Science, technology and education in the
Industrial Revolution
George Timmons
It is generally believed that the founders of the Industrial Revolution in Britain were largely men of
limited formal education but well endowed with practical skills, ambition, and business acumen. While
there is a good deal of truth in this, it underestimates the pervasive influence of a variety of educational
establishments ranging from dames schools for young children to the Dissenting Academies of
non-conformists.
It seems obvious now that the econo-
mic health of all countries depends
upon (inter alia) science, technology,
and education. It is also accepted that
these factors are closely interrelated.
R. M. Hartwell says that modern
theorists of economic growth argue
that education today is important in
determining the pace and pattern of
growth; and historians tell us that
education was important for the indus-
trializing nations of the nineteenth
century. It is reasonable to assume,
therefore, that education was also
important for the economic growth of
Britain . . . before and during the
industrial revolution [l]. Yet historians
disagree about the relationship be-
tween developments in science, tech-
nology and education in the seven-
teenth and eighteenth centuries. On
the one hand, A. E. Musson and E.
Robinson [2] maintain that a scientific
revolution had already taken place
before industrialisation had got under
way and that it was important to
increased industrial production. On the
other, E. Ashby [3] claims that cultiva-
tors of science had very little influence
on education and less on technology.
A. R. Hall [4] says that literacy and
learning had little influence on tech-
nology.
This presents us with something of a
dilemma because by the time of the
Great Exhibition of 1851, the situation
had changed: Lyon Playfair and Prince
Albert were then calling for an expan-
sion of science and technical education
George Timmons, B.A., M.Ed.
Is a graduate in history of Hull University. After
ten years teaching in secondary schools he has
taught the History of Education and Compara-
tive Education at Warwick University since
1977. He has a special interest in the influence
of industrialisation on educational systems.
Endeavour, New Series, Volume 10, No. 2, 19%
018e9327/B6 $0.00 + SO
Pergamon Journals Ltd. Printed in Great Britain.
to enable Britain to cope with the
economic challenge from countries
like Germany where such education
was in a healthier state. Moreover,
shortly after this the Japanese began
their march towards modernisation,
and to this end developed a system of
education modelled on western pat-
terns.
So it could be that education was
important from the beginnning but that
this was obscured because so much of
what went on in schools seemed
remote from industry of any kind, and
also remote from science. Moreover, if
the influence of science on technical
developments was only dimly recog-
nised then the role of education would
be even further obscured. Conversely,
if it can be shown, firstly, that science
did influence technology and, secondly,
that education and science were some-
how interrelated, then something of a
case could be made for the influence of
education on early industrialisation.
It is easy to understand why some
historians claim that technological adv-
ance was relatively unaffected by scien-
ce: so many improvements were made
by craftsmen who had little knowledge
beyond their own skills. But this is only
part of the picture. Other examples can
be found of improvements made by
men who were both scientists and
technologists and who saw none of the
distinctions which we make, perhaps to
our cost, between the two fields. R. A.
Buchanan says that at the time when
science and technology begin to be-
come recognizably modern, they were
virtually indistinguishable . . . In some
cases they were united in the same
personality as in that of James Watt. In
Britain, they were products of the new
society . . Of none of them would it
have been possible to have said that
they were scientists or technolog-
ists in the modern professional sense
[5]. In such circumstances, where
science and technology are all of a
piece, it is difficult to assign to science,
in any precise way, the role it actually
played, especially if some of those who
introduced technical changes were not
aware of the importance of science to
what they were doing. On the other
hand, many of them did know. Musson
and Robinson give a host of examples
in Britain: from Dr John Wallis, as
early as 1697, saying that Mathematics
at that time . . were scarce looked
upon as Academical studies but rather
Mechanical; as the business of Traders,
Merchants, Seamen, Carpenters, Sur-
veyors of Lands and the like [6], to the
professors of Gresham College col-
laborating with shipbuilders, and John
Moxon whose works were aimed at
both the Royal Society and at literate
craftsmen. In Europe, we find that
John Kunckel was both a chemist and a
glass maker, and that P. J. Macquer,
who was professor of Chemistry at the
medical School of Paris, also
worked with Jean Hellot who was in
charge of the technical side of the
production of porcelain at Vincennes.
Furthermore, it was while J. B. Richter
was the arkanist at the royal procelain
factory in Berlin that he did the work
which was to lead to the establishment
of the law of definite proportions. Even
a cursory glance at J. R. Partingtons
History of Chemistry [7] shows that
examples like this abound, throughout
Europe.
However, stronger links between
science and technology can be seen,
and the most striking example lies in
the influence of Joseph Blacks re-
search into latent heat on James Watts
improvements to the steam engine.
Towards the end of his life Watt wrote
in a letter to David Brewster:
Although Dr. Blacks theory of latent
heat did not SUGGEST my improve-
ments on the steam engine, yet the
knowledge upon various subjects which
he was pleased to communicate to me,
and the correct modes of reasoning and
making experiments of which he set me
the example, certainly conduced very
much to facilitate the progress of my
inventions [8]. This was a two-way
85
process: Cardwell [9] points out that
the laws of thermodynamics carry the
signs of their technological origins; that
is, Watt influenced Black.
It seems then, as Buchanan suggests,
that the relationship between science
and technology has been close from the
beginning. Perhaps the confusion over
just how intimate that connection was
comes partly from its unevenness - it
was strong in some fields, such as the
application of power or the chemical
industry - but weak in others, such as
the textile industry. Moreover, it could
also be that the relationship was
further obscured by the fact that
craftsmanship, through which technical
know-how expressed itself in pre-
industrial times, resisted influences
which threatened it. Technology, with
its modem connotations, was danger-
ous because it transferred knowledge
away from craftsmen to management.
K. Ochs has recently looked at the
Royal Societys history of trades prog-
ramme, which was less successful than
it might have been because of the
secretiveness of craftsmen. But it was
not a total failure and was part of this
process of transfer. She says that this
speaks to historians of science who fail
to recognise sciences role in develop-
ing the modern industrial system. The
early Royal Societys history of trades
programme was viewed by its members
as an integral part of the Societys
activities. And as such it made a small
contribution to creating modern indust-
rial society [lo]
Those aspects of developing tech-
nologies which were obviously scientific
would also be part of this transfer and
therefore particularly dangerous to
craftsmen. On the other hand, they
were seen as essential by others, for
example those who were concerned
about the growing danger of rule of
thumb methods: the Englishman John
Grundy and the Swiss Charles Labelye,
both experienced engineers, stressed
the importance of mathematics. Henry
Beighton, whose table of steam engine
powers and proportions was of direct
industrial use, wrote in the Ladies
Diary - of which he was Editor - as
early as 1721 that guesswork was
particularly dangerous when it suc-
ceeded. Jean Desaguliers, also, recom-
mended engine builders to acquire
mathematical knowledge and not
attempt impossibilities [12].
Nevertheless, when we consider how
this process of transferring knowledge
to management occurred in the textile
industry, then it seems that it was the
entrepreneur rather than the scientist
who was important in the early stages
of industrialisation. Here the archetype
was Richard Arkwright, for he is the
best example of a man who without
education, and without any scientific
86
knowledge, somehow appropriated the tion, the growth of cities, and the
technical ideas of mere craftsmen (only transformation of society which was so
Samuel Crompton out of a list of impressive in England in the first half
inventors had, any claim to theoretical of the nineteenth century came about
knowledge) and put them to use in only when the steam engine was widely
making his fortune. He was far from adopted, and the steam engine became
being alone. The danger lies in the fact sufficient to the task only when scien-
that the success of men like Arkwright tific principles were applied to its
or Rogerson [13] blinds us to the construction. However, it seems un-
importance of others. Josiah Wedg- likely that such penetration of the
wood, for instance, stands in contrast means of production by science
to them. He too founded a modem through technology, could have occur-
industry but he can be ranked among red in an illiterate society or in one in
the scientists. J. A. Chaldecott shows which science was not to some extent
in an extract from a letter from already disseminated.
Wedgwood to Thomas Bentley that he
used his chemical knowledge to im-
prove his industrial techniques [ 141.He Literacy
also understood the importance of The society in which the industrial
mathematics to the to the shaping of revolution took place most rapidly was
mortars and pestles, and he both asked not as illiterate as once thought and
Priestley for advice and advised him in neither was the society of its closest
return [15]. This sharing of ideas was rival, France, where similar develop-
typical of the members of Birmingham ments might have taken place just as
Lunar Society, which R. E. Schofield quickly had not political events after
sees as a key factor in industrialisation 1789 had such a profound effect on the
[16]. There were many early industrial- situation. The marriage registers which
ists like Wedgwood - Peter Ewart and all parishes in England had to keep
George Lee in Manchester, Benjamin after Hardwicks Marriage Act of 1753
Gott in Yorkshire, James Keir in show that about 50 per cent of men
Birmingham, and Nicholas Leblanc in could have been literate (this rose 70
France. Furthermore, doubt can be per cent 1850). Ability to sign does not
thrown on entrepreneurship as the automatically mean functional literacy,
prime factor in early industrialisation. but inability to write does not neces-
In a significant letter to his father-in- sarily mean inability to read either, so
law dated October 30th, 1784, Watt 50 per cent is probably a fairly accurate
wrote:- estimate. In France, for the period
1786-1790, parish registers suggest that
As to Mr. Arkwright, he is, to say nearly 50 per cent of men were literate
no worse, one of the most self and nearly 30 per cent of women, but
sufficient ignorant men I have ever in some regions the situation was much
met with. Yet . . . whosoever in- better: for example, in Franche Corn%
vented the Spinning, Arkwright approaching 80 per cent of men could
certainly had the merit of perform- sign their names [19]. The totals were
ing the most difficult part, which is probably higher in Scotland, Holland,
the making it useful. Some years Belgium, and parts of Germany for the
ago he applied to us at two different same period. The network of what we
times for our advice which we took would call elementary schools was
the trouble to give him, in one or much more extensive throughout
more big letters, which he never had Europe than once thought and whether
the manners to answer [17]. we consider charity schools, parish
schools, Sunday schools, or even com-
So the entrepreneur turns out to be mon venture schools, we find them all
dependent on the technologist/scientist/ offering some modicum of education.
craftsman who was James Watt. How In England we cannot dismiss even the
many more never acknowledged, dame schools as mere baby-minding
perhaps because they never under- institutions as we once did because,
stood, their debt to science? We should though their teachers were sometimes
also ask ourselves whether it was the as unlettered as their charges, the
Spinning Jenny itself or the application references to them in the literature of
of power to it which stimulated the the period as places where people
textile industry so dramatically. learned to read, are extensive [20].
Moreover, we should remember that Less direct evidence of the improving
even before steam was introduced to literacy rate lies in the increase
the industry, it was driven by the water throughout Europe in the number of
wheel, but not that handed down from publishers and of publications across a
ancient times but one improved by wide spectrum - from books, through
John Smeaton and based on Galilean journals, and newspapers to humble
mechanics. Technological develop- chap-books, (which provided the low-
ments did depend on science [18]. er orders with lively tales of romance
Furthermore, that large scale produc- and violence) [21]. Furthermore, there
 Humanities Sc:ences Vocational Accomplishments
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Figure 1. Subjects taught in private academies.

was a growing desire to read, as the
pressure on Sunday schools in England
in the late eighteenth and early
nineteenth century shows: some had to
open on weekday evenings for adults,
even if the reading material seems
unappetising to us. Titles like The
Religious Tradesman . . . Mrs. Rowes
Devout Exercises . . . Precious Re-
medies for Satans Devices and Sighs
from Hell [22] were extensively bor-
rowed from the Newcastle Sunday
school library.
Higher education
Much more important than this very
basic education were those forms which
we would now call secondary or higher.
Again, on looking at them closely, we
find that the conventional text-book
picture of the eighteenth century which
portrays the schools in decline and the
universities in the sterile grip of
Aristotelianism is only partly true. If
we take an example which is usually
given to illustrate the parlous state of
English universities - the appointment
of Richard Watson as professor of
chemistry at Cambridge in 1764 though
he knew nothing of the field L we
discover that he did take the trouble to
make himself proficient as a lecturer in
the subject and that his chemical essays
did a great deal to bring to the notice
of a wider public the new techniques of
careful qualitative experiment that we
find in the work of Black, Cavendish
and Lavoisier [23]. Many of his own
experiments were concerned with the
application of science to manufactur-
ing, and he proposed the setting up of
an Academy of Applied Chemistry.
From Watsons career we can see that
higher education was not so irrelevant
to industrialisation but we can also see
that a formal education which did not
include science, did not preclude the
taking up of science later, something
which several classical scholars did.
Watson may have been exceptional
in England but in Scotland, attitudes
such as his were commonplace. A. L.
Donovan says that Watt and Black
had the good fortune to be born into a
culture which did not elevate the
philosopher and demean the mechani-
cian . . . (where) the universities were
committed to the development of those
systems of political and social thought
and those areas of specialised know-
ledge upon which the future growth
and guidance of the nation depended
[24]. Furthermore, many English pa-
rents who desired a useful education
for their sons sent them to Scottish
Universities, or abroad, perhaps to the
University of Leyden. Though Holland
may have been in decline in the
eighteenth century, its influence was
still great, and Nicholas Hans says that
Leyden was regarded as a British
university [25], particularly when Her-
man Boerhaave was professor of medi-
cine there (1700-1738). Dutch science
continued to be influential and was
always strongly linked with practical
affairs, Nowhere is this seen more
clearly than in the combination of art,
craft and science called cartography
[26], on which the development of
British as well as Dutch trade de-
pended. Even into the late seventeenth
century maps made in England using
Dutch techniques were engraved in
Amsterdam. Dutch engineering, parti-
cularly in land drainage, had a reputa-
tion unsurpassed in Europe until the
nineteenth century and contributed to
what R. M. Hartwell refers to as a
growing awareness of the potentialities
of technical progress [27]: hence the
constant stream of British students to
Dutch universities.

87
 But, as the career of Watson sug-
gests, and he was not the only
professor to lecture, it was not neces-
sary for Englishmen to go abroad to
obtain an education with a relevance to
industrialisation. The aristocratic row-
dies usually taken as typical of Oxford
and Cambridge students were in fact a
minority. Many other students were
serious and some even took an interest
in science. Many more met with at
least an introduction to science in the
form of Daniel Waterlands Advice to
a Young Student (1740) which was
used by students at both Oxford and
Cambridge [28]. Moreover the type of
education available in many academies
was higher rather than secondary,
though most of them defy categorisa-
tion in modern terms. What can be
safely said, however, is that despite the
brief existence of some of them,
they had an enormous impact in their
day, T. S. Ashton has written that
. . . they were nurseries of scientific
thought. Several of them were well
equipped with philosophical instru-
ments and offered facilities for experi-
ment: their teachers included men of
the quality of Joseph Priestley and
John Dalton; and from them pro-
ceeded a stream of future industrialists,
among whom were John Roebuck
(who trained at Northampton before
proceeding to Edinburgh and Leyden),
Matthew Boulton, John Wilkinson,
Benjamin Gott, and - of a later
generation - Joseph Whitworth [29].
Here he is referring to the Dissenting
Academies set up by non-conformists
in the wake of the Clarendon Code.
Many were outstanding institutions,
the best example being the Warrington
Academy which was more like a
modern university and which had close
connections with industrialists through
the Manchester Literary and Philo-
sophical Society. Nicholas Hans says
that the influence of the dissenting
academies might have been overesti-
mated. However, he draws attention to
other institutions, the private
academies, which, if the evidence from
advertisements in eighteenth century
newspapers is to be believed, were
innumerable. Some were ephemeral,
but others such as the Hackney
Academy, which had aristocrats among
its clientele, were enduring. Hans calls
them the first comprehensive schools
and he shows how they prepared pupils
for differeent futures because what
they taught could be grouped into four
main areas and because in actual
practice the pupils were divided into
groups: (a) those who desired to enter
one of the Universities, (b) those
preparing for the Navy and the Mer-
cantile Marine, (c) for the Army, (d)
for business and Law clerks and (e) for
some technical profession [30]. All the
88
important academies taught mathema-
tics and many taught natural philoso-
phy and practical subjects such as
navigation, gauging, and surveying, as
Hans list shows (figure 1).
When we turn to the endowed
grammar schools, we find that their
plight was not as desperate as the
standard textbooks imply. Their indi-
vidual fortunes were affected by the
changing value of their endowments
but what seemed to be more important
was the quality of the masters
appointed in them. Those situated in
the more important towns usually
prospered because of the demands put
upon them by the merchant class.
Mathematics and science were to be
found in the curricula of these schools
and certain of them, such as Christs
Hospital School, Manchester Grammar
School, and Newcastle Grammar
School produced a number of scien-
tists, (but so did the nine great schools,
even though the tendency was to avoid
them because of their barbarism. The
aristocracy and gentry depended on
private tutors instead). R. S. Tomson
says that . . . eighteenth century gram-
mar schools were innovating, probably
in response to public demand [31].
Moreover, many of their pupils who
had a purely classical education, took
up science later, as did Richard
Watson.
Whilst there was nothing in France
in the early eighteenth century to
compare with the network of
academies in England, generally speak-
ing the French were better provided
with formal education, there being 22
universities and in them science was
better represented than in England.
There were also 16 schools of medicine
and a number for pharmacy. H.
Gilman McCann maintains that there
already existed what could be called a
scientific community, though this was
best represented in the field of chemis-
try [32]. Moreover, 562 colleges taught
72,747 pupils immediately before the
Revolution and though they concen-
trated on the classics, science was
represented and was probably stronger
after the expulsion of the Jesuits in
1762. Furthermore, some institutions
such as the College de France had
outstanding science teachers of the
calibre of Ramus and Rollin (331. More
direct links between education and
industry through science were being
sought: H. Chisick says that the Ecoles
de Dessin and Ecoles des Arts which
began to proliferate after mid-century
were based on the assumption that
science could profitably be applied to
everyday problems of business, com-
merce and trades, and that a compe-
tent workforce would contribute great-
ly to national prosperity [34].
Philosophical societies
This notion that change was possible
and profitable and more likely to
suceed if based on organised know-
ledge can be detected throughout
Europe in the second half of the
eighteenth century, but the schools,
colleges and acadmies could not have
nourished it by themselves. Probably
the most important factor was the
existence of the philosophical societies
in Britain and institutions like the
academies (which were their equiva-
lents in France.) The Birmingham
Lunar Society provides us with the best
example, not only because of the
illustrious names which provided its
membership - Priestley, Wedgwood,
Erasmus Darwin, Keir, Boulton and
Watt, etc, but also because of what it
achieved collectively, namely the build-
ing up and development of industries,
and of the means of communication to
supply them and distribute their wares;
the setting up of financial mechanisms,
including coinage, to run them; and
much more [35]. What was just as
important was that every large town
had at least one such society. Birming-
ham also had the Cast-Iron Philo-
sophers based on the Eagle St. Found-
ry. London had several, the Askesian
Society being in some ways as impress-
ive as the Lunar Society, especially as
it went on to become the Geological
Society [36]. More important still were
the links between the societies and
their attempts to inform each other
directly or through the use of the often
itinerant lecturers who seemed ubi-
quitous in the eighteenth century. Final-
ly, and this is crucial to the thesis
presented here, many of their members
had attended the sorts of educational
institutions described.
They were all interested in educa-
tion: virtually every society either set
up, or attempted to set up, or at least
discussed the possibility of setting up,
some sort of educational establishment
because they knew that only more
permament institutions could continue
their work. In France, similar trends
can be seen: there were 50 academies
in Paris and the provincial towns, all
giving opportunities for study, re-
search, and the publication of articles
and proceedings [37].
What happened to the philosophical
societies in the nineteenth century is
probably the key to the mystery of why
education (in Britain in particular) failed
to live up to its eighteenth century
promise. There can be no doubt that
they were affected by political events -
directly in France, indirectly in Eng-
land, where their non-conformist, free-
thinking links were viewed with suspi-
cion once the Revolutionary and the
Napoleonic wars broke out. But this is
only part of the story: many of them all
but severed their connection with
day-to-day affairs. The Askesian Socie-
ty, for example, partly because of its
links with the Royal Society, became
more like that institution, that is,
concerned with theoretical knowledge
only. The Royal Institution, though not
founded till 1799, was in danger of
going the same way. This all reflects
the fact that science and technology
were becoming separate from each
other even in Britain (it was already
the case in France, according to H.
Gilman McCann [38] ). We can see the
effect of this in family histories of the
period - Thomas Henry, former pupil
of Wrexham Grammar School,
apothecary of Knutsford, Unitarian,
member of both the Lunar Society and
the Manchester Literacy and Philo-
sophical Society, founder of a magnesia
factory, and co-founder with Barnes of
the College of Arts and Sciences [39]
was followed by generations each
successively more unfitted for busi-
ness as they were morely highly
educated in the reformed public
schools. These institutions became
more concerned with social Clitism and
the new elementary schools were used
as a means of social control. This
explains to a great extent why the
situation arose which gave so much
concern to Playfair and Prince Albert -
in the early nineteenth century the debt
which industry owed to science, and
science to education, was too often
ignored.
References
[l] R. M. Hartwell, The Industrial Re-
volution and Economic Growth,
1971, Methuen, pp. 17%9.
PI A E. Musson and E. Robinson,
Science and Technology in the
Industrial Revolution, 1969. (Man-
chester University Press).
(31 E Ashby, Technology and the
Academics, 1958. (MacMillan).
[41 A R. Hall, The Historical Relations
of Science and Technology, Inau-
gural Lecture (1963) in P. Mathias,
The Transformation of England,
1979, (Methuen) p. 46.
PI R A. Buchanan, The Promethean
Revolution in History of Technol-
I;:, first annual volume, 1976, p.
161Musson and Robinson, op. cit. p. 13.
(71 J. R. Partington, A History of Che-
mistrv. 1961. (MacMillan).
[8] D. Fleiing, iaient Heat and the
Invention of the Watt Steam En-
gine in 0. Mayr, (ed), Philo-
sophers and Machines, Science
History publications, 1976, p. 123.
[9] D. S. L. Cardwell: Problems of the
Data-base in G. Bugliarello and
D. B. Doner (Eds), The History
and Philosophy of Technology.
1979, Illinois U. P. p. 16.
[lo] K. H. Ochs, The Royal Society of
Londons History of Trades Prog-
ramme: an early episode in applied
science in Notes and Records of
the Royal Society of London, Vol.
39, No. 2, April, 1985.
[II] Musson and Robinson, op. cit., p. 49.
1121Ibid p. 38.
1131See D. Marshall, English People in the
Eighteenth Century, 1956. Long-
mans, p. 223.
[14] J. A. Chaldecott, Wedgwood Ceramic
Wares for Chemical Use in Ambix,
Vol 27, pp. 18&9.
[IS] Ibid, p. 193.
(161 R. E. Schofield, The Lunar Society of
Birmingham, 1963. O.U.P.
[17] Ibid. p. 350.
[18] D. S. L. Cardwell, op. cit. p. 12.
[19] H. Barnard, Education and the French
Revolution, 1969, O.U.P.. p. 7.
[20] J. H. Higginson, Dame Schools in the
British Journal of Educational Stu-
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89