Ethnicity and the Suppression of Buddhism in Fifth-century North China: The

Background and Significance of the Gaiwu Rebellion

Author(s): LIU SHUFEN
Source: Asia Major, THIRD SERIES, Vol. 15, No. 1 (2002), pp. 1-21
Published by: Academia Sinica
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41649858
Accessed: 14-12-2017 15:55 UTC

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 LIU SHUFEN

Ethnicity and the Suppression of Bud

Fifth-century North China: The Backg

Significance of the Gaiwu Rebellion

INTRODUCTION

During the
theLushui
Lushui the ninth branch
hu BzRS] hu BzRS]of lunar month people
the Xiongnu branchinofre-of the the year Xiongnu 445 ad, Gaiwu people in led re-
bellion against the authority of the Northern Wei dynasty (386-534).
The ranks of the Lushui hu were soon swelled by Han Chinese forces,
as well as members of the Di JĚ and Qiang ^6 peoples. Gaiwu's rebel-
lion erupted in Xingcheng (present-day Huangling JIM, in central
Shaanxi), but quickly spread to cover much of the province, including
the city of Chang'an ;R3c and its environs. At its height, rebel territory
extended as far west as modern Lanzhou M'iti in Gansu, as far east as
Hedong M St in Shanxi, as far north as Xingcheng, and as far south
as the northern banks of the Wei River (see the appended map). The
Northern Wei's future hung by a thin thread.1 The emperor Taiwu (or,
Taiwudi yfcÂ'Îf; r. 435-452) realized the gravity of the situation and
personally led his forces in a massive counter-offensive, which would
not be successfully concluded until the eighth month of 446.
The Northern Wei forces under Taiwudi's command reached

Chang'an during the second month of 446. In the course of the cam
paign, some soldiers, grazing their horses in fields belonging to a B
dhist monastery (the source fails to name it), discovered that it was
of weapons. This proved to be the spark that ignited one of Ch

An earlier version of this paper was published in Chinese in the Bulletin of the Institut
History and Philology, Academia Sinica , 72.2 (2001), pp. 1-48. I would like to thank Stan
Abe, Albert E. Dien, Peter Gregory, Hsing Yi-ťien,John Kieschnick, Paul Katz, Liu Tseng
Scott Pearce, and the two anonymous reviewers for Asia Major for their comments and su
tions. In dating, all uses of the word "month" refer to the traditional Chinese lunar mon
» Weishu ÍÜH (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974; hereafter WS) 4, pp. 99-101; Zjzhi ton
ÄtnMIii (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1956; hereafter ZZXJ) 1 24> PP- 39I4~I5i Yang Dong
íMJI, Shaanxi gudai shi (Shaanxi renmin jiaoyu chubanshe, 1994), pp. 502-

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LIU SHUFEN

largest and most devastating government suppre

Taiwudi was enraged that Buddhists were hoardi
cial named Cui Hao Sia (fi. 438-448), who was
ism, then proceeded to recommend the total era
and one month later Taiwudi issued an edict d
just such a policy. The emperor's edict was im
tal efficiency, particularly in and around Chang
jiao's H®: (497-554) Biographies of Eminent Monks
graphically describe how local monasteries were
Monks were ordered to return to lay life an
were summarily executed.4
Numerous scholars, including Kenneth K. S
tong, Tsukamoto Zenryù, Arthur Wright, and Eri
sively researched the relationship between Buddh
peoples who ruled northern China during much
These scholars have focused on the ways in whic
rulers chose to patronize Buddhism, as well as on
sion, such as the one described above. Howeve
tensions between different ethnic groups in nort
tributed to Taiwudi's anti-Buddhist campaign h
looked. By "ethnic group" I do not mean an ob
rather a socially constructed concept. Although th
the term ethnos to describe people or animals tha
cal or cultural traits, most scholars today treat et
concept: individuals or groups can use ethnic cat
identifying themselves or as labels to define gro
"other." Thus, ethnicity often ends up as nego
cal rhetoric employed by various groups, and as
they choose to define themselves or label othe
time. In ancient China terms like Hu S3, Man ®,

2 For an overview, see Tsukamoto Zenryü Tsukamoto

tÊVÊMÍIfM (Tokyo: Daitõ shuppansha, 1974) 2, pp. 39-60
Liangjin Nanbeichao Fojiao shi yÜÜtpÉif (Taipei: Mi
493-96; Xiang Yannan "Bei Wei Taiwudi mie Fo yuanyin
ÉS##?, Beijing shifan daxue xuebao (sheke ban) /
Guichuan HUtJ'l, "Bei Wei Taiwudi mie Fo yuanyin xinlun" ZJhong-
guoshi yanjiu 2 (1997).
3 Taiwudi's reaction is recorded in WS 1 14, pp. 303-34.
4 Gaoseng zhuan (T 2059; hereafter GSZ) 10, p. 392B.
5 Apart from works cited in the notes above, see Kenneth K. S. Ch'en, Buddhism
A Historical Survey (Princeton: Princeton U.P., 1964), pp. 145-83; Arthur Wright, B
in Chinese History (Stanford: Stanford U.P., 1959), pp. 54-64; and, Erik Zürcher, 7 Tie
Conquest of China (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1959), pp. 180-285.

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 GAI WU REBELLION

as labels, and even in modern China the term

as a means of defining, objectifying, and classifyi
of the Chinese population.6
Conventional wisdom tends to argue that the
were a result of Buddhist-Taoist conflicts at the Nor
well as the machinations of Cui Hao and the Taoist
7iSi§Sl (fi. 425-448). However, the evidence present
that Taiwudi's motives may have been more compl
part from tensions between the Tuoba Í5ÍS bran
people who ruled the Northern Wei and those
opposed them. Beginning early in the fifth centur
faced intense resistance in the areas of north China where Buddhism

flourished, particularly around modern Gansu, Hebei, and Chang'a

These conflicts appear to have created a sense of hostility towards Bud
dhism among some members of the Tuoba elite, which in turn contrib
uted to Taiwudi's drive to eradicate the religion. In addition, recen
archeological evidence reveals that Gaiwu and many other members o
the Lushui branch of the Xiongnu people were devout Buddhists who
ancestors had fought side-by-side with Buddhist monks while resisting
the Northern Wei in Liangzhou tSjtl (Gansu). Tuoba memories of this
incident undoubtedly also lay behind Taiwudi's campaigns.
This paper uses the Gaiwu uprising in an attempt to trace the social
and cultural history of Buddhism in medieval north China, particularl
in and around the medieval metropolis of Chang'an during the fifth
and sixth centuries. Beginning in the fourth century, Chang'an serve
as the capital of the Former and Later Qin kingdoms. Under the p
tronage and protection of these dynasties' non-Han rulers, a number
of major translation projects were undertaken, which attracted mem
bers of the Buddhist sangha from far and wide. Beginning in the fifth
century, however, the Northern Wei dynasty transferred its capital t
Pingcheng (today's Datong and then to Luoyang í&fêS, mark
ing Chang'an's decline in political importance. Buddhism continue
to enjoy immense popularity in this region, however, a fact that may
have played a role in Taiwudi's decision to suppress it.
In order to understand the ethnic and religious history of thi
key area, I have relied on a variety of sources, including dynastic his

6 See "Introduction," in John Hutchinson and Anthony D. Smith, eds., Ethnicity (Oxford
Oxford U.P., 1996), pp. 4- il. For critical studies of ethnicity in China, see MelissaJ. Brown
ed., Negotiating Ethnicities in China and Taiwan , China Research Monograph 46 (Berkele
Institute of East Asian Studies, 1996), and Stevan Harrell, ed., Cultural Encounters on China
Ethnic Frontiers (Seattle: U. of Washington P., 1995).

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LIU SHUFEN

tories, statuary stele inscriptions jsÄW, Biographies

and Daoxuan's Mfi (596-667) Supplement to the Biog
Monks ( Xu Gaoseng zhuan The paper's struc
I begin by briefly describing the different ethnic
in Chang'an and its environs, as well as the ways in
tributed to Buddhism's growth in the area. The sec
to put events occurring in the Chang'an area in
cal context by focusing on the origins of the Lush
control over vital land transport routes to both Ce
Southern Dynasties during the first half of the fift
discuss the often antagonistic relationship between
Northern Wei court, the policies towards Buddhism
adopted, and the impact of these events on the G
Taiwudi's subsequent campaign against Buddhism

ETHNICITY AND RELIGION IN THE CHANG'AN AREA

Thanks to research by leading scholars such as Thom

Albert E. Dien, Wolfram Eberhard, Ma Changshou MÄH
and Tang Changru JSÄM, we can now better apprec
to which Chang'an and its environs constituted a flu
ethnic environment.7 To view this area as a "melting p
batable, but at the very least it seems to have been a bu
of ethnicity. By the early medieval era, the Guanzhong
north China (which included much of today's Shaanx
cluding Chang'an) was home not only to Han Chinese
bers of other ethnic groups - Xiongnu, Xianbei, Di,
ífcHr, and Tuge The Di resided in the north and
portions of Chang'an (Xianyang county and Fuf
mandery), while members of the Lushui and other X
as well as western and northern Qiang groups, had also
northeast of Chang'an in Fengyi MM and Xinping IPP c
7 See Thomas Barfield, The Perilous Frontier: Nomadic Empires and Chin
Basil Blackwell, 1989); Wolfram Eberhard, Conquerors and Rulers: Soci
China (Leiden: Brill, 1952); Albert E. Dien, "A New Look at the Xianbei a
Chinese Culture," in George Kuwayama, ed., Ancient Mortuary Tradition
Chinese Ceramic Funerary Sculptures (Los Angeles: Los Angeles County M
pp. 40-59; Ma Changshou, Beiming suo jian Qian Qin zhi Sui chu de Gu
(Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985); Scott Pearce, "Form a
Archaizing Reform in Sixth-Century China," in Scott Pearce, Audrey Spir
eds., Culture and Power in the Reconstitution of the Chinese Realm, 200-6
Harvard U.P., 2001), pp. 149-78; Tang Changru Jif UM, "Wei
idem, Weijin Nanbeichao (Beijing: Sanlian shudian, 1955). See also
Jonathan Karam Skaff, "Survival in the Frontier Zone: Comparative Perspectives on Identity
and Political Allegiance in China's Inner Asian Borderlands during the Sui-Tang Dynastic
Transition (617-630 )," Journal of World History , 15.2 (2004), pp. 117-53.

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 GAIWU REBELLION

(see Map i).8 Members of these different ethnic and

began to arrive in the Guanzhong region as early as
ad. Some had migrated of their own free will, but m
forcibly resettled there after surrendering to the H
the first and third centuries. By the third century, t
constituted approximately half of Guanzhong's to
Di and Qiang appear to have been the most numer
tions exceeding 300,000 each.9 Large numbers of Xio
settled along the northern and southern banks of th
the Xiongnu rulers of the Former Zhao (319-328) sel
their capital. In addition, following successful Form
against other ethnic groups, over 30,000 Di and Q
forcibly resettled around Chang'an. A few years late
the Later Zhao (328-350) and their subjects occup
the city also served as the capital for the Qiang ruler
(386-417). 10
Although the Northern Wei occupied Chang'an in
ty's capital was initially situated in Pingcheng, and la
tively few Xianbei chose to settle in the Guanzhong a
Wei also do not appear to have placed much trust in t
The biography of the military official Lu Si cont
statement: "The area around the city of Chang'an
Its people are tough and fierce, and of many
US, ŘkISáŽÍ, Moreover, a letter from Taiwudi to
the Liu-Song emperor in 451 contains the following bald statemen
ethnic realities:12

None of the soldiers that I have deployed is of my people. To the

northeast of my capital (Pingcheng) are the Dingling and the Hu,
while to the south lie the Di and Qiang. If the Dingling were to
die, this would reduce the number of bandits in the Changshan and
Zhao commanderies (in present-day Shandong and Shanxi). If the
Hu were to die, this would reduce the number of bandits in Bin-
zhou (in present-day Shanxi). If the Di and Qiang were to die, this
would reduce the number of bandits in Guanzhong. If you were to
kill some of the Dingling and Hu, that would be no great loss.

8 Yang, Shaanxi gudai shi , p. 502.

9Jinshu H U (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974) 56, p. 1533.
10 Ma, Guanzhong buzM , p. 6; Han Xiang ijiltlf, "Wei Jin Nanbeichao shiqi Shaanxi shaoshu
minzu fenbu ji xingshi" ÜH Mt#}0#$]| Shaanxi lishi bowuguan
guankan 4 (1997), p- 162.
11 WS 40, p. 902. 12 Songshu 5f5|| (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974) 74, p.

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LIU SHUFEN

mmmx. mamr mmm, . %. imst

JE^ÄSOJ . , n$ñ, ŒMM^M.
mm^rm > m,
Here Taiwudi clearly uses terms like "Di"
define groups he considered to be hostile to
actually chose to define themselves remai
on-going attempts to construct their ethnic
issue in today's China.13
Chang'an, in earlier times a strategic hav
"inside the passes," was by the third centur
for its relationship with the Silk Road, and
ing Buddhist center that attracted merchant
dhist sangha from India and Central Asia.14
of the Yuezhi (Parthian) monk Zhu Fa
translated many Buddhist sutras and foun
in Chang'an that attracted numerous follow
years following Zhu Fahu's arrival, Chang
gious center, both in terms of translation a
of Buddhist monasteries. The city became h
foreign and Han Chinese members of the sa
is the Han monk Boyuan (Western Jin e
age flfllr in Chang'an where he studied and
followers, both members of the sangha and
one thousand.16 Patronage of Buddhism b
documented. One famous case involved S
ruler of the Later Zhao, who began to prac
fying with that religion's non-Chineseness
spiritual powers of Fotucheng (232-348
leadership, Buddhism flourished throughou

13 Wang Ming-ke, "From the Qiang Barbarians to Qiang

Chinese Boundary," in Shu-min Huang and Cheng-kuang
Division and National Unity (Taipei: Institute of Ethnolog
Manzi , Hanren yu Qiangzu jÎM. (Taipei: Sanm
14 See in particular Tansen Sen, Buddhism, Diplomacy, a
Indian Relations, 600-1400 (Honolulu: U. of Hawaii P., 2
Ancient China: Trade and Religious Exchanges, ad 1-600
H. Mair, Painting and Performance: Chinese Picture Recita
U. Hawaii P., 1988); Edward H. Schafer, The Golden Pea
California P., 1963).
15 Tang, Fojiao shi, p. 220. See also GSZ 1, p- 326c.
iß GSZ ^ p- 327A.
17 GSZ 9> P- 385A. See also Arthur Wright, "Fo-ťu-ťeng:

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 GAI WU REBELLION

monasteries were constructed, and residents of divers

grounds joined the sangha.18
Chang'an's importance further increased after the
tablished its capital there; and in fact it may be argued
golden age occurred in Chang'an under the rule of the
peror Yao Xing (r. 399-416), who belonged to th
His patronage helped attract over five thousand membe
to the city, many of whom engaged in either translat
ritual activities. One contemporary account even state
of ten Later Qin households, including both Han Ch
peoples, were Buddhist.19 At times, entire Han Chi
tively engaged in Buddhist practices. One source descr
ties of Zhu Fahu late in the third century in Chang'an
Han Chinese led over a hundred members of his kin g
Buddhism.20 In addition, many members of the san
were classically educated and proved able to befriend a
the support and participation of members of the Han
racy. For example, when the eminent monk and trans
5S: (312/14-385) resided in Chang'an at the end of the
Chinese scholars vied for the privilege of exchanging
and they often lauded his literary abilities.21 Huijiao, t
ographies of Eminent Monks, was a southerner, so his w
few accounts of monks in north China. Nevertheless, i
how many Han Chinese residing in and around Cha
"leave the family and join the sangha, particula
Former and Later Qin dynasties. These included emine
as Sengzhao MÛ (384-414) and Xuangao jŽCrij (402-4
Han and non-Han patronage of Buddhism continued
spite frequent shifts in the balance of power in north
to Ma Changshou, most of the Buddhist statuary steles
zhong region that date to between the fifth and sixth
erected by members of the Han and Qiang peoples.
wjinshu 117, p. 2985.
is Tsukamoto, Chosaku shů 2, pp. 8, 34.
20 GSZ4, p. 347b- 21 GSZ 5> P- 353A-
22 For more biographical data on these and other northern monks
5, p. 354B; 6, pp. 362c, 365A; 7, pp. 368B, 369B, 370A, 371A, 374B
il, p. 397 a. For an important overview of the role of monks in med
Kieschnick, The Eminent Monk: Buddhist Ideals in Medieval Chinese Ha
U. Hawaii P., 1997).
23 For more on the importance of statuary stele to the study of the social
in medieval China, see Stanley K. Abe, Ordinary Images (Chicago: U. Chicago
"Art, Ritual, and Society: Buddhist Practice in Rural China during the
AM 3d ser. 8.1 (1997), pp. 19-46; Audrey Spiro, "Hybrid Vigor: Mem

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LIU SHUFEN

were set up by the Di, but there is almost no evid

worship in this particular region during that peri
of the Qiang and Di did not hesitate to join the s
Biographies of Eminent Monks describes the car
Tanyi MM (no dates; disciple of Dao'an), a mem
lived during the late-fourth and early-fifth centu
also recounts the activities of a monk named
member of the Xiongnu whose lay name was Liu
merous statuary inscriptions also list the names
the sangha. One text from Tongchuan in Sha
the activities of the local Buddhist charitable soc
year 533, contains the name of a Qiang monk Fu
M (no dates).27 Another text from Fuping cou
539 lists four non-Han monks and one lay Buddh
Jiao M.28 The Jiao probably belonged to the X
constituted one of Fuping's leading lineages.29
Buddhism's success in attracting such active
Han and non-Han peoples in north China app
from both state and elite patronage, as well as th
of the sangha. These men (and a few women as w
out north China, preaching the dharma, organiz
ies, and presiding over ritual activities. The mos
of the sangha attracted large numbers of follow
Liangzhou monk Xuangao was said to have bee
hundred members of the sangha. By the beginning
his popularity led some members of the aristocr

Matching of Meanings in Fifth-Century Buddhist Art," in Pearc

and Power , pp. 125-48. Dorothy C. Wong, "Ethnicity and Identi
dhist Art Patrons during the Period of the Northern and South
Cosmo and Don J. Wyatt, eds., Political Frontiers, Ethnic Bounda
in Chinese History (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003), pp. 80-1
24 Ma, Guanzhong buzu, pp. 46-51. 25 GSZ 5' P- 355c-
'*> GSZ P- 409B; see also Xu Gaoseng zhuan lÄiljilHH (^2060)
Liu Sähe, see the classic study by Jao Tsung-i UtfEÜ entitled "L
in Duan Wenjie ed., 1987 Dunhuang shiku yan
hui lunwen ji (Shenyang: Liaoning meishu chubanshe,
1990), pp. 336-49. See also Chen Zuolong "Liu Sähe yanjiu" in Hua-
gang Foxue xuebao 3 (1973), pp. 33-56; Roderick Whitfield, "The Monk Liu
Sähe and the Dunhuang Paintings," Orientations 20.3 (March 1989), pp. 64-70; Wu Hung,
"Rethinking Liu Sähe: The Creation of a Buddhist Saint and the Invention of a Miraculous
Image," Orientations (November 1996), pp. 32-43.
27 Ma, Guanzhong buzu , p. 91.
2« See Wang Chang Jinshi cuibian in Shike shiliao xinbian
(Taipei: Xinwenfeng chubanshe, 1978), first collection, vol. i,j. 32, p. 14.
29 Ma, Guanzhong buzu , p. 47.

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 GAI WU REBELLION

fomenting rebellion, and when he was banished o

made the journey with him. Later, Xuangao was allow
exile, and he turned his attention to attracting follo
China's aristocratic families. He eventually includ
heir-apparent Tuoba Huang Í5IKÂ among his disci
implicated in political in-fighting at court and execu
month of the year 444 (see below).30
Less renowned members of the sangha, whose act
such as Huijiao chose not to record, worked in urb
preaching to people about Buddhism and organizing
charitable societies mentioned above. Depending on
existed in, these societies were known as yiyi or fay
bers of the sangha who headed them were usually re
ters of charitable organizations öS." These groups
size from a few dozen to several hundred members,
range of activities, including erecting statuary st
for Buddhist images, staging fasts Sí, copying and c
scriptures, building bridges and wells, constructing o
distributing food to the needy, and founding "cha
ÜPSc."31 The presence of these and other socioreligio
reflects Buddhism's pervading influence in north Ch
compassed the region's ruling elites and commoners.
tant to remember that Buddhism exerted considerab
in north China as well. For example, Zhu Fahu was r
wealth among the people of Chang'an. One third-cen
family decided to test his charitable nature by prete
perately in debt and asking for an emergency loan o
disciple of Zhu named Facheng Ì žiH (Western Jin era
trick and agreed to the loan on behalf of his teac

30 GSZ il, p. 397B_C-

31 For more on the history of these organizations during the Northern
Gernet, Buddhism in Chinese Society. An Economic History from the Fifth
Franciscus Verellen (New York: Columbia U.P., 1995), pp. 259-77; M
Chügoku Bukkyõ to shakai fukushi jigyõ t (Kyoto:
Takao Giken ïHjfôÉilig, Chügoku Bukkyõ shiron ŤHI (Kyoto: H
pp. 25-36; and Yamazaki Hiroshi Shina chüsei Bukkyõ no t
2d edn. (Tokyo: Kiyomizu shoten, 1947), pp. 675-831. For more on su
the Tang, see the essays by Naba Toshisada in his 7 õdai shakai
(Tokyo: Sobunsha, 1974), esp. pp. 459-678, as well as Ha
SC, tang houqi Wudai Song chu Dunhuang sengni de shehui shenghuo
(Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1998). See also
"Beiqi Biaoyi xiangyi cihui shizhu, zhonggu Fojiao shehui jiuji de
Xin shixue (New History) 5.4 (Dec. 1994), p

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LIU SHUFEN

rather puzzled and hesitant. The entire family the

Buddhist practices.32
The evidence presented above demonstrates th
stituted a potent political, social, and economic for
Despite incessant warfare among the groups who li
ligion managed not only to survive but also attr
support that included members of all social classes
Buddhism's strength made it a force to be reckoned
considerable uneasiness among the rulers of north
the Xianbei. In the following two sections, we turn
reasons for Xianbei anxiety, particularly the Budd
to Gaiwu's rebellion.

A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE LUSHUI HU

An important reason for Taiwudi's anxiety over G

ing was the growing influence of the Lushui hu in north
China. There has been much debate over the origins
hu,33 but I tend to concur with research by Zhao
Wang Qing žE W, which argues that the Lushui hu were n
Lu River (Lushui SWc), which flowed through Andi
ery and other parts of today's provinces of Ningxia and
Lushui hu may have originally been part of the Yue
known as the Yueshi hu a people who during the first centu-
ries ad settled in different parts of northern and northwestern China,
including the Dunhuang îfc®, Anding, and Guanzhong regions. The
latter group of Lushui hu, which included the Gai lineage, resided in
the area around Xingcheng in Shaanxi.35
Beginning in the third century, the Lushui hu endeavored to es-
tablish themselves as a political power in north China, but failed to do
so until the beginning of the fifth century, when the Lushui hu leader

32 GSZ4y p. 347B_ 1 c. For more on Buddhism's economic influence in medieval north China,
see Gernet, Buddhism in Chinese Society , and Denis Twitchett, "The Monasteries and China's
Economy in Medieval Times," BSOAS 19.3 (1957), pp. 526-49.
33 Zhou Yiliang Jf|- Ü;, "Beichao de minzu wenti yu minzu zhengce" 4 failli
ËzWiiïkW., in idem, Wei Jin Nanbeichao shilunji il# (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju,
1963), pp. 156-57; Tang, "Wei Jin zahu kao," pp. 403-14; Wang Zongwei zEtkÜ, "Handai
Lushui hu de zuming yu judi wenti" Xibei shidi 16
(1985); Zhao Yongfu HácíM, "Guanyu Lushui hu de zuyuan ji qianyi"
Xibei shidi 23 (1986); Wang Qing jEW, "Ye lun Lushui hu yi ji Yues
zuyuan" Xibei shidi 65 (1997).
34 Zhao, "Lushui hu de zuyuan," pp. 43-46; Wang, "Ye lu
35 Wang, "Ye lun Lushui hu," pp. 27-28.

IO

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 GAI WU REBELLION

Juqu Mengxun took the throne of the kingdom

fe (better known as Northern Liang in 401. Wh
larly large or long-lived, this kingdom was important
that it bestrode the trade routes from north China to Central Asia

(see below). In 412, Juqu Mengxun established his capital at Guzang

(in today's Wuwei xíSSc, Gansu). By 431, however, the collapse
of the Western Liang (Xiliang ffife) and Xia JE kingdoms caused the
Northern Liang and Northern Wei to share a common border. To the
Northern Wei, which aimed to establish complete control over north
China and the trade routes to Central Asia, the Northern Liang was an
obstacle that had to be removed. Accordingly, in 439, the Northern
Wei made war on the Northern Liang, and soon took its capital city of
Guzang.36 Juqu Mengxun's son Juqu Mujian yJËLlfliè^t surrendered to
the Northern Wei and was forcibly resettled near the Northern Wei's
capital Pingcheng along with 30,000 of his subjects. His surrender did
not mark the end of Juqu power in northwest China, however, as his
younger brother Juqu Wuhui ŽEŠUíPĚsí led the remaining Lushui hu
forces through Gansu to as far west as Xinjiang, taking the strategic sites
of Jiuquan HJR, Dunhuang, Shanshan iß# (Ruoqiang Ìet^È, Xinjiang
and Gaochang (Turfan Xinjiang) during the years 439-442.
In other words, while the Northern Liang ruler Juqu Mujian and other
members of the royal family were in effect prisoners near Pingcheng,
the overall power of the Lushui hu, which Tang Changru has referred
to as the "government of Juqu in Gaochang had not
collapsed. The Northern Wei had to face this strategic challenge until
460, when the Rouran people conquered the Lushui hu who had
moved to Gaochang.37
In addition, by the fifth century most of the Lushui hu were concen-
trated in the Hexi M® and Shaanbei regions of north China, which
allowed them to exert extensive control over transportation routes in
the Central Plain, southern China, and Central Asia. The Northern Li-
ang controlled routes to Central Asia that ran through areas under its
control, especially Dunhuang and Gaochang. Beginning in Han-dynasty
times, Gaochang had developed into perhaps the most important trans-

36 For more on Taiwudi's campaigns, see David A. Graff, Medieval Chinese Warfare, goo-
goo (London: Routledge, 2002), pp. 72-73.
37 Tang Changru, "Beiliang Chengping qinian xiejing tiji yu xiyu tongwang Jiangnan de
daolu" Wei Jin Nanbeichao Sui Tang shi ziliao
i (1979), p. 5; Tang Changru, "Nanbeichao qijian x
de ludao jiaotong" idem, Wei Jin Nanbeichao shilun shiyi
(Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983).

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LIU SHUFEN

portation hub on the roads leading westward out

power that was able to occupy the ancient city o
of which lie some 20 kilometers east of today's T
complete control over routes running from Chin
plains to the northern stretches of the Tianshan
not be an exaggeration to state that all roads from
to Gaochang, which was a strategically vital loca
and even today is referred to as the "Gateway to
The Lushui hu lost some control over these routes fol-

lowing the collapse of the Northern Liang, but their ability to reestab-
lish a power base in Gaochang allowed them to retain some measur
of strategic importance.39 Moreover, the Lushui hu took advantage of
their position to establish close contacts with the Liu-Song dynasty,
which included exchanges of envoys.40 The Northern Wei launched a
series of attacks on the Lushui hu in 444 and 445, but the Lushui hu
retained at least some control over strategically important parts of the
northwest until at least the 450s.
During the years following the fall of the Northern Liang, mem-
bers of the Lushui hu who had been forcibly resettled continued to re-
sist the authority of the Northern Wei, and two rebellions occurred in
the years just prior to Gaiwu's uprising. The first took place in today
Shanxi province in 444, and was led by a member of the Juqu roy
family named Juqu Bing ÝJliRSI (one of Juqu Mengxun's sons) and a
member of the Shu 15 people named Xue Andu S?5:#ß.41 The second,
which took place in Xingcheng in the third month of the year 445, wa
led by a Lushui hu named Hao Wen As mentioned above, Gaiwu
and members of his lineage resided in and around Xingcheng, and at
least some of them fought alongside Hao Wen.42 These events mu
have caused Taiwudi to treat the Lushui hu as a thorn in his side, an
attitude only further aggravated by the Gaiwu Rebellion.

38 Dong Yuxiang and Du Doucheng "Beiliang Fojiao yu Hexi zhu shiku de

guanxi" Dunhuang yanjiu 1 (1986), p. 90.
39 Duan Lianqin "Gongyuan wu shiji shangbanye Gaochan
Xibei shidi 31 (1988), p. 100.
40 Ikeda On ífeESÍSL, "Gaochang san bei luekao" Xie Chongguang
trans., Dunhuangxue jikan 13-14 (1988), pp. 148-49.
41 WS 42, pp. 941-42; ZZXJ 124, p. 3906. The Xue also fought alongside the Lushui hu
during the Gaiwu Rebellion (see below).
42 WS 42, pp. 941-42; Tang, "Wei Jin zahu kao," p. 410.

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 GAI WU REBELLION

THE GAI WU REBELLION AND

TAIWUDI'S SUPPRESSION OF BUDDHISM

Matters went from bad to worse upon the outbr

Rebellion, which began during the ninth month
tongjian records that before the rebellion erupted t
that someone with the name Wu would overthrow th
but no obvious millenarian beliefs appear to have
Gaiwu's uprising differed significantly from the ea
by Hao Wen. For one thing, it appears to have been
Soon after Gaiwu rebelled, members of the Qiang jo
followed two months later by members of the S
led by Xue Yongzong SÍ^Ktf.45 Gaiwu soon assumed
of Tiantai (Tiantai refers to a place near Xing
better-known Tiantai area of Zhejiang), but during
the uprising he changed this title to "king of the l
in order to attract support from members of the D
peoples. Gaiwu's recruiting efforts appear to have e
cess, as over 100,000 Han and non-Han peoples fr
area responded to his call to arms. Gaiwu also sent a
assistance from the Liu-Song, but nothing seems to
particular endeavor.46
The Gaiwu Rebellion constituted the most serious threat that the

Northern Wei had faced since its founding. In the tenth month of 445,
an army commanded by Tuoba Qi ÍBÍSIŽ that had been deployed to
crush Gai was utterly defeated, prompting Taiwudi to concentrate his
forces in the Chang'an area, where they were placed under the leader-
ship of Shusun Ba WL$kWi. Gaiwu's forces continued to advance, how-
ever, quickly occupying the western and southeastern portions of
today's Shaanxi province. By the eleventh month of the 445, the reb-
els reached Chang'an, where they were attacked by Shusun Ba's con-
tingent of Northern Wei forces that had been charged with defending
the city. Taiwudi also attempted to prevent Gaiwu's forces from linking
up with rebel troops led by Xue Yongzong, and he did so by ordering
another branch of the Shu-Xue to built fortifications along the banks

43 ZZXJ !24, p. 3914; see also Shi Guangming "Bei Wei Gaiwu qiyi ji qi xingzhi
chutan" Ningxia jiaoyu xueyuan Tinchuan shizhuan xuebao (sheke
ban) mmmmmmm tttí«) 3 (199O.
44 WS 4, p. 100.
45 WS 42, pp. 941-42; Liu Shufen, "Bei Wei shiqi de Hedong Shu Xue" zltiÃBrpJÇJÉfàMi
I?, Chügoku shigaku ii (2001), pp. 37-55.
46 ZZI J 124, p. 3915; Songshu 95, pp. 2339-41; Tang, "Wei Jin zahu kao," p. 410.

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LIU SHUFEN

of the Yellow River in order to cut transportati

two armies.47 Taiwudi's appreciation of the gr
can also be seen by the fact that he even decided
his own hands and lead his troops into battle,
inflicting a crushing defeat on Xue Yongzong
MW (near today's Linfen Bro#}, Shanxi). All of X
who survived the fighting - men, women, and c
drown themselves in the Fen Žfr River. Taiwudi's
Chang'an in the second month of 446, killing Han
en route. A third force of Northern Wei soldiers routed Gaiwu's forces

at Xingcheng, but after they left Gai returned home and rekindled the
flames of war against the dynasty. Further fighting continued until the
eighth month of 446, when Gai died suddenly of unexplained causes.
Northern Wei troops then quickly exterminated any remaining rebel
forces, and the rebellion, which had lasted almost an entire year, was
finally suppressed.48
As I noted at the beginning of this paper, Taiwudi's fierce anti-
Buddhism campaign appears to have been prompted at least in part
by his fear of Buddhism's influence among different ethnic groups in
north China. Buddhism's widespread clout and popularity in the re-
gion, including Chang'an and its environs, have also been described
above, but few of the scholars who have studied the history of medieval
Buddhism have addressed the question of why Taiwudi's suppression
of Buddhism began in Chang'an. This problem is particularly relevant
because in 446 the capital of the Northern Wei was not in Chang'an but
in Pingcheng. The evidence presented below indicates that Taiwudi's
decision to start his suppression in Chang'an, as well as have it thor-
oughly enforced there, may have resulted from two key factors. The
long-term cause involved Northern Wei concerns about Buddhism's
links to hostile ethnic groups, while the proximate cause was Gaiwu's
rebellion and his lineage's ongoing patronage of Buddhism.
To understand the Northern Wei's attitude towards Buddhism, we
must go back in time to the beginning of the fifth century, when the
dynasty had just been established after over a century of fierce ethnic
conflict in north China. At that time, the region was a thriving center
of Buddhism, so the Northern Wei emperors initially adopted a toler-
ant and at times even benevolent attitude in an attempt to win over the
hearts and minds of their new subjects.49 However, in the year 402 a

47 WS 42, p. 941; 2^7^124, p. 3915; Liu, "Bei Wei shiqi de Hedong Shu Xue."
48 WS 4, p. 100; ££77124, pp. 3915-22.49 Tsukamoto, Chosaku shü 2, pp. 11-26.

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 GAI WU REBELLION

Buddhist rebellion, led by a sramana ( shamen

äRÜ, erupted in Xingtang ÍT® (in today's Hebe
this uprising, Zhang, who referred to himself as
(Wushang Wang íPPLtžE), joined forces with
the Dingling Tí? people.50 Government forces pro
ever, and the rebellion was crushed in just two m
uprising was short-lived, it proved to be the first o
lions during the Northern Wei inspired by millen
Maitreya Buddha and Prince Moonlight (Yuegua
leaving the Northern Wei deeply impressed by bo
social base among the various peoples of northern
potential for inspiring insurrection.52
The Northern Wei's relationship with Buddhism
in the other Buddhist center of Liangzhou. In the y
Wei force invaded the territory of the Northern Li
by the Juqu clan of the Lushui branch of the Xio
devout Buddhists and had sponsored a translation o
They continued practicing Buddhism even after b
jiang.53 During the siege of Liangzhou, the Northe
short of manpower, and "forced" over three thou
in the city to help man the walls.54 Whether th
some degree of martial training like the renow
of late imperial China is unclear,55 but the act
which occurred against forces led by Taiwudi, ma
vorable impression upon the emperor.56 After th

•so Ibid., pp. 145-50; see also WS 2, pp. 39-40.

51 See Erik Zürcher, "Prince Moonlight: Messianism and Escha
Chinese Buddhism," 77*68 (1982), pp. 1-75; see also Barend ter Haa
ings in Chinese Religious History (Leiden: Brill, 1992), pp. 120-2
52 Tsukamoto, Chosaku shü 2, p. 181.
53 Omura Seigai Shina bijutsu shi, chõsõ hen (Tokyo: Bussho
kankokai zozobu, 191 5) 1, pp. 176-78.
54 These events are vividly described in Xu Gaoseng zhuan 25, p. 646c; see also Tsukamoto
Chosaku shü 2, p. 57.
55 In a recent article, Meir Shahar notes that while Shaolin monks did fight for Li Shimin
tĚJš (the future Tang emperor Taizong ^th; r. 627-49) in 621, no source states that they ha
studied the martial arts in their monastery; rather, they might have received martial trainin
outside the monastery, or been trained ad hoc before battle; Shahar, "Ming-Period Evidence
of Shaolin Martial Practice," HJAS 61.2 (December 2001), pp. 362-64; "Epigraphy, Buddhi
Historiography, and Fighting Monks: The Case of the Shaolin Monastery," AM 3d ser. 13
(2000), pp. 15-36.
56 Tsukamoto, Chosaku shü 2, p. 58; Yao Chongxin "Bei Liang wangzu yu Gaochan
Fojiao" Xinjiang shifan daxue xuebao (zhexue shehui kexue ban)
1 (1996); Lu Qingfu mm "Wu Liang Fojiao ji qi dongchuan"
Dunhuangxue jikan 25 (1994), pp. 13-16.

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LIU SHUFEN

he responded by ordering that all surviving m

However, Taiwudi's younger brother and Kou
clemency, arguing that the monks had fought a
wudi relented, but did command that the monks
groups and sent to perform forced labor in differen
The monk Xuangao described above, who attract
from among the northern elite, was also from L
forcibly relocated to Pingcheng after the success
paign against the Northern Liang in 439.
We have seen in the pages above that the Nort
ship with Buddhism was severely strained in the
located in Hebei and Liangzhou. As for Chang' an
area, there is evidence that even before Gaiwu's r
concerned about Buddhism's strength there. In t
year 444, he issued an edict forbidding people to
or shamans ÉffiZE. Those religious specialists cau
be put to death, as were the families of those w
The edict, which was vigorously enforced in the
contradicted the policies of the Northern Wei's
ing to Weishu, the second emperor, Mingy
"...loved the Yellow Emperor and Laozi and held h
Buddha. In all corners of the capital he set up im
commanded the sramana to guide the people's
edict of 444 had the effect of dragging the sangh
ple and locking them in their monasteries.60 Th
was enforced in Chang'an reveals that Taiwudi
cerned about Buddhism's strength there. Taiw
have deepened after Xuangao and his companio
implicated in plots to overthrow the Northern W
Tang Yongtong has argued that their execution m
beginning of Taiwudi's persecution of Buddhism
The more immediate cause of Taiwudi's anti
was the discovery of weapons in a local Budd
Chang'an during the fighting against Gaiwu's fo
discovery had on Taiwudi is not difficult to ima
57 Xu Gaoseng zjhuan 25, p. 58
646c.
WS 4, p. 97.
59 See "Wei Shou: Treatise on Buddhism and Taoism," English tr
Japanese annotated translation by Leon Hurvitz, in Seiichi Mizu
Tunkang: Die Buddhist Cave-Temples of the Fifth Century A.D. i
University, 1956), volume 16 (Supplement and Index), pp. 23-
60 Tsukamoto, Chosaku shu 2, p. 59.
ei GSZ il, pp. 397C-98A; Tang, Fojiao shi , p. 492.

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 GAI WU REBELLION

been forced to put down one Buddhist rebellion, and

encountered armed Buddhist monks fighting on behal
branch of the Lushui hu who were in the process of
was probably also well aware of the fact that the Ga
Buddhists, and that Buddhism was highly popular in
Gai homeland at Xingcheng. Evidence for the Gai
of this religion comes from Buddhist caves and statu
area around Xingcheng. For example, an inscription
Cave in Huangling county (that is, fifth-century
the male donors as bearing the surname Gai; their w
Qiang of the Sixian and Wang žE lineages. The im
two donors (ten male, twelve female) portray them
costume.62 In addition, a Buddhist cave temple bu
Reservoir (present-day Yijun county, southwest
the year 535 was the site of a Buddhist charitable org
members of both the Gai lineage and members of the
Finally, a statuary inscription from the year 548 fou
1978 lists the names of twenty-nine donors, most of
hu named Gai and western Qiang named Sixian. This
also indicates that members of the Gai and Sixian families intermar-
ried.64 All this is evidence that the Gais were not only enemies of the
Northern Wei but also practicing Buddhists who actively patronized
their religion and devoted much of their wealth to it.
Taiwudi's suppression of Buddhism began during the spring of 446.
The emperor not only accused some monks of hiding weapons for
Gaiwu's forces, but also complained that they helped local aristocrats
evade taxes and sported with their women. Taiwudi ordered that all
sramana from the Chang'an region be executed, and all Buddhist stat-
ues destroyed. The emperor himself began to enforce this decree in
and around Chang'an, and ordered his heir-apparent Tuoba Huang
to implement the command throughout the rest of the Northern Wei
empire as well. Tuoba Huang did all in his power to prevent Taiwudi
from acting unchecked, but Buddhism suffered grievously in the years
immediately following the Gaiwu Rebellion.65

62 Jin Zhilin "Shaanbei faxian yipi Beichao shiku he moai zaoxiang"

ww4 (i989), PP. e2.
63 Ibid., p. 64.
64 Jin Zhilin, "Yan'an diqu faxian yipi Fojiao zaoxiangbei"
Kaogu yu wenwu #"É"Í&Í 5 (1984), p. 45.
65 WS 4, pp. 100-1; 114, pp. 3023-34; ZZTJ 124, P- 3923-

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LIU SHUFEN

Anti-Buddhist sentiments also appear to ha

Taiwudi's decision to exterminate some of the
of the Juqu lineage who lived under his control
the first month of the year 447, he ordered that
court who had been given the honorific title Zh
BpíÜ; the sources do not reveal her real name) co
her alleged involvement with the well-known mo
(385-433), a sramana fromjibin MSř (today's K
who had preached the dharma throughout north
great favor in the court of the Northern Liang
and was one of the most important figures behi
the Nirvana Sutra , as mentioned above. Impress
Taiwudi had invited Tanwuchen to the Northern
432, but Juqu Mengxun, unwilling to part with
offending the Northern Wei, had the monk put t
Zhaoyi, she was one of Juqu Mengxun's daugh
Taiwudi, who at the time was still attempting to
lations with the Northern Liang, asked for and
in marriage. The charges Taiwudi leveled against
sisters years later would claim that even before
they had "all practiced heterodox ways, and took
with their friends Hílláiâl, JHfrSrft," and that
vided the Juqu women with instruction about "t
women :P§~£c5:ět."67 Of course, all this was sup
over fifteen years before Juqu Zhaoyi was ordere
why the emperor chose to file such charges at s
a mystery.68 Perhaps the fact that he resurrecte
order to deal with members of the Lushui hu re
for this ethnic group and their religious beliefs.
In addition to ordering Juqu Zhaoyi to take h
also decreed that all members of the Juqu lineage
the first month of the year 447. The sole except
Juqu Wannian and Juqu Zu Taiwudi spared
the latter two members of the Juqu lineage because they had surr
dered without a fight to Northern Wei forces during the campaign
take Guzang, and this apparently caused him to trust them more t
other members of their lineage. Juqu Mujian was one ofjuqu Mengxu
sons, and Juqu Zhaoyi's older brother. His life was spared because i

66 WSgç, PP- 2208-9; ZZTJ 122, p. 3845. 67 WS 99, p. 2208.

68 Many scholars consider the charges against Tan and Juqu Zhaoyi to have been basel
see Kieschnick, Eminent Monk , p. 155, n. 21.

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 GAI WU REBELLION

437 he had agreed to marry Taiwudi's favorite younge

cess Wuwei jKJSIcÌaÌ, who was known to have acc
during his wars against the Northern Liang. This wa
of political convenience for all involved, but at le
Mujian the luxury of outliving many of his relatives
However, he was ordered to commit suicide in the thi
year 447 over the protests of his princess bride, wh
buried alongside her Lushui hu husband despite havin
remarry.69 Juqu Wannian and Juqu Zu were forced
in the first month of 452, after being accused of plo
the Northern Wei.70 Taiwudi's victory over the Juqu
Northern Liang was short-lived, however, since he w
very next month. Eight months later, Tuoba Huang's
Rui IBÍfií#, emerged victorious from the ensuing pol
assumed the Northern Wei throne as Wenchen
One of his first acts upon assuming the throne was t
anti-Buddhist measures.71 Moreover, the Gai lineage
hu remained a force to be reckoned with. The Gai no
to practice Buddhism despite Taiwudi's persecuti
again in rebellion during the reign of the emperor Xi
(r. 466-47 1).72

CONCLUDING REMARKS

The evidence presented above reveals that previous

Taiwudi's motives for launching the anti-Buddhism campa
to be revised. While Buddhist-Taoist rivalries at court
some influence on Taiwudi's decision-making process,
readily apparent that his policies had been shaped by yea
experience in trying to suppress non-Tuoba peoples whose
rived in part from Buddhism. Small wonder then that T
have been so infuriated by the discovery of weapons in a
astery with possible links to the Gaiwu Rebellion. What w
Liangzhou's armed monks dancing in his head, his deci
a thorough suppression of Buddhism, particularly in Cha
environs, begins to seem somewhat more comprehensible
it would appear that Taiwudi's suppression of Buddhism r
a complex combination of political, religious, and ethnic
prompted the emperor's decision to destroy enemies from

69 WS 83, p. 1824; 99, p. 2209; ZZXJ 123, p. 3866.

70 WS 99, p. 2209. 71 WS 1 14, pp. 3035-36. 72 ws 43, p. 963.

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LIU SHUFEN

group by crushing the religion that had helped nu

Although the exact role ethnic tensions played m
this case study may help us better appreciate the
ity may have shaped Buddhism's fortunes in me

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

GS Z Gaoseng zhuan Bífltílí

ws weishu mm
ZZXJ Zj>zhi tongjian Â/pSiï

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