Social Capital in Kerala Mixed Evidence From A Village Panchayat

Indian Political Science Association
SOCIAL CAPITAL IN KERALA: MIXED EVIDENCE FROM A VILLAGE PANCHAYAT

Author(s): Jos Chathukulam and M.S. John
Source: The Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 64, No. 3/4 (July-December, 2003), pp.
221-250
Published by: Indian Political Science Association
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The Indian Journal of Political Science
Vol. 64, No. 3-4, July-December, 2003
SOCIAL CAPITAL IN KERALA: MIXED

EVIDENCE FROM A VILLAGE PANCHAYAT
Jos Chathukulam
M.S. John
This paper is based on a micro-study of social capital in a
village Panchayat in Kerala. It argues that the predominant
characteristic of much of the associational life that came into
being is based on a pre-occupation with entitlements rather

than commitment to collective action of a civic kind. It also
points out the limitations of social capital generated through

the inter mediation of political parties within a framework of
agitation to be streamlined into more positive forms of civic
engagement. The idea of synergistic action did not materialize
during the period of participatory planning in the Panchayat.
It was also found that social capital was strongest in those
regions of the study Panchayat where political parties were
relatively weak and non-political horizontal organizations exist.
Introduction:
This paper examines the nature of social capital in Kerala

drawing on empirical evidence from a village Panchayat in Kottayam
District. After some introductory remarks, the paper first reviews
studies related to social capital already made, either focusing on
the state alone or as part of country wide studies, and then
proceeds to focusing on the state alone or as part of country wide
studies, and then proceeds to state some general features of social
capital in Kerela and its changing contours. The chapter will then
proceed to discuss the evidence from the study village and argue
that there is no correlation between membership in associations
and civic mindedness. It also makes a brief comparison between
forums that have come into being originally and those engineered
through statist initiatives as part of certain programmes related to
development and participatory planning. The study also maps the
five regions in the village on the basis of associational membership
and civic mindedness and tries to account for the differential
spread of social capital and civic mindedness in them. The data
for the study were collected through a combination of methods,
which include survey, focus groups. Discussions, selective
observation, and interviews with key informants and leaders of the
various associations An earlier study was undertaken in the same
Panchayat three years after the introduction f participatory
planning to map the new institutions of social capital that had
come in its wake by the same authors (John and Chathukulam,
2002). The present study is a continuation of the above with a
The Indian Journal of Political Science 222
view to exploring whether the observat

study still hold good. Fieldwork for th
during June-July 2002. As many as 420
the study either as respondents or as ke
Social capital is now a widely discusse
academic and policy circles. Why develop
takes place in some places and not in ot
the tools of the economics failed to com
the major factor accounting for the pop
the academics, it has provided a new
institutional and cultural aspects of dev
makers, social capital has become of t
investment is found to be rewarding in
its spin off effects on the formation of
action. Some of the recent studies abo
describe the Kerela society as represent
social capital in the country in spite of
While it was Kerela's model of developm
with the mainstream trajectory of dev
attention of the early commentarots on
1998), it is the supposedly high levels of
in the state and the participatory plann
popularly as "people's plan campaign" (PPC)
in the last five years that have drawn
scholarship.1
Social Capital in Kerala; Some Recent St
In his pioneering study of the performa

governments, Putanam (1993) found that N
much better performance in view of th
that existed there, particularly in the f
soccer clubs and cooperatives. Putnam ha
political parties and trade unions or eve
Putnam, the dense network of secondar
social capital and civic spirit through no
that develops as a result of the netwo
accompany membership in such association
of associations also is believed to have a r
in general, leading to some form of genera
has been subjected to criticism by some com
Social Capital in Kerala 223
2001). The existence of a civi

efficient and responsive gove
Putnam. The Italian study fou
to factors likem the numb
newspapers, and who are fre
Horizontally organized clubs
for the generation of social
one has to go beyond Putna
India. Putnam. Putnam had co
capital rather than outcom
questions like distribution an
of education are an importan
in India, according to May
argument of Atui Kohli (1987
levels of performance in pov
Bengal compared to Karna
comparison between Kerala a
than regime type, it is the ex
society capital that contribut
these two states in poverty r
Serra (2001) studied sixteen
perspective and found that K
making it the state having th
the country. Secondary da
study.3 Kerala recorded a vo
followed by West Bengal wit
Putnam selected voting in n
divorce rather than elections
the states. The study found
state "exhibits the highest
exhibits a quite unique profi
Such findings attest the mar
people, which has led, as it
effective state-citizens interact
Kerala appears as the best In
social capital" (Serra, 2001,
that Kerala ranked only three i
as well as local government a
is close to the all India mean
states found that 31 percent of the pe

which varied between a high 51 perce
percent in Uttar Pradesh (Blomkvist a
study of Kerala in the context of the peo
Veron (2001, p. 609) says: "grass roots
to meet favourable conditions in Kerela because of its richness in
social capital; people are politically aware and experienced with
collective action". A Study done by Morris (1998) on the relationship
between social capital and poverty also ranks Kerala's performance
high on the basis of the existence of social capital. Mayor (2001)
says that a low level of corruption is associated with the existence
of a civic community and that Kerala has the lowest perceived
levels of corruption.
Hariss (2001) considers the class and mass organizations as
the repository of social capital in Kerala and people's plan campaign
is also moulded within the state society synergy framework, within
a political process and not within a frame work that substitutes
state action.4 Heller says that civil society in Kerala, unlike in
Putnam's thinking, had "distinctly political origins". Which is the
result of the communist strategy of "sponsoring mass organizations
and by entrenching itself in civil society" (2000, p. 07). We agree
that this political nature of large part of associational life in Kerala,
does not find a place in the Putnamite vision. In Heller's (2000)
understanding, Krela stands apart from the Centre and all other
Indian states on all key qualitative measures of democracy. Heller
considers the alternating of the two political fronts, one led by
the Indian National Congress and the other by the Communist
Party of India Marxist or CPI (M), in power in Kerala as a
stabilizing factor. But this has also led to a kind of non-performance
on the part of individual governments. Heller fails to notice the
poverty of horizontal non-political civic associations in Kerala. By
saying that the horizontal forms of associations prevail over vertical
forms in Kerala, which explains why democracy works better in
the state, he has accorded the status of horizontal associations to
the largely vertical political organizations that have evolved new
forms of clclientelistic politics, although not of a particulars kind.
While it is true that democracy in ker ala evolved in the context
of a history of conflict and social mobilization, it is perhaps
incorrect to designate Kerala democracy as effective on this count.
While mobilization may serve

a democratic culture, it cann
conscious effort towards this
The
position of the Left in
capitalhas not been free from
is that the idea of social cap
Bank in response to the challe
at the local level. This was do
the role of NGOs and other
questioning the power relat
2002). 6 In other words, soci
own new determinant of develo
agenda (Kunhik kannan, 2002
(2001, p.5) also says. He adds t
social capital and building c
neo-liberal agenda of reducin
people to pull themselves tog
with development needs. Is
decentralization can help mob
notion to those forms of soc
state-society synergy frame
social capital as "an ahistori
relations"(p.6). Participatory
campaign mode, sought to
consciousness of the people, t
to co-operate. The Kerala Sa
organization which was in the f
that there has been a deterior
in the last fifty years, initi
development, and more recen
p.21)
Counter Evidence
Certainly Kerala is well ahead of all other states as far as

membership in associations is concerned, which is to a great extent,
we feel, the result of years of mobilization politics under Left
leadership. But the very same agitation politics has undermined
respect for public property despite the leftist panchant for upholding
the salience of the state in every sector. There is a disjunction
between the high achievements in the social sector in Kerala and
civic sense. The obsession of the people o

sector and a doctrinaire opposition to a
led to a natural respect for governm
enforcing authorities usually do not act tou
is destroyed. Destruction of electrical
whenever the electricity employees went
(a protest aimed at cessation of all publ
(closing of shops and other institutions vol
of protest or in observance of someth
routinely targeted for attack. Although
has been banned with a court order, com
to achieve. There is no queuing system a
where there is a physical band bust.
(grounded betal nuts mixed with tobacc
or the addictive gutka, which contains chem
has banned, but continues to sell as usu
introduction of helmets in the state for those ride two wheelers
has been resisted. Traffic rules are seldom observed by the public,
and it is only when the law enforcing agencies are active that
some thought is given to such rules. Driving in the night can be
a nightmarish experience in Kerala since since dimming of lights
to facilitate the passage of vehicles from the opposite direction
does not happen. The need for such civic sense and its cultivation
has never occurred to the politicians. Use of mikes in public
(sound blasting system) has been banned, but is widely used.
Holding up of people and vehicles on the roads due to
demonstrations by political parties and caste and communal
organizations is very common in Kerala. Electricity pilfering is
widespread by manipulating meters. Civic amenities like bus stands
and waiting sheds are perhaps more common in Kerala than
anywhere in the country. But they are very poorly maintained.
Often they are used to paste graffiti and advertisements. Notice
Boards have been set in each panchayat ward in Kerala following
participatory planning in order to provide information to the public
about Panchayt activities and services, which are now used for
the same purposes. Bandhs and strikes are organized without
giving any warnings, leaving women and children stranded by such
sudden decisions. Very few hotels in Kerals have facilities for
hygienic disposal of waste. There is hardly anything in the
conventional educational curriculum that infuses civic sense and
8
values. Kerala police is featured as a corrupt force in the global
tourist guide Lonely Planet and tourists are advised not to approach
policemen if they have a problem but to seek alternative routes
(quoted in Malayala Manor ama, 4 August, 2002).
Associational life in Kerala is most pronounced in areas
where the left had some support. The left strategy included
expansion of the party-base through mass and class organisations,
bargaining with government in an adversarial manner by these
organizations when the Congress-led coalition is in power, and
adversarial symbiosis when a left front government is formed.
There has been a decline in the vigour of traditional leftist
associations all over Kerala. The party, which used to provide
some degree of certainly to the lives of the people, no longer is
able to do it. Traditionally, all members protected interests of
individuals in various organizations through joint action. Individual
grievances are now seen as representing an individual problem
requiring greater reliance on the resources possessed by the
aggrieved party rather than the collective might of the organization
of which she is a manner. New forms of associational life centered
on particularistic loyalties are found to be undermining the
traditional class-based associations in recent years. The thickness
of associational life doe not lead to the development of generalized
trust or civic virtue as evidence from Kerala, the reason for which
can be gauged from the failure of the class based organizations
to cultivate or internalize civic values.
The poor condition of state run bus stations, indiscriminate

use of government telephones and electricity in government offices,
poor upkeep of the government institutions, misuse of government
vehicles and so on clearly show a lack of civic sense. The public
toilets of the bus stations, the hospitals and offices are in very
bad shape. People drain their waster to roads. Leakage of public
water taps without any one to attend to it is a common event in
Kerala. Street lights are either not maintained or ore often not
switched off during day time. The Panchayat community hall, in
most places, is dirty and poorly managed. There is a yawning gap
between the personal ' and household hygiene of an average
Malayalee and cleanliness and the concern for cleanliness in public
places. Public institutions are seen as sources of private benefit.
In other words, evidence from Kerala proves that higher levels of
education and political consciousness n

to higher civic mindness.
Another noticeable feature of socia
gendered nature. The social capital for
failed to include women. Even the non
clubs including recreational ones have
The library movement also had excl
primarily serve as centre of male assoc
youth stands exclusively for males in
of the caste and religious organizations
literacy movement began in the lat
anentry into Kerala's Public sphere.
exclusion was glaring until recently in b
associations. This lacuna was partiall
through neighbourhood groups and w
brought into being by the state and local
planning experiment (Chathukulam an
Chathukulam, 2002).
Profile of the Study Area
Chempu Panchayat is located in Vaik

District with an area of 18.42 square k
of 21087 as per 2001 census. There
constituencies) in the Panchayat. The l
Ezhava, closely followd by Dheevara, w
62 percent of the total population of S
Nairs and Muslims are roughly of equ
groups, mainly gold smiths, accoun
population. Associotional life center
caste/religious organizations exists in
association of the Ezhavas is the Sree N
Yogam (SNDP). The Dheervara commun
Mahasabha (KDMS). The Kerala Pu
serves as the caste association of the Scheduled Castes. The Nairs
associate with the Nair Service Society (NSS), the Muslims with
Jamat, and the Christians with religious prayer and mutual benefits
forums. The SNDP is known for its high level of associational ties
among members. Barring the Muslims, all ther communities have
women's wings (generally passive) in their associations.
Politically, the CPI(M) is t

accounting for 247 members
two local committees. It also con
Party of India (CPI) has 196 m
Congress has 636 members div
Bhartiya Janatha Party (BJ
committees. Since the comm
organization, membership is r
lies primarily in the support th
of followers and sympathizers.
of influence exist in the Pa
insignificant, they have been
The party-affiliated youth
membership include the CP
Federation of India (DYFI) wit
Federation (AIYF) of the CPI w
with 352 members and Yuva M
Barring the DYFI, which has a s
membership, males dominate
party-affiliated forums with
uneven spread in the Panchay
the study.
There are 37 clubs (including voluntary organizations) and
five libraries in the Panchayat accounting for 2220 and 1365
members respectively, most of whom are males. The forums
sponsored in the wake of the "people's plan campaign" also
constitute a major association from, particularly for the women of
the Panchayat. Each ward in the Panchayat has a Ward
Development Committee (WDC). There are 85 neighbourhood
groups (NHGs) and 232 women self-help groups (SHGs). As many
as 3640 women are members of the SHGs. In both the WDCs
and NHG committees, women account for fifty percent of the
membership.
Of the five categories of associational membership, religious
and caste organization, political parties and party affiliated youth
organization have a vertical character, since they are linked up
with organization at higher levels. The clubs, voluntary organizations
and PPC sponsored organizations are largely horizontal ones.
People in the Panchayat, mostly males, hold overlapping
memberships in several organization

implicitly contradictory goals. There
different regions of the Panchayat in th
of these associational forms.
Chempu Panchyat has five geographical regions, each with

its own natural boundaries. They are Kattikkunnu with roughly
800 households, Chempu with 1500 households, Thuruthumma with
220 households, Enadi with 560 and Branhamangalam with 1400
households. Among the various associations in the Panchayat,
cooperatives account for the largest membership with almost all
families being covered. Cooperatives are organized along political
lines. Such loose membership organizations do not promote any
reciprocity or trust. The co-operatives are all brought under the
state cooperative law supervised by officials of the state government.
Apart from class and mass organization like trade unions, the
panchyat has parent teacher organizations, farmer's forums,
telephone and cooking gas users and other consumer associations,
pensioners association, prayer groups, clubs, libraries, voluntary
organizations, hospital development committees, children's clubs,
KSSP and associational forms revolving around worship of a family
deity.9
Feudal land relations had existed in the panchayat historically.
Nearly 85percent of the people did not have legal rights over
land. Their status was either kudikidappu (living in the land lord's
land in a hut and working for him), or pattern (taking the land
for lease for a stipu)ted period) or various (cultivating the land
and giving a share of the produce to the land lord, the share
being dependent on a number of other factors). Most of them
became direct beneficiaries of land reforms intensities following
the agitation led by the communist parties towards this end. Many
people had undergone hardships during this phase. The Panchayat
also witnessed collective action of a similar kind against the attempt
to transfer the Palakkari backwaters, a common source of fish for
local fishermen, to a private partly. The agitation in 1981 against
the polluting of Muvattupuzha river flowing through the Panchayat
by a news print factory situated on its banks with the participation
of around ten thousand persons was another landmark. The factory
management had to adopt pollution control measures following
this agitation. In other word

record of collective action, and
role, in the mobilization of peo
phase (1997-2002).
That associational thickness and record of collective of
collective action of an adversarial kind do not always generate

civic virtue is evident from the study Panchayat. The tendency to
pay lesser building tax even for high-cost buildings by bribing the
Panchayat officials is common throughout Kerala, as also in the
Panchayat under study. The common such as canals and waterways
are often used as latrine outlets. There are two types of latrines,
those that are directly constructed a top the canal without any
pipes and those latrines located in house which are drained directly
to the waterways. Although a total sanitation programmer was
implemented in the Panchayt, it could not prevent the draining
of latrine to the canal.10 Enroachment on the commons like the
backwaters and village common land has been going on continiously
although its intensity has increased in recent years. The people's
groups and the local authorities seem to turn a nelson's eye to
this.
Every time when floods come, four disaster camps are
operated. It is usually the Panchayats and the political parties
rather than the caste organizations or cluds, which play a key role
in organizing these camps. When disputes between two communities
take place, the leaders (mainly left supporters) are able to ensure
some degree of moderation and resolve them through dialogue.
Social Capital in the Five Regions
a. Kattikkunnu
The Katticinnuregi on can boast of several historical instances

of collective action for local development. In 1953, a lower primary
school was established under the aegis of the Panchayat the land
for which was donated by a local family. A sum of Rs. 15000
necessary for the construction of the school was mobilised by the
people themselves. A local veterinary centre, a sub centre of the
primary health centre, a drinking water supply scheme etc., were
also established in the region by people's participation. The
patronizing leadership of K. Sadanand

in the development of the region.1
non-political and non-community bas
centered around the local library, whic
clubs. The youth of this region and
enthusiastic about their membership i
parties. There is also some degree of he
these six clubs. All the six clubs are p
and resources behind the local libra
example, the On am (a festival of
celebrations of the clubs were drop
resources so saved were used for the cons
to house the library and reading room
households (25.62 percent) in the ar
newspapers on a regular basis. Althou
communities live in a Kattik kunnu, c
committee consisting of representativ
castes found in the area administers th
other words, representation is given
the size of the population.12 In Kattik
marriages are not burdensome to p
community shares the cost. All the f
marriage. This reciprocal burden shar
only in this region of the Panchayat.
Kattik kunnu has a record of ma
1^
sponsored associations function quite well. Some efforts to protect
the commons is found in this area. For example, when some
people tried to encroach upon 55 cents of common land owned
by the Panchayat, the local people protested and the land was
finally retrieved. Full attendance is a regular feature in the meetings
of the Ward Development Committee held every second Saturday
of the month. It may be noted that partisan and competitive
politics is less pronounced in the region. The region was isolated
from other parts of the Panchayat until a bridge was constructed.
This had motivated the people to come together to meet their
development needs, partly by compulsion and partly also due to
local leadership. In the last

people of Kattikkunnu electe
community without consider
is exceptional in Kerala. Vi
visible in this region and th
as per the criteria used in t
of 60, which amounts to 73
five categories of institutions,
ones showed the highest degre
representing youth clubs, li
(Table-2).15
It may be noted
horizontally organized. Th
showed the least score, wh
partisan politics. During Panch
this region is represented b
other regions also do not ha
Kattikkunnu region can legi
social capital and mutual tru
Unlike other areas of the P
through the PPC, namely
Committee etc. are generally
there is some degree of com
(political/communal) organiz
region with the former serv
than the other way round. In
have not sought to achieve
associations. Trust between m
and caste divide is found to
b. Chempu
Chempu region consists of
Chempu also has a record of
action. It was in this region
agitation took place in 1972-
rights of a common fish res
to a private party by the sta
movement despite police bru
to revoke its decision and restore the fish

fisherman community. K.S. Gopalan, a
17
movement. An example of collective action for development is
a kilometer long road from Murinjuzha to Nadathuruthy IHDP
Colony in 1982 constructed under the leadership of KSSP with
people's participation. The people themselves gave the land for
the road. This served as a inspiration for people of other regions
of the Panchyat also to construct roads without looking for
governmental assistance. In the sixties, a school was eastablished
in this region under the aegis of the SNDP Yogam with the
support of the local people.
Earlier, loans used to given to neighbours if available without
interest being charged for them. Although loans are still given,
interest is charged in most cases. In Chempu region, there were
no anti social activities earlier and any one engaged in them were
ostracized. But now this is common. For example, as many as
nine illicit outlets for the sale of liquor, are found in the above
region.
Associational life in the region was found to be second to

Kattik kunnu. It was found that the region got a score value of
40, which is 66.66 percent (Table-1). Communal organizations in
Chempu have been found to be the most active compared to all
the other four categories and also the other four regions as table-2
shows. As in Kattik kunnu, the political yallied youth organizations
got the same value as the communal organizations in terms of
vibrancy. The youth clubs, libraries and voluntary bodies have been
found to the quite inactive in Chempu, according for a score of
1.66 out of three. Five hundred and forty eight of the households
(36.53 percent) subscribe to local newpapers.
c. Enadi
Enadi also did quite well in collective action. The construction

of the Kuravan parambu bridge by the people's committee w
amajor achievement. Since then, all Panchayat public works in
area, have been carried by the people themselves through th
Grama Vikasana Samithi (Village Development Council). This l
to improvement in the quality of work and prevention of leaka
accruing from giving contra

forum of Enadi established t
on their own resources. A
Vayanasala came into being i
the main site around which
under the aegis of this readin
are organized even now. A p
reading room even before t
found that 25.53 percent of
newspapers. What we witnes
partisan consideration largely
18
local leadership.
Majority of the population (55 percent) of Enadi are Ezhavas.
Nairs constitute 25 percent of the population. The Scheduled Caste
population accounts for 13 percent. Ezhavas have eight family
groups under the Enadi Sakha (branch), each consisting of thirty
to forty families. The activities of these groups include prayer
meetings on every Saturday. It is the women's group that chants
devtinal songs during obsequies. The group disseminates information
about death to members of the community. Money is collected
from each family to help the bereaved family. Earlier, members
of all social groups used to contribute. Now this has become an
affair exclusive to the members of the Ezhava community. The
SNDP Sakha operates a medical fund to assist needy members
of their community, provides free notebooks, and has institute five
endowments for school going children. Traditional associational
forms have been upset due to this caste consolidation and exclusive.
While trust within the community has increased, there has been
a decline in generalized trust. The score of Enadi is close to the
score of Chempu region. It is 37 or 61.66 percent (Tablel). The
PPC-related organizations showed the highest level of vibrancy
followed by voluntary organizations. Politically allied youth
organization showed the leas score (1.25), which is evident from
Table 2.
d. Brahamangalam
In 1915, a school was established at Brahamangalam
exclusively with the support of the local peop

of some local youths. The School was la
school and subsequently to a higher second
is managed by the descendants of the ori
contributed 200 or more rupees for the con
at that time. Local fishermen have established a fish market in
Brahamangalam nearly fifty years back drawing on their own
resources.
Vivification of the caste-based associations has posed a

to the political parties as well as the NHGs and SHG
region. There are as many as ten private financiers ope
the region.19 It suggests that the credit nods of the poo
could not be adequately addressed through micro
organizations.20
A club known as Jawahar Arts club has been funct

in the region for forty years. The original twenty-seve
retain its membership and they are all senior citizens n
find themselves helpless to take up issues like the w
plundering of the commons for far of being isolated. M
them are pensioners. They do not involve themselve
neighborhood forums.
There is another club known as Friends Benefit forum set
up in 1999, which has 21 members as its founders. Most of them
are employed. Thy do not solicit new membership. The forum
was envisaged as a mutual benefit on. Members are drawn from
all casts. Meting were held at housed by rotation earlier. Now
the form has its own office and meeting place. Twenty fig percent
of the income from the forums' earnings is spent for the benefit
of the poor children who are from non-member families. They
look the initiative to refurbish the local library and make it
functional. It has been found that willful defaulters of loans is
highest in the Brahamangalam region and the lowest in Chembu
and Kattikkunnu rgions. The members of the Friends Forum, in
a focus group, said the their region, although economically advanced,
is poor in social capital compared to Kattikkunnu and Chempu
regions. The reason they advanced through a focus group discussion
was that people in the latter

(eg. Fishing, coir, lime she
greater co-operation and int
Brahamangalam, the SNDP
Brahamangalam people seem
NHGs and SHGs. The secreta
membership in another five
a member of any political p
the Panchyat library manag
SNDP and the Friends Ben
another five associations, an
any political party. Hae valu
library management commit
Friends Benefit Forum. The
is 56.66 of the maximum (Tabl
to PPC have been found to b
better in terms associatio
organizations, which have be
better in terms of vibrancy
accounted for the largest per
newspapers (47.21), this has
consciousness. It only reflec
the people of the region in
Local party leaders of the
party in Bramamangalam, h
on an average. The women le
of six associations, which in
club. Party and party-aff
PPC-related institutions and
which party leaders have me
caste/communal organization
such social ceremonies. The
non-political associations wit
party and to gain it respect
the public sphere in the reg
also noticeable throughout K
bus waiting sheds, pan shops etc., use

discussion of public issues and local news
longer found.
e. Thuruthumma
This is one region where instances of collective action are

rare. The region has very little connectivity since it is an island
cut off from the other parts of the Panchayat. The only public
institution that exists in this area is a mother and child centre or
anganwadi. But the role of the political parties and the caste
organisations is found to be the strongest in this region. Of the
total households, 85.45 percent are Ezhavas. A libray with over
two hundred books existed in the area for five years under the
auspices of an Ezhava youth youth organization. The books and
the library no longer exist and the building has been converted
into a place of community prayers. During the participatory planning
phase, the Panchayat had supplied the same youth organization a
colour TV and a kiosk to house it. The TV was used for community
viewing. An average of fifty persons used to watch the programmes
every day. After a year, when the TV developed mechanical
complaints, the kiosk was closed down. Electricians are locally
available for repairing it. But the local people feel that repairing
it. But the local people feel that repairing the TV is the responsibility
of the Panchayat. This is the only area where the Ward Development
Committees are not functuioning. Same is the case of the NHGs
and SHGs. Two non-governmental organizations consisting of more
than a dozen people, of the local youth have recently started
99
functioning here. However, there are no horizontal linkages
between these organizations. The highest number of membership
in associations is three and the average is around one. In terms
of score value, the region accounted for the lowest level of
associational vibrancy. But the public in this region discusses
politics more often than the four other regions, using the teashops
and the general provision shops as the main venues. Its score was
the lowest in associational activity, are 28, which comes to 46.66
percent (Table 1). Interestingly, as Table 2 shows, Thuruthamma
is the only place where political parties scored better than all, the
other associational categories

found to be the weakest her
only.
Table number 1 shows the extent of vibrancy of selected

associations in the five regions and the total scores. The relative
level of vibrancy of each individual category in the five regions
can be gauged from the table number 2.
Table 2. Average Score value of Vibrancy by Institutional
Category and Regions
Category of Regions
Institution
(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) Total

Kattikunnu Chempu Enandi Brahma- Thuru- average
man- thumma score
glam value
of
insti-
tutional
wise
Communal 2.00 2.33 1.83 2.00 1.50 1.93

Organizations
Major Political 2.00 2.00 1.50 1.75 1.75 1.80

Parties
PPC Sponsored 3.00 2.33 3.00 1.66 1.00 2.19

Institutions
Youth 1.75 1.50 1.25 1.25 1.50 1.45

Organizations
(Political)
Others (Clubs 2.66 1.66 2.00 1.66 1.00 1.79

and Voluntary
Organizations)
Total Average 2.28 1.96 1.91 1.66 1.35 1.83

Score Value
Source: Computed Data from Table No.-l

The newly formed horizontal organizations under the auspices
of the PPC are found to be the most active in the Panchahat as
a whole obtaining a crore of 2.19 out of a total of three. Closely
followed by communal organizations and political parties. But the
youth organizations allied to political p

The total average score for the Pancha
people are keen to associate with the
like the NHGs as well as communal
political parties and their youth wing
politically organized associations is pr
This also shows the fragility of form
into being through the intermediatio
the PPC sponsored forums like the
found to be losing their vigour in thr
The above tables show that Kattikkunn
of associational vibrancy followe
Brahmamangalm and Thuruthamma. I
Panchayat under study is generally know
social capital. Hence, even a region lik
associations are found to be relatively
many rural areas in the District of Ko
The associational characteristics of t
the Panchayat can be seen from the m
Chempu region has the highest numbe
not get reflected in associational vibrancy
number of associations, Kattikkunnu com
While this applies to Endai and Bra
experience of Thuruthamma suggests t
any further.
Map 1. Associational Thickness of the Five Regions in the Chempu
Panchayat
Plundering the Commons- Decline of Social Capital?

Since the mid nineties, plundering of the common property
resources on an extensive and organized scale has been going on
in Chempu Panchyat. The only exception to this is the Kattikkunnu
region. The resources are fish, lime shell for both meat and shell
and river sand. Increasing demand for all the three with
modernization and the enhancement in their prices made free
riding in the exploitation of these resources attractive. It may be
noted hat the exploitation o

methods was replaced by mo
This has led to the generat
families in Chempu Panchay
from fish and lime shell col
hundred are engaged in sand
displaced from agriculture,
these sectors became stagnan
capita daily income ranging b
in the range of 800 to 1000 per day. Because mining is
semi-mechanized, they get work for most of the days. This
indiscriminate pk undering of resources has not witnessed any sort
of social action against it. In other words there has been an
unholy alliance of all the local forces that matter for the sake of
plundering the commons. Legal measures against such organized
free riding or collective action to protect the commons are found
lacking.24 When plundering the commons emerged as a means to
generate fast income, local youth clubs became inactive. There
were six youth clubs in Chempu all of which are now defunct.
Even the local KSSP unit, which was very active up to the eighties,
is non-functional. Political parties have become the mediators of
the interests of these free-riding groups. Sand mining is wider
spread throughout Kerala and this trade is "driven by the unholy
nexus between contractors, politicians and trade union leaders,
panchayat and revenue officials and corrupt policeman, making a
mockery of the regulations imposed by the government" (Nanda
Kumar, 17 July, 2002). Political parties are forced to endorse
the activities of the poachers because the latter are key vote banks
in the Panchayat.26
Conclusion
Kerala's associational life is found to be the strongest in its

agitational aspects aimed at securing what is seen by a group as
their entitlement, but is found to be the weakest in generating
civic consciousness concurrently. This makes social capital existing
in Kerala strong on making claims on the political system and the
society in general for securing entitlements but weak on creating
necessary for civic life. At no time in

the class and mass organizations came for
in the campaign effort as was hoped b
constructive efforts, except those mediat
cannot be undertaken by the class and
they are moulded within an agitational
through political associations that soci
brought into being in recent decades. A
of these groups to engage in collectiv
kind has resulted in an imbalance, wh
political groups work in tandon with a
nature. While rights-based political act
segments of Kerala society more than an
the trust among members of groups u
found to be on the decline, particular
weakening of the power of organized
globalization. PPC began at a time w
decline. This fact has been accepted an
of the agenda of the KSSP in their lat
planning" (KSSP, 2002).
The study shows that there is wide va
regions of Chempu Panchahat in term
the political organizations are the str
for non-political horizontal organizat
from a developmental perspective is f
versa. The existence of a large numbe
be correlated with effective governan
study (2000), it was found that peop
much enthusiasm about the performan
Social capital is not a self-generativ
agency particularly leadership is cru
sustenance. It cannot be engineered fr
fashion unless such initiatives are nurt
leadership. The nature of the leadersh
the formation of social capital is crucia
sustainability. The study found four v
and of this social capital generat

with suitable linkages with th
vigorous and sustainable. This
that is found to exist in the Kat
The strength of Kattikkunnu
the region seem to attack to
horizontal organizations over t
The study also shows the co

capital
in a state like Kerala.
secondary data in understan
representative large-scale stud
in Kerala. One may wonder ho
place in a state like Kerala wh
politically conscious as secon
happens. There is high degree
levels of corruption and the a
happens because corruption
synergistic form making it less
to information movement in
compared to several other sta
Acknowledgement
We are thankful to G. Sheeb

and other faculty members of
Kottayam, for their research
Prof B. S. Bhargava for his v
Notes
1. Kerala launched a participatory planning experiment of a

scale not witnessed anywhere else in the country starting
from the village level assembly upwards under the auspices
of the Panchayats since 1996 when the Leftists came to
power. It was organized as a campaign and therefore is
popularly known as the "people's plan campaign" (PPC). The
state government transferred approximately one third of all
the development funds to the local bodies to be spend on
the basis of priorities identified by the people keeping in
view some broad guidelines, A participatory methodology
for data generation, plan formulation

monitoring were evolved as result.
2. Ashutosh Varshney (2002) in his stud
inter-religious civic engagement betwe
Muslims in Calicut (Kerala) reflected thro
business groups, trade unions, non-reli
social justice and land reforms compare
cities such as Aligarh, Hyderabad, L
and Surat.
3. One problem with secondary data is that such macro-level

data often fail to reflect societal dynamics at the grass root
level. Many associations may exist only on paper. There are
a number of other derivative memberships, which come with
membership in one association as exists in Kerala. In addition,
such secondary data is never disaggregated making it difficult
ot bring out the gender dimensions of social capital (Kilby,
2002).
4. This theme has been developed by Heller (1996).
5. The idea that democratic traditions are more developed
in the state compared to the rest of the country and the
unprecedented verdict that the people of Kerala gave to
the ruling Congress both in the Assembly and Parliament
elections immediately after the emergency seem to send
mixed messages about the types of civic culture thai exists
in Kerala. The verdict seemed to suggest that people of
Kerala are prepared to place more value o effective
government than on civil liberties, which is quite disturbing.
6. M.A. Baby is a member of the Central Committee and
Kerala State Secretariat of the CPI (M) and one of the
ideologues in the party.
7. T.P.Kunhikkannan is a former General Secretary of the
Kerala Sasthra Sahitya Parishad.
8. The District Primary Education Programme launched in
Kerala with World Bank assistance in the mid-nineties had
a component on civic education. However, the new
Congress-led government that came to power in 2001 decided
to modify programme with a view to restoring conventional
teaching content.
9. All these institutions have taken in to consideration while

mapping the thickness of associations in five regions of the
panchayat. (See map 1).
10. This practice is not found in other parts of the district
including in regions where the topography is similar.
11. A number of leaders played a crucial role in fostering social
capital in the village. The family os Sadananda Naik came
originally from Goa and settled down in the region before
three generations. He was Panchayat member from 1953 to
1972. He was elected in the first election without a contest.
He has contributed to the development of Kattikkunnu region
by patronizing development initiatives using partly his own
wealth and resources. (Interview with Naik, 12 July 2002).
12. When a local coconut climber died following a fall from a
coconut tree, the locals came together and mobilized Rs.25000
to help his family out. Even here, when a dog dies after
being run over by a vehicle, people seldom care to bury it.
While in the former case, the act has greater visibility; the
latter case has not much visibility, but reflects greater civic
mindedness. (Interview with Rahan K, an activist of library
movement, 9 July 2002).
13. The kera Samrakshana Samithi (coconut protection council)
a ward level non-governmental organization that has come
into being under the Department of Agriculture in the late
eighties. While in all the other wards of the Panchayat this
body is dead, it is still active in Kattikkunnu with a membership
of 700 persons. Each farmer is charged 5 rupees as annual
subscription and ten rupees for registration. Every year they
undertake a number of activities like spraying of pesticides
on coconut trees. At least twenty-five persons are available
any time of the year for carrying out the Samithi activities.
14. The methodology adopted for calculating the score value is
this. We have selected five broad associational forms found
in all the regions as our point of reference. They are
communal organizations, major political parties, institutions
sponsored in the wake of "participatory plan campaign",
youth organizations and others (clubs, libraries and voluntary
organizations). Each individual associational category coming
within one or the other of the above

was ranked on a three point scale with
obtaining a scored of one, active associ
and very active ones, three. Since t
individual associational categories covered
that can be attained is 60, which is th
of the associations being rated as very
make this a very simple exercise, no
given to individual associational forms
of other associational forms in some r
non-existent in others. Such categorie
(However these organizations have b
map).
15. K. Mahadevan, a seventy-two year-old schoolteacher in
Kattikkunnu listed twelve associations in which he retains
membership. Of these he considers the Ward Development
Committee, which is an apex body of the NHGs at the ward
level, as the forum, which he values most, followed by Group
Farming Committee and the Local Library. The Ward
Development Committee, which engages his attention most,
is a creation of participatory planning. He assigns the least
priority to his community (caste) organization. Mahadevan
spends around 400 rupees from his pension for public activities
every month. (Interview with K. Mahadevan, 12 July 2002).
16. We have come to this conclusion after discussions with a
number of people and selective observation.
17. K.S. Gopalan is a communist leader who led most of the
agitations in the Panchayat and underwent police brutalities
on this count. He was president of the Chempu Panchayat
from 1978 to 1988. He was expelled from the CPI (M) in
1981. It was during the same year that he proved his
mobilization skills by organizing an agitation against the
polluting News Print Factory with the support of KSSP. He
was rehabilitated in the party in the year 2000. (interview
with Gopalan, 11 July 2002). K.K. Ramesan, the current
President of the Panchayat, is also drawn from chempu. He
was a Panchayat member from 1988 onwards and president
from 1992. He is a CPI (M) area committee member. The
Panchayat is known as one of the better Panchayats judged
by its record of implementa

people's participation. Even
government initiative t
governmental umbrella, ca
the SHGs was created at th
two regions within the Panc
also succeeded in making th
in view the Panchayat pri
SHGs, unlike most Panch
officials have largely been d
in forming Ward and Pancha
and NHGs and each of thes
selection of beneficiaries of
He has served a key role i
that have come into being th
with Ramesan, 5 & 6 July
18. The lead taken by D.,
was instrumental in may o
founded the Village Develo
his residence to Vaikom, a to
of such collective action decl
of leadership as a crucial f
capital.(Focus Group Discus
19. Of this one became bank
22 lakhs by the investors a
for a loss of 65 lakhs of 124
20. In addition to ten pri
cooperative bank and a bra
are six groups of Tamilian
loans notwithstanding the
number of local informal m
the credit needs continu
bankers and the Tamil per
21. This information was pr
Bank Clerk, Brahmangalam
22. The president of one of
in illegal sand mining as h
23. That sand mining takes p
Murinjupuzha bridge falling in Chemp

poachers tie their country boats on to
collect sand from around it during b
full well the illegality of and conseq
on the bridge and the possibility of
also led to the complete elimination
fish.
24. Illegal sand mining is found in all parts of Kerala. The

women Panchayat president of Chennithala in Alleppey
District resigned recently following threats from the sand
mining mafia and pressures from her immediate political
bosses including the member representing the area in the
State Legislative Assembly. (The Hindu, 6, August 2002;
Madhyamon Daily, 5 August 2002). The Director General
of Kerala Police stated that property offenses showed in
increase in Southern Districts of Kerala, and it is mainly
due to the cases relating to illegal sand mining (The Hindu,
14 August, 2002).
25. According to one estimate 300 lakhs to 400 lakhs of tons
of sand is extracted from Kerala's rivers. It is worth Rs.
1000 crores of which hardly two percent is legally accounted
for. Wood smuggling by local forest gangs as well as
encroachment on forestlands also is widespread in Kerala
reaching alarming proportions. This is with the collision of
the state officials at different levels (Kuttoor, 2002). Recently
it has been reported that poaching on wild life is also
rampant in Kerala (Prabhakaran, 2002).
26. One Panchayat member and local leader of CPI (M) who
had a brute majority in his ward in the Chempu region won
the last election held in 2000 with considerably reduced
margin even though his party followers were known
traditionally for their blind support to candidates put up by
the party. He is known for being not a very active supporter
of the sand mining lobby, which explains his erosion of
support. In one booth, he could get only limited number of
votes, even though his party candidates for election to other
tiers of local government could get support equal to the
known strength of the party. The reason for this was the
apprehension that if elec

become the president an
could not be taken for gra
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(Malayalam), Vol. 6, no.21-22 October 2001-March 2002, pp.
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Copenhagen/ papers/wsl3/blomkvist.pdf
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Indian Political Science Association

SOCIAL CAPITAL IN KERALA: MIXED EVIDENCE FROM A VILLAGE PANCHAYAT

SOCIAL CAPITAL IN KERALA: MIXED

being is based on a pre-occupation with entitlements rather

points out the limitations of social capital generated through

This paper examines the nature of social capital in Kerala

view to exploring whether the observat

Social Capital in Kerala; Some Recent St

In his pioneering study of the performa

2001). The existence of a civi

states found that 31 percent of the pe

While mobilization may serve

Certainly Kerala is well ahead of all other states as far as

civic sense. The obsession of the people o

The poor condition of state run bus stations, indiscriminate

education and political consciousness n

Profile of the Study Area

Chempu Panchayat is located in Vaik

Politically, the CPI(M) is t

memberships in several organization

Chempu Panchyat has five geographical regions, each with

this agitation. In other word

collective action of an adversarial kind do not always generate

The Katticinnuregi on can boast of several historical instances

patronizing leadership of K. Sadanand

local leadership. In the last

to revoke its decision and restore the fish

Associational life in the region was found to be second to

Enadi also did quite well in collective action. The construction

accruing from giving contra

exclusively with the support of the local peop

Vivification of the caste-based associations has posed a

A club known as Jawahar Arts club has been funct

was that people in the latter

bus waiting sheds, pan shops etc., use

This is one region where instances of collective action are

other associational categories

Table number 1 shows the extent of vibrancy of selected

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) Total

Communal 2.00 2.33 1.83 2.00 1.50 1.93

Major Political 2.00 2.00 1.50 1.75 1.75 1.80

PPC Sponsored 3.00 2.33 3.00 1.66 1.00 2.19

Youth 1.75 1.50 1.25 1.25 1.50 1.45

Others (Clubs 2.66 1.66 2.00 1.66 1.00 1.79

Total Average 2.28 1.96 1.91 1.66 1.35 1.83

Source: Computed Data from Table No.-l

youth organizations allied to political p

Plundering the Commons- Decline of Social Capital?

noted hat the exploitation o

Kerala's associational life is found to be the strongest in its

necessary for civic life. At no time in

and of this social capital generat

The study also shows the co

We are thankful to G. Sheeb

1. Kerala launched a participatory planning experiment of a

for data generation, plan formulation

3. One problem with secondary data is that such macro-level

9. All these institutions have taken in to consideration while