HEALING PRACTICES AND MEDICAL BELIEFS

OF FOLK HEALERS IN BONGAO, TAWI-TAWI

______________________

A Research Paper
Presented to the Faculty of
Graduate School
and School of Medicine
Ateneo de Zamboanga University

_________________________

In Partial Fulfillment of the

Requirements for the
Degree of
Masters in Public Health

______________________

Submitted By:
SHADRINA QUE TAHIL
2006, March

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 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

Ethnography would never be ethnography without the presence of other people.

People who are enriched with unique way of life and for so many reasons inspired me to

conduct this research. As a culturally sensitive researcher, I would like to thank the

people who generously shared their culture that built the content of this paper. They are:

Maam Darwisa Yusop-Abbas or Kah Iyong

Apoh Umma Abbahani-Karanain or Apoh Umma
Sharifa Fatima Ilahan-Arad or Amboh Timah
Imam Sali Tara or Imam Sali
Mrs. Arlene Roamar-Timan or Manang Arlene
Pah Julsali Daing or Guru Jul
Apoh Husna Pangambayan or Apoh Minin
To their clients and family, a heartfelt thank you.
I am truly grateful to the following people who played significant roles during the

making of this research:

To my grandmothers Inah, Apoh Indih and Apoh Batah, Auntie Bing and Auntie

Ballas, my cousins Bingchu and Bing-ie, Jema Que, Pah Zuki, Shaik and Weng, who led

me to the key-informants, thank you so much.

To my dear cousin Edang, for devoting her full-time service during the

fieldworks.

To Mr. and Mrs. Romy Sana and Ustadz Ali Bud and family, co-workers of my

father and good family friends, for providing one of the most important research

toolsthe digital video camera.

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 To my supportive adviser and Dean of Graduate Studies, Ateneo de Zamboanga

University, Dr. Servando N. Halili, for the guidance and providing me some of the

references that was truly useful.

To Dr. Ricardo N. Angeles for his brilliant knowledge in qualitative research

methods.

To members of the research committee for the constructive criticisms, that

reformed this paper into a purposeful reference.

To Christopher Laspias of MSR Studio, for patiently editing my five-hour video

output.

To Zerocool, for his unbounded love and friendship, for giving me inexplicable

emotional state that always turned out positive.

To my beloved parents, Prof. Abduraji S. Tahil, Mrs. Suyha H.Q. Tahil and

Bah, whose endless support and supervision has provided me infinite strength and

working spirits.

To the three-fourths of my entire being: Rap, whose poetic tongue spiced up

some of the words in this paper, Rd and Star who continuously inspired me in

countless ways. I love you three always.

Most of all, to Allah (S.W.T), for creating all the people I have mentioned.

Thank you for the barakat (blessings) and good health.

Shadrina Que Tahil

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 TABLE OF CONTENTS

APPROVAL SHEET i

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ii

LIST OF TABLES iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS v

ABSTRACT vii

CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1

Background of the Study 1

Statement of the Problem 3

Objectives of the Study 3

Significance of the Study 3

Scope and Delimitation of the Study 4

Definition of Terms 5

CHAPTER II REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE 6

CHAPTER III METHODOLOGY 11

Research Design 11

Study Setting 11

Respondents 12

Sampling Method 12

Research Instrument 16

Data Gathering Procedure 17

Data Analysis 18

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CHAPTER IV RESULTS AND DISCUSSION 19

CHAPTER V CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION 56

BIBLIOGRAPHY 60

APPENDICES 62

Appendix A: Map of Bongao, Tawi-Tawi 63

Appendix B: Consent for Interview and Documentation 64

Appendix C: Interview Guide 65

Appendix D: Inanimate Objects 66

Appendix E: Healing Practices of Imam Sali 67

Appendix F: Healing Practices of Kah Iyong 68

Appendix G: Healing Practices of Amboh Timah 69

Appendix H: Healing Practices of Apoh Minin 70

Appendix I: Healing Practices of Manang Arlene 71

Appendix J: Healing Practice of Guru Jul 71

Appendix K: Healing Practices of Apoh Umma 73

Appendix L: Herbal Remedies of Kah Iyong 75

Appendix M: Herbal Remedies of Imam Sali 76

Appendix N: Herbal Remedies and Healing Items of 77

Manang Arlene

Appendix O: Herbal Remedies of Guru Jul 78

Appendix P: Video Compact Disk Documentation 79

CURRICULUM VITAE 80

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 LIST OF TABLES

Table 1. Causes of Illness explained by the Folk Healers of 40

Bongao, Tawi-Tawi

Table 2. Herbal remedies used by the Mangubat 46

Table 3. Healing Practices of the Folk Healers 53

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 ABSTRACT

Traditional beliefs and culture determines how one may views illness and
likewise determines the choice of treatment for a disease. Knowledge of these
cultural norms enhances the ability of providers to understand patients problems in
the context of their sociocultural setting. This ethnographic study presents healing
practices and medical beliefs of seven folk healers in Bongao, Tawi-Tawi. Folk
medical beliefs include the belief in the existence of spirits, beliefs in inanimate object
like temples and mountain, beliefs in the existence of a powerful or sacred knowledge,
required and needed in the diagnosis of the disease. Folk healing is based from these
beliefs and despite of the progressive emergence of western medical system, this
ancient approach is still used today in different parts of the globe. The practitioners
of this folk system are called folk healers. In Bongao, they are the Mangubat and
their sources of healing knowledge and skills are usually from dreams and by hand-
me-down process. Folk healers believed that they are bestowed special power from
a supernatural being. Healing methods described include incantations of water or
over a disease body part, manipulation of body parts incorporated with prayers,
performing devotional prayers in temples, use of herbal remedies and herbal
formulations, washing away of evil spirits and even the use of modern medicines.
The situation presented in this research means that folk medicine particularly the folk
healers, which is closely linked with peoples culture, is not going to vanish even if
and when western health care becomes available. They are not only noted to be
culture-sensitive but compassionate in handling their clients, as well. The findings
of this study point to the necessity for health care professionals to understand the
position of traditional indigenous healing practices and beliefs in the context of the
people health seeking behavior in order to establish good patient-provider
relationships with those who might seek their professional medical advise and help.

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 CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Background of the Study

In the Philippines, folk or traditional healers are important member of a

community. They are embedded into the culture of most Filipino population and their

traditional indigenous healing care is still widely sought today, as it has been

traditionally used since the most ancient time. The beliefs and practices of the folk

healers related to illness and health are a central element in many Filipino societies.

Murdock (1980) stated that the belief in many cultures support mystical basis

of illness causation such as contagion or pollution (contact with some purportedly

polluting object, substance or person), fate, mystical retribution and soul loss. This

belief draws people to seek traditional or folk indigenous healers instead of

professional health workers.

Research conducted by Alay Kapwa Kilusang Pangkalusugan (AKAP)

included a survey on public perceptions of traditional medical practitioners. The

survey found several reasons for people to consult folk healers: doctors cannot heal

certain ailment, traditional healers are more specialized, the ailment is more easily (or

more rapidly) healed, they know what the cause of the disease is and interestingly,

only the traditional healer has knowledge of counter- sorcery. (Tan, 1987).

In Bongao, Tawi-Tawi, most inhabitants belong to either several ethnic or

tribal groups, such as the Tausug, Samal, Badjao or Pala-u, Visayan and even

Tagalog. Such ethnic diversity carries with it numerous folk beliefs and practices that

8
distinctly determine their ways of living. One area of life that this culture influence

has is on the peoples preference for folk healers in the care of medical illnesses.

Folk healers are called Mangubat in Bongao, Tawi-Tawi. The word Mangubat is a

common term to folk or traditional healers in Tausug dialect. It is derived from the

root word ma or mang which means to and ubat meaning cure or medicine.

This health-seeking behavior of the local people is still evident up to these days. The

reasons for this include the influence of culture on illness causation, different views of

the people regarding western medicines and on top of these are the financial

equivalents in seeking medical professionals, albeit these are only theoretical views of

the researcher as a Tawi-Tawian herself. Another significant indicator for this

culture-based influence on the health seeking behavior of Tawi-Tawians is the

significant number of folk healers in Bongao, Tawi-Tawi. There are about fifty folk

healers identified in the initial survey of the town proper of Bongao alone. Perhaps it

is the accessibility and the culture-sensitive practices of these folk healers that

community people often drawn to solicit their services.

Perhaps, the overwhelming practices of traditional health-seeking behavior of

the Filipinos might be one of the reasons why that Philippine government issued a

policy for the development of traditional and alternative health care and its integration

into national health care delivery system. (Section 2, Article 1, R.A. No. 8423.

doh.gov.ph)

Despite the role of traditional healers in our society, knowledge on the extent

and character of traditional or folk healing in the Philippines and the people involved

in the practice is limited and more of impressionistic. They are often ignored in

9
studies of the health-seeking behavior of the people they serve. It is therefore best to

study their healing practices in the hope to integrate them into the mainstream. It is

the aim of this study to investigate, describe and be well informed on certain aspects

of the profession of folk healing in general in Bongao, Tawi-Tawi. This study also

aims to gain insights about the kind of traditional medical services that are available,

and about the people who provide such services.

Statement of the Problem

What are the medical beliefs and healing practices of the folk healers in

Bongao, Tawi-Tawi?

Objective of the Study

General Objective: To describe and document the medical beliefs and healing

practices of the folk healers in Bongao, Tawi-Tawi.

Specific Objectives:

1. To determine the medical beliefs of folk healers underlying their healing

practices.

2. To describe the healing practice of the folk healers in Bongao, Tawi-Tawi.

Significance of the Study

The myriad of folk or traditional healers in the Philippines do not only

warrants them an attention to researchers as the cover the health needs of a substantial

proportion of the population. For future health planning, it is essential to have a

better understanding of their practices and beliefs.

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 This ethnographic research intends provide a wider perspective on the existing

folk medical system in Bongao, Tawi-Tawi. Through exploration of the health-

related beliefs and treatment methods of the folk healers, new important health issues

can be learnt. In addition, it is important to know their culture in order to better

understand them and better guide the people who might seek their services. This

study may also provide baseline information for future researches on this matter.

Lastly, the data presented in this study may provide an organized information

on the beliefs and healing practices of the folk healers for modern healthcare

professionals; and can also be useful inputs in the formulation of future health

policies and programs.

Scope and Delimitation of the Study

This ethnographic investigation focused only on the seven folk healers in

Bongao, Tawi-Tawi. They were described according to their beliefs, methods of

treatment and the use of materials and rituals for treating patients. Rituals or any

practice of the folk healers other than healing of human bodies, such as fortune

telling, love magic, spells to solve marital problems are not included. Any materials

or methods that were described and illustrated in this study does not include its

efficacy, and therefore does not ensure the same healing effect for all patients of other

folk healers. Moreover, herbal remedies listed and shown in this research are based

alone on the names given by its practitioners (folk healers) and the provision of

international or scientific names for these herbs is not within the context of this

research.

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Definition of Terms

Folk medical beliefs- traditional knowledge and principles regarding health of the

folk healers in Bongao believed to exist beyond the visible world, including various

illness causations that were relayed to the researcher

Folk healer- an unlicensed individual residing in Bongao, Tawi-Tawi who is

practicing or popular for healing human illnesses

Folk healing practices- non-institutionalized healing methods including prayers and

rituals of the folk healers in Bongao that were observed and documented

Folk medicine or medical system- refers to the traditional medical system that exist

in Bongao, Tawi-Tawi

Folk remedies- refers to objects or items including herbals that were utilized by the

folk healers in Bongao claiming to cure illnesses.

Healing Rituals- refer to the act of the folk healers in treating the patient with the use

of folk remedies and items, including incantations.

Illness causation- impairment of health as described by the folk healers in Bongao

based on their beliefs

Mangubat- this is the Tausug term for a folk healer in Bongao, Tawi-Tawi

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 CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

The course for human survival includes preserving the wellness of an

individual. It is this inherent reality that human beings live for and the efforts exerted

to keep biological fitness have been the most challenging quest in human history.

With this, people of different race and cultures have been engaged in exploration and

developing new and better knowledge through various methods (including research)

to counteract natures maladies.

For academic interest in cultures and ethnicity, folk medicines and its

practitioners are dealt with in anthropological studies. Various methods have been

used to study this old knowledge and practices. First is a qualitative

phenomenological study on The lived experience of indigenous people healed by

indigenous traditional healers by Struthers and Eschiti (2004). The authors wrote

that culture determines how one view illness and thus, their choice of healing to seek

treatment for disease processes. It was mentioned that even Native Americans today

still use traditional indigenous healing to resolve health care problems. The healing

methods described include the Sun Dance, Yuwipi, Ojibwe Healing Ceremony,

Shaking Tent, and Shaker Healing Ritual. Findings also point to the necessity for

health care professionals and nurses to understand and encourage native people to

incorporate indigenous healing practices into their lives for attainment of the highest

level of well being, which includes potential for decreasing health disparities in this

population.

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 A cross-sectional study combined anthropologic (ethnographic) techniques

was used to study the knowledge and practice of traditional medicine through survey

of health care practitioners (Nigenda, et.al., 2000). The study demonstrated that

traditional medicine and complementary and alternative medicine (TM/CAM) is

extensively practiced in Mexico in parallel with the conventional medical system. It

was also mentioned that demand for TM/CAM services would possibly increase if the

clienteles had clear and adequate information about the existence of alternatives, their

possibilities and limitations. Some of the health care professionals interviewed

suggested that inclusion of alternative services in the medical centers would work

towards a better control and follow up of alternative practices, which would

improve quality of health care. They also stated that incorporation of TM/CAM

would promote professionalism on the part of its practitioners while legitimizing their

knowledge. Finally, the data presented in the study suggest that integrating TM with

the conventional medical system will assist in preserving the cultural knowledge vital

to the practice of TM. Though the study previously cited focused on the traditional

medicine in Mexico, Philippines as linguistically, ethnically, and culturally diverse

country as well, needs the same attention on its traditional medical system.

Another cross-sectional comparative and descriptive study, a combination of

quantitative and qualitative methods, traditional healers in Kalabo District, Zambia

were identified, determinants which play a role in the choice between different health

care options were investigated and possibilities for increasing co-operation between

the District Hospital and traditional healers were also explored (Stekelenburg, 2004).

The study showed that more women than men visit traditional healers, but the men

14
who do visit, do so more frequently. Level of education of the patients is not an

important determinant in consulting traditional healers, though increasing age

accounted for the frequent visits to both the hospital and traditional healers. It was

even mentioned that the cost of treatment is one cow if the patient is cured.

Clienteles satisfaction was also measured, which revealed 89% after hospital

treatment and 74% after seeing a traditional healer. The closer in percentage of

satisfaction from the clienteles of the folk healers, warrants an in depth explorations

of their practices.

Understanding the nature of the folk or traditional health practices through

healers perspective is also essential. A case study conducted by Santiago (2004)

presented the nature of Puerto Rican folk health practices. Qualitative research

methods were used to gather information thru semi-structured interviews, video

observations, active participation, journals, and field notes. The purpose was to

present a possibility of developing a new paradigm for viewing folk health practices

as a cultural phenomenon and expand a discursive vocabulary for health and illness

that describes experiences and practices for Puerto Rican folk health practices and

somatic studies.

In other countries, like South Africa, traditional healers are also well sought.

A study by de Andrade and Ross (2005-PubMed) interviewed fifteen Black South

African traditional healers who after being consulted and used a wide range of

diagnostic and treatment techniques, were possibly responsible for a variety of

audiological and otological problems. It was found out in the interview that the

healers anthropomorphize the cause of hearing impairment and the reason for

15
becoming ill was often sought in a supernatural realm. The findings of the study

accordingly have implications for a culturally sensitive practice, collaboration

between traditional healers and audiologist, sharing of information regarding hearing

impairment, natural referrals, and involvement of traditional healers in hearing health

care.

A study conducted in the Hlabisa health district in KwaZulu-Natal, showed

that traditional healers are accepted, effective and convenient as supervisors in the

advocated Directly Observed Therapy for Tuberculosis (DOTS) strategy, to help them

in the tidal wave of TB. Interviews conducted with 18 of 21 TB patients under

traditional healer supervision revealed that all were satisfied with how they were

managed and treated. All recommended that traditional healers should be

incorporated into the DOTS programme. (Colvin, 2001).

There are also studies regarding folk medicines and healers in the Philippines.

The study is by Hailil and Hussin (2002), which documented the traditional health

practices of patients with malaria in selected barangay in Jolo, Sulu. Data gathered

include common folk beliefs and rituals in the care and cure of malaria such as

incantation, bathing the patient with incantated water and ritual jerking of hair

(hagtu). Other beliefs of the folk healers are the performance of Islamic devotional

prayer on the grave of an immediate family and on top of a mountain. Herbal remedy

such as concoction made from kerosene, ginger, garlic, and mothballs is also used to

treat patients with malaria. It was also found out that those who consulted folk

healers, sought advice from health professionals as well. Though the study is in

16
patients perspective, some of the practices listed can provide baseline information for

similar studies.

Lastly, an interventional study on the factors affecting the peoples preference

for the traditional healers in Barangay Lower Campo Islam, Zamboanga City (Lo,

1999) consisted of a survey phase utilizing interview-administered questionnaire,

intervention phase and a post-intervention phase. It was found out that 85% of the

total households sought medical care from rural health doctors while 98% still

depends on traditional healers. Moreover, reasons for preference are the good

approachable qualities of the folk healers as health providers, economic reasons,

failure of doctors to cure illness and some perceptions about illness and the rural

medical doctors.

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 CHAPTER III

METHODOLOGY

Research Design

The research design used is a qualitative study, specifically ethnography. The

method was utilized to describe, analyze and interpret gathered cultural information

on health-related beliefs and healing practices of the folk healers in Bongao, Tawi-

Tawi.

Study Setting

The fieldworks required in this study were conducted in six different

barangays in the Municipality of Bongao (see Appendix A), the capital town and the

trade and commercial center of the province of Tawi-Tawi. It is roughly 1,100

kilometers south of Manila and can be reached in less than an hour flight from

Zamboanga City. Bongao has a total land area including its foreshore of 25,042

hectares based from the survey made by the Provincial Land Use Committee in 1986.

Bongaos population was projected at 53,054 in the last four years. It has a total

number of 35 barangays scattered in its three major islands, namely: Bongao, Pababag

and Sanga-Sanga. The prevailing dialect is Samal and Tausug, which is widely used

in varied tones and accents. Visayan and Tagalog dialects are also spoken, as are

English and Malaysian language.

There are two hospitals in Bongao, the Datu Halun Sakilan Memorial Hospital

(Provincial Hospital) with total bed capacity of 50 and Holy Family Hospital (Private

Hospital) with only 12-bed capacity.

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Respondents or Key-Informants

Key-informants were selected based on the inclusion criteria:

1. Folk healers who are permanent residents of Bongao, Tawi-Tawi

2. Folk healers of any religious or tribal affiliations

3. Folk healers who are in active practice of traditional healing

4. Folk healers with the most number of patients currently being treated

Sampling Method

Purposive sampling was used to select folk healers as key-informants, who

met the inclusion criteria.

Choosing Key-Informants in their Physical Settings

Bongao has its own medical system and part of it is the inclination of the

people to folk healers. So, choosing an informant was actually uncomplicated in this

project because of the prominence of the folk healers in Bongao. In fact, almost

every barangay has its own folk healer in full service.

The most important of being an ethnographer was to establish rapport between

interviewer and informant. In this study, close rapport was successfully achieved

with every healer, perhaps because of the authors ethnic affiliation.

1. Kah Iyong

Accompanied with a resource person, I trekked thru muddy walks of

Barangay MSU- Compound to reach the house of Kah Iyong, a reputed healer for

eight years. It was about two in the afternoon, her stilted house greeted us with

19
surprise. The patients were all waiting for their turn in a six-square-meter receiving

room. As we climbed up the four-steps ladder, there lined a long bench adjoined to

the wall, where her clients sit and a plastic vase with pink flowers lay on top of a

wooden table in the right corner of the room. Though small, Kah Iyong handles her

patient at home. Her garden was not big either but bore some of her herbal remedies.

A deep well inspired the garden where people get water for daily use. Kah Iyong

usually performs liguh or the washing away of evil spirits from the human body,

beside the well. She gracefully excused herself from the patients and warmly

received us instead, so I brought up my purpose for the visit and she instantly signed

the consent and expressed her excitement to be part of the documentation.

2. Apoh Umma

Not far from where I lived, I was led to an old woman called Apoh Umma

who lived in Barangay Lamion. It was not easy to trail on about six-inch wide

wooden covert above the salt water to reach Apoh Umma. She is known as

Mamaguh, a folk healer who specializes in treating baguh or splenomegaly for more

than thirty years. She lived in a stilted house made of light materials with one room

where she treats her patient. It was a typical four-walled room where the patient lay

on the floor for the treatment procedure. There were several pillows laid on the

linoleum-covered floor that provide comfort to its clients. Apoh Umma showed great

interest in sharing her health practices and beliefs and indeed she was a good

informant.

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3. Amboh Timah

Another distinguished healer resides in a stilted green house along the shore of

Barangay Tubig Tanah. She is Amboh Timah to her clients and to those who

knew her for a long time and in fact, my resource person is currently under her care.

The white sand glistened where her house stood in awe as we moved towards it;

tagging along the field materials, I mounted the wooden footpath to meet her. She

was in time handling a patient with confidence in the receiving room. Motioned to sit

in a plastic chair by Amboh Timah, I noticed that on the wall hanged a large scroll of

Arabic characters. When asked, Amboh Timah said that it was a passage from the

Holy Quran. She was in her brightest mood to sign the consent and for the last

twenty years of treating various illnesses, she turned out to be an ideal key-informant

since then.

4. Imam Sali

It was still cold and gloomy early in the morning, when my grandmother

summoned me. Upon learning of my interest in folk healers, she directed me to a

neighbor who is an Imam or Islamic religious leader. Living in an undersized shelter

along the market street with his wife, Imam Sali is acknowledged in Barangay

Tubig Mampallam as an active folk healer and Imam. After a brief introduction I

immediately asked his permission to be an informant of the culture of folk healers and

without a second thought, he gladly consented.

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5. Manang Arlene

The search for key-informants became apparent to other members of my

family. One perfect day I was approached by another relative, informing me that he

can be of help. So, after fifteen minutes ride in a three-wheeled motored vehicle we

finally reach a two-story box-type house in Barangay Pasiagan. Its location was

scenic that it stood before the tranquil view of the ocean. There lived Manang

Arlene, who in just a year stay in Bongao, became a well known panday (traditional

birth attendant) and a Mangubat. At first, Manang Arlene was quite hesitant to be an

informant. Her reason was that she is preoccupied of household chores.

Nevertheless, with persistence and patience I eventually gained her consent.

6. Guru Jul

About eleven kilometers from the researchers house, another two Mangubat

were heard in Barangay Pakias. In high hope for more valuable informants, a trip to

Barangay Pakias was scheduled. Fortunately, a close family friend was so keen to

escort me to the house of Guru Jul. As we arrived in Barangay Pakias, my delight

somehow dwindled a little upon knowing that the folk healers house is still one-

kilometer away and cannot be reached by a vehicle. Under the heat of the sun, we

started to hike the rough road, passing thru tall trees and shrubs. All sweat and

exhausted, after about twenty-minutes an old stilted house received us with surprise.

We were then gestured by Guru Jul to climb what looked like an H-shaped wooden

ladder into a veranda where he usually handles his patients. It was made of old

bamboo, the floor and even the bench where we were accommodated. Healing for

22
about thirty-six years, Guru Jul was enthusiastic to share his great knowledge on folk

healing and medicines.

7. Apoh Minin

Another kilometer-walk from the house of Guru Jul, the place of an elderly

woman was quite far. In the barangay, she is known as Apoh Minin, a

distinguished healer and Mamaguh for the past thirty years. Apoh Minin was resting

in a shed beside her newly built stilted house when we arrived. She was a little

reluctant after being approached and interviewed us with our purpose instead.

According to her, she rarely manages patients at home; but rather do house call when

needed by a client. Later, without more ado, Apoh Minin signed the consent and

invited us to accompany her to visit a patient. Gladly enough, she became one of the

resourceful informants.

To an ethnographer, search for informants on the healing practices and

medical beliefs of folk healers in Bongao are actually uncomplicated. Folk healers

are not only common, but also the services they offered are considered indeed

indispensable to the local people.

Research Instrument

Research tools utilized included notepads, still camera and digital video

camera to log the ethnographic data and capture the observed events of healing

performed by the folk healers.

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Data Gathering Procedures

The researcher engaged in extensive work in the field, fieldwork, to gather

information through observations, interviews, and the use of research tools. These

procedures and tools were used to document and develop a portrait of the healing

practices and beliefs of the folk healers. Data gathering was accomplished in three

weeks time.

The Fieldworks

In this ethnographic study, seven folk healers were purposively selected as

key-informants. An average of five to seven hours a day for twenty-one days were

spent with these healers. Access to a folk healer was through several acquaintances

that personally knew them. After gaining access to a healer, a brief introduction and

signing of consent for interview and documentation (see Appendix B) followed. For

every visit to a healers house, I have brought along fieldnotes, still camera and digital

video camera to preserve the observations I have made. Observation tasks included

listening to the reaction or diagnosis of the healer to his or her patients complaints

and watching the mode of treatment performed. Brief informal or opportunistic

interviews were also filled-in for clarifications.

Formal interviews were also conducted with the seven folk healers. Each

interview lasted about thirty to forty minutes with an interview guide (see Appendix

C). During each interview, extensive notes were taken in order to log the words of

the healers as precisely as possible.

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Data Analysis

After all the informations were gathered, analysis was achieved through

description and interpretations of the observed practices and beliefs of the folk

healers. Further analysis consisted of comparing the cultural practices of the

respondents with that of others. Inferences from the gathered data were drawn and

reviews of theories from related studies were needed to support the interpretations of

the researcher.

25
 CHAPTER IV

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

THE MANGUBAT:
Ethnography of Folk Healers

People say they work by way of nature; to take away pain, heed the cries of

the baby, fight against sickness that even science can not fathomed and from their

stealthy hands turned misery into delights.

For the folk healers, healing human illnesses is a gift from the supernatural

being they believed in. They have remarkable understanding on what is going on

with the human body and possess unique ability to care in such a way that some relief

or control is potentially available.

Folk healers are called Mangubat in Bongao, Tawi-Tawi. Some addressed

them as faith healers because of their faith in one religion and claim to obtain their

healing power as a divine virtue from God. Others call them quack or witchdoctors,

for they are not licensed health care provider and not only cure physical illness but

also indulge in fortune telling, a purveyor of love magic, and perform counter-

sorcery. They are also recognized as traditional healers because of their incredible

knowledge on herbal remedies and formulations. It is thru these customary ways that

they gain the trust of the people they serve.

Though, the exact numbers of true folk healers in Bongao are not certain.

Apparently however, they are the primary dispensers of health care in Bongao. They

are powerful members of the community and culture, with the ability to educate the

26
public and conform to the peoples belief system. Such role enables them to

understand and deal with their clients health problems. If not for anything else but,

these reasons that we should get to know them.

Positioning the Author

In the Southwestern tip of Tawi-Tawi mainland, lies my hometown Bongao,

the capital town, center of trade and commerce of the province. Surrounded by vast

area of crystal water, enriched with different cultures of the local people, Bongao is a

wonderful place to live.

As a health care provider, when I first thought of studying health issues

important to the public, the practices of other health care dispensers like the folk

healers what crossed my mind. Belonging to the dominant ethnic group in Bongao,

the Tausug, and was a patient before of several folk healers, having been experienced

some of the healing techniques; I therefore have some knowledge on the nature of

folk healing and its practitioners. However, in this research project, I was simply an

observer of the folk healers.

Healers Profiles

1. Kah Iyong

An active healer for eight years, a public school teacher and a mother of six

children, Kah Iyong is undeniably a hardworking woman. Her real name is Darwisa

Yusop-Abbas, born in Indanan, Jolo Sulu on March 15, 1963, but spent most of her

life in Bongao. In weekdays, her life is a routine. Starts her day at around six in the

morning, attends to her family then leave for school, which she has to ride a public

27
utility vehicle and travel twelve kilometers. It should be around four in the afternoon

that she gets home and attend to her clienteles. It is only on Saturday that she could

rest, because according to her belief she is not allowed to handle patients on that day.

2. Apoh Umma

A native of Lagasan, Jolo Sulu, Umma Abbahani-Karanain or Apoh Umma

got married at the age of seventeen. Too young and in search for a better life, she and

her husband set off for Bongao, where they started a family. With no formal

schooling, who knew only of reading Holy Quran, life was tough for young Apoh

Umma. In her fruitful years, she spent hard labor on weaving mats and roofing, to

sustain her seven children. Sadly, stricken with illness brought by poor living, five of

her seven children passed away. Though her life is painted on a rough canvas, Apoh

Umma continue to live her years as contributor of health care and gained the

recognition of a Mamaguh. At eighty, she is a rare work of art.

3. Amboh Timah

Believed to be a member of the direct descendants of Muslim Prophet

Mohammad (s.a.w) through his daughter Fatima (2002, Britannica Encyclopedia), the

sharif, Amboh Timah is baptized as Sharifa Fatima Ilahan-Arad. Her birthplace is

Gapas Lugus, Jolo Sulu where she gained her college level degree. At twenty-one she

started healing and married her first husband, granted with a child, but divorced years

later. Her present husband is an Imam who brought her to Bongao and gave her

another two children. In Barangay Tubig Tanah, Amboh Timah established her name

as a healer. Household chores are her daily pastime in Bongao but a constant traveler

to Malaysia where her healing prowess is in demand as well.

28
4. Imam Sali

Sali Tara or Imam Sali a sixty-three year-old from Tongkil, Jolo Sulu is a man

of faith and endurance. As young as eight years old, he stopped schooling and began

his lifes journey as a vendor. Truly, it was hard for a boy like Imam Sali, but his

determination to survive win him through his quest. He got married in his twenties,

had thirteen children but four died from sickness. Imam Sali has been healing few

years before his first marriage. Though the death of his wife was a grief, Imam Sali

recently devoted himself to a nice young woman. Childless with her second wife, he

remained a good father and a partner. He does his role daily as a sari-sari store

vendor, and a mobile healer willing to help the sick.

5. Manang Arlene

This next healer is a fifty year-old woman from a Visayan tribe, in Negros

Oriental, Pamplona. Her name is Arlene Roamar-Timan, a nice and cheerful lady

who grew up and attended school in Pamplona, but made it only to second grade. Her

Lola (grandmother) who happened to be a traditional birth attendant and a healer has

raised Manang Arlene into a fine woman. At the age of eighteen, Manang Arlene was

not able to resist her hearts calling and married a boy of her age. She was forced to

leave her homeland and stayed beside his husband and ten children in Malusu,

Basilan. They stayed there for years, until she can no longer put up with her husband;

due to some personal reason, they later got divorced. She raised her children on her

own, exerting all the efforts to support them. Then after years of being a full-time

mother of ten, Manang Arlene faced her personal life again. She got married for the

second time, a young man who is twenty-three years younger than her age. However,

29
her husband is a dependable man who brought her whole family to Bongao in search

for a quality living. Today, Manang Arlene manages her own small eatery and is a

happy, contented woman and a renowned healer of Barangay Pasiagan.

6. Guru Jul

A healer for thirty-six years, Julsali Daing is popular as Guru Jul. Born in

Langpas, Jolo Sulu, this fifty-three years old man spent most of his life in Sanga-

Sanga, Bongao. There he started his formal schooling at Sanga-Sanga Elementary

School, but due to some personal reasons, he only reached second grade. He began

healing at seventeen and went as far as Malaysia to strengthen his healing ability.

Then people started to call him Guru, because he does not only heal but turned out to

be a religious teacher as well. He married a woman from his place at the age of

nineteen and has seven children. Guru Jul raise his family by selling crops to market

vendors.

7. Apoh Minin

Lastly, a healer for about three decades, Husna Pangambayan has turned into a

connoisseur in health care. Now in her late fifties, Apoh Minin is a widow, with

three children. She started healing at the age of twenty-five in one of the outskirt

barangays in Bongao where her late husband brought her to stay with his parents.

Apoh Minin is a housekeeper and leave her house only when in service for a patient.

She tends a small farm of vegetables and other crops and like Guru Jul, she sells them

to retailers in the town proper of Bongao.

30
Sources of Healing Power

An array of healers, like the charlatans, charismatics, curandeiros,

saludadores of Portugal and Mexico and the albularyo, manghihilot, mangluluop,

manghihila, mangtatawas, psychic surgeons and Mangubat of the Philippines are

some of those who firmly believed that they had been given a divine gift: an inherent

healing virtue which empowered them to cure humans. In addition, most of the

healers consider themselves as mere healing mediums of the higher being.

At first meeting with the informants, one of the questions asked is, How did

you acquire your healing abilities? It was an open-ended inquiry to let the folk

healers unlock the mysteries behind their practices and beliefs.

1. Kah Iyong

I first visited the house of Kah Iyong and, according to her it was thru dreams

that she acquired her healing power.

I was still a teenager and very nave. I never thought I would become a

healer. Then one night, while I was asleep, I heard someone shouting, Here they

come! Here they come! and I saw a child-shaped figure approaching me. I was

awakened by fear and felt frightened.

Her dreams kept haunting her every night that oftentimes made her shiver with

fright. Thinking that it was the work of an evil spirit, she enrolled in Islamic school

(madrasa) to learn reading the Holy Quran. However, her effort was vain because

she kept on dreaming.

31
 One night I dreamt of reading ayat (a verse from the Holy Quran). What

surprised me, I can recall everything I dreamt of, and so, I wrote it down. I continued

going to madrasa because I believe it would increase my faith in Allah (Praise be

upon Him) and remove all my fears.

A realization that everything in her dreams is a form of divine retribution did

not occur to her. She continued to get frightened even at daytime no matter how

much she prayed that it would go away. Eventually she became emotionally

unsound, she developed anorexia and insomnia. After months in mental, emotional,

and physical distress, her body gave way and she was admitted in a public hospital.

Even in the hospital, her dreams never left.

While lying in my hospital bed, I felt someone massaging my forehead. As I

looked up, I saw an old man. He was murmuring something that I have not heard

before. My dream of the same old man persisted even at home. As I kept on

dreaming of him, I realized that, what he has been murmuring is a prayer. He wants

me to learn all those prayers.

Then with unmasked coyness, Kah Iyong admitted that she actually learned

the prayers. To Kah Iyong the prayers taught by the old man is the so-called tawal or

tilik, of which she recites in whisper to bottled water or directly to the diseased body.

It is up to me now how and when to use the prayer, because It was not

specified in my dreams what particular disease I use the tawal. Everything the old

man said, I can use it to cure illnesses.

32
 When asked about the difference of tawal from tilik, she explained that the

prayers or wordings are the same, except that she termed it tilik when she recites them

directly to the diseased part of the body. This is similar to bulong (whispered

prayers) executed by the albularyo in Tagalog region (Apostol, 2001).

During our conversations, Kah Iyong recalls that she had another dream that

contributed a lot to her healing craft. With a hint of excitement, she went on with her

stories.

In my dream, I was looking up the sky. Then I saw a minute structure that

looked like more of a window. It was slowly drawn nearer to me and I waited and

waited. Finally, when it was about two meters away, I can see that it was an Arabic

script. It got closer and closer, until I found out that it was the Yasin. Upon waking

up, I rushed to get the Holy Quran and there it was, all the prayers taught to me

were taken from the sacred book!

Though her dream was unexpected, she knew quite well, what was dawned

upon her. Born Muslim, Yasin has been taught to her by her parents and in fact can

recite it fairly well. Muslims regard Yasin as the core or heart of the Holy Quran. It

is a surah or chapter composed of eighty-three ayat (verse). It is known as the heart

of Quran because it encompasses all form of Allahs mercy, blessings and virtues

that Muslims may enjoy from Him.

For Kah Iyong her dream was a calling from God to be closer to Him and an

endowment to lessen the agony of the people brought about by infirmity. Therefore,

she strengthens her faith thru prayers and alleviating human suffering. God heals

them, not me, she added.

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2. Apoh Umma

The next informant interviewed is Apoh Umma, who was delighted to share

her source of ability to treat. She narrated her story as follows:

My mother was a renowned healer. She was one of the best Mamaguh in our

place. People rushed to her for help, and she does not refused them. She was very

helpful to our neighbors.

Mamaguh is a common Tausug word taken from the root word baguh. The

Tausug used the word baguh to mean both the organ spleen and in its diseased form

particularly, splenomegaly.

When I was still a child, I always accompany my mother whenever she is

called to serve. I observed how she did it and asked her so many questions that

sometimes she gets pestered! It was my curiosity, I think, that convinced my mother

to teach me the procedure.

I was impressed by her memory as she told her stories. She truly enjoyed her

learning experience with her mother. While sitting on the bamboo floor, Apoh Umma

went on with her tale:

My mother focused more on teaching me the prayers, because I already have

some idea on the procedure, since I have watched her do it many times before. At

first, I couldnt get it right but with perseverance, I learned everything in the end.

Other information she relayed is her use of herbal plants shared by her late

mother, which contain medicinal values for certain ailment.

34
3. Amboh Timah

In one of the barangays along the shore, lived Amboh Timah. This skilled

informant was very cooperative that she told her stories in a tone of excitement:

My parents are both respected community figures. My mother is a salip

(sharif) and my father is a prominent pakil (similar to imam). Their forefathers

passed ilmoh and sacred prayers from generations to generations, until it reached

them, and eventually taught me about it.

I spent years to learn the prayers because it was not just mere wordings, but I

have to learn to read in Arabic. Though some are in Tausug words, still I have to

perfect it otherwise it will not take effect.

The Tausug tribe gives high value on ilmoh. According to one of the religious

leaders in Bongao, there are actually countless types of ilmoh and not everybody is

lucky enough to learn the prayers contained in ilmoh. But, Amboh Timah is one of

those few who were fortunate to learn and use them appropriately. In her case, it was

not from a supernatural being that bestowed her healing prowess, but through the so-

called hand-me-down process. Although in a timid way, she admitted that an

important person (invisible to other peoples eyes) pay her a visit and help in the

healing process particularly with the diagnosis of the cause of illness.

4. Imam Sali

Dreams, perhaps is the most common medium of divine retribution. Another

folk healer, Imam Sali, claimed he also acquired his healing ability thru dreams.

35
 It all began with my dream of herbal plants. I saw clearly, what the plants

looked like. In the morning, I jot down the names of the herbs revealed to me. I

found out later that the herbs truly exist! Then it was followed by another dream, as

if someone was teaching me, reciting to me prayers. But, I can see no one, I just

heard a voice telling me that I should use the prayers to cure human illness.

Imam Sali maintained that the divine virtue imbued in his dreams should be

shared to other people and in his case, thru healing. Similar experience was declared

by Kah Iyong, which I mentioned earlier.

5. Manang Arlene

Folk medical beliefs and practices may differ from one healer to another or

culture to culture. However, the process by which they are passed on- from person to

person and generation to generation by word of mouth or writings is common.

Manang Arlene is an example of this course. Her grandmother was a parteira, or a

traditional midwife, who attends childbirth and a popular folk healer as well. She

recalled that at the age of nine, she already knew how to manage a delivery.

Since I was still a little girl, I always go with my Lola (grandmother) when

she is called to assist in delivery. I really observed and remember every move she

executed. I felt proud of my Lola. After years of watching my Lola do her job as a

parteira, when I was about nine years old, she finally consented me to deliver one of

her clients. That was when I started as a parteira.

Even with the advent of modern medical care, traditional method of delivery is

still widely sought today, perhaps perpetually. Still many pregnant mothers prefer a

36
parteira to an obstetrician. Reason can be attributed to health beliefs passed on-from

many generations ago.

When asked regarding her knowledge on folk healing, Manang Arlene

maintained she owed everything to her grandmother.

My grandmother did not only teach me how to manage delivery, but several

herbs and rituals as well. She taught me a lot on herbal remedies. In fact, I

remember so well, when I was fifteen years old that I practiced simple therapy with

the use of herbs.

Lola died when I was twenty-three, then someone came to me for help. It was

a man, I have forgotten his name, he was complaining of painful urination and told

me that he has a stone in the kidney. I recalled my Lolas teaching to boil banaba

leaves and nituh. Of course I supported the decoction with tawal also taught by my

grandmother. The man was so happy he was cured.

It was later found out that the little green house (see Appendix D) inside her

healing room is also a source of healing ability. Sadness crossed her face when she

revealed the story behind her unborn childs house. That same house according to

Manang Arlene helps her a lot in taking care of patients, especially with the diagnosis.

I was forty-four and three months pregnant with my second husband, when I

had an abortion. It was hard for me, but what can I do, God wants my baby. Then a

year after, my husband was very ill. We have been to many doctors in Basilan and

Zamboanga, but his illness keeps recurring that eventually made him so very weak

and thin. Then someone advised us to consult an Imam to know the cause. We

37
complied, and the Imam told us that we have to house our son who was not brought to

life. The moment we built the little house, my husband felt better and later regained

his good health since then. My sons house has to be offered food and even toys from

time to time. I can see him but no one else can, even my husband.

The story of Manang Arlene was beyond the belief of many people, but

actually very common in Bongao. Part of the culture is the belief in the eternal

connection of the dead with those who are living. The one who passed away still

exists in earth but are unseen, only those with bestowed special power who can see

and summon the dead. It usually involves various rituals and duwaa or prayers.

6. Guru Jul

Another astonishing healing-source story was revealed by Guru Jul. His

revelation is similar to that of Kah Iyong and Imam Salithru dreams. An aunt

who happened to be his patient initiated a meeting with Guru Jul in her coffee shop.

Face to face, I logged his profiles and questions such as How did you become skilled

at handling human illness?; From whom did you learn your skills? and Were your

parents healers too? were asked. My informant gladly answered:

No, my parents are not healers. But, one night in my dream, I saw a nice-

looking boy but I noticed he has three legs! Then a very old man approached me, It

is up to you how to turn back this boys legs into two, the old man said. Then in the

morning, I performed sambahayang and asked God for help. The following night, I

dreamt of the same three-legged boy, then in my thought I was reciting a prayer to the

38
boy. After while the old man reappeared and thanked me, for I have turned the boys

leg back to normal.

According to Guru Jul, he remembered the prayers he recited in his dream and

wrote it down. Sambahayang is another commonly used Tausug word meaning an

act of worshipping Allah. It was derived from the root word samba (worship) and

hayang (to look up or upon). For Muslims, performing sambahayang (required five

times a day) is one way of devoting oneself to Allah (Praise be upon Him).

Guru Jul interpreted his dreams as a sign to be granted with special ability.

He went as far as Malaysia to strengthen his belief and performed bartapa. Bartapa

is a form of meditation usually done in solitude such as on mountaintop or in a

solemn place.

Though he started to handle patients since then, his knowledge is still limited

to what he just dreamt. Guru Jul claimed when he was about twenty, the old man in

his dream three years ago disclosed himself in reality and became his spiritual guide.

7. Apoh Minin

Another healer whose ability is honed from hand-me-down practices is

Apoh Minin. She obtained her skills and knowledge from the grandparents of her

husband who took her as an apprentice.

A web publication entitled The Healing Arts of the Philippines by Virgil J.

Apostol (2001), explained that other healers have history of a healer in the family-line

and considered their healing a calling, a power or ability bestowed by a

supernatural being, often attributed to Holy Spirit. It was also stated in the

publication that healers like the albularyo, often lacked formal education. Hence,

39
they honed their skills from hand-me-down practices and lore, with a long period of

understudy or apprenticeship with the local healers. Furthermore, what is common to

the local healers is their fervent religiosity, guiding them in their healing practices,

profusely infused with good doses of prayers whispered (bulong) or written

(orasyon).

Folk Medical Beliefs

Folk belief is defined by Shoemaker (1990), as a body of traditional

knowledge through which a community or individual conceptualizes and interpret the

natural and the supernatural worlds. A belief that is unofficial, informal, non-

institutionalized and is circulated by word of mouth, observation, and demonstration.

He added that limited control and concern about what exist beyond the visible world

tend to be the basis of folk belief.

Perhaps Shoemaker has defined folk belief in its truest form that exists in

every community and present from culture to culture. In addition, such belief is

greatly influenced by religious convictions that create complexity on the part of the

believer. Here in the Philippines, people of different traditions are absorbed to

various beliefs that are often related but not the same.

In Bongao, local people mostly from the Tausug and Samal tribe are

expressive of their cultural affluence. Some refuse to be acculturated, as reflected in

their physical appearance, attitude, and ways of living. In this study, special attention

is given only to the medical beliefs in folk healers' perspective.

40
 The traditions and beliefs of the people determine the peoples preference for a

health care provider and in a way pluralized the medical system. Folk healers or the

Mangubat in Bongao are the primary dispenser of health care, well sought and

utilized.

In this ethnography, I have studied seven Mangubat from different barangays

in Bongao and their medical beliefs. The folk beliefs are the same for the six Tausug

healers except for Manang Arlene whose belief is influenced by her tribal affiliation

(Visayan) as well.

Cultural beliefs of the folk healers are reflected on their perceptions of illness

causation. Theirs are often deviated to the causes of illness provided by the

conventional medical system, though some causes conformed. These are some of the

superstitious beliefs in illness causation or the local explanation of the folk healers to

the etiology of the illness of the patients:

1. Belief in the existence of spirits: dead people dwell with the living, but unseen

and some possess divine power and become a source for ill health. These include:

a. Eternal connection of the living with the spirits of the dead, particularly of a

relative, would haunt and bring illnesses if not long visited. The healers call it

siyabbut, siyagda, or syukut, which means, mentioned, uttered, or asked by

the spirit respectively. There is also, what they call kiya-abatan or siyaway,

explained as being chastised by an evil spirit thru infliction of illness. This

usually occurs if a person had been to forest or wooded area then he/she

accidentally hit the evil spirit. Common belief also tells that you should not

harm or cut trees that are believed to be a dwelling place of enchanted spirits.

41
 Because it will bring forth misfortune and ill health that sometimes, lead to

death. Other superstitious cause of illness is the common belief of the

Mangubat that when a baby cries incessantly, it is joked, played upon or

touched by the spirits.

Albularyo has the same belief in evil spirits. One author described the

diagnosis given to a five year-old child who rarely spoke, of a certain albularyo being

possessed by a lamang-loob defined as a mystic creature underneath the earth (de

Torres, 2002). The author disregarded the folk healers claim and eventually learned

thru modern diagnostics that the child has autism.

b. Bad words when uttered are also believed to cause illness. For example,

one of my informants told a patient with joint pains and swelling that the

infirmity was due to the patients uttered words not meant to hurt but was

taken negatively by the other person. The words accordingly repelled and hit

the patient instead. Though the medical problem is osteoarthritis based from

the history I extracted, the patient prefers to consult a folk healer. When asked

why, the patient explained that she has been taking pain-relievers but to no

relief. Reason as such, is common among other patients of the folk healer.

Some folk diagnosis made by the healers is quite alarming to medical

professionals. Like that of incessant crying of the baby, believed to be joked by the

spirits, should be a concern, simply because such symptom is, a way for babies to tell

us adults that they are not feeling well. In one of the clinical exposures, I have

encountered incessant crying a manifestation of pediatric patient with cardiac

problem.

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 c. Another cause of folk illness, as explained by an informant (Imam Sali), is

the umagad or ones soul. When a person, especially a child, experiences a

frightening event, he is diagnosed as iyumagad or fright sickness. Any

terrifying event is thought by the folk healers to cause the soul to leave the

body.

Fright sickness is a common folk illness in other parts of the globe. In Texan-

Mexican culture, it is called susto, meaning fright or terror and usually treated by

sweeping with brooms made of special plants and herbs. (Graham, 1985).

One of the patients of Imam Sali is a sixteen-month old boy with loose bowel

movement, vomiting and weakness (see Appendix E). The patient, as described by

the mother, refused to play and lack appetite. Though they have brought the patient

to the doctor, was given appropriate medication, the family still claimed that the

patient is iyumagad and has to be treated by a folk healer. Two days before my son

got ill, a coconut tree fell to the ground and hit part of the house while he was

sleeping, and that caused the illness, explained by the father.

When I examined the patient, it was obvious that he has sunken eyeballs and

dry oral mucosa due loss of body water. If not properly managed will cause severe

dehydration, electrolyte imbalance and later death. The point is, such belief has to be

dealt with by the medical professionals in the community, not to discourage the

people in seeking help from folk healers (which is unattainable), but to educate and

guide them with the management of the patients.

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2. Beliefs in inanimate objects: folk healers bring or ask their patients to visit

temples and mountain. The following are some of the inanimate things that can be

found in Bongao (see Appendix D):

a. Temple or tampat in Tausug is a very sacred tomb believed to possess a

supernatural power. There are three tombs in Bongao regarded as tampat: the

Tampat Budjang located along the shore in Barangay Pasiagan and the

Tampat Amina and Tampat Putal Alam sited atop Mount Bongao.

Tales about these temples are told from generations to generations and is

valued by the residents. Tampat Budjang (budjang- unwed women) is the

tomb of a lady only known as Tuan Salip Budjang. Like the two tombs atop

Mount Bongao, that of Tuan Salip Amina and Tuan Datuh Salip Putal

Alam, are highly respected and considered holy to the local people. The three

are told to be the descendants of Tuan Salip Putlih Indal Suga who is in turn

the descendant of Sheik Makhdum. Sheik Makhdum is the leader of the

seven missionaries ordered by Prophet Mohammad (s.a.w) to preach Islam in

the Philippines, of which one is a Chinese whose tomb is on top Bud Datu

(Mount Datu) in Jolo, Sulu. He died in Simunul, Tawi-Tawi and his tomb up

to now is being visited near the oldest mosque in the Philippines. Sheik

Makhdum was regarded as a saint by the Muslims and like him, his

descendants were also told to be holy and have been said to perform miracles,

to include cure of human illness. Other few descendants have tombs in

separate places in Tawi-Tawi like the three located in Bongao.

44
 It is not only in Bongao or in the Philippines that temples are believed to

contain healing power. In India, a research was conducted at the Temple of

Muthusamy in the village of Velayuthampalayampudur, Dindugal Distruct, Tamil

Nadu. The temple is set in the foothills of the Palani range of the Western Ghats,

built sixty decades ago over the tomb of Muthusamy who lived century ago, has

become increasingly popular as a place of healing, especially for people with

psychiatric problems (Raguram, R. and et.al., 2002). The findings of the research

showed that the mean brief psychiatric rating scale total score of the 31 people

(twenty-three diagnosed with paranoid schizophrenia, six with delusional disorders,

and two with bipolar disorder with a current manic episode) who sought help from the

temple dropped significantly after six weeks mean duration of stay in the temple. In

addition, according to the researchers, the temple provides the refuge suggested by

the term asylum in its most positive sense. It was also noted in the study that a stay

of only five weeks brought about remarkable improvement of the psychotic

symptoms.

b. The community people, especially the Tausug, also regard Bud Bongao or

Mount Bongao as a sacred place. Not only because of the temples located on

top of it, but it is believed to be the dwelling place of spirits, deities and other

divine being, thus, people should pay respect.

c. A home for unborn being is another belief that influences the diagnosis of

folk healers. I categorized this separately because of its commonness among

the Tausug. Some (not all) aborted conceptions are thought to cause illnesses

45
 among family members. One of my informants (Manang Arlene) claimed she

has the ability to see her unborn son who in turn helps her diagnose patients.

3. Belief in the existence of ilmoh: a prayer or knowledge passed on from

generation-to-generations by word of mouth or writings that is believed to contain

power over something or someone. One form of ilmoh is the tawal, tilik, and other

prayers murmured by the folk healers. Ilmoh is said to be a very powerful knowledge

when not handled well by the recipient can cause him misfortune, render him

mentally ill, or even cause his life. In Bongao, folk healers are known to possess such

knowledge that gives them special ability to heal.

4. Belief in witchcraft or sorcery: the use of spiritual power for evil purposes is

thought to be responsible for some illnesses

Such painful or bothersome but usually nonfatal illnesses as numbness of the

extremities and joint pains, as well as such maladies as insanity are thought by the

folk healers to be a result of witchcraft. In Tausug, they call it hinang-hinang or

hinangan tao, from the root words hinang which means, work and tao means

human or person. Like in other regions of the Philippines, where there are the so-

called mangkukulam who performs sorcery and witchcraft, in Bongao they are called

manghinang-hinang. However, the manghinang-hinang are not viewed as evil as

the mangkukulam. They are just ordinary people known to have a talent in seeking

the aid of supernatural power and most of them possess healing ability as well.

Perhaps, Manang Arlene and Kah Iyong are the best examples for this kind, though

they are not primarily known as manghinang-hinang. Manang Arlene is famed of

performing counter-sorcery. In fact, she diagnosed one of her patients, a nineteen

46
year-old girl complaining of numbness of both lower extremities, as being punished

by someone who deeply wanted her as a lover but whom she turned down.

Kah Iyong is not only known as a healer but someone who is really good in

counter-acting the evil works of other people. She is illustrious in foretelling, palm

reading that many of her clients ask her to find out where their lost relatives are and

purvey love magic to those women who desire not to be left by their husbands or for

their husbands not to marry other women. Ember and et.al (2002) defines sorcery and

witchcraft as attempts to invoke the spirits to work harm against people. It was

further defined that sorcery may include the use of materials, objects, and medicines

to invoke supernatural malevolence. On the other hand, witchcraft is said to

accomplish the same ills by means of thought and emotions alone. In addition,

evidence of witchcraft can never be found and hence makes an accusation of

witchcraft both harder to prove and disprove. Whether it is sorcery or witchcraft that

is being performed by Manang Arlene and Kah Iyong, I cannot be certain. To the

local people, they gain what they seek and are often pleased of the outcome.

5. Other beliefs: are reflected on the illnesses and its etiologies as diagnosed by the

folk healers, are presented in the table below.

Table 1. Causes of Illness explained by the Folk Healers of Bongao, Tawi-Tawi

Folk diagnosis Causes Chief Complaints

Baguh frequent eating of sour pallor

fruits (specifically raw yellowish skin
-a Tausug word used to mango, oranges, and on and off abdominal
mean both spleen and santol) or any sour food pain and distention
splenomegaly
-some healers equate this to
hepatitis

47
Bakag(in Tausug) swallowing of air abdominal pain and
secondary to frequent distention
Impacho or Kabag crying or talking lack of appetite
(in Visayan) undigested food that irritability (in children)
cause blockage in the
stomach
Byughat stress from any strenuous pain in previously ill
activity (occur among body part
bughat- stress or fatigue individuals who were generalized body
recently ill and yet has weakness
not fully recovered)
recurrence of previous
illness
Dupang use of prohibited drugs irrational behavior,
like shabu visual and auditory
- insanity passed on by an ancestor hallucinations
possessed by an evil or manic attitudes
wicked spirits
Hapus Napas an object called hantu recurrent shortness of
that is believed to breath
hapus- exhaustion normally move inside the
napas- breath body, is lodged between
- some healers refer this to two nerves
asthma
Hubag eating forbidden food erythematous, tender
due to high grade fever swollen skin lesion
-means swellings, such as
boils
Kugita Putih equivalent to cancer in presence of mass or
Tausug swelling on the affected
kugita- octopus body heat or fever that area
putih- white grows outside the body painless, non-healing
as a mass or lesion and wound
like the tentacles of the
octopus, it regenerates
and spread
Pisuh stress from hard work pain in the affected area
any trauma that displace
- a general term for injury the nerves

48
Ubu Lugay due to sweat from
unchanged wet shirt
ubu- cough due to prolonged
lugay- chronic suffering from asthma
-interpreted by some healers
as tuberculosis (TB)
Ugam Pasuh ha Tiyan eating raw mango or any
sour food in an empty
ugam- sore stomach
pasuh- heat body heat or fever that
tuyan- stomach could not leave the body,
hence creates a wound in
the stomach
Ugihap due to high grade fever
exposure to rainwater
-Herpes zoster or shingles
chronic cough associated
with shortness of breath
weakness
weight loss
lack of appetite
epigastric pain
loss of appetite
groups of small blisters
in the left upper quadrant
of the abdomen
extending to epigastric
area
very painful skin lesion
fever

Sufferers of some of the illnesses (baguh, bughat, iyumagad) mentioned

above routinely seek the intervention of a folk healer. The usual reason of the

patients is that western medical professionals do not recognize their illness as

legitimate. This eventually creates a gap between the doctors in Bongao and the local

people.

Folk healers also believe that they should never ask from their clients any

monetary payments for their services. In doing so, the healing power is believed to

lessen. Most healers to preserve their healing ability respect this belief. However,

most patients give donations in little cash or in kind. Such belief perhaps contributed

to the choice of health care provider that the local people seek.

49
 There are marked similarities in the medical beliefs of the folk healers. Of the

seven healers, six belong to Tausug tribe and only Manang Arlene who belong to a

Visayan ethnic group. However, all believe in spirits, inanimate objects, powerful

knowledge and witchcraft. Manang Arlene differs from the Tausug healers in some

of her terms of illnesses. For instance, impacho or kabag is termed by the Tausug

healers as bakag and Manang Arlene usually makes use of her local dialect in the

diagnosis of illnesses.

Healing Practices

Health practices of the folk healers that have traditionally existed are also

learned informally by word of mouth, through observations and imitations. Long

before the discovery and development of modern scientific medicine such as the use

of pharmaceutical drugs and doctors surgery, traditional healing methods had been in

used, and are still being used today in every culture. (Apostol, 2003)

After three weeks of fieldworks, I have observed and documented some of the

healing practices of seven folk healers. The folk healers have managed their

clienteles in exact irony to western medicine. Nevertheless, people believed and trust

in their capabilities. These healing methods are listed below:

1. Tawal

This is the most common type of healing technique that is performed by the

folk healers. It is a verbal prayer learned by the healers from their teachers and is

considered one form of ilmoh. They recite the prayer in whisper to a bottled or glass

50
of water, to medicines and to herbal formulations. Tawal simply is one form of

incantation recited into a medium designed to produce a particular effect.

One of the informants, Kay Iyong, specialized in reciting tawal usually to a

bottled or glass of water (see Appendix F). Patients consulted her to avail the

incantated water that is believed to provide relief. She also recites tawal to

massage-oils (usually Omega Painkiller and Efficascent Oil) of which she gives to

patients with joint or body pain.

2. Tilik

This is similar to tawal that it is also a prayer recited in whisper except it is

directed to the diseased body part. Tilik is usually performed if there is a lesion

outside the body, like swelling, a mass, wound or inflammation.

Kah Iyong did tilik (see Appendix F) to a breast cancer patient (diagnosed by

certain doctor in Malaysia). According to the patient, her wound dried up after being

treated by Kah Iyong.

3. Hilut or Tutul

Hilut in Tausug simply means, massage, but healers accompany hilut with a

prayer to produce effect. Tutul is the more formal name of hilut with prayer, which

like tilik is also uttered in whispers but with manipulation of body parts.

It was Amboh Timah (see Appendix G) and Kah Iyong whom I have observed

to perform tutul in most of their patients. For Amboh Timah tutul is one way to

condition the body back to normal. She usually manipulates the whole body, whereas

Kah Iyong performs it in specific part of the body, which the patient complains. One

case is asthmatic patient (see Appendix F), where Kah Iyong rubbed her fingers at the

51
upper back, around the scapula, along the spine to the collarbones. The stroke

accordingly is to dislodge the hantu (see Table 1 for meaning).

Tutul was also seen performed by Apoh Minin (see Appendix H) on a male

patient complaining of severe back pain and inability to bend the waist. The patient

has reportedly lifted a heavy object that causes the illness called pisuh (refer to table

1).

Hilut in this paper is not synonymous with hilot of the Tagalog and Visayan

region, which refer to traditional birth attendants.

4. Duwaa

Duwaa in Tausug means two things, a prayer recited by a Muslim individual

after sambahayang and a prayer led by an imam or pakil (see Appendix G) when

asking something from God or thanking God. The latter is incorporated with a ritual,

usually a burned charcoal is added with incense (kamanyan) and the smoke is allowed

to spread in the place where it is executed. Healers ask their patients to perform

duwaa if the patient is diagnosed to be syukut.

Seven duwaa are required for every Muslim family to complete. These are

the Duwaa Kaja, Pataas, Mandawsah, Pa-anggil, Akad, Handulih and

Kanhulay. The seven are told to be the requirements imposed by the seven

missionaries (refer to page 35) as their share and must be performed by all Muslims

upon entering into marriage. Otherwise, the family will be inflicted with illness and

experience bad luck or misfortune. Amboh Timah brought five families to Tampat

Budjang (see appendix F) to perform the seven duwaa.

52
 5. Visiting Temples

One of the healing practices of the healers is to visit a temple, which they

believed to contain divine power and offer a cure. This is usually prescribed when

the diagnosis is syukut, thus to cure the illness, the patients should pay visit to the

temple specified by the healer and offer a prayer in the form of duwaa.

I was able to observe one of the visits to temple initiated by Amboh Timah

who brought along five families. One family complained of their eleven-month old

son with diarrhea for ten days. The family also went to visit Mount Bongao as

ordered by Amboh Timah. The mother of the child refused to bring her son to the

doctor, because she had a son before died of the same problem, of which she brought

to the hospital. Other families visit the temple for good health, fortune and happiness.

6. Use of herbal remedies

The Mangubat in Bongao like other healers in the Philippines and other

countries utilize herbs to treat illnesses. List of some of the herbal remedies used by

the Mangubat is presented in the following table. It is not the aim of this research to

provide the international or scientific names of the herbs used by the healers.

Table 2. Herbal remedies used by the Mangubat (see indicated appendices)

Mangubat Herbs as named by Procedure Uses
the Mangubat
(see specific
appendix of the
Mnagubat)
Apoh Minin Pusuh lanut -use in Mamaguh -for baguh
(Appendix H)
Apoh Umma 1-Ha-un leaves -use in Mamaguh -for baguh
(Appendix K) 2-Bagihun leaves -pound the leaves, extract the -for all types of
juice and drink poisoning

53
Kah Iyong 1-Tambis leaves -boil with Guava leaves -for diarrhea
(Appendix L) 2-Tangan-tangan -the trunk is peeled off then -for cough
the inner green portion is
scraped
-added with coconut milk
-place in an open area
overnight
3-Heart-heart -wash and boil the whole -for edema and
plant kidney disease
4-Cactus plant that -boil the leaves -for hypertension
bears small flower
Imam Sali 1-Lambayong plant -boil the roots -for abdominal tumor
(Appendix M) -leaves are tied around the
abdomen
2-Katsubong -grind with salt, then wrap -for baguh
with clothe and tied around
the abdomen
3-Bilu-bilu -roots are soaked in clean -for dyspepsia or
water epigastric pain
4-Guyabano leaves -get three leaves then tie -for colds and
around the head headache
5-Lahunay leaves -boil the leaves -for post-partum
bleeding
Manang 1-Sibukaw bark -boil the bark -for TB and
Arlene hemoptysis
(Appendices 2-Kuh-kuh leaves -get seven leaves and directly -for impacho
N) tie on the abdomen
3-Bangkal bark -boil the bark -for birth spacing
4-Lunay or Salong -heat the leaf directly, then -for any types of pain
(dried leaf with white transfer the paste into a piece
paste inside) of paper and apply or stick
directly on the painful area.
5- Tubah or -use as sponge bath -for fever and body
fermented coconut weakness
juice
6-Pad-pad or Kataka- -pound the leaves and apply -for fever
taka to the forehead

54
Guru Jul 1-Lapunyang plant -pound the leaves and apply -for cancer
(Appendix O) directly to the mass or lesion
-pound the flower and also -for boils
apply directly to the swelling
2-Gamut Suwah -scrape the roots and apply -for skin diseases and
directly to affected area for mumps
3-Balis -boil the bark and use as -for stomatitis (mouth
mouthwash sore)
4-Sandar-sumandal -scrape the bark, get the -for wet Beriberi
whitish portion inside, apply
directly to affected area
5-Tunjung mawut -get the bark then use as a -for fracture
splint
6-Bagun -soak in clean water and use -for malaria
as sponge bath

7. Other Healing Practices

a. Healing Ritual and Pulse Diagnosis

Folk healers also perform rituals for certain health problems; one of

these is Manang Arlene. She starts her ritual by taking the pulse of the patient

while praying in whisper to diagnose the cause. On a nineteen year-old female

(see Appendix I) complaining of numbness of both lower extremities patient,

Manang Arlene asked for a burning charcoal made from a coconut shell then

she added birds nest to it and let the smoke touch the patients body. A live

chicken was held above the burning charcoal after which she turned it around

in circle in front of the patient. It is believed that the patients disease will be

transferred to the chicken and the smoke will drive away the evil spirits

causing the illness. On another patient (a forty-three year-old female patient

with severe diarrhea), she again started with pulse diagnosis. Instead of

adding birds nest, she added kamanyan (incense) and dried palm leaves to the

55
 burning charcoal. She rotates the burning charcoal around the patients body to

drive away evil spirits causing the illness.

Rituals differ from one healer to another, depending on the cause of the

illness but may have some similarities. Like Manang Arlene, Imam Sali also

begins his rituals with pulse diagnosis. On a sixteen-month old boy with

diarrhea, whom he diagnosed as iyumagad, Imam Sali asked for en egg, rice

and cooking oil in plate (see Appendix E). He then uttered a prayer while

bathing the egg in oil and at the same time holding the patients left toe. He

later let go of the toe, continued uttering prayer to the egg; and then he asked

for a plate of rice, placed the patients right hand on top of the rice, again

whispered a prayer, stood up, and tossed some rice out of the door. According

to Imam Sali, he has to throw some of the rice in exchange for the soul so it

would go back to the childs body. He then gently pulled (not removed) the

patients hair while reciting a prayer. The pulling of hair or hagtu is a way for

Imam Sali is to also pull the evil spirit away from the body.

b. Use of Lunas

Lunas is the combination or mixture of herbs formulated by the healer

based on the knowledge passed to them by their teachers, in certain medium,

like water or any kind of oil, aided with tawal. It is similar to concoction and

is administered in many ways. One is use as a cream or salve, applied to the

skin. Kah Iyong made a lunas consisting of dulaw (turmeric), ampalaya

leaves and rice pounded and blended to create a paste, to be applied on the

wound of a diabetic patient (diagnosed by a doctor in Jolo, Sulu and see

56
 Appendix F). Another lunas she formulated consist of rice blended with

sesame seeds, turmeric and guava leaves. All ingredients are well pulverized

and applied to the skin lesion of a patient with Herpes zoster. Imam Sali also

makes use of lunas, his is pounded ginger added with cooking oil (see

Appendix E). He used it to massage the back of a bed-ridden patient. Another

healer who utilizes lunas is Manang Arlene. There were three lunas I found in

her treatment room (see Appendix N): a small glass bottle with pebbles of

different colors in coconut oil and calls it sari-sari, another glass bottle,

about the size of a vanilla bottle, containing barks and coconut oil and calls it

himag and lastly, inside a plastic bottle are rosary, miniature Sto. Nio, and

roots of tubli plant. The latter is used by Manang Arlene to treat punctured

wounds or as prophylaxis for tetanus. The other two has many uses, such as

for impacho and infected wound. Lunas is also used by Guru Jul in treating

skin infections from diabetes. To all the folk healers lunas is said to penetrate

the skin and release its therapeutic effect to ill body part.

In Tagalog region, lunas is a material believed to be derived from a

single-horned animal or horn of a female deer. In the Bicol area, a similar

material is referred to as tambal. A small piece or shaved fragment of this horn

is applied directly to the wound. It is believed the material will adhere to the

wound only in the presence of kamandag (poison) or rabies and will fall off after

a few hours when the kamandag is no longer present. After its use, because of

uncommonness, the "horn" is cleaned for future re-use by soaking in water

where the kamandag bubbles out of the lunas. It is not unusual for a tapal with

57
 orasyon and/or bulong to be performed after the application of the lunas.

(Perez, 1999. emc.com.ph)

c. Mamaguh

If modern medical system has specialists, folk medicine in Bongao has

one too they are the Mamaguh, derived from the Tausug root word baguh,

which means spleen, or in its diseased form splenomegaly. Baguh is diagnosed

when one has history of frequent eating of sour foods and complains of

abdominal pain and sometimes enlargement. Part of the symptoms includes

yellowish skin and pallor.

Two of the key-informants are actually Mamaguh but their techniques

differ from each other. Apoh Umma makes use of a well-chopped ha-un

leaves (see Appendix K), placing them in a coconut shell added with estimated

amount of water and squeezed it thoroughly to extract the juice. The extract is

contained in a leaf (preferably a taro leaf) and tied with a string. Salt is then

applied to the abdomen of the patient, and then Apoh Umma gently pat the

leaf while reciting a prayer unto the abdomen. After about five minutes of

patting, the leaf is cut using a knife to expose the extract; if the extract

hardened, then the patient is diagnosed to be positive for baguh, otherwise

negative. Patients with baguh should undergo another two sessions to

completely remove the illness.

Apoh Minin is also a Mamaguh, but his method (see Appendix H)

differs a lot with that of Apoh Umma. First, she mixed the salt with fresh

58
 blood of the chicken then applied the mixture on the left upper quadrant of the

abdomen of the patient; and the pusuh lanut, a heart-shape fruit of abaca tree,

is placed on top while silently reciting a prayer. The pusuh lanut is removed

from the abdomen, fastened in a bamboo stick, and then hanged on top of any

cooking area. The purpose is for the smoke to dissolve the pusuh lanut

together with the disease.

d. Liguh

Liguh (see Appendix F) is washing away evil spirits-causing illness

from the body of the patients with water while reciting a prayer. Kah Iyong

performed liguh to a patient with breast mass. During liguh, the patient carries

with her a five pieces of four-inch nails that would serve as absorber of the

disease.

Another healer who performs liguh is Amboh Timah. She first let the

patients sit on a wooden vessel, called lusung (see Appendix G) in Tausug, in

which materials are pounded or rubbed with a pestle. She then bathed the

patients with water while reciting a prayer in whisper. The lusung is also

believed to absorb the illness.

e. Use of modern conventional medicines

To my surprise, one of the informants also uses pharmaceutical

medicines. Manang Arlene admitted that she prescribed Amoxicillin (500mg)

or Cefalexin (500mg), one tablet to be taken two times a day for three days, to

patients with painful breast lump and to those with skin infection like boils.

She also prescribed Novaluzid to her patient with epigastric pain. When I

59
 asked her where she acquired such knowledge, she proudly informed me that

she was once a volunteer worker in a certain barangay health center in Basilan.

Manang Arlene is similar to a medico/mediko in Tagalog region of the

Philippines, an albularyo who further his training, assimilates and adopts new

skills and expertise, merging folkloric therapies with mainstream medicine,

incorporating allopathic treatment modalities like prescription

pharmaceuticals. (Apostol, 2001)

The following table clearly points out similarities in the healing practices of

the seven folk healers.

Table 3. Healing Practices of the Folk Healers

Healers Healing Practices
1. Kah Iyong Tawal
Tilik
Hilut or Tutul
Liguh
Use of herbal remedies
Use of Lunas
2. Apoh Umma Mamaguh
Use of herbal remedies
Use of Lunas
Tawal
3. Amboh Timah Tawal
Tilik
Hilut or Tutul
Liguh
Use of Lunas
Performing Duwaa
Visiting temples
4. Imam Sali Tawal
Tilik
Use of herbal remedies
Use of Lunas
Rituals and Pulse diagnosis
5. Manang Arlene Rituals and Pulse diagnosis
Use of herbal remedies

60
 Use of inanimate object for diagnosis
Use of modern medicines
6. Guru Jul Tilik
Use of Lunas
Use of herbal remedies
7. Apoh Minin Mamaguh
Hagtuh

Healing practices, methods or techniques of the seven folk healers in Bongao,

I can say, are less hazardous. It is, when compared to Texas-Mexican folk practices

that involve in holding a baby upside down over a container of water or rubbing the

roof of its mouth to reverse the sinking of a fontanel or soft spot, which is often a fatal

illness. (Graham, 1985).

Although there are dangers in the practices of the Mangubat, these lie more on

with the management of the illness. There are characteristics of an illness that healers

fail to observe that may further harm the patients. The wrong dosage of antibiotics

may render the patients resistant or destroy his normal intestinal flora and cause

additional health problems.

My other concern is the intake and application of various herbal remedies of

which many are not scientifically proven safe and edible. For instance, an excellent

forensic investigation done by Dr. Vanessa Steenkamp et al (2000) at two hospitals in

Johannesburg, showed that a number of poisonings and fatalities at the hospital were

due to patients having been given traditional medicine containing pyrrolizidine

alkaloids. The alkaloids are said to be hepatotoxic, and a single administration can be

fatal that resulted to several deaths of children given the same dosage with that of

61
adults. According to Jager (2005), the case is of extremely important information- a

question of life and death- that needs to get out to the healers.

Another is the application of lunas into open wound should also be a concern

since it may even worsen the infection leading to systemic involvement, later sepsis.

Harmless practices like visiting a temple or performing duwaa for good health

need not be a concern to medical professionals. Let us allow them to fulfill their

beliefs as long as the patients are given other safe medical interventions. But, if how

safe is safe, is yet to be explored by other researchers.

62
 CHAPTER V

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION

This study used an ethnographic approach, to establish a relationship of trust,

obtained accurate information, and engaged the folk healers and their patients in

active cooperation to share their culture in health care. After three weeks in the field,

the researcher has described seven folk healers, five female and two male, according

to their medical beliefs and healing practices. The folk healers are located in six

different barangays of Bongao, namely: Barangay MSU-Compound (Kah Iyong),

Barangay Lamion (Apoh Umma), Barangay Tubig Tanah (Amboh Timah), Barangay

Tubig Mampallam (Imam Sali), Barangay Pasiagan (Manang Arlene) and Barangay

Pakias (Guru Jul and Apoh Minin). Some of the basis of what the folk healers

believed in and why they perform such practice, were discussed, as well. Finally, a

number of inferences to some of the beliefs and practices of each folk healer were

provided in this paper.

In this ethnographic study, the role and practices of the folk healers the

Mangubat in contemporary Bongao were explored. It is discovered that folk

healers are active health care providers and handle patients according to their cultural

beliefs and healing abilities acquired through different ways. The two most common

sources of healing ability claimed by the seven folk healers are: thru dreams and

hand-me-down process from their ancestors or by word of mouth.

Folk medical beliefs of the healers are reflected on their perceptions of illness

causation. They believe that spirits could cause illness when accidentally hit by a

63
living being; they believe in inanimate objects such as temples, mountain and house

of an unborn child to cause and cure illnesses; believe in the existence of a powerful

knowledge (ilmoh), witchcraft and other causes of illness.

The medical practices of the folk healers in this study are observably based

from their beliefs. For instance, the prayers they recite when performing tawal, tilik

and hilut or tutul are taken from the ilmoh they acquired thru their dreams or from

their ancestors. Other health-related practices are performing duwaa, healing rituals,

pulse diagnosis, liguh, visiting temples, use of herbal remedies, lunas and even

modern medicines. They also have a specialist, a Mamaguh, one who specializes in

treating patient with baguh (splenomegaly).

The biomedical paradigm, the system in which medical professionals are

trained, is chiefly focused on the biological emphasis of the said system. Physicians

tend to view that disease are purely natural, thus the need for cure. There is

somewhat little interest in the person with the disease or the cultural systems to where

that person belongs. Therefore, it is vital we do not forget that the people we serve

belong to different culture and respect the fact that each culture is unique and we

should expect its conception and treatment of the illness to be unique too, not like the

beliefs we are trained for. This statement points out that medical legislators should

necessitate biomedical practitioners to formulate treatment plans which shows

understanding and respect for the patients beliefs and build on these in a more

positive way.

In a more extensive point of view, the success or failure of health programs

depends largely on the sociocultural contexts within which the program takes place

64
and operates. Before a health program is established, especially in a community,

there needs to be an understanding of the people, their attitudes toward health and

illness, and their concept of an acceptable health system. This ethnographic study for

instance, has provided useful information regarding folk medical system if ever there

would be a culturally sensitive health programs to be formulated in Bongao. To

further conclude, biomedical practitioners living in a cross-cultural setting must

recognize that cultural differences between themselves and their clients are pertinent

in providing effective health care.

The following recommendations may be useful to other researchers wishing to

develop cultural awareness; and to health care providers so as to better understand,

and serve their tribal patients.

A more comprehensive ethnographic study be conducted in Bongao or in other

community area.

A comparative study be conducted regarding practices in folk healing with that

of modern medicine to delineate the parallelism and differences between two

medical systems.

Conduct a study that will investigate the perceptions of the medical

professionals in Bongao regarding folk healers, in order to provide baseline

data for future health planning in the said area.

Scientific identification of the herbal plants used by the healers should be

accomplished to provide better understanding their use and possibly lead to

pharmaceutical investigations.

65
 Herbal plant remedies prescribed by the healers and taken orally, be

scientifically tested and analyzed.

The situation presented in this research means that folk medicine particularly the

folk healers, which is closely linked with peoples cultures, is not going to vanish

even if and when western health care becomes available. They are not only noted to

be culture-sensitive but compassionate in handling their clients, as well.

Healers might say that their ancestors guide them, they know all there is to be

known, but I believe there is still place for new knowledge in the folk healers part,

which can be accepted by modern medical professionals.

66
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APPENDICES

69
 APPENDIX A

Map of Bongao, Tawi-Tawi

70
 APPENDIX B

CONSENT FOR INTERVIEW AND DOCUMENTATION

I, ____________________________, agree to participate in the interview and

documentation conducted by a medical student, Shadrina Que Tahil, as part of her
research methods in the required Master in Public Health (MPH) thesis in the School of
Graduate Studies, Ateneo de Zamboanga University (ADZU).
The purpose of this interview and documentation is to help the researcher better

understand your cultural issues regarding healing practices and medical beliefs. With

your consent, she would like to interview you and other members of your household or

family and, if applicable, document healing methods, healing items, etc. The interview-

documentation will be used as part of data gathering procedure and, therefore, will be

reviewed and edited by the researcher. If you wish it, you may request that your name(s)

be changed in the output.

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 Your consent, or lack of consent, to be interviewed and documented will in no
way affect your health care in Bongao, Tawi-Tawi.
I understand that:
1. The interview and documentation is being conducted for research purposes.
2. I can request at any time that the interview and documentation be immediately
terminated.
3. I can request at any time to have my name or my family members names
changed in the research data gathered.
4. This consent applies to the interview and documentation being conducted for
the whole period of her research.
Any personal information you reveal to the researcher will be kept strictly
confidential. Maintenance of your personal dignity and respect for your sense of privacy
is of paramount importance in this ethnographic study.
____________________________ _________________________

Printed name of Healer/ Informant Signature of Healer/ Informant

_____________________________ _________________________
Printed name of Medical Student Signature of Medical Student

APPENDIX C

INTERVIEW GUIDE

Name and nickname of the informant: Resource Person:

Age:
Sex:
Civil Status:
No. of children:
Years in service:
Address:
Tribal Affiliation:

1. When did you start healing?

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2. How did you acquire your healing abilities? Please tell me your story, how it started.

3. Do you have other family members who are healers too? If yes, did you learn from
them? How?

4. Tell me, do you believe in spirits? Can they cause illness? How?

5. What are the illnesses that you know? What causes them?

6. How do you manage your patient? What else do you prescribe or perform? Please
explain.

7. Do you ask for service fees? Why?

APPENDIX D

INANIMATE OBJECTS

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 Tampat Budjang Mount Bongao or

Bud Bongao

A house of an unborn child

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 APPENDIX E

Healing Practices of Imam Sali

Performing hilut with the Treating a six-week

old patient

use of lunas with heated banana leaf and tilik

Treating patient with iyumagad Performing hagtu

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 with rice and egg in cooking oil

APPENDIX F

Healing Practices of Kah Iyong

Reciting Tawal to a bottled water Tilik

of patient with ugihap or shingles (Breast Cancer patient)

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 Performing hilut Performing liguh to patient with
to an asthmatic patient painful breast lump while holding nails

APPENDIX G

Healing Practices of Amboh Timah

Performing tutul to patient with pisuh Performing tutul to a year old boy
with iyumagad

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Performing liguh to a 4 year-old girl Performing duwaa beside Tampat Budjang
with fever with five families

APPENDIX H

Healing Practices of Apoh Minin

(Process of Mamaguh)

Performing hagtuh Application of salt with

fresh chicken blood

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 Pusuh lanut is placed on Pusuh lanut is being fastened
top of the patients abdomen with a bamboo stick

APPENDIX I

Healing Practices of Manang Arlene

Healing ritual for a 2 year-old boy Healing ritual performed to patient

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 with impacho with severe diarrhea

Healing ritual performed to a patient Giving lunas to a patient

with numbness of both lower extremities

APPENDIX J

Healing Practices of Guru Jul

80
Applying lunas to a patient with skin lesion

APPENDIX K

Healing Practices of Apoh Umma

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 Chopping of ha-un leaves Extracting the juice of ha-un leaves

Ha-un leaves are secured in a taro leaf Application of the herbal formulation

cont. Appendix K

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Positive for baguh Negative for baguh

Bagihun

83
 APPENDIX L

Herbal Remedies of Kah Iyong

heart-heart cactus

Tambis tree Tangan-tangan

84
 APPENDIX M

Herbal Remedies of Imam Sali

Lambayong

Katsubong

85
 Lahunay Bilu-

bilu

APPENDIX N

Herbal Remedies of Manang Arlene

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Method of using lunay or salong Application of himag to wound area

APPENDIX O

Herbal Remedies of Guru Jul

Lapunyang Gamut Suwah

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Balis Sandar-sumandal

Tunjung mawut Bagun

APPENDIX P

Video Compact Disk Documentation

The Mangubat:
Ethnography of Folk Healers

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89
 CURRICULUM VITAE

Personal Information
Name : Shadrina Que Tahil
Age : 24 years old
Sex : Female
Civil Status : Single
Date of Birth : December 14, 1981
Address : Talon-Talon, Zamboanga City
Religion : Islam
Father : Abduraji S. Tahil
Mother : Suyha Q. Tahil

Educational
Background
Graduate
Degree : Doctor of Medicine
School : School of Medicine
Ateneo de Zamboanga University
Place : Zamboanga City
Year (of Graduation) : 2005
College
Degree : Bachelor of Science Major in Zoology
School : Mindanao State University-
Iligan Institute of Technology
Place : Iligan City
Year (of Graduation) : 2001

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 High School : Mindanao State University-
Science High School
Place : Bongao, Tawi-Tawi
Year (of Graduation) : 1997
Elementary : Mindanao State University-
Laboratory Elementary School

Place : Bongao, Tawi-Tawi

Year (of Graduation) : 1993

91