pojavila revanistika
zora13. Ovo je tano, ali se odnosi samo na
oblast Alzasa i Lorene.
itajui francusku tampu neposredno po
ubistvu oresa, osim u par listova ideoloki
bliskih njegovim idejama, stie se nevjerovatan
utisak da francusko javno mnjenje uopte nije
bilo uzbueno zbog ovog ubistva. Socijalistiki
Fr
Serbian conflict . The same title was used by Le
Figaro11 in all issues from the 25th of July until the
31st of July 1914 and not until the 1st of August
did they mentioned a universal forthcoming
war. La Bataille syndicalist reported on the
23rd of July of: The Austrian-Serbian tension,
and on the 24th of July, the Austrian-Serbian
tension: Austria could calm down the situation
a little bit. Le Bonnet Rouge in the issue of the
25th of July also sees only the Austrian-Serbian
conflict. Le Temps featured a big title on 25th
of July, the Austrian-Hungarian threat, and
the following day The Eastern issue: Tensions
between Austria and Serbia. Le Petit Parisien
informs its readers on the 22nd of July that
The Count Berchtold presents the draft of the
Austro-Hungarian ultimatum to the Emperor,
and on the 23rd of July it wonders on the cover
What is the opinion in Russia about Austrian-
Serbian tension, and on the third page it talks
about the Austrian- Serbian tensions . Le Petit
Dauphinois reports on the 25th of July, that the
Austrian ultimatum was served to Serbia, and
on the 26th of July it mentions the Austrian-
Serbian conflict. Also, LEst Rpublicain on
the 24th of July talks about the Serbian reply
to the Austrian ultimatum. It is important
to emphasize that the reports in the French
official administrative correspondence mostly
use the same term: The Austrian-Serbian
conflict.
It took some time to have the terminology
changed and to begin finally talking about the
European conflict. The first to print it was the
newspaper LHumanit on the 26th of July 1914.
Le Temps in its issue of the 27th of July wonders: Stefan Pion, Neizbjeni
Does Germany want war? However, Le Temps rat, LPtiurnal, Pariz, 1.
avgust 1914.
of the 1st of August remains in the middle: The
Austrian-Serbian war and European tensions.
The newspaper Le Matin of the 29th of July Stephen Pichon, The
wonders: Is it possible to avoid the European inevitable war, Le Petit
Journal, Paris, 1st of
war?
August 1914

listovi (LHumanit, Le Bonnet rouge, La Guerre
230 sociale) su 1. avgusta 1914. izali sa crnim
okvirom, ali generalno, tampa ne pie mnogo
o oresu. Naroito to iznenauje kad se ita Le the issues of the 25th and 26th of July mentioned
Temps koji ubistvu oresa posveuje est puta
manje prostora nego izvjetajima sa procesa
Kajo. To se moe samo objasniti nedostatkom
ideolokih simpatija prema oresu.
oresova smrt predstavlja simbol neuspjeha
otpora prema ratu, ali nije i objanjenje. S
druge strane, relativna slabost odjeka te smrti
pokazuje kako francuskom stanovnitvu mir
nije bio duboko pohranjen u njihovoj svijesti.
Ideja otpora prema ratu ne moe sama po
sebi biti apsurdna. Zato se onda, barem u
Francuskoj, poslije prvih antiratnih uspjeha,
pokret naglo zaustavio, praktino im je
proglaena opta mobilizacija? Na to pitanje
francuska istoriografija treba dati odgovor.
U naem odabiru tekstova prednost je data
velikim imenima, ukupno sedam tekstova
(po dva teksta oresa, budueg premijera
Klemansoa, budueg ministra Tardjea, te
jedan tekst biveg ministra Piona [Pichon]).
Ostalo su novinske vijesti kao prve vijesti o
atentatu ili opisi antisrpskih demonstracija
u Sarajevu). Kao karakteristian primjer
francuske raspoluenosti izmeu procesa
Kajo i svjetskog rata, donosimo pisanje lista
Le Figaro, gdje se na istoj stranici govori o
oslobaajuoj presudi gospoi Kajo i najavljuje
evropski rat. Vijest o ubici direktora Figaroa
zauzela je dvostruko vie prostora. Jedan
tekst koji smo odabrali je potpuno neobian: u
punom jeku krize i u osvit velikog rata, jedan
francuski publicista objavljuje 27. jula 1914.
tekst o srpskoj narodnoj poeziji, uz prvi put
objavljene prevode, a na primjerima hrabrosti
Senjanina Tadije i Starog Vujadina, podie
moral buduim ratnicima da budu hrabri kao
to su to bili Srbi u davnoj istoriji!
In fact, out of all the big and widely read
newspapers, only the less famous diaries like
La Bataille syndicaliste and Le Bonnet rouge in
the possibility of the European war. A French
intelligence note dated 25th of July 1914 says
that the Socialist Party still does not believe
in an imminent European war, but that it will
be localized between Austria and Serbia. That
day Jaurs writes an article in LHumanit
Journal entitled Last chance for peace. He
laid the blame for it completely on Austro-
Hungary12. Jaurs was the most respected and
the strongest anti-war militant in France, but
he stood in the way of the patriots who did not
run away to dodge the war. On Friday, the 31st
of July, in a Paris restaurant, during a break
between writing his last text, he was killed by
a French student who was bothered by Jaurss
pacifism. After the war, the killer would be
found not guilty, and Jaurss widow will have
even to pay the costs of the trial.
The murder of Jaurs is sometimes presented
as a prelude to the war, or an event that made
the war certain. Jaurs really was a great
historical figure and a true fighter for peace,
but such interpretations still overestimate his
importance and role. Even if he had been a
hundred times stronger and greater, he would
not have been able to stop the winds of war.
There are moments in history when the true
size of a man is completely diminished and
marginalized by the oncoming waves of major
events, i.e. the worlds conflicts. Pierre Barral
says: The death of one man, even if it was
Jaurs, looked irrelevant at the time when a
revenge-seeking dawn appeared over Lorraine,
after so many years 11. This is true, but applies
only to the area of Alsace
and Lorraine.
Ukratko, svakodnevnim praenjem pisanja
francuske tampe u periodu od kraja juna do
poetka avgusta 1914. godine, moe se lako
zakljuiti da je na samom poetku francusko his ideas, you can get the amazing impression
javno mnjenje jednoglasno prebacivalo
odgovornost za rat na Austriju, koja je eljela
napasti Srbiju. S vremenom e krivica prei
na Njemaku, ali je i tu trebalo vremena.
Francusko javno mnjenje e ostati ubijeeno
da francuske krivice za izbijanje rata nema. Rat
nisu eljeli niti mu se protivili. Javno mnjenje, u
principu, ne odluuje da li e izbiti ili nee neki
rat. Njegov uticaj uvijek je slabiji od kabinetske
iskljuivosti. Sticaj okolnosti je htio da je
1914. godine francusko javno mnjenje ostalo
potpuno po strani deavanja i pustilo da ga
dogaaji preteknu. Ne oekujui veliku krizu,
slabo procjenjujui njenu teinu, preputajui
se senzacionalizmu sluaja Kajo, nesposobno
da uspori odluni hod ratne oluje, uvjereno u
vlastiti pacifizam iako je to samo djelimino
tano francusko mnjenje bilo je na zaelju
onih koji su mogli i morali suprotstaviti ratu.
1
To je u duhu francuske tradicije proizile iz
revolucionarne Deklaracije o ljudskim pravima iz 1789.
Na osnovu Deklaracije, sloboda tampe spada u sveto
pravo koje od ljudi ini civilizovano drutvo i koje im
omoguuje da uvijek znaju koliki je stepen njihovog
suvereniteta.
2
Za pregled istorije francuske tampe, iako je ve davno
napisana, dosad je neprevaziena knjiga Claude Bellanger,
Jacques Godechot, Pierre Guiral, Fernand Terrou, Histoire
gnrale de la presse franaise, knj. III, Paris, 1972.
3
Henry Contamine, La Victoire de la Marne. (9 septembre
1914), Paris, 1970.
4
Francuski ministar javnih radova, Rene Renu [Ren
Renoult], koji je 29. jula prisustvovao susretu izmeu
potpredsjednika francuske vlade i ambasadora Njemake,
u razgovoru poslije sastanka sa jednim prefektom na
pitanje kako je proao sastanak odgovorio je: Stvari
slijede svoj prirodni tok. Mislite prema ratu?. Uz veliki
osmijeh, ministar je odgovorio: Vi zaista mislite da e
biti rata? Ne, sreom nismo blizu takvom raspletu.
Fr
Reading the French press immediately after
the murder of Jaurs, except in a couple of
newspapers that were ideologically close to
that public opinion in France was not
excited about his murder at all. The socialist
newspapers (LHumanit, Le Bonnet rouge,
La Guerre sociale) were issued with a black
frame on the 1st of August 1914, but generally
the press did not say much about Jaurs. It is
especially surprising when you read Le Temps
that devoted six times less space to the murder
of Jaurs than to the reports on Caillaux trial. It
can only be explained by the lack of ideological
sympathy for Jaurs.
Jaurss death is a symbol of the failure of
the resistance to the war, but it is not the
explanation. On the other hand, the relatively
weak echo of his death shows that peace was
not stored deep in the minds of the French
population. The idea of the resistance to the war
can not be absurd by itself. Then why, at least
in France, after the first anti-war successes,
the movement stopped abruptly, practically as
soon as a general mobilization was declared?
This question should be answered by the
French historiography.
In our selection of articles the preference
was given to the great names, a total of seven
articles (two articles written by Jaurs, the
future Prime Minister Clemenceau, and the
future Minister Tardieu, and one article by
a former Minister Pichon). Other ones are
the news stories like the initial news of the
assassination or descriptions of anti-Serb
demonstrations in Sarajevo). As a typical
example of the divisions in France between the
Caillaux trial and the World War, we present
the text of the newspaper Le Figaro, in which
they talk about the acquittal of Ms. Caillaux
and announcement of the European war on

5
Ispalila je est metaka je iz automatskog pitolja
232 Browning 32, od kojih je samo jedan bio smrtonosan.
Ostali su uglavnom promaili. Gaala je iz slinog pitolja
kao Princip i bila je slian strijelac kao on.
6
Manje od treine jednog stupca tree strane sa
tekstom: grof Berchtold podnosi Caru prijedlog teksta
ultimatuma.
7
Polovina stupca na treoj strani: Austrija protiv Srbije:
austrijska nota Beogradu.
8
Cijela trei stubac na treoj strani: Sino uruena Srbiji
nota Austrije.
9
Neto malo manje od polovine pete kolone na drugoj
strani.
10
Na treoj strani: Uruen austrijski ultimatum Srbiji.
11
Uruenje austro-ugarske note Srbiji Le Figaro je najavio
ve 19. jula, na osnovu pouzdanih informacija koje su se
pokazale tane.
12
Ako Austrija bude traila vie, mogla bi snositi
odgovornost da je razbuktala krizu koja bi mogla, u
vrlo skoroj budunosti, baciti Evropu u jedan uasan
sukob kakvog svijet dosad nije vidio, najapsurdniji i
najzloinakiji.
13
Pierre Barral, Jaurs devant lopinion lorraine, dans :
Actes du colloque Jaurs et la nation, p. 171.
the same page. The news on the killer of the
director of Le Figaro took up twice as much
type space. There is a post that we have chosen,
which is totally unusual: in the full swing of the
crisis and just before the Great War, a French
journalist published on the 27th of July 1914
an article about Serbian folk poetry, and for
the first time publishing translations, with the
examples of the courage of Senjanin Tadija
and Stari Vujadin, he raises morale of future
warriors to be brave as were the Serbs in the
distant past!
In short, through the everyday monitoring of
the French press in the period from late June
to early August 1914, we can easily conclude
that the French public at the very beginning
unanimously shifted responsibility for the war
on to Austria that wanted to attack Serbia. In
time the blame will be switched to Germany,
but it also took time for that. The French
public opinion will remain convinced that
there was no French guilt for the outbreak
of the war. They neither wanted war nor did
they oppose it. Public opinion, principally,
does not decide whether the war will break
out or not. Its influence is always weaker than
the exclusivity of the cabinet. Due to the set
of circumstances in 1914, the public opinion
in France stood thoroughly aside and let the
events overtake them. Without expecting a
major crisis, poorly assessing its weight, giving
way to the sensationalism of the Caillaux case,
unable to slowdown the determined course of
the storms of war, and confident in their own
pacifism - although that is only partly true -
French opinion was at the rear of those who
could and should oppose the war .
Fr
1
It is in the spirit of the French tradition, stemming from
the revolutionary Declaration of Human Rights of 1789.
According to the declaration, the freedom of the press
is one of the most sacred rights that defines people in a
civilized society and that allows them to know always the
level of their sovereignty.
2
In order to review the history of the French press,
although written a long time ago, there is an unsurpassed
book by Claude Bellanger, Jacques Godechot, Pierre
Guiral and Fernand Terrou, Histoire gnrale de la presse
franaise, vol. III, Paris, 1972.
3
Henry Contamine, La Victoire de la Marne. (9 septembre
1914), Paris, in 1970.
4
French Minister of Public Works, Ren Renoult, who
attended a meeting between the FrenchDeputy Prime
Minister and the German Ambassador on the 29th of July,
having a conversation after the meeting with a Prefect
and answering the question about the outcome of the
meeting, said: The things follow their natural course.
You mean towards the war?. With a big smile, the
minister replied: You really think there will be a war?
No, fortunately we are not close to such a turn of events.
5
She fired six bullets from an automatic Browning pistol
32, of which only one was fatal. The others mostly missed
their target. She used a similar pistol as Princip did and
had similar shooting experience as he did.
6
Less than a third of one column of the third page with
the post: Count Berchtold presents the draft of the
ultimatum to the Emperor.
7
Half of the column on the third page: Austria against
Serbia: Austrian note to Belgrade.
8
The entire third column on the third page: Yesterday
evening Austria served Serbia with a note.
9
A little bit less than half of the fifth column on the
second page .
10
On the third page, Austrian ultimatum served to
Serbia.
11
Le Figaro announced the serving of the Austro-
Hungarian note to Serbia already on the 19th July, on the
basis of reliable information which proved to be accurate.
12
If Austria looks for more, it could carry the
responsibility for inflaming the crisis which could, in the
very near future, throw Europe into a terrible conflict
that the world has never seen, the most absurd and most
criminal.
13
Pierre Barral, Jaurs devant lopinion lorraine, dans:
Actes du Colloque Jaurs et la Nation, p. 171st
 Gb


Gb

PUBLIC OPINION IN GREAT BRITAIN ON THE

236 SARAJEVO ASSASSINATION AND THE JULY
CRISIS

At a time when Gavrilo Princip shot the heir to

, the Austro-Hungarian throne, Britain was at
the peak of its power and influence. The British
. Empire spanned over several continents
, and, according to its surface area, was the
, largest empire that history has up to that time
. memorized. Its democratic, parliamentary
, political order and its civil, Victorian culture,
, was imitated by European and non-European
, countries around the world.
.
Germany was the main temptation and a
major threat to Great Britain in this period.
It was, since unification in 1871, taking over
. , the Britains role as the leading country of the
1871, Old Continent. Britain clashed with Germany
. almost all over the world, in every direction
, of its movements. The most important was
, Germanys ambition to replace Great Britains
. position as the most influential major power
in the Ottoman Empire and Germanys naval
program, which aimed to steal the Great
, Britains dominance over the worlds seas and
oceans. Conflict between Germany and Great
. Britain on the seas and oceans represented,
,
with mutual conflicts of the other Great
, Powers, probably the most important cause of ,
, the First World War. ,
. 29. 1914.
Public opinion in the British democratic order
in the late 19th and early 20th century played
19. 20. The news on
a crucial, often decisive role. In Europe, Britain
, . the Sarajevo
had the longest tradition of a free press; it assassination,
, was incomparable by the variety and quality Manchester
; of its daily and weekly newspapers. The most Guardian,
important national and social issues were Manchester,
. freely discussed. The Sarajevo assassination, 29thof June
1914
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 Gb

and the question of war and peace that

238 . arose from it, have disclosed, however, deep
divisions in the British public opinion. These
, , divisions were clearly visible, already on the
. issue of civil war in Ireland, which broke out
as well in 1914. The opposition conservatives
, , helped the loyalists from Northern Ireland;
1914. . the liberal government, led by Prime Minister
; Herbert Henry Asquith, sought to preserve at
, least a semblance of neutrality.
,
. As observed by Donald Cameron Watt (The
British Reactions to the Assassination in
Sarajevo, European Studies Review, I, No 3
(The British Reactions to the Assassination at (1971), 233-247) and Dragoljub Zivojinovic
Sarajevo, European Studies Review I, No 3 (Great Britain and Serbia in the July crisis
(1971), 233-247) in 1914, Arrogant ally and disregarded Serb-
( ism: British Serbian relations (1875-1941),
1914. , Belgrade 2011, 317-344), in the majority
: part of the British public opinion several
(1875-1941), 2011, 317- prejudices were clearly seen, which crucially
344), influenced all the interpretations of the
Sarajevo assassination and subsequent events.
, The Serbs, especially after the May 1903 coup
dtat, were viewed as the murderers of kings
. , and an oriental nation, with all the negative
1903, stereotypes brought by such definitions.
, Serbias cooperation with Russia, a traditional
enemy of Britain, also did not contribute to
. , the positive image of Serbs in British public
, opinion, even after the settlement of Britain
and Russia in 1907. In the British public ,
,
opinion there was also a general hostility ,
1907. towards the plebeian nationalism of small , 1.
. nations, as the perpetual troublemakers. The 1914.
Archduke Franz Ferdinand and the aristocratic
, Austro-Hungarian Empire were much more
. The report
popular. Compromising of the Habsburg on theAnti-
- Empire in Zagreb, the high-treason process, Serbdemonstrations,
. and the Friedjung process in 1909, this left, Manchester
however, a very bad impression on the British Guardian,
public. Suspicion was also aroused by the close Manchester, 1stof
1909, relationship of the Austro-Hungarian Empire July 1914
with the menace of Germany.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 Gb

, , In the parts of the press that supported the

240 . Conservatives (The Times, The Morning Post,
- . The Daily Telegraph, The Pall Mall Gazette,
Observer, etc.) one could see a distinct distrust
(The towards Germany, caused primarily by the race
Times, The Morning Post, The Daily Telegraph, for maritime supremacy. This, nevertheless,
The Pall Mall Gazette, Observer, ) meant that these papers were less critical of
Russia, and consequently, the Serbs and Serbia.
, , , The liberal papers (Manchester Guardian, The
. , , Economist, The Financial Times, Westminster
Gazette, Standard, etc.) have, again, kept their
, , traditional Russo phobia and showed affection
. (Manchester towards Germany and its ally, the Austro-
Guardian, Economist, The Financial Times, Hungarian Empire. Accusing Serbia and Russia
Westminster Gazette, Standard, ) , , for the outbreak of the Great War resulted
from that. In the liberal press, as was shown
by Donald Cameron Watt, the ambassadors of
-. Austria-Hungary and Germany in London, had
some influence, who were trying to reverse the
. mood of the British public opinion in favour of
, the Central Powers; The Times has steadfastly
, refused their efforts.
-
, These facts explain everything in the British
press that one could read about the Balkan
; crisis from the Sarajevo assassination to the
. entry of Britain into the First World War.

The Sarajevo assassination was condemned by

all British newspapers, regardless of political
,
party differences. This event hit directly into
. their monarchist feelings and in general the ,
British fondness for European aristocracy and , 1.
its way of life. The convictions of the assassins 1914.
, and expressing condolences over the death
. of the Crown Prince and his wife were a daily
The analysis of
occurrence. The conservative Times, the liberal the situation
Manchester Guardian and other newspapers in Bosnia
. were noticing, however, that the causes of after the
the assassination should be sought in the assassination,
disenfranchisement of the Slavs, especially The Financial
. South Slavs within the Austro-Hungarian Times,
, Empire. These papers have dealt with the London, 1stof
July 1914
 Gb

, , Archdukes clericalism, his unpredictable

242 moves provoking conflicts with the
, Hungarians and his ambitious Balkan politics.
, -. After the Sarajevo assassination, papers of
all political orientations covered the news
, of the pogroms against the Serbs in Bosnia
, and Herzegovina and Croatia. The significant
differences, however, emerged when it turned
. , out that the Austro-Hungarian Empire would
take advantage of the assassination in order
to attack Serbia, even at the cost of war on a
. European and global scale. The newspapers
, , closest to the conservatives, led by The Times,
- The Morning Post and other newspapers,
, pointed to the fact that the Austro-Hungarian
. Empire did not have evidence of the official
, involvement, by Serbia, in the assassination,
, that its notes to Serbia on July 23rd, were
, written to humiliate the Serbs and forced them
- to refuse, and that the Serbian government,
, with its reply dated the 25th of July, showed
23. patience and a conciliatory spirit. Convinced
that Germany encouraged aggressiveness of
, their allies, The Times in its editorial warned
, 25. , the two countries that, if there were to be a
. major conflict, they should not count on the
neutrality of Great Britain.
,
, Opposing that, the liberal leaning newspapers
, have persistently transferred the main blame

. for the new crisis on the Sarajevo conspirators, -
as well as the governments of Serbia and
, Russia. A Civilizing mission of the Austro-
Hungarian Empire in Bosnia and Herzegovina , ,
, they have, with their approval, compared with , 25.
. its colonial administration in Afghanistan and 1914.
- India. When the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum
, , arrived in Belgrade, Manchester Guardian, The review of
The Economist and other liberal newspapers the Austro-
. demanded that Britain remains neutral. Hungarian
, Even on August 3rd, 1914, when the war had ultimatum to
, already started, while Belgrade had already Serbia, The
been destroyed by the Austro-Hungarian Times, London,
25thof July
1914
 Gb

. 3. 1914, artillery, the Guardians editorialist wrote that

244 , the air would be cleaner in Europe if Serbia
, could be dragged to the ocean and flooded.
The liberal newspapers were still demanding
neutrality and condemned The Times for his
. warmongering editorial policy.

The Asquiths Liberal government did not,
. however, follow the liberal press. The Times,
in fact, the same day, August 3rd, 1914, found
, , that the Sarajevo assassination was merely a
. , , pretext and that the Serbs simply got in the
, 3. 1914, way of further expansion of Austro-Hungary
and Germany in to the southeast of Europe.
The war, as The Times wrote broke out because
- of the ambitions of Germany and the Austro-
. , Hungarian Empire to rule over Europe and the
, world. Britain was obliged to defend the Serbs
- and Russia, and even France, but it had to keep
. its own safety.
, ,
.

,
,
, 27.
1914.

The analysis
of the Serbian
response to
the ultimatum,
The Times,
London,
27thof July,
1914
 Gb

246

,
,
, 1.
1914.

The review of
the causes of
the war, The
Economist,
London, 1stof
August 1914

2 2
 Gb

248

,

,
, 3.
1914.


The criticism
, ,
of the official
, 3.
British policy
1914.
towards
Russia,
Manchester The analysis
Guardian, of the causes
Manchester, of the war,
3rdof August The Times,
1914 London, 3rdof
August 1914
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
CIP -

,

94(100)"1914/1918"(083.824)

:
: = Echoes : European Press about the Sarajevo
Assassination and the July Crisis : the exhibition catalog /
[ .] = Branko Toovi [et al.]. - :
; Banja Luka :
National and University Library of Republic of Srpska, 2015 (
: ; Banja Luka : Grafid). - 248 . : . ; 25 cm

1.300. - . [7-13]: / .

ISBN 978-99938-30-84-9
1. , [] 2. , [] 3.
, [] 4. , [] 5.
, [] 6. , [] 7. ,
[] 8. , [] 9. ,
[] 10. , [] 11. , []

COBISS.RS-ID 5038872