True wit and mere vulgarity, or the art of

being the Student in Paul Fussell's Class

ALAN NADEL

Abstmct

Although ostensively about class, Paul Fussell's Class is a satire mocking

the American faith in upward mobility which implies simultaneously the
presence of class categories (in order to measure that mobility) and the
absence of class categories (so s not to impede it). As with all saures, its
humor resides in its putting the reader in the uncomfortable position of
having to abandon a cherished prejudice or embrace the most extreme
example of that prejudice. By pretending to "educate" the reader at the
same time s he asser ts that the education cannot be applied, Fussell
satirizes bogus education in myriad forms, including self-help manuals,
advice columns, self-scoring questionnaires, and American universities. In so
doing, however, he reveals the limitations of satire s a comic genre, because
placing the reader in an uncomfortable position requires a sthle point of
reference from which to view that position. But such a perspective requires
exactly the idea of hierarchy and classification that the book consistently
and necessarily undermines, and it suggests the ways in which satiric humor
presumes a human being centered in a humanist tradition. But this notion
loses its authority once the marks of class and the acts of classification
become, s they do in FusseWs book, arbitrary.

In the introduction to Class, Paul Fussell says,

When, recently, asked what I am writing, I have answered, "A book about social
class in America," people first tend to straigthen their ties and sneak a glance at
their cuffs to see how far fraying has advanced there. Then, a few minutes later,
they silently get up and walk away. It is not just that I am feared s a class spy. It
is s if I had said, "I am working on a book urging the beating to death of baby
whales using the dead bodies of baby seals" (Fussell 1983: 1).

Humor 2-1 (1989), 31-41. 0933-1719/89/0002-0031 $2.00

Mouton de Gruyter
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32 A.Nadel

Fussell evokes similar reactions from many readers of 'Class, who are
denied a mediating context between the extreme authority with which he
speaks and the outrageous examples which he presents. He identifies nine
classes in America, organized in three groups. The top group includes the
"top-out-of-sight" class, the upper, and the upper-middle; the middle
group consists of middle class, high-proletarian (which he shortens to
prole), mid-prole, and low prole. In the bottom group he puts the
destitute and the bottom-out-of-sight. For all of this, the book attends
primarily to the fence Fussell has constructed between "upper-middle"
(which is something like "preppy") in the top group and "middle" in the
second group, for that fence, he knows, is built entirely out of bis readers'
angst. They live teetering on its sharpened pales, like characters in a
Spenserian allegory, terrified lest they fall to the lower side, ever hopeful
to be perceived s living on the higher. Having built the fence, with true
satiric industry, Fussell shakes, kicks, and hacks its foundations, so that
not even the most punctilious fencewalker can avoid being impaled.
This may account for some reviews of the book. Doris Eder, for
example, called the book "provocative, entertaining, and nasty" (Eder
1984: 538). And R. Z. Sheppard wrote, in Time, that Fussell's aim was "to
offend, mainly the middle class, and to decry the decline of culture and
taste. He succeeds with considerable wit and fine malice, but it is hard to
take him seriously" (Sheppard 1983: 112). Christopher Lehman-Haupt,
the New York Times reviewer, less qualified in bis disapproval, took the
book seriously enough to call it "carping and petty-minded and often
snobbish" (Lehman-Haupt 1983: 29).
These reviewers, like many typical readers of satires, I shall be arguing,
have misconstrued the focus of the humor in that genre, s much s they
have failed to locate Class in that generic tradition. The humor in a true
satire is always the function of the reader's discomfort; laughter is the
response to being put in the embarrassing position of both needing to
identify with the author and being unable to. I shall therefore try to
demonstrate the ways in which Class conforms to the conventions of
traditional English satire. Then using Fussell's book and its relationship
to the rest of his work s an example, I shall try to demonstrate that the
implicit premises upon which satire depends also reveal problems endemic
to the genre.
Irvin Ehrenpreis defined satire s a genre which presents readers with
one of their cherished prejudices and its extreme example, thus forcing
them into the uncomfortable choice between rejecting the prejudice and

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 The Student in Fussell's Class 33

embracing the example: "The reader is confronted with the need either to
surrender a sound definition or to strip a label from an unsound case"
(Ehrenpreis 1964: 125). In Swift's famous "A modest proposal," for
instance, the readers must either acknowledge the efficacy and decency of
raising Irish offspring for food, or they must reject their conception of the
Irish peasantry s cattle. In freshman composition classes, I have often
assigned papers requiring students to state that essay's main point and
summarize in three pages the ways Swift supports it. Some recognize,
perhaps tipped off by a frateraity brother, that the essay is a "satire."
Those who do not, especially the more diligent, summarize Swift's
arguments for eating Irish infants with straight-faced naivete, listing in
well-organized and well-subordinated paragraphs all of its economic and
social advantages. About two pages of this, however, tests their thresh-
hold, and at the top of the third page I often found such messages s, "IS
THIS GUY CRAZY! WHO DOES HE THINK WOULD BUY THIS
FOOD OR EAT IT?! YUK! I THINK HE'S SICK!" Then, regaining
their composure, the students immediately return to what they perceive to
be the assignment: "He also indicates, that the skin could be used for
gloves ... etc., etc." Having failed to find the mediating satiric context,
they oscillate uncomfortably between authority and outrage.
Fussell creates the same effect. In the chapter devoted to bis anatomy of
classes, for example, Fussell teils us, "[b]eing in the upper-middle class is a
familir and credible fantasy: its usages, while slightly grander than one's
own, are recognizable and compassable, whereas in the higher classes you
might be embarrassed by not knowing how to eat caviar or use a finger
bowl or discourse in French. It's a rare American who doesn't secretly want
to be upper-middle class" (Fussell 1983:25). Fussell is probably right. At a
party recently, in fact, a woman told me, somewhat proudly, that she had
read Class and that everything in it said she was upper-middle (with the
stress on the "upper"). Only a page earlier, however, Fussell had pointed
out that "another sign of upper-middle class is its chastity in sexual display:
the bathing suits affected by the women here are the most sexless in the
world... Both men's and women's clothes... are designed to conceal, rather
than underline, anatomical differences between the sexes. Hence, because
men's shoulders constitute a secondary sexual characteristic, the natural-
shoulder jacket" (Fussell 1983: 24). Fussell has caught his readers between
their prejudice toward upper-middle classdom and their affection (perhaps
somewhat nostalgic) for their secondary sex traits.
Since the reader of Class is supposed to be learning to associate him or

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34 A.Nadel

herseif with an identifiable group, Fussell constantly taints the desire for
association with the aura of guilt by association. Any association, no
matter how farfetched, with religious fundamentalism thus becomes a
negative class indicator, so that Akron, Ohio, "is fatally known s the
hrne of Rex Humbard Ministry" (Fussell 1983: 29), and

The way to learn which flowers are vulgr is to notice the varieties favored on
Sunday-morning TV religious programs.... There you will see primarily geraniums
(red are lower than pink), poinsettias, Chrysanthemums, and you will know
instantly, without even attending to the quality of the discourse, that you are
looking at a high-prole setup. Other prole flowers include anything too vividly
red, like red tulips. Declassed also are phlox, zinnias, salvia, gladioli, begonias,
dahlias, fuchias, and petunias" (Fussell 1983: 84-85).

Again Fussell forces the uncomfortable choice: his readers must acknowl-
edge their bond in taste with Rex Humbard or, without delay, uproot
their geraniums and pluck their mums.
And thus it goes for these potential mum-pluckers, through every
aspect of habitation, decor, speech, and manner. From the kind of storm
Windows they own to the magazines they display, from the way they
pronounce "hospitable" to the book club they do (or do not) belong to,
Fussell teils his readers how to identify their own class or, though he says
it is impossible, how to pretend to have someone eise's. Chronically he
forces readers to own and disown the accumulated detritus of what they
thought were their personalities. If, for example, one likes to wear his shirt
collar out, he must do so at the cost of being (or worse, being taken for)
middle class or prole. "All you have to know about this practice is that
when out riding or otherwise got up in sports costume, the President
favors it" (Fussell 1983: 64).
If religious fundamentalists provide sure negative class indicators, then
Ronald Reagan is Fussell's apotheosis of all that these fundamentalists
signify. Reagan,
... of course, doesn't need to affect the establishment style, sensing accurately that
his lowbrow, God-fearing, intellect-distrusting constituency regards it s an affront
(which, of course, to them it is). Reagan's style can be designated Los Angeles (or
even Orange) County Wasp-Chutzpah. It registers the sense that if you stubbornly
believe you're s good s educated and civilized people ... then you are.... One
hesitates even to speculate about the polyester levels of his outfits (Fussell 1983:60).

One particularly charged word in this description is "educated"

because it identifies another trait of satire that its goal is to educate the

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 The Student in Fussell's Class 35

reader. It creates discomfort not for discomfort's sake but s a way to

teach the reader a lesson. In this way, satire's mode is always pedagodical,
employing humor to instructive albeit of painful ends. Not surprisingly,
therefore, in bis discussion of education Fussell comes dosest to dropping
bis satiric mask the pretense that bis real purpose is to characterize
class and makes some direct recriminations. He cites a study which
showed that going to a "good" College (or, in Fussell's opinion, a "real"
one) increased one's income by approximately 50 to 100 percent, whereas
attending a "nonselective" College which describes roughly 90 percent
of the nation's 2000 produced no income advantage at all. Fussell even
suggests that our whole educational System functions to rigidify class by
pretending to open up genuine higher learning to all. Such a bold
deception was accomplished, he explains,

... by the process of verbal Inflation, by promoting, that is, numerous normal
schools, teachers Colleges, provincial theological seminaries, trade schools, busi-
ness schools, and secretarial Institutes to the name and Status of "universities,"
thus conferring on them a Status they were by no means equipped to bear, or even
understand.... The result? State Colleges and teachers Colleges all over the country
were suddenly denominated universities, and they set to work, with the best
motives in the world, ripping off the proles (Fussell 1983: 155-156).

After analyzing the history and constitution of the less-than-real and

thoroughly fraudulent American universities, and the comic or ironic
ways in which these institutions provide the contrast necessary to
guarantee the prestige of the elite institutions, Fussell makes perhaps the
most nonironic, morally charged Statement in the book:

If these things are comic, there are other things about the System that are not at all
funny. The psychological damage wrought by this incessant struggle for Status is
enormous just because of the extraordinary power of these institutions to confer
prestige. The number of hopes blasted and hearts broken for class reasons is
probably greater in the world of Colleges and universities than anywhere eise. And
that's true not just of students and aspirant students, kids who aim at Columbia
but get admitted to Ohio Wesleyan instead. It's true of professors s well. Fve
never actually known a College teacher who killed himself or others because he lost
Status by not being retained at a "most selective" Institution and had to move to a
"highly selective" or merely "very selective" one. But I've known many College
teachers thus ruined by shame and convictions of inadequacy, who thenceforth
devoted their lives to social envy and bitterness rather than wit and scholarship.
Anyone who doesn't realize that, whether for their attenders or their conductors,
Colleges and universities are the current equivalent of salons and levees and courts
should look harder. If no other Institution here confers the titles of nobility

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36 A.Nadel

forbidden by the Constitution, they do. Or something very like it (Fussell 1983:
162-163).
This Statement, occurring about three-quarters of the way through the
book, occupies roughly the same rhetorical position and serves the same
rhetorical function s Swift's list, cited late in bis modest proposal, of
actual proposals for Irish reform. Comparing the genuine proposals with
the ludicrous, Swift staunchly retains bis satiric posture by opting for the
latter, for cannibalism. Similarly, Fussell lets us compare genuine educa-
tion with what the rest of the book exemplifies, bogus education. Class, in
other words, is not about "elass" at all but about that quintessential
American genre, the do-it-yourself or self-help book. "Only the author's
insistence on the word itself," Wilfred Sheed astutely noted, "distin-
guishes Class from a score of how-to-books" (Sheed 1983: 104). But
Sheed too misses the mark just slightly, I think, because, more accurately,
Class is about the people who read and write those books, or, to put it in
the terms that any scholar or Student of the 18th Century should
recognize, the purveyors of false wit.
Just s the 18th Century is a conservative period, satire is a conservative
genre. It presupposes a firm moral center and the folly of deviance or
change. In this context, the self-help paraphernalia endemic to the
American ethic are particularly ludicrous. They provide a false education
because they are grounded in (what an 18th-century mind would call
delusions of) optimism and progress. Lest we miss the fact that Class is a
satire of the self-help book and the ethic behind it, Fussell concludes Class
with mock versions of two more explicit variants of self-help texts: the
advice column and the self-scoring questionnaire.
These are among the most pervasive versions of self-help in our culture.
We have all seen the columns of Ann Landers or Miss Manners. FusselFs
"MAIL BAG," gleaned from unidentified sources, includes such ques-
tions s, "Is the metric System vulgr?" (Fussell 1983: 235) and "May we
assume that a fireplace has more Status than a garage?" (Fussell 1983:
234). To the person worried about suffering a loss of caste by moving
from Georgetown to Del Rio, Texas, Fussell responds, "You'll never be
able to show your face in civilized Company again. But at least you're not
moving to Miami" (Fussell 1983: 236).
But the "living room scale," which enables one to evaluate the class
Status of one's living room, comes closest to satirizing self-help because
Fussell's instructions (for example, to add four points for a hardwood
floor, or subtract ten for a motorcycle in the living room) are no different

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 The Student in Fussell's Class 37

from those in countless "serious" questionnaires, which almost every kind

of magazine contains, questionnaires with such titles s "Am I an
affectionate lover?" "Do I understand my children?" "Have I enough
confidence to ask for a raise?" or, depending on the Journal, "Is my
neighbor a subversive?" "Could my pet be an extra-terrestrial?" The
articles typically contain a series of 10 to 20 questions with either a formal
or an informal way to score the answers. The reader's role in these is, like
the reader's role in satire, twofold. One reads to discover, via some
ostensibly objective authority, further objectified by the verities of
mathematics the bottom line what one "really" is: affectionate or
unaffectionate, understanding or obtuse. By the same token, one reads to
discover the right answers, what one should say and do to be affectionate
and understanding. Certainly no one we know ever reads these question-
naires, even if he or she just happens to come across them in waiting
rooms, while trying not to contemplate the smiling dentist. And if
someone we know should happen to read them, certainly that person
wouldn't answer the questions and tally the score. But 11 bet that, like
many people, I may once have had a roommate who might have known
someone whose friend once did; and 11 bet that that person, on perhaps
one question, ever so slightly cheated, that is, responded s he or she
thought the test would want, in order to get just a few more points, in
order not to let the test, itself, know he or she was not quite affectionate
enough. At that moment, this friend of the acquaintance of my former
roommate succumbed to the god of false education and became the satiric
object of Class. The reader, after all, must identify with the authority: the
reader didn't read to be insulted; what, in all honesty, do we take him for?
Fussell takes him for the $3.95, in the paperback edition, and s well, I
think, for quite a horrifying ride, made all the more so by the book's
pervasive fatalism. Although he often seems to be giving that self-help
advice, at crucial points, he reminds the reader that everyone is locked into
his or her class, and thus that there is no effective way to act on that advice.
To the adage that it takes three generations to make a gentleman, in other
words, Fussell might be inferred to add, yes, but only if he does not retain
his own parents. The final satiric twist comes when the reader, who has
finished the book in a desperate hope to avoid exactly the fate he was
unaware of until he began the book, comes to the last chapter, "The X way
out." There Fussell identifies people who are not members of a class but
who rather belong to "category X," with the X meaning "undefinable."
The brief chapter, however, suggests such an incongruous amalgam of

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38 A. Nadel

traits and practiees that it must lose even the most gullible or desperate
reader. His description of the X living room certainly not one that would
score well on FusselFs living-room scale should illustrate this amply:

[T]here may be an elephant's foot umbrella stand and some unlikely manifesta-
tions of the art of the taxidermist stuffed cats and dogs, penguins, iguanas. Lots
of campy fabric odd curtains, fringed shawls draped about, walls covered in
museum cloth. The pictures on the walls will bespeak vigorous inner-directedness:
there will be shameless nudes (all sexes and ages), and instead of the chart of
Nantucket or Catalina Island favored by the upper-middles, a chart of Bikini
Atoll or Guadalcanal. On the cofTee table, Mother Jones and Bulletin of the
Atomic Scientists. The nearer you approach pure X the closer to the floor you find
yourself sitting. The ultimate X living room displays no furniture legs at all, no
sitting, dining, or reclining surface being higher than twelve inches from the floor.
(Fussell 1983: 216-217).

With the X category, Fussell thus reduces the choice in this Satire to one
between the cherished desire to escape one's class and a fleeting attach-
ment to one's sanity perhaps the ideal goal of any 18th-century satire.
But it is exactly because it represents that satiric ideal that it reveals the
limitations of satire s a genre. For that genre like Fussell's other work,
I shall argue depends on rigid and knowable hierarchies, exactly the
kinds of hierarchies that the book sets about proving, I shall try to
demonstrate, are unknowable.
To make this argument, I want to Start out by relating Class to the rest
of Fussell's work. For, even located in its generic tradition, Class may
seem somewhat anomalous or marginal. Fussell, a distinguished 18th-
century scholar, has authored a book on Dr. Johnson, another excellent
critical work, The Rhetorical World of Augustan Humanism, and an
exemplary book on prosody; who has s well edited and introduced many
Standard anthologies; who has written a book on travel books; and who
has won the National Book Award for The Great War and Modern
Memory, his study of WWI and its memoirs. Far from marginal, however,
Class is, I think, seminal to Fussell's entire critical enterprise, and, I will
try to show, it therefore contains exactly those elements and premises
most threatening and disruptive to that enterprise.
First we must realize that all Fussell's works identify and classify by kind,
be it the characteristics of Augustan humanism or the tropes which
manifest them, the types of Augustan poetry or the qualities of poetry in
general, what defines a war memoir or what typifies a travel book. Fussell
has built his career on a keen ability to identify the right-making traits of

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 The Student in Fussell's Class 39

anything. An observant person who studies with Paul Fussell can learn to
do anything right teach a class, write a paragraph, construct an essay
even if he or she never does it well. (Anything Fm doing right in this essay,
in fact, I owe to Fussell, while anything Fm not doing well here, I can blame
on myself.) In light of Fussell's critical practice, then, we can read the title
"Class" not only s signifying social Station but also s signifying any
generic category, any class of object or activity. As such, given that its
categories are filled with outlandish examples, the book demonstrates the
power of classification, independent of content, to compel and manipulate
readers. It thus isolates and validates Fussell's critical practice.
To explain how this also threatens that criticism, I want to start with an
anecdote. The night before my doctoral orals the fll test of my
education for which I had studied in one way or another for nearly two
years a poet I knew and greatly admired gave a reading at Rutgers.
Despite my exam the next morning, I decided to attend the reading. At
the reception afterward, I went directly to the poet and spoke to him for
20 minutes or so before I prepared to go home and partake in what might
be known s ritualistic panic. Fussell had noticed my behavior and, s I
was leaving, tried to have some sport. "I noticed during the reading," he
said, "that you smiled and nodded at all the right points." Although I
didn't teil him at the time, for once Fussell didn't have it quite right. He
was accusing me of being opportunistic when I was merely being vulgr.
Mere vulgarity is something that Fussell attempts to account for in
Class but does not, a point perhaps best illustrated with a hypothetical
example. Were I to rummage in my attic, I could probably produce from
those boxes of clothing I have for years meant to give away the following
combination: a suit with broad plaids and even broader lapels, a dark
blue shirt with monogrammed cufflinks, an Imitation satin tie bearing the
stylized picture of a naked woman diving in seaweed, and brown shoes of
two-tone patent leather. Yes, I once bought in seriousness all of the
above, and were I to don them now, they should identify me s a member
of one of the lowest classes, and they would, were it not for the presence
of the book Class. For once such a book identifies those traits and
classifies them, any one can adapt them, and the very presence of the book
makes it impossible for someone looking at me to know or even for me
to know myself whether this outfit truly manifests my mere vulgarity or
my attempt to hide it.
We can see then that what Fussell calls X people are not unclassifiable
for the book proves that nothing is unclassifiable but arbitrarily

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40 A. Nadel

classifiable. And once people's traits and signs, their ways of signifying
themselves, what they cling to s the idea of their humanity, are arbitrary,
they are revealed not s arbitrary at all but s nonexistent, an appearance
created by the classification and not an external essence awaiting its
discovery, its name, its class. The idea of "the human," at the very center
of the humanist tradition which Fussell has devoted his life's work to
describing, thus disappears in the presence ofthat act of classification. We
should read the designation "X," therefore, not only to mean unclassifia-
ble but also to mean "former," the entity once held to be unique but
revealed by classification to be the arbitrary composite of arbitrary
signifiers the ex-person.
But it is upon this ex-person that the concept of satire depends. For the
conventions of satire, s FusselPs text illustrates, are inextricable from
those conventions which center the human subject in the logos of Western
philosophy. Despite all the attacks on logocentrisim, satire persists in
situating the human in that "isthmus of a middle state" on which a great
satirist, Pope, in one of his least satiric moments, located "man":
"Created half to rise, and half to fall;/Great lord of all things yet prey to
all;/Sole judge of truth in endless error hurl'di/The glory, jest, and riddle
of the world." Satire presumes the superior perspective from which that
isthmus can be viewed in its oxymoronic entirety; satire is thus a hierarchy
among hierarchies, an act of classification and hence of class. But once the
concept of the human who centers the perspective disappears, the isthmus
dissolves and the satiric vision loses its authority and focus. The danger of
losing focus thus becomes the final satiric point made by, and in spite of,
Class. It is that always-present danger, endemic to acts of classification,
which creates the tension upon which the book's humor depends and
within which the joke discovers its own limits.
This danger too can be illustrated anecdotally: during the time he was
writing Class, Fussell took me and another former graduate Student,
Tony, to dinner. To describe that event fully and accurately, from the
lengthy drinks beforehand to our meal in a Princeton restaurant and then
our return to his flat for more drinks, would require at least another fll
essay, one written with the deftness, not to mention savagery, of an
Evelyn Waugh. Suffice it to say that in the later part of the evening Fussell
entertained himself by making increasingly more outrageous Statements,
thus making satire by creating two untenable choices. One could make a
complete fool of himself by putting on a ridiculous grin and nodding in
agreement with, even lending support to, the most idiotic of FusselPs

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 The Student in Fussell's Class 41

Statements, or one could make a much, much bigger fool of oneself by

taking the bait and disagreeing. At issue again was the question of
education. Fussell found everyone, including bis present Company, too
ignorant. We were not well enough educated to argue with him or even to
know that we didn't know anything. If Fussell could not find some way of
making them look preposterous, most people bored him with their lack of
education, their inability to know that what they took to be original had
all been done before. And thus Fussell was also educating us in the
dangers behind the satiric mask that in always seeing the classifications
instead of, and in advance of, their inadequate daily examples, one risks
becoming the ex-person. Perhaps it was safer to believe however tenu-
ously our own sentimental self-deceptions.
A few months later, I saw Fussell at a party, in better spirits. He was
planning to go to Indianapolis to see the 500, something he said he had
always wanted to do and about which he subsequently wrote somewhat
endearingly in Harper's Magazine. Shortly after that, he did something
which has always had immense therapeutic value for anyone able to do so
he left Rutgers. So did Tony, and so did I, Paul for the University of
Pennsylvania, I for Purdue, and Tony to follow a religious calling each
of us no doubt in hope of meeting a better class of people.

Purdue University

References

Eder, Doris L.
1984 Class in America. Virginia Quarterly Review 60(3), 538-554.
Ehrenpreis, Irvin
1964 The meaning of Gulliver's last voyage. In Tuveson, Ernest (ed.), Swift: A
Collection ofCritical Essays. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 123-142.
Fussell, Paul
1983 Class. New York: Ballantine.
Lehman-Haupt, Christopher
1983 New York Times, November 18, 29.
Pope, Alexander
1969 Essay on Man. In Williams, Aubrey (ed.), Poetry and Prose of Alexander
Pope. New York: Houghton Mifflin.
Sheed, Wilfred
1983 Upward mobility: how to be an X. Atlantic, October, 104-110.
Sheppard, R. Z.
1983 Where the elite don't meet. Time, October 31, 112.

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