Working with Palestinian

and Israeli youth inside

Israel in the shadow of the
conflict

Sadaka Reut’s mission

statement
Written by Sadaka Reut – Arab Jewish youth partnership
Spring 2009
Preface

This paper has been composed in joint effort by Palestinian and Jewish activist members of Sadaka-
Reut, a movement for Arab-Jewish youth partnership. The aim of the paper is to define the character
of the movement, the theoretical basis for its activity and to supply the facilitators of its youth groups
with practical tools and a cohesive work plan. It is the perfect opportunity to consolidate the
accumulated experience garnered from our activities over the years.

This booklet contains five main chapters:

1. Who We Are – Mission and Vision Statement

1.1 The mission and vision advocated by the movement
1.2 Between past and present vision
1.3 Our views on the establishment of a social movement for change: various methods of action
1.4 The social role of the movement: how to make a difference?

2. The social mechanisms that influence the shaping of consciousness in Israel

3. The pedagogy of the movement

3.1 Liberating identity
3.2 Our pedagogical concepts

4. Our stances on selected issues concerning bi-national activity

4.1 Alone or together: uni-national and bi-national work within the movement
4.2 Education and activism
4.3 Raising awareness and instilling knowledge
4.4 The role of the facilitator

5. A description of the work model and annual activity structure

This chapter has not been included in the English version, for it is strictly a work document meant for
our facilitators. For those of you interested in learning more about our work model, please do not
hesitate to contact us.
Chapter 1: Who we are – Mission and Vision Statement

1.1 The mission and vision advocated by the movement:

We, Palestinian and Jewish activists, are acting in conjunction for the establishment of a true
partnership within our society. The alternative which we advocate is one based on the recognition of
those inherent and deep rooted injustices that make up our contemporary reality. We are looking to
assume responsibility and reform reality in order to build a new common future for the two peoples,
and for other minorities living on this land. As Palestinian and Jewish activists, citizens of Israel, we
consider it our duty to work towards bringing about such change, through the promotion of a just
solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Our activity relies on the affinities of the Palestinian and
Jewish activists to their respective communities and on our own conviction that only a true partnership
between them can bring about the change we seek and a future of hope and peace for both peoples.
Alternative and change are terms frequently used in the field of socio-political change in Israel. It is
clear to us that their character and form must be accurately defined for internal and external purposes.
As such, our alternative follows two main and parallel routes:
The first is the righting of past wrongs and the halting of their expansion in the immediate present,
bringing about the establishment of an egalitarian society wherein no ethno-national based forms of
control exist. This process involves assuming responsibility and providing solutions for all groups who
form part of the native nationals who have been harmed as a result of the founding of the state of Israel
in 1948: Palestinian residents of Israel, Palestinians in the Occupied Territories and Palestinian
refugees. The realization of this reform shall not undermine the Jewish Israeli collective's right to
exist. We believe that the implementation of justice should be perceived as a common interest for both
Jews and Palestinians, since justice and equality are the only true guarantee for security and stability.
The realization of an egalitarian and multicultural society will not be made possible as long as there
are oppressive mechanisms that bestow special privileges to Jews as a collective, based on religion or
ethnicity. Change shall be based on unified standards which will replace the existing double standards.
The time has come to offer the peoples living on this land a just arrangement, wherein they can exist
as two national collectives.
This arrangement may come about in various forms: a single state along the borders of British
mandate Palestine (including the West Bank and Gaza), two states divided by the green line as
suggested by the two state solution, or any other form of political settlement. It shall be a democratic
state appertaining to all its citizens, including minorities who are neither Jewish nor Arab; an
egalitarian state for all individuals living and working within it. The form the solution may eventually
take as to the state's actual borders, or the division into one, two or three states is not the main issue. It
is much more important that any solution should include righting the wrongs caused to Palestinians as
a result of the founding of the state of Israel, and ensuring a fair and just distribution of land and
resources while taking into account past theft of land. The form of government shall reflect the
material and cultural needs of the two cardinal peoples living here, as well as those of other minorities.
The establishment of a civilized, all-encompassing society is the other defining guideline as to the
character of the society which we aspire to build. Mechanisms will be contrived to ensure justice and
equality on all different spheres. Gender equality must be one of the main axes in the establishment of
any such society and will determine the level of its equality and its ability to endure and advance
culturally and economically. Multiple identities and cultures will generate interaction between Jews,
Arabs and others, and among the smaller groups which constitute them. When this occurs, all will live
as free individuals upon their land, and the ensuing interaction will constitute a cultural asset and
establish a dynamics of an edifying society which evolves of its own diversity. There will be an
interaction between the Arab and oriental features and the western features, usually viewed as superior
to the former two. Society ought to consider the multiplicity of identities and languages as an
important asset, rather than as gaps to be bridged. Social mechanisms will ensure social and class
justice, a fair distribution of public resources and protect society from the gaining control of profit
capitalism and profit capitalism culture as a supreme social value. This can be achieved through
political education for social justice, and through government mechanisms which will ensure a proper
combination of democracy and individual rights together with justice in resource distribution and
social equal opportunities. A true democracy does not stipulate rights as factors of civilian obligations,
ethnicity or religion. A democracy should not fail to acknowledge traditions, ethnic groups and
religions, and distinguish them from the state. Where there are two main national or cultural groups, a
true democracy must establish for itself mechanisms to prevent the larger group from imposing its will
over the minority group in the name of democratic majority. The mechanisms ought to allow veto
privileges in certain fields to do with collective needs.

1.2 Between past and present vision

The alternative we envision is directly influenced by our perception of that which has transpired in the
past, the history of the two peoples and its effects on our analysis of the present. Our vision is of
necessity a combination of universal values (equality of all human beings, the right to freedom, justice
in resource distribution, the right to safety and self fulfillment…) which we hold to be true, and our
perception of past and present specific to the conflict.
As a result of the founding of the state of Israel in 1948, brought about by the determination of the
Zionist movement to found a Jewish homeland, a historical injustice has been committed against the
Palestinian people living on this land, which deepens to this present day. The vast majority of the
native Palestinian people became refugees away from their homeland, though some remained as an
oppressed and discriminated national minority within the borders of the newly founded Jewish state. In
1967 Israel occupied additional territories as a result of the 6-day war, and ever since millions of
Palestinians have been living under occupation and military rule in the West Bank and the Gaza strip.
The mechanisms of the occupation continue to annex land and resources in the Occupied Territories to
this day, through hundreds of Jewish settlements, the infrastructures built to serve them, and the route
of the separation barrier still under illegal construction. Injustice is clearly apparent in the formation of
millions of Palestinians into refugees and the disinheritance of their land and property, as well as
among those Palestinians who remained inside Israel borders as IDPs (Internally Displaced People). In
order to comprehend today's reality, the 1948 war must be used as the main point of reference. The
events of 1948 cannot be considered outside their historical context, as the paramount point of tension
which prevailed between the Zionist immigrants and the native Palestinians. Long before the
beginning of the Israeli Palestinian conflict in the Middle East, the colonizing approach of the Zionist
movement which strove to found a national home for Jews and its view of the place as a "a land with
no people, for a people with no land", provided the basis for the conflict which escalated towards
1948. Such colonialist overtures, not taking into account or plainly ignoring the presence of a native
population, can perhaps be better understood in context of the colonialist reality and way of life
prevalent at the time.
Beyond analysis of the reasons for the war and the processes which led to it, a fact exists which
remains difficult to contest - refugees and internally displaced people were not allowed to return to
their lands at the end of the 1948 war, nor were they compensated for the loss of their property. All
this under the same ideology which undertook to found a Jewish ethnic hegemony on the land: to live
in the place of Palestinians and not in co-existence. Numerous arguments can be raised as to the actual
reasons for the war - who threw the first stone and who suffered or feared more, but the aftermath and
the facts on the ground are hard to contest. One may identify with the determination of the early
Zionists to confront racist tendencies against Jews in Europe, and understand their choice to found a
nation state as a solution, at a period when nation states were emerging throughout the world, but at
the same time it is evident that they chose to overlook the fact that their national project came at the
expense of native Palestinians. Thus it was an attempt to struggle against injustice by inflicting
injustice on others.
The Israeli Palestinian conflict has assumed many forms during different periods of its long history.
Different approaches can be used to analyze contemporary reality, but it would be preferable to reach a
clear definition beforehand of the parties involved in the conflict - those who have nascent right to the
place. The alternative which we advocate inevitably refers to them as such.
Palestinians: are the native population who lived in mandatory Palestine until 1948, the year in which
most of them became refugees outside their homeland. Hundreds of villages and towns were razed and
the land expropriated by the newly found state of Israel. This event is referred to by Palestinians as the
‘Nakba’ - the national disaster. Today, as a direct result of the Nakba, Palestinians can be divided into
three main groups (these categories are mainly geographical and do not constitute a social analysis of
each group):
A) Palestinian citizens of Israel, who have remained on their land or were displaced in 1948 and
transferred into other Palestinian settlements within the borders of Israel. This population has
remained a deprived national minority within the borders of the newly found state, which defines itself
on ethnic basis as a Jewish state. A large number of the Palestinian citizens were disowned of land and
property, which the state even refuses to return to this day.
The Israeli establishment has put considerable effort in to disassembling this Palestinian community
into unorganized sub-communities by using the familiar method of "divide and conquer". This has
come about mostly by designating the Palestinians a "minority” and structuring a treatment based on
ethnicity or religion of different sub-groups: Druze, Bedouin, Christian, and Muslim.
Various mechanisms have been contrived and are still controlling the Palestinian population in order
to disintegrate and blur Palestinian identity, constructing the identity of the new ‘Israeli Arab’. This is
done in order to distinguish them from the national struggle of the Palestinian people outside the
borders of Israel. In this sense, supervision over the Arab Educational System was intended to silence
Palestinian awareness of the Nakba and conceal it from public discourse in Israel.
Moreover, the attitude of the establishment towards the Palestinian minority has been fashioned
through the prism of security: Palestinian citizens of Israel are viewed as a potential threat. The
limitations on freedom of expression, the employment of security mechanisms (police, secret services)
and the use of a policy of stick and carrot (punishment on the one hand and benefits to interest groups
on the other hand) have created a reality in which they have limited and conditional citizenship.
Palestinian citizens are not expected to become involved in politics unless they join one of the Zionist
political parties. They are expected to detach themselves from their Palestinian compatriots who are
not citizens of Israel, accept the state as Jewish, and live quietly in a country which does not view
them as partners in ownership of the land.
B) Palestinians living in the Occupied Territories in the Gaza strip and the West Bank, some of whom
are refugees from lands which are presently inside the territory of Israel. Millions of Palestinians
currently hold the status of residents of the occupied territories under military rule and have no civil
rights in the state which has occupied them for over 40 years. The military rule in these territories
abuses cheap labor for economic purposes, expropriates land for Jewish settlement, places restrictions
on the freedom of movement and unabashedly violates basic human rights. The displacement of a
large portion of the Palestinian population of the occupied territories, alongside the harsh daily reality,
the dire economic situation, and the oppression of individual and collective freedom over such a long
period of time, has lead to the establishment of a resistance and to a non ending circle of violence. The
years of struggle and resistance, suffering the attempts of forceful suppression, have caused hundreds
of thousands of casualties: deaths, widows, orphans, handicapped, psychological traumas and patients
unable to receive proper medical care.
While public discourse inside Israel often centers on security issues and the violent occurrences- on
"thwarting terrorist attacks", "eliminating wanted persons", the construction of the separation barrier,
etc - the discourse of the Palestinian population focuses on the demands for national liberation,
settlement eviction, assuming responsibility for the refugee problem and improvement of the standard
of living by releasing the Palestinian economy from Israeli control.

#Palestinian refugees in Arab countries and other zones around the world, who have been prevented
from returning to their homeland after having been expelled or made to leave in '48 (we will not
discuss here the different terms- escaped, expelled, exiled, etc.) and a vast majority of whom live in
anticipation and demand to return. Most of them live under harsh human conditions in refugee camps
to this day.

Jews:
The Jewish- Israeli collective as we know it today, began to form and consolidate as such, and pose
demands for national sovereignty during the19th century, at the same time as the awakening of other
national movements, and during the era of European colonialism. With the founding of the state of
Israel in 1948 the desires of this collective were accomplished, de facto. The formation of the Jewish
Israeli collective is both long and complex. We will reflect on several points, which we deem essential
in any analysis of contemporary Jewish Israeli society.
1. In order to establish affinity and form identification with the Jewish collective and the
modern Jewish nationality, common grounds were sought as basis for the collective to define
itself. In this context we may cite the revival of the Hebrew language as the popular tongue, the
attempt to establish a local culture etc. Also, as is common in other national ideologies, myths
and legend were manipulated in the construction of a national narrative in order to establish a
continuous bond between the historical Jewish entity and the Israeli collective. At the founding
of the state of Israel this story was anchored and weaved within government mechanisms and
across government bodies - first and foremost in the education system.
2. The traumatic events which took place during the 19th -20th century, primarily the
holocaust of the European Jews, had great influence over the formation of the Jewish Israeli
collective and continue to be a source of influence to this day. Supposedly the founding of the
“National Jewish Home”, the state of Israel, should have provided the cure to these distresses.
However the image of the persecuted and victimized Jew continues to be exploited by the state
and recruited for political purposes.
3. Waves of Jewish immigration began to arrive in Israel, Palestine, as early as the late
19th century but number increased as anti-Semitism swept through Europe during the 20 th
century. With the Holocaust additional influxes of immigrants arrived to Israel. The prevailing
perception among the new arrivals chose to ignore, intentionally or not, the presence of
Palestinians on the land. During the 1948 war direct actions were taken to expel the
Palestinian population from the land which had been theirs for centuries. The establishment of
the Jewish Israeli collective in Israel was done at the expense of the Palestinian natives who
paid the heavy price for its formation. The intentional disregarding and the exclusion of
Palestinians were an essential component in the establishment of the Jewish Israeli collective
and continue to be so to this day. From the founding of the state of Israel to this day a
continuous and intentional process has taken place for the effacement of the national
Palestinian disaster as it undermines the image of Israeli national identity and contests the
Zionist ideology.
4. The Jewish collective must be viewed as comprising of a large number of groups,
which pertain by definition, or self definition, to the Jewish religion, yet originate from
different homelands and have different cultures. These immigration processes have been used
as a political tool by the Israeli establishment, as part of the attempt to establish a Jewish
majority in Israel. One may refer to the Jewish Israeli identity as forged on attempts to enforce
a unified hegemonic identity, that of the Jewish- Zionist- Israeli. The forging of the collective
Jewish Israeli identity has been largely centered around two main themes: Security and
 Zionism. As a result of these processes many identities, Palestinian, Arab Jews, Women, etc.
have been over shadowed and excluded from public discourse and power centers. Moreover
there is a prevailing tendency to ignore their value and uniqueness and view them as a threat to
the hegemonic collective identity. These tendencies are latent in the formal and non formal
education systems in Israel and most young people are exposed to them. In this manner, and in
other ways, the hegemonic collective continues to duplicate patterns of power balances in
society and blocks the development of all alternative identities or acknowledgment of them.
Among these different ethnic groups one must underline the Jewish immigrants who originate
from Arab countries and experience oppression in Israel on a class and cultural basis. Since the
culture of these groups stands in direct relation to the Arab culture, these immigrants have been
forced not only to shed all cultural ethnic characteristics marking their land of origin, but to
disown their own culture.
5. Another aspect of this structured of the Israeli- Jewish collective identity is the
perpetuation of supremacy, which manifests itself through the system as well as in people’s
views. Regarding the system, the privileges which are granted on the basis of ethnicity and
religion are anchored in institutions and laws, such as the law of the right of return, the
definition of the state as Jewish, unequal resource distribution, etc. It must also be mentioned
that state mechanisms which supervise many forms of education, are used in many cases as an
establishment tool for the perpetuation of existent perceptions. The combination between a
situation of ongoing conflict and a sense of victimization, provide fertile grounds for the
formation and institutionalization of racist tendencies in society. See researches of TLV
University and Haifa University.
6. Militarization of Israeli society- as mentioned above security constitutes a central and
founding ethos for the Jewish Israeli identity which has been forged in accordance with it. Of
the more concrete manifestations of this ethos is the requirement to serve in the military which
applies to Jews. It is important to note that the state education system and all its branches are
charged with the preparation of youth for the performance of this role. The combination
between racist tendencies, a perpetual sense of victimization and the lack of an alternative to
challenge the establishment's Zionist narrative leaves the younger generation devoid of
alternatives and inhibit the growth of different generation; a generation which would be able to
perceive the full picture and exercise critical thinking to promote free choice. The
militarization of the Israeli society also brings about the exclusion of different groups within it:
women, Palestinians etc. from power centers or public discourse and constitutes the prevailing
political discourse in Israel.

Our view on the establishment of a social movement for change- different forms of activity
Sadaka Reut is a bi- national movement that offers a social political alternative to the existing reality
through educational activities and activism. The movement advocates socio political change through
work with youth and juveniles. At the same time, as a socio political movement we view ourselves as
part of a larger community of organizations, parties, groups and people who share with us the same
values and visions. We consider important any activity for change and make use of diverse tools,
strategies and focal points. We work towards establishing a connection and partnership with other
groups who share a common vision, with the aim of contributing to the founding of a social movement
which will constitute a critical and effective mass.

The social role of the movement- how to make a difference?

Our group activity is based on long-term group and individual change processes; we manage to reach
hundreds of young people every year. We are repeatedly approached with the question- how can this
activity make a difference in the face of an intricate reality of deep rooted convictions and social
mechanisms?
It is our belief that processes of change are brought about through persistent and consistent social
struggles. Social struggles are led by able, committed and highly motivated activists. There are various
reasons and life experiences which can turn young people into committed, responsible socio political
activists. Education and activity frameworks are of the utmost importance in raising awareness. We
recognize our social role in nurturing young activists who will later join an activist community of
common values and vision. The existing community in Israel is rather small and mature, so there is a
critical need and a great potential in working with the younger sector of society.

Chapter 2: the social mechanisms that influence the shaping of consciousness in Israel

The current situation and a description of the problem

An approach to socio political youth education should be based on an analysis of the current situation,
the ways in which to tackle it, and a clear definition of the desired change. Various realms influence
the shaping and forging of the consciousness of Jewish and Palestinian youth within Israel. Education
and the education system is the most powerful tool in the formation of identity and social perceptions
in modern human society. Individuals undergo processes of learning and being educated throughout
their lives. In the modern world, especially, these processes are directly affected by social mechanisms
which are contrived and controlled by the dominant groups of each society (the education system,
hegemonic media, contents in public spaces, etc…). Our identity, perceptions and social behavior are a
product of the interaction between the different components which feed and influence the processes
we undergo in life. The following is a description of several components in order to provide a deeper
understanding of the educational work currently provided for Palestinian and Jewish youth in Israel:

1. The structure of the education system and schools: (focuses on the system's approach to the
conflict)
Along with the founding of the state of Israel and its description as a Jewish state in 1948, the
state set up two separate education systems subject to the Israeli ministry of education- a Zionist
Hebrew education system and an Arab education system. Most of the Palestinian and Jewish residents
of Israel live in separate communities, except in a few mixed cities. The schools are also segregated;
there are Jewish schools that teach in the Hebrew language, and Arab schools that teach in Arabic, the
same applies for mixed cities. The Israeli ministry of education is responsible for the developing of all
education programs and learning contents, and supervises both Arabic and Hebrew schools. In Israel
there are only Hebrew universities, which Palestinians citizens of Israel also attend. From the above
description it is evident that until high school graduation opportunities for interaction and encounter
between Jews and Palestinians are scarce, everyday encounters rarely occur, and long term friendships
or acquaintances are uncommon.
2. The contents imparted by the education system:
As mentioned above, the state of Israel has been declared a Jewish state, described on ethno/ religious
basis. Thus native Palestinians who remained inside Israel's borders and became citizens later on are
defined by the state as “minorities”. The significance of this is that the establishment identifies and
acknowledges the Jewish majority as the only national collective, and fails to recognize the
Palestinians citizens as such. Rather they are viewed as an assortment of minority groups (Muslims,
Christians. Bedouins, Circassian …) who live in the shadow of the Jewish state. The education system
has constituted a main tool in the structuring or reeducation for the forging of these identities.
The Hebrew education system facilitates the institution of the Jewish Israeli Zionist identity as the
collective identity in order to amalgamate different groups of Jewish immigrants who arrived to
Palestine/ Israel before and after the founding of the state. The Jewish society consists of diverse
cultural groups such as Ashkenazi (Jewish immigrants from Europe), Mizrahi (Jewish immigrants
from Arab countries), Ethiopian, and Russian. The education system constitutes an important tool in
the establishment of a single collective identity. The contents brought forth by the Hebrew education
system tend to underline Jewish history from a period of 2000 years ago when the Romans destroyed
the second temple and many Jews were banished or escaped to other zones in Europe, Africa and the
western world. The recounted narrative of Jewish history emphasizes different events of Jewish
persecution and inflicted racism on account of their Judaism, especially in Christian Europe. The
zenith of this persecution occurred during the Holocaust in the Second World War. The Zionist
movement based its demand for a “national home” on the need of Jews for a safe place. The recounted
Jewish history establishes an affinity between the Jewish people and Israel- Palestine and portrays the
organized Jewish immigration as a homecoming after 2000 years of exile. The attitude of the leaders
of the Zionist movement (habitually, European Jews from middle and upper classes) towards Palestine
was that it resembled an uninhabited place. A recurring phrase throughout the curriculum taught in
schools declares Israel as “a land without a people for a people without a land”. The narrative
conveyed by the education system also includes heroic descriptions of Jewish settlers who arrived to a
deserted place where they built a new paradise. The role of the education system in shaping youth
consciousness is central to the creation of a simplified image which suppresses the injustice and the
expulsion brought on the Palestinians by the founding of the state of Israel. The younger generation is
being educated on a narrative which portrays the ongoing conflict as unending racist persecution of
Jews by Arabs, and not as a conflict over subsistence, resources and a struggle against colonialism.
This narrative presents the Arab as the enemy who persecutes the Jews even as they had been
persecuted in past Jewish history. This narrative completely ignores the hundreds of Palestinian
villages razed to the ground in 1948 and the massive displacement of Palestinians as a result of the
founding of the state of Israel.
The Arab education system and the contents it conveys are under constant supervision of the Israeli
ministry of education. The contents conveyed in Arab schools completely disregard the history of the
Palestinian people during the period of the conflict, and present the founding of the state of Israel as an
introduction to progress and development in the region. The establishment employs the Arab
education system in the process of shaping anew pupils' identity and converting them from
Palestinians into “Arab Israelis”. The attitude of the establishment towards the Palestinian identity is
one which perpetuates and consolidates the image of them as national threat to be kept at bay. The
supervision over the Arab education system seeks to instill in Palestinians a self image as citizens of
another culture and language living in alienated minority groups inside the Jewish state. This purpose
is achieved through a control of the contents, supervision over the appointment of managers and
teachers, and through the involvement of the secret service in the Arab education system.*
In conclusion, the education system provides a powerful tool in the hands of the Israeli establishment
and does not play a positive role in confronting the past and promoting a just solution to the conflict. It
plays a decisive role in the depiction of a certain narrative and the silencing of other voices. One must
note the lack of symmetry between the roles played by the Hebrew education system vs. the Arab
education system. While the Hebrew education structures collective national memory and identity- a
Jewish Zionist identity which transcends culture and class, the Arab education is employed to
disintegrate and blur the Palestinian identity, effacing collective memory. Therefore, alternative bi-
national education cannot presuppose the existence of symmetry and a unified approach in working
with Jewish and Palestinian youth.
3. Symbols, ceremonies and memorial days as identity shaping elements:
Countries and government mechanisms often set up and adapt their own system of symbols, memorial
days and national ceremonies. The same usually goes for national liberation or ideological movements.
The state of Israel marks two major memorial days- the Memorial Day for Israel defense soldiers, and
Holocaust memorial day, in addition to Independence Day. On these days official ceremonies are held
and the media takes them up for several days before and after the date. Concurrently, the headship of
the Palestinian public marks several memorial days that go unacknowledged by the state- Nakba day
(the catastrophe) which takes place at the same time as the Israeli independence day and marks the
disaster of the Palestinian people, a memorial day marking the Qassem village massacre of 49 Arabs
who in 1956 returned to their village after a day's work unaware that the army had declared curfew;
they were murdered by the police and the Israeli army. Land day 5 which stand for the murder of 6
Arab citizens by the police at protest rallies following an extensive land expropriation from Arab
settlements in the Galilee in 1976, a memorial day for the October events commemorating the murder
of 13 Arab civilians by the police in demonstrations in the year 2000. These events and their
commemoration influence to a great extent the shaping of the collective identity and memory of Arab
and Jewish youth.
4. Military
In Israel there is a conscription law- for the period of three years for men and two years for
women. This law only applies to Jewish youth and does not apply to Arab youth. Every Jew must
join the military after finishing high school, but Arabs are not conscribed. The vast majority of
Jews in Israel have undergone the military system, some of them have participated in past wars
with Arab countries, and some have served in the Occupied Territories and partook as soldiers in
the military regime which controls the lives of Palestinian civilian population. This experience
later drastically influences the shaping of the consciousness, perceptions and attitudes of the
Jewish youth.
5. Media
The Palestinian citizens of Israel have a high command of the Hebrew language and are exposed to
the Israeli Hebrew media. Israeli Jews have no command of Arabic and are unexposed to the Arab
media. Various researches show that the media tends to focus on violent occurrences and do not
typically reveal the deeply embedded reasons behind the evolvement of violent struggles. As
observed in other conflict zones, the media tends to join propaganda efforts and emphasizes
injuries and aggressions inflicted on the party to which it pertains. Modern day media is a central
tool in shaping consciousness and filtering information flow. Young people are exposed to the
media and regard it as a reliable and stable source of information.
All of the aforementioned components refer to the structural rather than the individual sphere of
education and values imparted at home, or by the smaller social circles, etc. Taking these
components into account and analyzing their influence over society and youth is central to the
formation of alternative approaches. These should provide a deep understanding of reality,
 challenge it, and shape positive alternatives which can break through the polarization between
youth of both nationalities; approaches capable of developing critical thinking, liberated from
prevailing mechanisms.

Chapter 3 - of "Liberating Identity"

General
Liberating political activity must strive to be aware of the oppressive elements of which
contemporary social identities are made up. It must relate intelligently to these identities: not as
obstacles to be evaded, but as components that play a decisive role in social struggles. For this
reason our role should be at times to empower them and other times to question or offer
alternatives to them, always with the aim of promoting liberation.
What type of identity and self- perception do I seek to establish?
"It is much easier for the oppressed to feel and express their suffering, than to struggle against the
root of their suffering and take pride in their identities"
One must note the profound political difference between a "suffering identity" and a "struggle
identity". The status of a certain group in society has direct implications over the self- perception
of any individual member of it, or anyone who is perceived as pertaining to it. Thus can be
explained the phenomenon of Mizrahi (Arab Jews) who attempt to emulate Ashkenazi (European
Jews) or Arabs who wish to appear non Arab. These are manifestations of internalized oppression
and unconscious repression- “I don't wish to be viewed as a failure and attempt to be accepted by
the dominant group.”
There is a natural tendency with people who were born into or placed in circumstances of inflicted
oppression, to get fixated on demands for acknowledgment in their discrimination or oppression by
their surroundings. This is viewed at times as "complaining" or "whining". There is a significant
difference between discussing the causes and mechanisms that manufacture injustice and
oppression (social and economic mechanisms, resource distribution and forced control…): an
individual given to a situation of dispossession or oppression against which he attempts to struggle,
and feeling deprived, suffering and helpless.
A struggle identity does not ignore the existence of suffering. It could not come about unless
exposed to the mechanisms of oppression which are at the root of the suffering, and come to
acknowledge, analyze and comprehend them. But it goes one step forward, and charges the
individual with an obligation to object, struggle and change reality.

What type of Liberating identity do we promote among youth and young people:
Thoughts of a Liberating Palestinian identity
Liberating Palestinian identity can be centered on the need to unite the wronged or oppressed on a
national basis. This should involve joining forces, regardless of nationality, in a struggle against
the mechanisms and perceptions which perpetuate injustice. The establishment of a collective
struggle based Palestinian identity is necessary for the sake of the struggle for individual liberation.
In the critical education of Palestinian youth in Israel, liberating identity must focus on raising
awareness to the social and political mechanisms which perpetuate injustice, realizing that
individual members are not at fault for being born into a situation of oppression, and increasing
motivation and faith in the struggle for liberation. For the Palestinian party the struggle ought to be
based on an internal crystallizing process which defines objectives and needs, as well as the form
and character any joint Palestinian- Jewish struggle ought to take.
It must be emphasized that the context for the Palestinian struggle inside Israel is the wider Israeli-
Palestinian conflict, whereby Palestinians are divided into several groups of different geographic
zones, different economic status, culture, standard of living and legal status. Regardless of the
form any future political agreement may take, establishing a Liberating identity requires solidarity
and affinity between the different Palestinian communities. Activists must object to "divide and
conquer" policies contriving to detach the Palestinian citizens of Israel from their people.
Palestinian solidarity does not necessarily contradict or disagree with the right of the Jewish-
Israeli collective to continue to live as a free people on this land alongside a free Palestinian
collective. Co-existence as based on mutuality and true equality is the only guarantee for the
safety, stability and liberation of both peoples. Another major aspect is confronting inner
oppressions and inequalities within the Palestinian society. Our ability to develop awareness to
liberate ourselves from the role of oppressors and our ability to struggle for liberation against
oppression inflicted upon us are correlated. The two processes should concur.

Thoughts of a Liberating Jewish identity

For young Jews, encountering young Palestinians and the political contents on the movement's
agenda, is a complex process which undermines basic and presumably objective assumptions
fundamental to their growth, as imbued by the different education systems, at home and by the
media. For most this is a first encounter with Palestinians, in a highly segregated reality. This
aspect underlies the encounter since not only does the Jewish youth hardly meet Palestinian youth,
they are also unaccustomed to hearing their voices in the public discourse. Through this activity
Jewish youth come to realize that they are perceived as members of a strong oppressive occupying
party. They come to know a different narrative which undermines the narrative on which they had
been brought up. The process is complex and may cause feelings of alienation in the Jewish youth
from different aspects of their identity, their home, surroundings and Jewish society in general.
The intricacy of this process also lies in the genuine affinities which the youth have to the land:
grandparents who partook in the Zionist act, family members who have served in the military, etc.
Sometimes this process leads to an attempt to shed off all characteristics of their Jewish- Israeli
identity, by alienation. Questions also arise regarding emptied identity- if parts of my born identity
are effaced, what can be used to fill in the "gaps"? Feelings of guilt arise before the Palestinian
party. In light of the intricacy of this process, in accordance with our vision for an alternative
society, we attempt to build an alternative Jewish identity. We believe that in order to liberate the
Jewish youth from the role of oppressors, it is not sufficient they come to know the Palestinian
party, its narrative, and acknowledge the wrongs. A joint struggle against oppression, racism and
discrimination must be guided by feelings of responsibility to reform society. We are interested
in educating youth to question their role in instigating social change and challenging their
communities.
In addition, structuring a Liberated Jewish identity requires the righting of social injustice within
the Jewish society in Israel. We believe that oppression is to be righted wherever it is found. A
liberated identity must allow freedom of expression to additional groups who form part of the
Jewish Israeli collective, and allow them to maintain their cultural and linguistic uniqueness.
Indeed we are striving to undermine the very foundations of hegemony and present it with an
alternative Jewish Israeli identity.
The issue of alternative Jewish Israeli identity underlines the question- what shape and form will
our desired future society assume. The realization of alternative identity is the struggle to change
the face of Jewish Israeli society and convert it to a healthy society.

Our role is to bring Palestinian and Jewish youth through a process of coming to understand the
reality of their worlds, their designated social roles, and the significance of personal choices in
instigating change. Exposure, understanding and liberation of consciousness, must lead to the
 establishment of a struggle identity- a struggle against national oppression and oppression in
general that offers a viable alternative.

The pedagogic approach of Sadak- Reut:

The theoretical background for our pedagogic approach
The role of the educator or organizer ought to be examined in light of the relationship between
activism, education, and awareness in the context of a national conflict. There are several approaches
as to the role of the facilitator. It is evident that the type of intervention should rely on the character of
the group and its goals.
If we suppose education and politics, or political awareness, two interrelated dimensions, we can
assume a dialectic relation between them (Freire, 1985). There is a variety of approaches as to the role
of the facilitator, subject to different world views or different socio- political agendas. The different
approaches and work methods prevalent in the field of "education for peace" are not a result of a
different methodology, but derive first and foremost from the socio political vision of the organizers.
As regards the Israeli- Palestinian conflict, the prevailing view sees Israel as a Jewish state and a
national home for Jews in Diaspora. The liberal approach stemming from this will attempt to include
the Palestinian minority in the dominant collective, through accepting normalization of the majority
rule. This approach erases the distinction between oppressors and oppressed and sees no need to
challenge the essential foundations of the system. A completely different approach will emerge in
work frames where the organizers view reality as a result of an asymmetrical relationship between a
Jewish majority attempting to impose control and hegemony over a Palestinian minority, by trampling
its cultural identity. This form of "education for peace" will aspire to transform the public space: past
wrongs shall be righted and national oppression annihilated. An approach which refuses to
acknowledge the expulsion of Palestinians in 1948 and ignores the responsibility of the Israeli state for
past and present injury inflicted on Palestinians, is completely different to an approach which assumes
responsibility for past wrongs as a necessary step towards the establishment of peace.
During the last thirty years the "dynamic facilitation" approach to work with youth in conflict groups,
has evolved to become the dominant approach in the field. Different interpretations have been applied
to the "dynamic facilitation" approach. Some focus on inter- personal dynamics among participants
and others focus on external social power balances as they reflect in the group. Most of the work done
with youth is short termed, and does not incorporate activism for socio- political change. In "dynamic
facilitation" (Halabi, 2004), the role of the facilitator is to become "a mirror" that reflects group
processes and external and internal power balances. Mirroring allows the participants who pertain to
the dominant or ruling party to clearly discern national oppression and privileges granted to them on
account of their ethnicity. Mirroring activities help the oppressed group to perceive more clearly the
reality through which it is being controlled by the dominant group, to achieve moral strength, and face
up to oppression through the encounter. It is believed that confronting oppression within the group
provides tools to confront external oppressions. This approach views individual participants as
spokespersons for their national group, and each national group in the encounter as an agent of
collective consciousness. Most facilitators who worked with Israeli- Palestinian conflict groups have
viewed themselves as external players to the group and as such have been prevented from participating
in group discussions and contents, in order not to influence processes. This role is reminiscent of the
"mediator" role. The mediation approach in situations of unequal power balances has been criticized
by James Laue and Gerald Cormick, who researched principals of social justice. They believe that
"playing the role of the mediator in a situation which requires empowerment is unethical".

Freire's critical pedagogy adds an important stage to the mirroring tool. The procedure incorporates
dialogue between the facilitator/ educator and the group: the educator is expected to provide
knowledge, perceptions, stimulus, etc. to group work, in order to enhance its understanding of reality.
The facilitator promotes his own agenda and world views. He presents them to the group through
dialogue processes; he does not force his interpretation or use traditional learning methods. Facilitators
tend to hide their inherent power as teachers, yet make use of it when convenient. The facilitator has a
certain level of authority and command over the contents, and it would be unfair towards the group to
overlook this. The facilitator should be critical towards the laissez faire approach, although at first
glance it may appear more liberal. The attempt to break free from traditional authoritative approaches
must be combined with an effort not to give in to the laissez faire approach.
The radical educator (in terms of his/ her pedagogy) must actively participate in the education process,
in a manner which encourages the participants to develop their knowledge and critical thinking. The
education process needn't focus on "who the true oppressed party is", but on the social and economic
conditions which structure the causes for injustice. The pretension to be an objective neutral educator
with a neutral perception which ignores historical facts and motives behind the oppression implies
collaboration with the oppressor's ideology. It prevents the participants from developing a critical
consciousness, examining their potential and developing their choices.
In our case, when focusing on dissolving national oppression, the role of the educator is to provide
topics , knowledge, materials, to assist the group in comprehending social structures, which recreate
oppression on the basis of ethnicity, through discriminating laws, unequal allocation of budgets,
occupation control systems, etc.
The combination of these approaches (dynamic facilitation, critical education and empowerment) is
complex and obliges the facilitator to balance and join different strategies. A restrictive facilitation
model will not be of use here. The facilitator will have to analyze at each given moment what
'interference\ Liberating action' consists of, with the aim of encouraging leadership and dialogue.
It must be noted that regarding deprived populations there is widespread opposition on theoretical
and practical levels to the dialogic approach, especially regarding the matter of choice. In many cases,
with deprived and excluded populations, the process of choice recreates oppression. In order to be able
to choose, a person must be liberated, critical towards reality. In this sense the dialogic critical
approach is only applicable to strong populations- both Palestinian and Jewish. If one of these
populations is deprived, the ability to choose becomes nonexistent. Free choice in work with deprived
populations may lead back to a place of oppression, as it is viewed as the only familiar and relevant
reality. It follows that there is critical importance in this case to the educator's stances. The educator
cannot be neutral over key ethical decisions and principals. He must be aware that in educating he is
structuring another's consciousness. Only through this process, does the deprived population construct
for itself its criticism tool box. The same applies for both adults and children.

The pedagogic practice of Sadaka Reut:

We define the objective of our work as the challenging of prevailing perceptions regarding the conflict
and the socio- political reality in Israel today, through the structuring of alternative consciousness and
enlarging the community of activists for social change. The educational space we offer, places the
emphasis on the establishment of an integrated dialogue that acknowledges the ensemble of identities
which participants bring with them to the encounter: gender, ethnic, class, national and other identities;
and acknowledges the difficulties of those for whom this is a first encounter with foreign identities.
Our focus is on political education; therefore we seek to politicize individual identities and the
encounters between them, for each individual member and for the group in general. We place an
emphasis on establishing affinities between individual and social group identities, between oppression
inflicted on different groups and the oppression they in turn inflict on others, analyzing the hegemonic
collective identity, while attempting to crack it, as well as exploring racism and power balances. Our
goal is to establish a critical space for dealing with these contents, to question the obvious, and to
establish an alternative discourse. This while attempting to empower the youth, by providing them
with a space to deal with the oppression they experience and to conceptualize it in political terms. We
believe that it is our role to help youth liberate themselves of different oppressions in order for them to
partake in changing their society.
Youth members are active participants in the process of assuming responsibility for their surroundings.
Success in liberation from oppressions lies in recognizing one's ability to act against them and
influence society. Furthermore, we believe that by not acting one is collaborating with oppression.
Activities can vary, assume different forms and make use of different tools, thus reflecting different
individual and group needs. Also, depending on the different needs and objectives of each group
activity can be either uni- national or bi- national.
It must also be mentioned that the activity which we promote is part of our view of the movement as a
political movement, which aspires for social change. We are interested in promoting activity which
offers a model for Jewish- Palestinian partnership and by this not only promotes social change, but
challenges society. This aspect is essential to our perception, for we actively strive to establish a bi-
national community, based on all of the principles of Liberating identity and our pedagogy: an
alternative identity.

Chapter 4
Our stances on select issues concerning bi- national activity

Uni- national and bi- national in the movement

The decision as to whether to hold uni- national or bi- national group encounters relies on fundamental
and decisive guidelines which we use in our work:
1. The establishment of a long lasting and healthy partnership between two consolidated
parties who are clear as to their goals. Therefore it is important to challenge each party to
demand of itself “what is the outcome I hope to achieve and what my expectations of the other
party are”. This is vital for the establishment of a profound long term partnership. This process
takes a more natural course through uni- national encounters in which each group examines
itself and its expectations. If I cannot perceive what my expectations are for myself, and clearly
convey them to the other party, I will not be able to establish a bond for a true partnership.
2. Palestinian and Jewish youth go through virtually opposite processes regarding the
prevailing consciousness shaping mechanisms in society. While the Jewish society in Israel is
preoccupied with establishing a consolidated national collective (sometimes by treading all
ethnic traditions and in place of multiculturalism), an opposite process of attempting to
disintegrate the Palestinian collective into ethnicities, classes and religions occurs. This point is
mentioned here because of its relevance to identifying the different processes which the youth
go through and the way in which these processes need to be tackled. (see chapter 1+2 to this
booklet)
3. Bi- national activity between two unbalanced groups, or two groups which haven't gone
through internal examination processes, can lead to the perpetuation of victim- victimizer
dynamics, or come at the expanse of the Palestinian group which will be then forced into an
apologetic position and intent to differentiate itself from the other 'bad Palestinians'- “we are
not like them”.
4. Proceeding to activism is different with Palestinian and Jewish groups. A Palestinian
group, upon developing awareness, feels on the one hand an urgent need for immediate action,
and on the other hand tends to express concerns and fears in proceeding towards activism.
These fears are deeply embedded in them in regard to political activity in general and the
prices which Palestinian activists may pay.
When the Jewish group proceeds to activism it must confront feelings of “going against the grain of
society”. A similar feeling does not prevail among the Palestinian groups to the same extent, as its
activity will often be viewed as beneficial for its community (except perhaps on internal social issues).
5. The bi national encounters are mainly important in two aspects:
a. The encounter can provide a mirror for both parties, in regard to their role and place in
society (restricted minority, or dominating majority). This exposure constitutes the first step
towards the development of awareness and alternative identities, liberated from oppression.
Many facilitators (and the accumulated experience from the project) speak of the bi- national
encounters as “accelerators” for uni- national processes, providing significant material for
dynamic work and work lay outs. The firsthand encounter with the other party, the contents
which surface and the dynamics between the two groups provide challenges/ experiences/
learning which are otherwise unavailable for the most part. Through bi- national encounters the
youth come to know the other party, and thereby their own national group, better.
b. The establishment of an alternative society or community has to be a joint venture.
Promoting a vision shared by both parties is in everybody's interest, and must be accomplished
in partnership. This alternative differs greatly from extraneous reality where one strong party
determines for the other party what its vision ought to be. Sadaka- Reut is a bi- national
movement which believes in establishing a common space inclusive of both nationalities. The
bi- national encounters also clarify the movement's bi- national sphere of action, its vision of
partnership. In addition, we would like to provide a safe place and space for youth who seek bi-
national encounters and partnership.

Chapter 5
In light of the above, and based on the conclusions of many years' work with youth we suggest
the following work model:
Our work model combines long term uni- national with bi- national work, with each of these
frameworks standing on its own, yet feeding each other. The uni- national work frame is the main axis
around which the local groups’ activity is centered, and the bi- national frameworks take place both on
a local level and in all- state encounters. Our aim is that the farther a group advances, the more space
be allowed for bi- national activity (without replacing uni- national work).
Each two facilitators of the same area will stay in contact and update each other on the progression of
their groups. The facilitators will also participate in an all- state team which deliberates and plans
together.
Another of our goals will be to establish connections between Palestinian and Jewish groups on a
regional level. This will contribute to a sense of forming part of a large movement, and for the
Palestinian groups, it is particularly important in the establishment of a collective identity which
transcends their local communities.

Education and activism

Critical education geared for social change in movements for social change is characterized by
an awareness of the correlation between power and knowledge, structure and agent, in a reality
of conflict and among group members (schugurensky, 2001; Stromquist, 2004).
Also, education for social change requires a political commitment to challenge the status quo of
oppressed groups, which exist on the social margins (Halabi, 2004; Salomon, 2002). Moreover,
critical education relies on an ‘inclusive pedagogy’, according to which every day experiences
and knowledge, constitute important factors in the conduct of communities which aspire to
activism.

In observing existing frameworks for activity, which proclaim their goal to confront the Israeli
Palestinian conflict, two distinct approaches emerge. An approach which focuses on acting here and
now because there is no time or leisure for discussion vs. an approach which attempts to instigate
change through education and a change in the perceptions and stances of the participants in the
activity. Many times, these two approaches are thought to contrast. The dialogic educational approach
is perceived as mere talk that amounts to nothing and holds no potential for far reaching change, which
goes beyond the participants in the activity. And the political activism approach is viewed as one that
has no ability to influence the public, since it is usually organized by small groups which are not
always successful in establishing positive communication with the public exposed to its activity.
We believe that these two approaches: the dialogic and the activist should be combined. A proper
combination of these two approaches- education and activism- can enhance activists' ability to
instigate change. There is no contradiction between conscious change through critical education which
encourages asking questions and taking a stand through actual activism. Not only do the two not
contrast, but quite the contrary- true critical education is implemented through activism, by connecting
the 'agent' with critical consciousness (Schugurensky, 2002; Foley, 1999). Youth activism ought to
become an integral part of the annual process. The facilitator's role is to help the group determine and
plan how to proceed into activism.
In conflict situations government mechanisms often constitute a recruiting and uniting agent. This can
be negative and destructive when employed to oppress or abuse others, but can be equally positive
when it serves to unite a group who wishes to be liberated from oppression, or liberate the dominant or
oppressive group of the same perceptions which perpetuate the oppression. In other words-
organization is destructive when it is used to win over and abuse the weaker party and positive when it
is built upon values of justice and liberation and employed to assemble a critical mass in order to
implement them. The two forms of collective organization can make use of the very same tools in
order to establish the collective (nationality, religion, social status, gender…), the question is whether
what is being formed will perpetuate abuse and oppression, or promote a consciousness of liberation-
whether we are advocating practices and activism for liberation or oppression.
We assume that in establishing a community or a movement of activists, affinity between the activists
and their respective communities is of great importance. The significance of this is that one must take
into consideration the level of preparation of the group for activism, the role of the activists as Jews or
Palestinians forming part of a bi- national group, their difficulties in confronting their own
communities and their role in relation to the other community. We are interested in developing a sense
of responsibility for social change, through constant analysis of the role of activists in a bi- national
structure. Activism by a group can be performed both on uni- national or bi- national level, and can
assume different forms (for example, handing out info sheets, questionnaires, street exhibitions, etc.).
Activism should be adapted to the stage in a group's development, its unique features and the place
selected for activity. A sense of group accomplishment is an important component in the participants'
willingness to continue to experience activism.

Raising awareness and instilling knowledge

The topic of raising political awareness and instilling knowledge has been discussed in detail over the
last years in Reut Sadaka. We believe that raising political awareness in general and instilling specific
knowledge is of utmost importance and must be done in an express manner with the youth groups. The
youth is lacking general political- social knowledge (historical and contemporary), more specifically
alternative information to that which is passed through the education system. Here there are of course
differences between Jewish and Palestinian youth (in the knowledge they posses, needs, etc.). It is
essential to analyze the lack of knowledge and motives for it within the groups, but unless we assume
an activist approach to the matter, and import "external" knowledge, group discussion will become
stagnant, and arrest the development of an alternative political awareness and critical thinking. Beyond
that, we feel that we have a responsibility and an agenda as a movement in instilling knowledge to
these young people, knowledge which they are not likely to receive in other places.
Through content units, the movement lays out the topics which constitute the basis for our work with
youth. This basis has been drafted in accordance with our agenda and lays out the structures for
knowledge and content.
We believe in using varied methodology in instilling knowledge to groups- through articles, lectures,
tours, films, encounters, etc. and encourage the facilitators to use as many tools possible for the
purpose. We view the facilitator's role in this context as fundamental. The facilitator must be conscious
of and accept the educational approach which advocates instilling knowledge in a group. The quest for
knowledge by the youth, especially knowledge which is "hard to digest" must be endorsed by the
group's facilitator.

The role of the facilitator:

"Neutrality means joining forces with the dominant party"
The Sadaka Reut group must offer alternative thought and activism in a segregated and separated
reality. Our group encounters mustn't merely supply knowledge or alternative activity, but a space
wherein youth will feel free to express themselves, to deliberate and be critical; all within a structure
that is capable of containing and supporting them. The main responsibility in making this happen lies
with the facilitator, whose role is also to establish such an affinity group, which provides a Liberating,
containing and supportive space.
Also, it is important to add that the search for "objective" or "neutral" facilitation is not only doomed
for failure, but is inappropriate for this type of activity. The facilitators must have firm socio- political
world views in order to work with the group and make actual change. The facilitator must not only
"allow" processes to occur within the group, but bring forth his own (and the movement's) agenda in
accordance with the principles laid down in this booklet. Indeed, this is a gradual process, and one
must be gentle and considerate to the group's needs. But at the same time the facilitator has to be
honest with the group, carry out a constant dialogue between himself and the participants and provide
a personal example. A facilitator who constantly hides who he is and what his world views are
transmits a feeling of hypocrisy or dishonesty which the group members sense. The "mirroring" of
group dynamics is a powerful tool in work with groups, and can assist in meaningful learning. At the
same time an excessive use of the mirroring tool makes an inaccessible facilitator, "superior" to the
group, and does not facilitate an ambiance of joint activism. The facilitator's role is not only "to
reflect" the dynamics, but also to assist in designing new dynamics, to challenge and confront, all
while referring directly to the content at hand.
From all of the above it is possible to reach several conclusions regarding the required abilities for
group facilitators. In fact, the abilities an external facilitator, expert in group counseling may have can
provide a wider and more profound overview of group processes, but these are certainly not the only
significant abilities, nor even the main ones necessary to work with youth on this project. Many of the
requisite abilities are such as socio political activists may possess: guiding or leading youth towards
conceptual change and combining external activism.