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Kieran M. Murphy: White Zombie
Kieran M. Murphy: White Zombie
WHITE ZOMBIE
Kieran M. Murphy
The figure of the zombie is perhaps the most overlooked point of contact
between Haiti and North America. Despite the familiarity and popularity it
enjoys in both cultures, the zombie has not attracted much consideration from
scholars, who tend to dismiss it as a phantasm inspired by an anthropological
curiosity that contributed to Haitis bad press through its sensationalist
evocations in travel literature and horror films. For instance, Michael Dash
argues that Haitis continuous portrayal as the land of contagion, carnality,
cannibals, Voodoo, and zombies inexorably led to political attitudes of
exclusion, paternalism and occupation (45). The association of Haiti with the
zombie accentuates and perpetuates Haitis Otherness by linking the
Caribbean nation to bodies defiled by the barbarism of oppressive regimes
and contaminated with infectious diseases (141142). However, by attributing
its popularity abroad solely to sensationalism, such association also neutralizes
the significance of the zombie as an influential and remarkable Haitian invention.
It eclipses the pioneering Haitian experience of modernity that produced
the zombie phantasm in the first place, and that facilitated its passage into the
American imagination during the Great Depression. Beyond the bad press, the
Haitian zombie emerged as a global figure of modernity. That emergence also
carries its own political weight that will be measured here through a genealogy
of the figure of the zombie from early colonial literature to its first appearance in
American cinema.
C.R.L. James has argued that the slaves of Saint Domingue (now Haiti)
experienced to an unprecedented degree the brutality and dehumanization of a
highly systematized and regimented agriculture. An early instance of
industrialized agriculture, the plantations of Saint Domingue also played an
integral part in the global economy revolving around the slave trade triangle
(392). The Haitian zombie was born out of this modern system of subjugation that
was geared toward the complete commodification and alienation of its workforce
in order to maximize productivity. This genealogy of the zombie will trace how,
long after colonial rule, the historical slave resurfaces in Haiti through the
phantasm of the zombie as a dead body submissively toiling for its master. The
zombie is a figure of mourning that incarnates the fear experienced by plantation
slaves, that is, the fear of the first modern industrial workers who were stripped of
human dignity as they were turned into the instrument of a masters whim.
Records of the zombie predating the Haitian Revolution are scarce. The
word Zombi makes its first significant apparition in 1697 with the publication
of a semi-autobiographical libertine novel by Pierre-Corneille Blessebois,
Le Zombi du Grand Perou, ou la comtesse de Cocagne. As the twentieth-century editor
of Blessebois erotic works, Guillaume Apollinaire goes as far as to consider
Le Zombi as the first French roman colonial, and situates its importance for the
history of literature in its pioneering use of Creole vocabulary. After tumultuous
years of crime and seduction, the real-life Blessebois was exiled to Guadeloupe
and sold as an indentured servant (engage) to the owner of the Grand-Perou
estate. On the island, Blessebois acquired a reputation as a sorcerer. In Le Zombi,
he recounts how his bogus magic was enlisted to help the social and romantic
scheming of a character based on a certain Felicite de Lespinay, whom he
irreverently portrays as the licentious comtesse de Cocagne.
In the passage where the Creole word Zombi makes its first appearance,
the narrator-protagonist reveals to the comtesse de Cocagnes intended victim,
the marquis of the Grand-Perou, what she plans to do to him:
[. . .] when the marquis of the Grand-Perou came back from the Marigot he
was not joyful. He was rather like a rattled owner who had lost the best of
his negroes. Such a calamity had indeed occurred the night before, and it
was to somehow cheer up his melancholy that I told him about my
conversation with his mistress, during which she expressed her desire to
become a Zombi to frighten and bring the marquis to his senses. (234)
The comtesse de Cocagne believes that the protagonist will render her invisible
by turning her into a Zombi, a kind of evil spirit that is never explicitly
defined in the novel. Blessebois uses the Zombi in a way that suggests its
notoriety in the Caribbean at the end of the seventeenth century. Instead of
ignoring or keeping his distance from this local superstition, as was the tendency
during colonial times when describing African or slave cultures, Blessebois
seamlessly incorporates the term Zombi to his story and its title.1 As an
indentured servant, Blessebois could easily identify with the slaves and their
experience of dispossession. In this light, the fact that the Creole term Zombi
comes in the same sentence that mentions the melancholy felt by a master
after the passing of his best slave is significant. In its first occurrence in
literature, the Zombi was already linked to mourning and a dead slave.
WHITE ZOMBIE 49
Louverture abolished slavery on the island, while retaining his allegiance to the
French. Article 3 stipulated that There can be no slaves in the territory;
servitude is forever abolished. Here, all men are born, live, and die, free and
French (Fisher 229). Article 3 begs the question: what is the difference
between living and dying free? Sybille Fischer argues that the notion of dying
free and French could simply be rhetorical, or it could point to Louvertures
fear of a possible future where secessionists might claim their independence
from France. Louverture believed in the ideals of the French Revolution and
envisioned the future of Saint Domingue closely tied with Frances. According to
Metraux, despite being a devout Catholic and campaigning against
Vodou, Louverture was a herbalist convinced of the existence of magic (48).
In the context of the superstitious atmosphere reigning in Saint Domingue
and rumors about sorcerers resurrecting the dead, the interpretation of
Article 3 of Louvertures constitution should then also take into account
zombification as another dreaded possible future that entailed a life of
subjugation after death.
The anxiety surrounding the embodied zombie appears again in an anecdote
reported by Michel-Etienne Descourtilz concerning one of Louvertures
soldiers. During the Haitian Revolution, Descourtilz was taken prisoner by
the black insurgent army, in which he then served as a doctor. A few years after
his liberation, he published an account of his experience in the Revolution that
included the story of a former slave who, after serving several years under
Louverture, comes home and claims that his poor, sick, and emaciated mother is
a zombie (219220). Descourtilz describes the old zombie in terms
reminiscent of Blesseboiss and Saint-Merys haunting spirits, but he also implies
that the son feels compelled to reject his mother because she looks like a
dead body.
After the declaration of independence in 1804, Haiti never enjoyed much
political stability, largely due to international cold-shouldering, power-hungry
leaders, and recurrent clashes among the Haitian color-coded classes. Following
the abolition of slavery, the Haitian peasantry became the economic heart of
Haiti. For the new class of leaders, control over the peasantry was crucial to
their grip on power as well as to the countrys economic development. As in
colonial times, Vodou stood as a subversive force which had to be demonized to
be neutralized. Up until the mid-twentieth century, Vodou never evolved into an
official national religion despite being the religion of the majority of Haitians.
Instead it withstood several campaigns of repression.
During his 18181843 presidency, Jean-Pierre Boyer published his Code
Rural (1826) in order to provide the legal support for anti-Vodou witch-hunts
that were conducted to reform and control the peasantry. Boyers Code Rural
instigated new laws that recorded and, in a way, canonized these magical
offenses. Arguably, the current image of the process of zombification has
WHITE ZOMBIE 51
not changed much since 1835, when the Criminal Code stipulated in
Article 246:
resemblance is manifest in the smallest details. They share similar eating habits
and ragged clothing, their transitions to thralldom are marked by baptism,
renaming, and the negation of any kind of link to their former selves; this kind
of social death, which the zombie symbolically exacerbates by being considered
undead, signals their status as mere expendable objects and explains the absence
of funeral rite following their real death. According to Degoul, this concordance
is particularly strange in light of recent studies that point out the total
collective amnesia amongst the general Caribbean population concerning the
slavery era. The zombie must then be the product of recondite memory (313).
The notion of recondite memory linked to an undead figure brings to mind
the theory of the crypt as developed by Abraham, Torok, and Derrida. The
atrocities and losses inflicted by slavery sealed a collective crypt that
symptomatically resurfaces through the widespread belief in an undead slave
figure and, along the lines of Franketienne and Depestre, through the
reemergence during the Duvalier regime of a form of collective bondage that
the ancestors of the Haitian people had successfully fought off.
Susan Buck-Morss has recently argued that the traumatic experience of loss
and meaninglessness caused by modern slavery is at the origin of a compulsion to
repeat. She locates this compulsion in the relentless need in Vodou rituals to
create everything anew. For example, Vodou gods must constantly be brought
back through possession, or the veves, the ritualistic Vodou symbols, must always
be redrawn at the beginning of each ceremony. For Buck-Morss, the transitory
nature of its rituals is what differentiates Vodou from its African origin and
makes it endemic to its Caribbean socio-historical context. She invokes the
figure of the zombie to illustrate this claim:
[Melville] Herskovits has traced the Haitian zombi, phantasm of the living
dead, to Dahomean legend. But [Joan] Dayan is surely right to argue that
this figure, a soulless husk deprived of freedom and the ultimate sign of
loss and dispossession, takes on unprecedented meaning in response to
colonial slaverys peculiar brand of sensuous domination, and the
conditions of forced, free labor that followed Haitian independence. (129)
As with Dash, the figure of the zombie does not get much consideration from
Buck-Morss. She does not mention this ultimate slave figure beyond this passage
even though her essay primarily traces the undeniable influence of the Haitian
Revolution on Hegels master-slave dialectic, and consequently argues that
modernity would be unthinkable without taking into account the events that led
to the first successful slave revolution of the modern era.
She defends this latter claim by concentrating on the context informing the
political, epistemological, and, by extension, cultural breakthroughs contained
in Hegels master-slave dialectic, which was published in 1807, three years after
Haiti had won its independence. Europes insatiable need for sugar generated an
WHITE ZOMBIE 53
Notes
1 Many possible etymologies exist for the word zombie (Ackermann and
Gauthier). Some have argued in favor of French, Arawak, or West and
Central African roots. Most commentators lean toward the African
influence, which possesses many examples of phonetically similar words,
even though they may differ in meaning.
2 As, for example, in Seabrooks bestseller The Magic Island, which was also the
main source of inspiration for the film White Zombie.
Works Cited
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lHomme aux Loups. Paris: Aubier Flammarion, 1999. Print.
Ackermann, Hans-W., and Jeanine Gauthier. The Ways and Nature of the Zombi.
Journal of American Folklore. 104.414 (1991): 466494. Print.
Blessebois, Pierre-Corneille. Le Zombi du Grand-Perou et autres uvres erotiques. Ed.
Guillaume Apollinaire. Paris: Editions Civilisation nouvelle, 1970. Print.
Buck-Morss, Susan. Hegel, Haiti and Universal History. Pittsburgh, PA: U of
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Darnton, Robert. Mesmerism and the End of the Enlightenment in France. Cambridge,
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Fischer, Sibylle. Modernity Disavowed: Haiti and the Cultures of Slavery in the Age of
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James, C. L. R. The Black Jacobins. New York: Vintage Books, 1989. Print.
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