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NITI Aayog
NITI Aayog
NITI Aayog
The transition from the Planning Commission to the Niti Aayog reflects the completion
of the transition of a state. Niti Aayog will oversee a greater centralization of powers in
the central government, and with the abolition of the National Development Council
and its replacement by regional councils, the limited say the states had on policies and
the flow of funds stands further eroded. In short, the constraints on state governments
will be tightened rather than loosened in the Niti Aayog era.
The idea of national planning had been in the air long before independence. Indeed,
the Planning Commission established in the Nehru era was the descendant of the
National Planning Committee that Subhas Chandra Bose had set up.
The idea of planning, in short, was closely linked to overcoming colonial exploitation
and to redeeming the pledge of the anti-colonial struggle to the people of India.
Legacy of Anti-Colonial Struggle
It is a travesty, therefore, to see the Planning Commission as a leftover of the Soviet
era, a sort of ideological baggage borrowed from the Soviet Union that has outlasted
the Soviet Union. Only a person unaware of and unconnected with the anti-colonial
struggle can make such a claim. Though the Soviet achievements of the time may have
inspired the particular course that planning took after its inception, the process itself
was embedded in the formation of the post-colonial state; it was a necessary legacy of the
anti-colonial struggle. It is not surprising that such planning came into vogue not just
in India but in a whole range of countries that were newly liberated from colonialism.
The Planning Commission was meant to oversee a break of the economy from the
inherited pattern of colonial division of labor, which had involved the export of a range
of raw materials, including agricultural materials in raw or processed form (cotton and
jute textiles), and the import of a range of manufactured goods from the metropolis.
Since the cultivable land-mass was limited and could not be augmented because the state
pursued a policy of sound finance, which excluded any significant investment in land-
augmenting practices (such as irrigation or yield-raising research and development in
publicly-funded institutions), pushing out more exports of the existing kind necessarily
meant risking food security, a fact evident from the massive (over 25%) decline in per
capita food grain availability in British India in the last half-century of colonial rule.
Not only were the countrys natural resources to be brought back under national control
(which was the economic essence of de-colonization, and necessary for mobilizing all
available means for the nations development, without any drain on account of the
dominance of foreign capital), and the production pattern altered from what had been
dictated by the colonial division of labor, but the benefits of all these measures were to
accrue to the people at large by ensuring that wealth and income inequalities were kept in
check. The point here is not whether planning actually achieved these objectives (it
obviously did not); the point is that this was the perception which informed planning and
it was in keeping with the promise of the anti-colonial struggle.