Impossible CaseAgainstLeeHarvey Oswald Appendices El Caso Contra Harvey Osvvald

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2  IMPOSSIBLE: THE CASE AGAINST LEE HARVEY OSWALD 

The following is the text that preceded the table related to the 
markings on the shells. The data in that table was extracted from 
the following evidence on the record: 
 
Let’s look at an excerpt  from the Hoover  letter related to CE 543. 
We learn here that CE 543, a/k/a C6, had a mark from the magazine‐ 
follower (the spring‐tensioned lever that pushes a cartridge up in the 
clip: RH Endnotes 422), and three marks on the base of the cartridge 
case unique to this cartridge: 1 
 

  
 
Next,  an  excerpt  from  the  Hoover  letter  related  to  CE  544,  a/k/a 
C7, tells us that this shell has a chambering mark (an impression made 
in the side of the shell when it is seated in the chamber), and a mark 
made by a contact with the bolt in the rifle:  
 

  
 
In  the  next  paragraph,  related  to  CE  141  (the  live  round  that 
Captain Fritz ejected from the rifle), we learn that it has not one, but 
two sets of magazine follower marks:  
 

  
 

1
http://www.history‐matters.com/archive/jfk/wc/wcvols/wh26/html/WH_Vol26_0243a.htm 
(retrieved December 20, 2011).
Appendix One  3 

Finally,  we  learn  about  CE  545,  a/k/a  C38,  that  it  also  has  a 
magazine follower mark as well as a chambering mark:  
 

  
 
But the Hoover letter does not list all the markings on the exhibits. 
From the HSCA, we learn that there are three sets of striations on the 
head of the CE 543 cartridge case (7 HSCA 368): 1 
 

 
 
Also  from  the  HSCA,  we  learn  that  in  addition  to  these  marks, 
there is also a dent on the mouth of the CE 543 cartridge case (7 HSCA 
371): 2 
 

 
 
Finally,  from  Josiah  Thompson,  we  learn  that  there  was  an 
additional chambering mark on CE 141, not quite as pronounced as on 
the other cartridge cases (Six Seconds In Dallas, p. 145):  
 

1
“HSCA Report, Volume VII, Current Section: Kennedy Shooting,” http://www.maryferrell.org/ 
mffweb/archive/viewer/showDoc.do?docId=82&relPageId=378 (retrieved June 30, 2011). 
2
“HSCA Report, Volume VII, Current Section: Kennedy Shooting” http://www.maryferrell.org/ 
mffweb/archive/viewer/showDoc.do?docId=82&relPageId=381 (retrieved June 30, 2011). 
4  IMPOSSIBLE: THE CASE AGAINST LEE HARVEY OSWALD 

 
 
Thompson  provided  a  photo  with  an  arrow  pointing  to  the  place 
where he claimed the mark was situated (Six Seconds In Dallas, p. 145):  
 

 
Appendix Two  5 

Appendix Two: 
Can The Warren Commission Testimony and Evidence Be 
Trusted? 
 
There are several examples of Warren Commission reconstruction 
(and  destruction)  of  the  record  on  the  record.  One  of  the  most 
detailed, and the one we will pay the most attention to in this section, 
was  given  in  the  book  When  They  Kill  A  President  by  Roger  Craig,  a 
Dallas County Deputy Sheriff who in 1960 had been named Officer of 
the  Year  by  the  Dallas  Traffic  Commission  (Cover‐Up,  p.  27).  Within 
the first twenty pages of his Internet‐available book,  1 Craig details — 
 

in  a  before  and  after  framework  —  how  the  Warren  Commission 


modified  testimony  he  gave  related  to  an  affidavit)  he  submitted  on 
November  23,  1963,  whose  essential  point  was  that  “a  light  colored 
Rambler  station  wagon  with  luggage  rack  on  top”  pulled  over  to  the 
curb  and  picked  up  someone  who  looked  like  Lee  Harvey  Oswald 
(Decker Exhibit 5323; 19 H 524): 2 
 

  
 
In fact, there is photographic evidence of a station wagon appearing 
in  Dealey  Plaza  between  12:40  and  12:45  p.m.  CST,  and  Craig  is  in  at 
least  one  of  those  photographs,  which  provides  the  best  possible 
verification of his story (in addition to other corroborating testimony 
that  we  will  see  shortly)  (Cover‐Up,  p.  16;  note  that  the  time  on  the 
sign at the top of the building is “12:40”): 

1
http://www.ratical.org/ratville/JFK/WTKaP.pdf. 
2
http://www.history‐matters.com/archive/jfk/wc/wcvols/wh19/html/WH_Vol19_0271b.htm 
(retrieved December 15, 2011). 
6  IMPOSSIBLE: THE CASE AGAINST LEE HARVEY OSWALD 

 
 
Notice that the car is behind a bus (Cover‐Up, p. 17): 
 

 
 
And next is a photo of Craig staring towards the station wagon up 
Elm Street, as the bus is about to go past him (Cover‐Up, p. 17): 
 

 
Appendix Two  7 

 
So,  it’s  clear:  we  know  that  Craig  was  where  he  said  he  was,  and 
that he easily could have seen the station wagon that would have been 
driving right by him. 
Craig  reiterated  this  testimony  before  the  Warren  Commission, 
indicating  that  his  judgment  regarding  the  make  and  model  of  the 
station wagon was inferential in nature (6 H 267): 1 
 

 
 
This turns out to be significant, because a two‐tone green station 
wagon  with  a  luggage  rack  was  owned  by  Ruth  Paine,  a  friend  of 
Oswald and his wife connected with Oswald in a number of different 
ways (for example, Oswald’s rifle was supposedly stored in her garage), 
the rack indicated by the following testimony (3 H 19): 2 
 

 
 
But could this car have been the Paine’s? The official record tells us 
that  her  station  wagon  was  not  a  Nash  Rambler,  but  a  Chevrolet 
(Dallas Municipal Archives, Box 18, Folder Five, Document 31, Image 2; 
see also CE 2125 at 24 H 696‐7): 3  
 

1
http://www.history‐matters.com/archive/jfk/wc/wcvols/wh6/html/WC_Vol6_0139a.htm 
(retrieved December 15, 2011). 
2
http://www.history‐matters.com/archive/jfk/wc/wcvols/wh3/html/WC_Vol3_0014a.htm 
(retrieved December 15, 2011). 
3
http://www.history‐matters.com/archive/jfk/wc/wcvols/wh24/html/WH_Vol24_0357b.htm 
(retrieved December 16, 2011). 
8  IMPOSSIBLE: THE CASE AGAINST LEE HARVEY OSWALD 

 
 
If  this  official  record  is  correct,  and  has  not  been  altered  (and 
therefore  Ms.  Paine  actually  did  own  a  Chevrolet  and  not  a  Nash 
Rambler),  and  the  car  in  question  was  Paine’s,  then  we  have  to 
conclude  that  Craig’s  inferential  judgment  regarding  the  make  and 
model  of  the  car  was  mistaken,  which  would  be  understandable 
because he told us that his judgment was based exclusively on the fact 
that  the  car  had  a  luggage  rack.  In  any  event,  what  is  clear  and  is 
undisputed  is  that  Ms.  Paine  did  own  a  light‐colored  station  wagon 
with a luggage rack, which takes us to the point at hand.  
Because this could not have been the Oswald thought to have been 
boarding  Cecil  McWatter’s  bus  at  the  time  (Harvey  and  Lee,  p.  823) 
this was a provocative statement indeed. That the real Oswald and an 
imposter  Oswald  would  be  connected  through  an  escape  vehicle  which 
could have been the car of Ms. Paine would be pretty explosive stuff, if 
true. And, in fact, Craig relates that this very point was brought out in 
Oswald’s interrogation two hours after the assassination, when Oswald 
turned  a  question  about  a  “car”  into  an  answer  about  a  “station 
wagon,” information he had not been given at the time (When They Kill 
A  President,  pp.  12‐3;  similar  testimony  was  given  by  Craig  to  the 
Warren  Commission  at  6  H  270,  but  for  reasons  which  will  become 
clear, I will be citing the version which comes strictly from Craig’s pen; 
emphasis supplied):  
 
Fritz and I entered his private office together. He told Oswald, 
“This man (pointing to me) saw you leave.” At which time the 
suspect  replied,  “I  told  you  people  I  did.”  Fritz,  apparently 
trying to console Oswald, said, “Take it easy, son — we’re just 
trying  to  find  out  what  happened.”  Fritz  then  said,  “What 
about the car?” Oswald replied, leaning forward on Fritz’ desk, 
“That station wagon belongs to Mrs. Paine — don’t try to 
drag her into this.” Sitting back in his chair, Oswald said very 
disgustedly  and  very  low,  “Everybody  will  know  who  I  am 
now.”  
 
Appendix Two  9 

Now,  if  this  was  the  only  information  that  connected  the  Paine 
station  wagon  with  Oswald,  it  would  still  be  significant,  given  the 
improbability  that  Craig  would  have  (or  even  could  have) 
manufactured  this  connection.  However,  there  is  perhaps  an  even 
more significant document, from the official record, that indicates that 
there is more to the Paine/Oswald connection than meets the eye.  
In the following excerpt from an FBI report, a telephone operator 
reported  to  the  FBI  a  conversation  between  Ruth  Paine  and  her 
husband  Michael  (which  supposedly  took  place  on  November  23, 
1963), that he felt Oswald killed the President, but, oddly, did not feel 
that Oswald was responsible, with an even more provocative coda (CD 
206, p. 66): 1 
 

 
 
If  this  conversation  is  indeed  between  the  Paines,  and  the 
statements  in  the  last  paragraph  were  accurately  transcribed,  this  is 
news indeed!!  
How do we know these CR5‐5211 and BL3‐1628 phone numbers are 
connected  with  the  Paines?  Well,  we  certainly  would  not  know  from 
this  redacted  document  belatedly  issued  by  the  Warren  Commission 
(CD 516, p. 14): 2 

1
http://www.maryferrell.org/mffweb/archive/viewer/showDoc.do?absPageId=341664  
(retrieved December 15, 2011). 
2
http://www.maryferrell.org/mffweb/archive/viewer/showDoc.do?docId=10916&relPageId=15 
(retrieved December 15, 2011). 
10  IMPOSSIBLE: THE CASE AGAINST LEE HARVEY OSWALD 

 
 
This  screen  capture  tells  me  all  I  need  to  know:  that  there  is 
information there that someone wants to hide, and they are hiding it 
because they know the reaction people will have when they find out.  
Now,  I  don’t  know  about  you,  but  whenever  I  find  a  highly 
redacted  document,  it  creates  a  burning  desire  in  me  to  locate  the 
original  to  discover  the  information  that  someone  decided  to  hide 
from our view. More on this in a second. 
Even if we were unable to locate the original, however, one striking 
discrepancy emerges from a cursory glance of these documents. Notice 
the  difference  in  the  dates  between  CD  206  (“we  both  know  who  is 
responsible”)  and  CD  516  (the  redacted  telephone  call  record) 
(compare the gray highlights): 
 
CD 206 says the conversation took place on November 23.  
CD 516 says the conversation took place on November 22.  
 
Is  this  one  of  those  strategically  placed  “typographical  errors” 
which  crop  up  in  this  case  far  more  than  the  laws  of  probability 
predict? 
One  might  think  that  there  was  an  additional  telephone  call 
between the Paines, but if you look at CD 516 (the redacted telephone 
call records), you can see that only one call took place on 11/23, a call 
to Columbus Ohio, and that call was not between the same two phone 
numbers. So there is definitely a discrepancy. But for what reason?  
Luckily,  we  are  actually  able  to  discern  the  reason,  when  we  put 
several  pieces  together,  the  most  important  piece  being  the  non‐
redacted  document,  which  was  discovered  by  John  Armstrong,  in  a 
Appendix Two  11 

document  released  on  October  7,  1997  (available  at  the  Baylor 
University web site), as well as an additional document (which may be 
the second page of CD 516, which throws light on the whole issue)(CD 
516, p. 14): 1 
 

 
 
Well,  well,  what  have  we  here!  Looks  like  we  discovered  one 
extraordinarily  probable reason why the document was redacted! But 
are you surprised?  
The  next  page  Armstrong  located  seals  the  deal,  and  proves  that 
the discrepancy in the date was no “typographical error”: 2 
 

1
http://contentdm.baylor.edu/cdm4/document.php?CISOROOT=/15poage‐
arm&CISOPTR=23733&REC=2 (retrieved October 11, 2011).
2
Same URL. See page 3 of the document.
12  IMPOSSIBLE: THE CASE AGAINST LEE HARVEY OSWALD 

 
 
Armstrong’s  incredibly  important  research,  as  documented  in  his 
absolutely  essential  book  Harvey  and  Lee  (whose  source  documents 
are  archived  at  the  Baylor  University  website),  has  opened  up  an 
important window on the world for us.  
These  FBI  documents  shows  us  not  only  that  the  collect  call  was 
between  the  Paines,  but  for  present  purposes,  give  us  two  additional 
critically important pieces of information. In the first place, recall that 
the  CD  506  FBI  report  said  that  the  call  took  place  on  November  23, 
but  here,  we  have  verified  that  the  telephone  conversation  actually 
took  place  on  November  22.  In  fact,  according  to  the  DL  100‐10461 
document  discovered  by  Armstrong  (a  document  which  the  author 
was  unable  to  locate  in  any  documents  published  by  the  Warren 
Commission), there was only one telephone call between those phone 
numbers  (the  second  important  piece  of  information)  and  that  that 
(collect)  phone  call  took  place  before  Oswald  had  been  arrested,  as 
Armstrong  tells  us  in  the  following  screen  capture  from  his  book 
(Harvey and Lee, p. 832): 
 
Appendix Two  13 

 
 
Astonishing  information from a man who owned  a station wagon 
that  could  have  transported  Oswald  (or  an  Oswald  look‐alike)  from 
the  scene  of  the  crime!!  Information  like  this  had  to  be  modified  in 
some way when Paine was questioned on the incident by the Warren 
Commission ne (Harvey and Lee, p. 832): 
 

 
 
Most  likely  to  avoid  a  potential  charge  of  perjury  for  Michael 
Paine,  Paine  could  not  be  addressed  directly  by  the  Warren 
Commission  about  a  telephone  call  on  November  22,  and  had  to  be 
asked  about  a  telephone  call  supposedly  placed  on  November  23;  yet 
we have seen that there was only one telephone call on November 22, 
and none on November 23 (Harvey and Lee, p. 832): 
 

 
 
This  was  not  a  new  tactic  by  the  Warren  Commission,  as 
Armstrong  reported  in  reference  to  evidence  related  to  his  mind‐
blowing  thesis  that  an  Oswald  look‐alike  (possibly  the  one  who 
14  IMPOSSIBLE: THE CASE AGAINST LEE HARVEY OSWALD 

entered  the  station  wagon)  had  been  in  the  making  for  many  years 
(Harvey and Lee, p. 833): 
 

 
 
With this background information, we can now see the Paine (and 
therefore  Craig)  testimony  in  a  whole  new  light.  It  teaches  us 
something  critically  important:  the  fact  that  information  is  given  in 
testimony (or evidence) as reported by the Warren Commission does not 
mean  that  it  is  true;  there  may  have  been  a  reconstruction  or 
demolition of the record, either before the testimony is given or after 
it has been given. In the immediate case, a reconstruction took place 
before testimony was given. As Armstrong noted, Liebeler asked Paine 
about  a  nonexistent  telephone  conversation,  using  an  FBI  document 
which had an incorrect (i.e. reconstructed) date that was not justified 
by telephone company records. The background information which we 
have  now  which  we  didn’t  before,  enables  us  to  critically  read  the 
following testimony (2 H 428): 1 
 

1
http://www.history‐matters.com/archive/jfk/wc/wcvols/wh2/html/WC_Vol2_0218b.htm 
(retrieved December 19, 2011). 
Appendix Two  15 

 
 
This information about Michael Paine and his knowledge about a 
possible conspiracy to assassinate the President, which up to this point 
may have seemed to be merely an extensive sidebar to our digression, 
gives us important background about what is to follow as we return to 
the immediate topic at hand, the testimony by Roger Craig related to 
what may have been a station wagon owned by the Paines.  
Regarding  the  Craig  testimony,  we  should  understand  that  not 
everything  published  in  relation  to  it  is  necessarily  the  case,  or 
necessarily  occurred.  Apropos  to  this  point,  when  Craig  appeared 
before  the  Warren  Commission,  Craig’s  testimony  was  modified 
(according  to  Craig),  in  an  example  of  testimony  that  was  possibly 
reconstructed  after  it  had  been  given.  Craig’s  statements  regarding 
what he actually said, in bold below, are followed by a reproduction of 
the  page  of  the  Warren  Commission  testimony  referring  to  his 
statements.  The  page  numbers  below  are  from  the  PDF  edition 
available on the Internet: 1 
 
Craig: “I said the Rambler station wagon was light green.” (p. 
15) Compare the Warren version (6 H 267): 2 
 

 
 

1
http://www.ratical.org/ratville/JFK/WTKaP.html (retrieved September 12, 2011). Other 
references are RH Endnotes, pp.  496‐97, 
http://www.acorn.net/jfkplace/09/fp.back_issues/17th_Issue/rambler1.html, 
2
http://www.history‐matters.com/archive/jfk/wc/wcvols/wh6/html/WC_Vol6_0139a.htm 
(retrieved December 16, 2011). 
16  IMPOSSIBLE: THE CASE AGAINST LEE HARVEY OSWALD 

Craig:  “I  said  the  driver  of  the  Station  Wagon  had  on  a  tan 
jacket.” (p. 15) No, says the Warren Commission, it was really “white‐
looking” (6 H 266): 1 
 

 
 
Craig: “I said the license plates on the Rambler were not the 
same  color  as  Texas  plates.”  (p.  16)  But  the  Warren  Commission 
reversed  that  testimony,  according  to  Craig  (this  would  have  been 
puzzling,  since the document from the Dallas  archives indicated that 
the Paine car had a Texas plate, and therefore this information would 
serve to confirm the Craig story, not disprove it. If that document from 
the  Dallas  archives  was  correct,  and  it  was  Paine’s  car,  license  plates 
may have been swapped, if Craig gave his testimony as indicated and 
that  testimony  was  accurate.  That  would  indicate  premeditation,  not 
to  mention  conspiracy.  If  not,  the  car  may  have  been  someone  else’s 
station wagon, but resembled the Paines’. (John Armstrong reported in 
Harvey  And  Lee  on  p.  823  that  “light‐colored  Nash  Rambler  station 
wagons  were  owned  by  two  people  whose  names  are  familiar  to  JFK 
researchers.  A  1962  Rambler  Ambassador,  4‐door  station  wagon, 
M#H171787 was owned by Clay Shaw. A 1959 or 1960 light blue or light 
green Nash Rambler was owned by Lawrence Howard.”) (6 H 267): 2 
 

 
 
Craig:  “I  said  that  I  got  a  good  look  at  the  driver  of  the 
Rambler.”  (p.  16)  Sorry,  Craig,  you  didn’t,  reports  the  Warren 
Commission (6 H 267): 
 

1
http://www.history‐matters.com/archive/jfk/wc/wcvols/wh6/html/WC_Vol6_0138b.htm 
(retrieved December 16, 2011). 
2
http://www.history‐matters.com/archive/jfk/wc/wcvols/wh6/html/WC_Vol6_0139a.htm 
(retrieved December 16, 2011). 
Appendix Two  17 

 
If  these  changes  were  made  as  Craig  had  stated,  they  prevented 
correct identification of the station wagon by future researchers since 
the false information reported would throw them on the wrong trail. 
It should be noted that these are just a few of the changes reported 
by  Craig.  The  reader  is  urged  to  download  Craig’s  book  from  the 
Internet and read the other changes. If what he has to say is true, then 
all of the Warren Commission testimony and exhibits are suspect, the 
true information polluted by the false, in the same way that one drop 
of vinegar can ruin an entire glass of milk. 
However, if you surf the Internet to further research this issue, you 
will be linked to certain individuals who, possibly given the impact of 
his  testimony  here  and  in  other  areas  and/or  the  possibility  that  a 
station wagon identified as a Rambler was actually a Chevrolet, refer to 
Craig  as  a  “crank”  or  “malcontent,”  etc.  etc.  (choose  the  pejorative 
statement of your choice), so, as always, we need to verify his remarks, 
and  look  for  other  testimony  that  can  corroborate  what  Craig  had  to 
say via the method of triangulation: if multiple independent observers 
from  different  locations  report  the  same  reality,  we  can  typically 
assume with a high degree of confidence that the statements are true 
given  the  mutual  confirmation  (of  course,  if  the  observers  are  not 
independent  but  the  statements  are  coordinated  in  advance,  then  all 
bets are off). 
When  we  look  for  evidence  to  substantiate  the Craig  claim,  apart 
from the photographs we saw earlier, we can see that the statement of 
Craig  in  its  most  essential  aspects  is  corroborated  by  a  number  of 
different  individuals  are  for  the  most  part  unconnected.  Marvin 
Robinson,  who  was  driving  his  Cadillac  west  on  Elm  Street  directly 
behind what he identified as a Nash Rambler station wagon, provided 
similar  information  in  a  statement  that  was  not  released 
contemporaneous  with  the  Warren  Commission  report  and  exhibits 
(CD 5, p. 70): 1 
 

1
http://www.maryferrell.org/mffweb/archive/viewer/showDoc.do?docId=10406&relPageId=73 
(retrieved December 16, 2011). 
18  IMPOSSIBLE: THE CASE AGAINST LEE HARVEY OSWALD 

 
 
Robinson’s  employee,1  Roy  Cooper,  gave  approximately  the  same 
information in a document that was only released in 1997: 2 
 

 
Cooper  could  be  seen  as  linked  to  Robinson  because  he  was  an 
employee,  but  there  are  still  others  who  verified  the  testimony  of 
Craig.  In  another  document  that  was  not  included  in  the  original 
Warren  Commission  exhibits,  Steelworker  Richard  Carr  provided  an 

1
Harvey and Lee, p. 822.
2
http://contentdm.baylor.edu/cdm4/document.php?CISOROOT=/15poage‐
arm&CISOPTR=34156&REC=1
Appendix Two  19 

affidavit on February 1, 1964, more than three months after Craig made 
his statement, verifying Craig’s statement in its most essential details 
(CD 385, p. 24): 1 
 

 
 
There is additional testimony to the same effect from at least one 
other  source.  Historian  Michael  Kurtz,  Professor  of  History  at 
Southeastern  Louisiana  University,  did  interviews  for  his  book  Crime 
Of The Century, and on page 132, published this report of an interview 
with another witness who provided not only corroboration, but a very 
strong  identification  of  Oswald  —  or  at  least,  someone  who  looked 
very much like him (emphasis supplied): 
 
Mrs. James Forrest was standing in a group of people who were 
gathered  on  the  incline  near  the  Grassy  Knoll.  As  she  was 
standing,  she  saw  a  man  suddenly  run  from  the  rear  of  the 
Depository  building,  down  the  incline,  and  then  enter  a 
Rambler  station  wagon.  The  man  she  saw  running  down  and 
entering  the  station  wagon  strongly  resembled  Lee  Harvey 
Oswald. “If it wasn’t Oswald,” Mrs. Forrest has declared, “it 
was his identical twin.” 
 
So,  let’s  connect  the  dots.  It  is  perfectly  clear  that  a  light‐colored 
vehicle  that  either  was  or  greatly  resembled  a  Nash  Rambler  station 
wagon  (most  likely  driven  by  a  man  with  a  dark  complexion)  picked 
up  a  Caucasian  male  resembling  Oswald  very  soon  after  the 
assassination, so when Craig made that statement, we know that these 
examples provide dispositive verification that the reality that Craig was 
describing  actually  existed.  Therefore,  regarding  this,  Craig  was  not 

1
http://www.maryferrell.org/mffweb/archive/viewer/showDoc.do?docId=10786&relPageId=29 
(retrieved December 15, 2011). 
20  IMPOSSIBLE: THE CASE AGAINST LEE HARVEY OSWALD 

only  telling  the  truth  about  his  state  of  mind  at  the  time,  he  was 
accurate.  
The  triangulation  method  allows  us  to,  in  addition,  assess  the 
credibility of those who sought to contradict him. In this regard, let’s 
look at the testimony of Captain Fritz (6 H 245): 1 
 

 
 
But  was  Fritz  lying?  The  wishi‐washiness  of  his  denial  is  our  first 
telling  clue,  because  not  only  do  we  have  the  statements  of  the 
corroborating  witnesses,  we  have  the  Craig  affidavit  on  record  that 
Craig  made  the  statement,  and  therefore  we  know  that  the  Dallas 
Police  Department  was  aware  that  Craig  had  made  this  observation. 
Specifically, so was Fritz, as the following evidence will show. 
We also know that Craig was in Fritz’s outer office, not only by this 
photograph (Cover‐Up, p. 27), 
 

 
 
but also by Fritz’ own testimony (who refers to Craig as “this man”) 
(7 H 404), where he admits to hearing the Craig story firsthand): 2 

1
http://www.history‐matters.com/archive/jfk/wc/wcvols/wh6/html/WC_Vol6_0128a.htm 
(retrieved December 16, 2011). 
2
http://www.history‐matters.com/archive/jfk/wc/wcvols/wh7/html/WC_Vol7_0206b.htm 
(retrieved December 16, 2011). 
Appendix Two  21 

 
 
With  these  facts,  we  can  use  our  common  sense  to  assess  the 
credibility  of  the  various  parties.  Here  are  the  three  things  we  know 
from the Fritz affidavit and the above photo: 
 
1. Craig was in the outer office of Fritz. 
2. Fritz  talked  to  “a  man”  in  the  outer  office  who  told  him  “a 
story”  about  Oswald  leaving  the  building,  who  obviously 
was Craig, being the only officer present on record as having 
filed an affidavit with that claim. 
3. Lee Harvey Oswald was in the office of Fritz at the time. 
 
Now let’s fill in the gaps: with Craig present, and Fritz aware of his 
claim, it would have been the most natural thing in the world for Fritz 
to bring Craig into the office to have him identify the prime suspect in 
the murder of the President; in fact, not only the most natural thing in 
the  world,  but  a  job  requirement.  Here  we  have  a  Dallas  County 
Deputy  Sheriff  telling  a  Captain  of  the  Dallas  Police  Department  in 
charge  of  the  investigation  of  the  murder  of  the  President  of  the 
United  States  that  he  saw  a  suspect  leave  the  building,  and  that 
suspect is just a few feet away. That deputy is right on the scene: a hop, 
skip,  and  a  jump  would  take  him  to  the  door  of  the  office  where 
Oswald  is  located!  And,  if  Craig  does  make  a  positive  identification, 
this  would  be  extremely  important  information  to  introduce  at  trial. 
Consequently,  it  is  perfectly  obvious  that  Craig  would  be  brought  into 
the office to make that identification! We also can be sure that if Craig 
was brought into the office, the issue regarding Oswald’s leaving in a 
car surely would have been raised, and so Craig’s testimony that in fact 
the issue was raised is eminently plausible.  
The only statements made by Oswald in this report by Craig that 
could be remotely seen as “improbable” (and that would be because no 
member of the Dallas Police Department would corroborate it, at least 
on record) would be the statements regarding Ms. Paine (“don’t try to 
22  IMPOSSIBLE: THE CASE AGAINST LEE HARVEY OSWALD 

drag her into this”) and the “everybody will know who I am” remark. 
But as far as the Paine statement goes, we have to ask ourselves, why 
would  Craig  make  up  something  like  that  at  the  time?  In  fact,  how 
could he make up something like that at the time, when he obviously 
would not have known at the time that Oswald knew Ruth Paine, and 
certainly  would  therefore  not  have  known  that  she  owned  a  station 
wagon! 
With  reference  to  the  “everybody/I  am”  comment,  there  is  a 
contradiction by Fritz on the record (6 H 245): 1 
 

 
 
However, we know that Fritz has denied as true virtually identical 
statements  on  the  record  by  multiple  individuals,  and  that  Craig  was 
validating these statements, and that Fritz has denied asking Craig to 
identify Oswald, when it would have been his job to have given Craig 
the  opportunity  to  make  that  identification;  given  these  points,  we 
have to pick Craig and not Fritz as telling the truth in this instance. If 
Craig was in fact telling the truth, the attempt to discredit him by not 
only bringing in an unreliable contradicting witness (Fritz), and by not 
only failing to call in any of the other officers present to testify about 
what  actually  happened  (who  most  likely  would  have  corroborated 
Craig’s  story  and  contradicted  Fritz’s),  but  also  by  modifying  his 
testimony,  would  not  demonstrate  Craig’s  lack  of  awareness  but 
instead  the  ruthlessness  of  the  Warren  Commission:  that  they  would 
eliminate or modify or otherwise discredit any evidence contradicting 
their  main  thesis,  and  that  evidence  would  include  the  extremely 
critical Craig testimony. 
 
So, the bottom line is this: when Craig alleges that the 
Warren record was modified, he is far more believable than the 
people who contradicted him, because the people who 
contradicted him have themselves contradicted information that 
is part of the official record. 
 

1
http://www.history‐matters.com/archive/jfk/wc/wcvols/wh6/html/WC_Vol6_0128a.htm 
(retrieved December 16, 2011). 
Appendix Two  23 

The allegation of the re‐creation of a record, which as we noted is a 
very  significant  charge,  requires  other  examples  for  ultimate 
substantiation,  examples  which  are  not  as  complex  and  elaborate  as 
the  previous,  so  let’s  continue  our  digression  with  a  much  simpler 
example  that  is  objectively  verifiable,  one  beyond  questioning:  the 
Warren Commission decided to doctor one of the statements contained 
in a transcript of a debate Lee Harvey Oswald participated in at a radio 
station.  Coincidentally  enough,  this  revision  of  the  statement,  apart 
from  showing  that  the  Warren  Commission  would  not  hesitate  to 
revise  reality  when  circumstances  called  for  it,  throws  a  light  on 
Oswald’s oblique “everybody will know who I am now” remark.  
In  that  debate,  Oswald  was  responding  to  this  question:  “I’m 
curious  to  know  just  how  you  supported  yourself  during  the  three 
years  that  you  lived  in  the  Soviet  Union.  Did you have a  government 
subsidy?”  Now,  when  the  questioner  was  referring  to  a  “government 
subsidy,” he was referring to the Russian government. In other words, 
he was asking Oswald if he was able to support himself because he was 
receiving a subsidy from the Russian government.  
According to the Warren Commission, here was Oswald’s response 
(21 H 639): 1 

 
Note:  in  an  extraordinary  semi‐Freudian  slip,  Oswald 
misinterpreted  this  remark  as  not  referring  to  the  Russian 
government! 
Take  a  look  at  the  transcript:  according  to  its  representation  of 
reality,  Oswald  began  “I  was  not  under  the  protection  of”,  and  then 
referred  to  the  American  government!  Oops!  If  you  remember  your 
history,  Oswald  was  supposed  to  be  a  “defector,”  not  an  “undercover 
agent.”  So  if  he  was  a  “defector,”  why  would  anyone  think  that  he 
would be under the protection of the American government in the first 
place?  

1
http://www.history‐matters.com/archive/jfk/wc/wcvols/wh21/html/WH_Vol21_0332a.htm 
(retrieved December 16, 2011). 
24  IMPOSSIBLE: THE CASE AGAINST LEE HARVEY OSWALD 

Also, why would Oswald say that he was not under the protection 
of the American government, only to “correct” his statement to say, yet 
again,  that  he  was  not  under  the  protection  of  the  American 
government?  So,  even  without  external  verification,  we  could  infer 
that something about this transcription is just not right. 
So  let’s  go  to  the  audiotape.  The  following  far  more  exact 
transcription by the author shows Oswald’s hemming and hawing on a 
subject  about  which  he  is  obviously  most  uncomfortable,  and 
something even more revealing: 
 
uh . . . Well as I uh . . . uh well I will answer that que‐ uh that 
question  directly  then  uh  since  uh  uh  you  will  not  rest  until 
you get your answer. Uh I worked in Russia uh I was under uh 
the protection of the uh . . . of the uh, I w‐ that is to say I was 
not under the protection of the uh american government but 
that  is  I  was  at  all  times  uh  considered  an  American  citizen  
. . . 
 
Aha! Note the change:  
 
The Commission could not allow Oswald’s slip of the tongue that 
he was “under the protection . . . of the American government” to 
stand unvarnished, so they inserted the word “not” after the first 
“I was”!! 
 
The  reader  can  hear  this  extract  for  him  or  herself  at  jfk‐
online.com)  1 or on a higher quality MP3 the author extracted from the 
CD  Oswald  Self‐Portrait  In  Red  (Amazon  ASIN:  B002CSKBFM), 
archived at in the audio folder in the research archive linked to from 
www.krusch.com/jfk/. 
Back  in  1964,  there  was  no  Internet  available  for  cross‐checking 
and fact‐checking purposes to make sure that the Warren Commission 
was reporting reality  correctly, so they felt safe in misreporting a key 
fact  because  they  didn’t  believe  that  anyone  would  be  able  to 
contradict them. And for three or so decades, they were right.  
Now  that  we  know  they  tried  to  cover  it  up  —  which  not  only 
reveals the kind of information they feared but also their “the facts be 
damned” attitude — that objective evidence therefore adds additional 
confirmation  to  the  statements  of  at  least  two  other  witnesses  who 

1
http://www.jfk‐online.com/lhodebate.mp3 (retrieved September 13, 2011).
Appendix Two  25 

have  alleged  similar  misreporting  of  their  remarks  in  books  on  the 
assassination.  The  first  is  Jean  Hill.  In  her  book  The  Last  Dissenting 
Witness,  Ms.  Hill  reported  to  co‐author  Bill  Sloan  that  Arlen  Specter 
(assistant  counsel  for  the  Warren  Commission  who  later  became  a 
United  States  Senator)  had  been  briefed  on  her  background  as  a 
dissenting  witness  who  refused  to  have  her  memory  “refreshed,”  and 
so Specter went on the attack (a “tough love” approach designed to get 
Ms.  Hill  to  change  her  story).  Apparently  that  was  not  successful,  so 
the Warren Commission made a post hoc decision that some judicious 
modifications  were  in  order  (The  Last  Dissenting  Witness,  p.  102; 
emphasis supplied): 
 
Jean  says  that  Specter  accused  her  of  talking  “insanity”  and 
warned  that  if  she  continued  with  what  she  was  saying,  she 
would end up looking as “crazy” as Marguerite Oswald, mother 
of the accused assassin. 
None of this unseemly exchange appears, of course, among 
the  19  pages  of  testimony  by  Jean  Hill  in  Volume  Six  (pages 
205‐223) of the official report of the President’s Commission on 
the Assassination of President Kennedy. What does appear is 
a  heavily  edited,  completely  distorted  and  shamelessly 
fabricated  version  of  Jean’s  testimony,  which  she 
describes today as a “total travesty.” 
There were long intervals, she says, when, at a hand signal 
from  Specter,  the  stenographer  stopped  taking  notes.  In 
countless  instances,  she  charges,  the  meaning  of  her  remarks 
were altered and her actual words were changed. The very first 
introductory  sentence  of  the  document  graphically  points  up 
the  fallacious  nature  of  the  entire  transcript.  It  reads:  “The 
testimony  of  Mrs.  Jean  Lollis  Hill  was  taken  at  2:30p.m.  on 
March  24,  1964,  in  the  office  of  the  U.S.  Attorney,  301  Post 
Office  Building,  Bryan  and  Ervay  Streets,  Dallas,  Tex.”  (6  H 
205): 1 
 

 
 

1
http://www.history‐matters.com/archive/jfk/wc/wcvols/wh6/html/WC_Vol6_0108a.htm 
(retrieved December 16, 2011). 
26  IMPOSSIBLE: THE CASE AGAINST LEE HARVEY OSWALD 

But  even  this  seemingly  innocuous  report  of  where  an  interview 
took place was incorrect (The Last Dissenting Witness, p. 102): 
 
In point of fact, of course, Jean’s testimony was actually given 
some five miles away from Bryan and Ervay Streets, in the very 
same building where President Kennedy had been pronounced 
dead.  The  fact  that  those  who  prepared  the  published 
transcript  could  make  such  a  careless  mistake  —  or  be  so 
unconcerned with the truth — seems utterly incredible under 
the circumstances. But it is no more incredible than the rest of 
the document. 
Early in the transcript, for example, Specter said: “May the 
record  show  that  a  court  reporter  is  present  and  is  taking 
verbatim transcript of the deposition of Mrs. Hill . . . and that 
all of the report is being transcribed and has been transcribed 
from the time Mrs. Hill arrived. Is that correct, Mrs. Hill?” 
To which Jean is alleged to have replied: “That is correct.” 
(6 H 206): 1 
 

 
 
“That  is  a  barefaced  lie  and  a  total  misrepresentation  of 
what  really  happened,”  Jean  charges  today.  “The  whole 
transcript is a pack of lies.” 
After  the  heated  exchange  that  had  just  occurred  —  not 
one word of which appears in the transcript — this represents 
a flagrant falsification. And as a secondary point, there was no 
“court  reporter”  present,  only  a  public  stenographer,  whose 
identity, incidentally, cannot presently be established. 
The  transcript  shows  Specter  directing  question  after 
question  at  Jean  concerning  the  location  in  the  Presidential 
limousine of Governor Connally and Connally’s movements at 
the  time  of  the  shooting.  Most  of  these  questions  came  after 
Jean  had  clearly  stated  that,  having  just  recently  moved  to 

1
http://www.history‐matters.com/archive/jfk/wc/wcvols/wh6/html/WC_Vol6_0108b.htm 
(retrieved December 16, 2011). 
Appendix Two  27 

Texas  from  Oklahoma,  she  did  not  even  know  Connally  or 
recognize him by sight. 
Whoever  concocted  the  final  version  of  the  transcript  was 
careful to include a shaky reference by Jean to the idea that the 
running  man  she  had  seen  in  Dealey  Plaza  looked  like  Jack 
Ruby,  and  they  also  took  pains  to  make  it  seem  that  she 
was, in effect, discrediting her own observations. 
 
Another  witness  who  did  not  escape  the  blue  pencils  of  the 
Warren editorial crew was Victoria Adams, who gave testimony that, if 
true,  could  have  exonerated  Oswald.  Several  years  after  giving  her 
testimony, Ms. Adams decided to revisit it when she went to her local 
library. Imagine the look on her face when she saw that the words on 
paper were different from the words she uttered in person (The Girl on 
the Stairs, pp. 168‐9; emphasis supplied) 
 
One  day,  while  wandering  along  the  bookshelves  of  a  local 
public  library,  she  spied  a  set  of  the  26  volumes.  Curiosity 
prevailed once again.  
Turning to the sixth volume, she read for the very first time 
the words she had offered‐what was it now, some four or five 
years ago? — to that visiting Commission lawyer. 
She could not believe what she saw.  
She  remembered  being  given  the  opportunity  in  Dallas  to 
make  corrections  to  any  spelling  or  grammatical  errors  she 
found  in  her  official  testimony.  In  fact,  someone  had  hand‐
delivered  a  copy  of  it  right  to  her  office,  just  for  that  very 
purpose. A wordsmith and nitpicker with the English language, 
she  had  found  several  typographical  mistakes  and  had  made 
the necessary changes. 
She now discovered that each one of her changes had 
gone uncorrected.  
The  errors  left  standing,  she  now  realized,  made  her 
look stupid.  
And  why  did  it  say  at  the  end  of  her  testimony  that  she 
waived her right to review her testimony when that is not what 
had  happened?  She  did  review  her  statement.  She  did  make 
corrections, even if it had been for naught (6 H 393): 1 

1
http://www.history‐matters.com/archive/jfk/wc/wcvols/wh6/html/WC_Vol6_0202a.htm 
retrieved December 16, 2011). 
28  IMPOSSIBLE: THE CASE AGAINST LEE HARVEY OSWALD 

 
 
There  was  that  Shelley  and  Lovelady  stuff  again  too.  Not 
only  had  there  been  a  reference  made  to  them  in  the  Warren 
Report  —  saying  that  she  had  seen  them  on  the  first  floor  — 
but now words to the same effect were mysteriously in her own 
testimony.  
She  was  quoted  in  her  testimony  as  saying  to  those  two 
men, “The President has been shot. “ (6 H 393): 1 
 

 
 
She  thought  back,  long  and  hard,  but  she  was  certain 
neither  Shelly  nor  Lovelady  were  on  the  first  floor  when  she 
arrived there. 
There was a guy — a black guy standing near the elevators, 
she  remembered  him  —  who  she  had  made  that  comment  to 
as she and Sandra Styles ran out the back door. But Shelley and 
Lovelady? No, that just wasn’t right. 
Why  were  they  saying  she  talked  with  two  men  who 
weren’t there?  
She  didn’t  even  recall  seeing  the  Shelly/Lovelady 
passage  in  the  copy  of  the  testimony  she  had  been  given 
to review back in Dallas that day.  
What was going on here? 
 
One  final  example:  take  a  look  at  the  following  screen 
capture  from  what  is  supposed  to  be  a  verbatim  record  of 
Warren Commission testimony (7 H 434): 
 

1
http://www.history‐matters.com/archive/jfk/wc/wcvols/wh6/html/WC_Vol6_0202a.htm 
retrieved December 16, 2011). 
Appendix Two  29 

 
 
But notice how the testimony was modified:  
 

 
 
To  the  question  “Do  you  know  why  Exhibit  No.  820  was  not 
reprocessed  or  delivered?”,  Cadigan  esponded  “I  could  only 
speculate,”  but  his  response  was  changed  to  “no,  this  is  a  latent 
fingerprint matter” on the deposition transcript. And, as you can see, 
a question and answer colloquy immediately following . . . 
 
Mr. Eisenberg. Yes? 
Mr. Cadigan. It may be that there was a very large volume of 
evidence  being  examined  at  the  time.  Time  was  of  the 
essence,  and  this  material,  I  believe,  was  returned  to  the 
Dallas  Police  within  two  or  three  days,  and  it  was  merely  in 
my  opinion  a  question  of  time.  We  have  (sic)  a  very  large 
volume of evidence. There was insufficient time to desilver it. 
30  IMPOSSIBLE: THE CASE AGAINST LEE HARVEY OSWALD 

And  I  think  in  many  instances  where  latent  fingerprints  are 


developed they do not desilver it. 
 
. . . was completely eliminated.  
For  more  on  the  background  of  the  preceding,  see  the  article 
“What a Difference a Day (or Two) Makes!” 1 
If  even  one  instance  of  the  examples  on  the  preceding  pages  are 
true,  then  we  know  that  the  Warren  Commission  has  modified  the 
record. And, since we know for a certainty that at least one of them is 
true,  it  therefore  is  no  stretch  of  the  imagination  to  assert  that  more 
than  one,  and  most  likely  all,  are  true.  Synchronized  testimony  is 
extremely easy to achieve when you have control of the printing press!  
However,  it  is  not  always  the  case  that  the  written  record  was 
altered.  In  certain  cases,  witnesses  could  have  been  rehearsed  to 
provide key testimony, and because these witnesses were cooperating, 
there  was  no  need  to  revise  their  testimony  after‐the‐fact  (unlike  the 
uncooperative outliers on the wrong end of the bell curve).  
We already saw one possible example of this, when Day alluded to 
an  earlier  off‐the‐record  session  with  David  Belin  regarding  his 
testimony  about  the  empty  hulls.  Because  the  session  was  off  the 
record,  it  could  conceivably  have  been  a  rehearsal,  about  which  the 
Kennedy literature has a number of anecdotal claims. Still, it would be 
good  to  have  an  officially  verifiable  source  which  demonstrated  this, 
and  there  is  at  least  one,  related  to  medical  testimony  by  Drs.  James 
Humes  and  J.  Thornton  Boswell,  which  is  part  of  the  confirmed 
government record by the Assassination Records Review Board (Breach 
of Trust, p. 158; emphasis supplied): 
 
Years  later,  when  they  were  deposed  by  the  Assassination 
Records  Review  Board  (ARRB),  both  Humes  and  Boswell 
recalled  that  they  had  had  “an  awful  lot”  of  sessions  with 
Specter before they testified. Humes’s best guess was that 
there  had  been  at  least  eight  to  ten  meetings.  The 
painstaking  and  intense  handling  of  these  key  material 
witnesses assured that there would be no surprises when 
they  went  on  record  and  under  oath  before  the  Warren 
Commission. It had to be a great comfort to Humes to know 
exactly  how  Specter  was  going  to  choreograph  his  testimony 
and to anticipate that the commissioners would not bat an eye 

1
http://www.truedemocracy.net/td‐28/24.html (retrieved April 18, 2012).
Appendix Two  31 

when  he  admitted  to  the  destruction  of  the  first  draft  of  the 
autopsy report on the slain President. 
 
What  is  completely  apparent  from  the  preceding  is  this:  when  it 
comes to Warren Commission testimony and evidence, caveat emptor. 
 
, WOLBABJSJpPJiiR F L 102-S26 (JTCK A0tfiREPRODUCED AT THE NATIONALARC^VES

T7~~r

Date:08/17/93
Page:1
JFK ASSASSINATION SYSTEM
IDENTIFICATION FORM

AGENCY INFORMATION

AGENCY HSCA
RECORD NUMBER 180-10107-10130
RECORDS SERIES
NUMBERED FILES
AGENCY FILE NUMBER : 003 015
DOCUMENT INFORMATION

ORIGINATOR : HSCA
FROM : NORMAN, HAROLD DEAN
TO : DAY, A. M.C.
TITLE :

DATE : 10/20/77
PAGES : 44
SUBJECTS :
NORMAN, HAROLD DEAN
TEXAS SCHOOL BOOK DEPOSITORY
OSWALD, LEE, ACTIVITIES OF NOV. 22, 1963
MOTORCADE
WC
DOCUMENT TYPE : TRANSCRIPT
CLASSIFICATION : U
RESTRICTIONS : OPEN IN FULL
CURRENT STATUS : O
DATE OF LAST REVIEW : 05/18/93
OPENING CRITERIA :

COMMENTS :
Audio cassette available. Box 71.

[R] - ITEM IS RESTRICTED


, K&LIiAaiSD Pfija p.L 102-^Pfl f i w ^ .
—-= JJr"Lj- - L ^--0*JO ( l O J K A G ^REPRODUCED AT THE NATlONALA^CJiyES

Interview with Harold Dean Norman

- 28 -

Day: They told you that?

Norman: Yes

Day : Alright, then there came a time when you went

to--when was the next time you heard from some-

body pertaining to the assassination?

Well, I got a letter; and this letter was


Norman
telling me when I had to go to Washington

to testify before the Warren Commission and


\. what time that they were going to come by and

take me up and take back to the airport, but

otherwise than that I didn't have not contact

with anyone else.

Okay I'm going to take this tape off for one


Day :
second.

Norman: O.K.

Day : We're going to take a short break.

We're back now. We're starting all over again.


Day ;
We had a short break.

Now I have some information here. Is says: did


Maxwell
you-were you ever, that you can recall— inter-

'; viewed by the Dallas Police Department

Norman: ' No
Alright. Now on the 26th on Nov., I believed you
Maxwell:
' were interviewed by an agent from the F.B.I.?

Norman; Yes

Maxwell Can you recall that?


IK E L £ A a
^ / L
102-326 (<MK Mfx

Interview with Harold Dean Norman

~ 29 ~

I think.
Norman:
Did he take a statement from you. or did he
Maxwell
ask you to tell him what happened and he wrote

it out and you signed it or you didn't sign?

I don't reoall of anybody taking a statement.


Norman:
j.11 read to you and you tell me if this is
Maxwell
Correct as far as you can remember what happened-

WQat you told this agent. You told him your

name is Harold Dean Norman and you lived at

4858 Beulah St.. you were employed as a shipping

clerk in the Texas Schoold Book Depository,

411 Elm St., Dallas, Texas. You stated that

around noon, Nov. 22, 1963: "He and fellow

employees Ja.es Jar.in and Bonnie Ray Williams

were watching the Presidential motorcade from


•h. fifth floor of the Texas School
the windows on the fifth " » »
Book Depository Building. He stated that about

the time the car in which the President was riding

tur„ed onto Elm St. he heard a shot. He said he

erectly above him. He further stated at this

*
:oof but could not see nothing
d towards the r«
upwar
UUAA8IBDH»J.L. 102-326 (JfflK A0r REPR00UCE0AT JNAT^WS
^&A_^£_ DATBi^gL

Interview with Harold Dean Norman

- 30 -

because small particles of dirt were falling

from above him. He stated two additional

shots were fired after he pulled his head

back in from the window. He stated that he

could see people walking towards the other end

of the building. He Jarmin and Williams ran

to the other end of the room and looked out

of the window there. He stated he saw nothing

and he then returned to the window from which

he had been previously looking.

Norman stated he knew Lee Harvey Oswald as a

fellow employee in the Texas School Book Depository

and only talked to him when his work required. He

stated he does not recall Oswald ever having

visiters at the Texas School Book Depository or

ever associating with anyone employed there. And

it's signed—well, it's not signed —but it was

typed in by Special Agent Benjamin 0. Keutzer.

And that's FBI file No. DL 89-43 on 11/26/63.

Now When they talked to you they made this up


•I V " . J
as on result of a conversation with you?

j\ Nprman:':.I.really don't recall giving no statement to

'••••' the FBI. If this happened, it must have happened


» one morning prior to that long way to the airport;

but just as far as the one coming back I don't

recall any.
KBiLfiASiSD PfiiR p T ino CJOQ / rurv • «.— ** •*
^ffSkSS • L V - ~ ° * 0 (CM^K, AJJT REPRODUCED AT THE NATlONAt ARCHIVES
**BA 7ftrfr*- , DATB.^O%§t.

Interview with Harold Dean Norman

- 31 -

Maxwell Now they say this was written up on the 26th,—

would have made it the Monday or the Tuesday after

the assassination. When you came back to work

that Monday, did someone talk to you?

Norman: I don't recall; I don't think anybody did.

Day ; Did you ever testify before the Warren Commission?

Norman Yes

Day: You went to Washington, D.C,?

Norman Yes

Day: Alright now, as far as this statement is concered,

is there anything in that statement that you think

is not right?

Norman I think the part about I said, where he said that

I got'up and looked out the window and looked up,

then left and came back—we left and came back to

the window—I don't...

Maxwell You don't recall ever doing that?

Norman: No

Day : Do you recall giving that statement to an FBI

agent?

Norman: No, I:don't

Day: Do you recall ever having to sign a statement?

Norman; No
KttLhLAaiSD P£fo p J inociOR tranr .-
r
| . ^-J-3i^>- AVrt-OSJO (t'.HiR. A G REPRODUCE0 AT THE NATIONAL ARCHIVES

Interview with Harold Dean Norman

- 32 -

Day : Do you recall sitting with somebody and they

were typing as you were talking?

Norman: The only time I recall somebody typing when

we were talking is when we were at the Warren

Commission..

Maxwell: Warren Commission.

Day : Tell me how you got to the Warren Commission

Norman: They had a agent. I believe he came and picked

us up in a car. And he carry us ...

Maxwell: To the airport?

Norman: Well, I know that it was a gent picked up at

Airport and carry to the Willard Hotel.

Maxwell How did you get to Washington--they sent you a

ticket or.- -?

Norman: Yes

Maxwell The Willard Hotel where? .

Norman: In Washington I believe that's the name of the

Hotel on Pennsylvania before they tore it down, isn't it?

Right, okay. This was agent Joe—John Joe Harlett


Day :
the card that you showed me?

Norman: I believe that was him. I did have one or two

^ more cards, but I don't recall what happened to

them.
K B L E A S i S D Pflift p x . 102-^328 f.rwx * n r
• *-r-+%Ss * w o « o It-jJA iUJ TREPRODUCEO AT THE NATIONAL ARCHIVES
***** Jf^~ - DATB '

Interview with Harold Dean Norman

- 33 -

Day : When you got to Washington, name some of the

people, if you can, or if there were any there

from Dallas that was there the day you were

there, the time you were there?

Norman: I know Jarmin and Williams, Bonnie Ray Williams

--they were there.

Day : You all travel together?

Norman Righ

Day: O.K.

Norman And I think Truly went with us.

Day : Truly?

Norman Yes

Day : Alright

Norman Then there was another guy. He didn't work

at the Depository; he was a construction

contracter or somethin. I think he went the

same day that we did.

Day : Do you know what he was testifying about?

Norman I think he was the guy that was testifying that

he saw a rifle hanging out the window. He was

a construction worker, I can't recall what his

r. name was.

Day: Do you remember seeing a kid there?

r Norman

Day:
Kid? No, I don't recall seeing one-

So as far as this statement is concerned, you don't


Secret Service Report 491
http://mysite.verizon.net/respxxbt/dukelane/ss491.htm

This article was originally published in the non-copyrighted journal, The Continuing Inquiry,
Volume 2, Issues 3 and 4, October and November 1977, Penn Jones, editor. It has been edited
for spelling, punctuation and layout only; internet links, where available, have also been added.
All errors, factual and otherwise, whether or not noted here, are the author's. Readers finding
this of interest may also enjoy reading Sylvia Meagher's treatise, "The Curious Testimony of Mr.
Givens," originally published in The Texas Observer, August 13, 1971, and available on this
site.

SECRET SERVICE REPORT 491


By Patricia Lambert

On December 2, 1963, three agents from the Dallas field office of the U.S. Secret Service,
Arthur Blake, William Carter and Elmer Moore, began a series of interviews with the employees
of the Texas School Book Depository which ultimately influenced the Warren Commission's
reconstruction of events on November 22, 1963. The interviews were conducted over a four-day
period and are summarized in a Secret Service Report designated "491."[1]

Three of the witnesses interviewed, Harold Norman, Bonnie Ray Williams and Charles Givens
gave totally new evidence to the Secret Service during these December interviews, evidence
which conflicted dramatically with earlier statements made by each of them to the FBI. Harold
Norman, who was directly beneath the alleged sniper's nest during the shooting, claimed he
heard the gunman working the bolt action of this rifle and that he also heard the ejected shells
as they hit the floor overhead; Bonnie Ray Williams provided an explanation for the presence of
chicken bones found on the sixth floor; and Charles Givens' testimony linked "Oswald with the
point from which the shots were fired." These three stories, first garnered by the Secret Service,
were later quoted in the Warren Report to support the Commission's version of what occurred
that Friday in Dallas.

Some of the testimony has been challenged in the past by critics of the Warren Commission but
no one has demonstrated how much these stories have in common, nor examined the
implications of the extraordinary parallels. In each instance these witnesses first gave totally
different testimony to the FBI; in each instance their testimony changed the first week in
December; in each instance the new story surfaced during interviews conducted by the same
three Secret Service agents; in each instance the story influenced the Warren Commission's
interpretation of the events of November 22; and finally, all three stories were important enough
to be included in the Commission's one-volume Report. And the parallels do not end there.
None of these stories holds up under close scrutiny. A review of the evidence casts serious
doubt on their credibility and suggests that all of them evolved days after the assassination in
order to support a particular interpretation of certain evidence, an interpretation which is
inconsistent with the real facts.

If this view is correct, the fact that all these stories originated in Secret Service Report 491
casts doubt on the integrity of the investigation conduced by that agency's Dallas field office.
For if these stories are fabrications, the witnesses who supplied them had guidance from
someone. Someone in a position to screen out and coordinate information at its source. The
testimony of these three witnesses is import then not only because it supplies certain details
about the events of that day, but because it suggests that basic evidence was falsified at a very
early stage, evidence which influenced the direction of the investigation and, in time, affected
the conclusions reached by the Warren Commission.

HAROLD NORMAN — The Man Beneath the Sniper's Nest

On the day of the assassination, Harold Norman and two other employees of the Depository,
Bonnie Ray Williams and James Jarman, watched the motorcade from windows on the fifth floor
of their building, one floor below the alleged sniper's nest. The three men positioned themselves
at the pair of double windows in the southeast corner, each man at a different window, with
Harold Norman directly beneath the window allegedly used by Oswald to kill the President.

Harold Norman made no statement to anyone on the Friday the President was shot. He made
no statement to anyone on the following Saturday, Sunday and Monday. Finally, on Tuesday,
November 26, four days after the President was assassinated, Norman was interviewed by the
FBI. (Both of his companions were interviewed much earlier. By Sunday, November 24, both
Jarman and Williams had been interviewed twice, once by the Dallas Police and once by the
FBI. This four-day gap between the shooting and Norman's first interview has never been
explained.

It is difficult to understand Norman's silence on the day of the assassination and the days
immediately following, difficult to understand why he failed to tell anyone what he had heard. But
even more inexplicable was his failure to tell the FBI about it when he was questioned by that
agency on November 26.

During that interview, Norman made no mention of hearing the shells and the bolt action of the
rifle. He told the FBI that after the first shot:

... he stuck his head from the window and looked upward toward the roof but could see nothing
because small particles of dirt were falling from above him. He stated two additional shots were
fired after he had pulled his head back in from the window.[2]

This is Norman's earliest, most credible statement and there are no falling shells here only
falling "particles of dirt" which struck Norman when he stuck his head out the window. This
original version is buttressed by testimony from two other sources:

Witnesses on the street below saw Norman with his head out the window. Four people present
at Dealey Plaza during the shooting later testified that they saw two Negro men at windows on
the fifth floor of the Depository below the alleged sniper's nest who were looking up toward the
top of the building.[3] Two of these witnesses described the Negroes as "leaning out" of the
windows at the time.[4] (Norman was one of these men and the other was Bonnie Ray Williams,
as indicated by his statement to the FBI on November 23.[5])

In addition, James Jarman told the FBI on November 24 that, when the shots were fired, Harold
Norman said "something had fallen from above his head and that a piece of debris ... had hit
him in his face.[6] This is entirely consistent with Norman's own statement to the FBI. What
Jarman called "debris," Norman called "particles of dirt" but both statements obviously referred
to the same thing.

In his first interview, Norman did not mention the sounds which the gunman supposedly
generated as he killed the President. Instead he gave the FBI an entirely different account of
what happened when the shots were fired. Later before the Warren Commission, Norman
repudiated this statement. And that body, anxious to accept his valuable testimony, did not
pursue the matter. If they had, they would have been confronted with the unsettling fact that the
testimony which Norman repudiated in March of 1964 had been corroborated four months
earlier by the initial testimony of one of the men who was with him on the fifth floor during the
shooting, and by the testimony of four witnesses who were present on the street below.
Secret Service Interview (SS491)

Norman's allegation that he heard the shells hit the floor and the bolt action of the rifle surfaced
in toto in SS491. Twelve days after the assassination and eight days after his interview by the
FBI, Norman's startling disclosure made its belated appearance. Norman's sworn affidavit to the
Secret Service states:

I knew that the shots had come from directly above me, and I could hear the expended
cartridges fall to the floor. I could also hear the bolt action of the rifle. I also saw some dust fall
from the ceiling of the fifth floor and I felt sure that whoever had fired the shots was directly
above me.[7]

Missing entirely from this new version is the description of Norman putting his head out the
window and looking up toward the roof, a gesture which was witnessed by at least four people.
Norman permanently eliminated this event from this testimony at this point. Also, the particles of
dirt, which he told the FBI fell outside the building and prevented him from seeing anything when
he looked up, are changed in this version to "some dust." This dust fell "from the ceiling" inside
the building and the intended implication appears to be that it was dislodged by the shells hitting
the floor of the sniper's nest.

This then is Norman's new story. Not only are the sounds of the gunman added for the first time,
but one part of his earlier statement to the FBI is excised and another part altered to
accommodate the new information. This new story transformed Norman from an
inconsequential witness to one of major importance who provided firsthand evidence linking the
shots that were fired at 12:30 to the hulls that were found on the sixth floor 40 minutes later.
This important information became the focus of his interview three months later before the
Warren Commission.
Warren Commission Interview

On March 24, 1964, Norman told the Warren Commission what he heard on the fifth floor during
the shooting:

Well, I couldn't see at all during the time, but I know I heard a third shot fired, and I could also
hear something sounded like the shell hulls hitting the floor and the ejecting of the rifle. ... I
remember saying that I thought I could hear the shell hulls and the ejection of the rifle.[8]

The essential part of this statement, the description of what Norman heard, is the same as that
first recounted in SS491. In other respects, certain changes appeared.

The particles of dirt which fell outside the window in his original story to the FBI and which were
converted to "some dust" which fell from the ceiling in his statement to the Secret Service,
assumed still another form in this interview. In response to a question from Commission
attorney George [sic - Joseph] Ball, Norman stated, "I didn't see any falling [dust or dirt] but I
saw some in Bonnie Ray Williams' hair." [9] Later, when Ball asked Norman about the head-out-
the-window story in the FBI report and the falling dirt, Norman said that he did not "recall" telling
that to the FBI, and he also said: "I don't remember ever putting my head out the window."[10]
In essence, Norman simply denied making his earlier statements to the FBI and which were
converted to "some dust" which fell from the ceiling in his statement to the Secret Service
version, except for the falling dust which he handed off to Bonnie Ray Williams. He also
introduced one new item. He told the Commission, at the time he heard the shots overhead, he
told his companions what he heard. This new fact enabled Jarman and Williams to corroborate
Norman's story insofar as what he said at the time. Unfortunately, for Norman's credibility, this
corroboration suffers from the same problems afflicting the story it is intended to support. It
surfaced late, even later than Norman's story, appearing for the first time during their Warren
Commission interviews in March. Also, while Williams' testimony supports Norman's version,
Jarman's account of when and where Norman made his statement is substantially different.[11]
The net result of this late-blooming, conflicting "corroboration" is the creation of additional
suspicious testimony.

The Re-Enactment

The Warren Commission gave Norman's story great weight and went to some lengths in their
efforts to verify the fact that Norman could have heard what he claimed he did. These efforts
were only partially successful, but that fact is carefully disguised in the Warren Report.

First, the Commission's legal staff arranged a re-enactment of the audio effects allegedly heard
by Norman on November 22. On March 20, 1964, Norman, Jarman and Williams took their
places at the windows on the fifth floor and, the Report states:

A Secret Service agent operated the bolt of a rifle directly above them at the southeast corner
window of the sixth floor. At the same time, three cartridge shells were dropped to the floor at
intervals of about 3 seconds.[12]

Norman told the Commission that the sounds he heard during this re-enactment were the same
sounds he heard on November 22. The Report does not relate what, if anything, Jarman and
Williams heard.

Later, this same re-enactment was conducted for all seven members of the Warren
Commission:

The experiment with the shells and rifle was repeated for members of the Commission on May
9, 1964, on June 7, 1964, and again on September 6, 1964. All seven of the Commissioners
clearly heard the shells drop to the floor.[13; emphasis added]

Notice that while the "experiment" included both "the shells and rifle," the Report says only that
the Commissioners "heard the shells drop to the floor," omitting any reference to the bolt action.
This can only mean that the Commissioners were not able to hear the bolt action as it was
"operated" by the Secret Service agent. If the Commissioners could not hear the bolt action
during the re-enactment, why should we believe that Norman heard it on the day of the
shooting? But that is not the most important question raised by this experiment.

If all seven Commissioners heard the shells, why didn't either Williams or Jarman hear them on
the day of the shooting? Since Jarman was in the far side of the second set of double windows,
it might be argued that he was too far away, but that reasoning cannot apply to Williams, who
was at the window right next to Norman's. A strip of wood less than a foot wide separated the
two men, but Norman alone heard the shells. Williams was obviously troubled by this anomaly,
and attempted to explain it by offering the following curious explanation to the Warren
Commission:

"... But I did not hear the shell being ejected from the gun, probably because I wasn't paying
attention."[14]

During Norman's testimony it was pointed out that there were spaces between the boards in the
ceiling separating the fifth and sixth floors which were wide enough to permit "daylight" to pass
through in at least two places. Considering the condition of the ceiling, it is understandable that
the Commissioners heard the shells during the re-enactment, and quite remarkable that
Williams did not hear them on November 22.

By proving that the ejected shells hitting the floor of the sniper's nest would have been audible
on the fifth floor, the Warren Commission's re-enactment underscored the importance of
Norman's testimony. If the shots came from the sixth floor sniper's nest, anyone directly beneath
it surely would have heard the shells as they hit the floor, just as the seven Commissioners
heard them months later. Yet Williams and Jarman admit they did not hear them on November
22 and the evidence strongly indicates that Norman did not hear them either, and that his
belated claim that he did is simply not true. All of which points to the possibility that the shots
which killed the President were not fired from the so-called sniper's nest but from some other
location, and that the shells found on the sixth floor of the Depository were merely planted there.

Long after the shooting, the Commission's re-enactment demonstrated that these men should
have heard the shells as they landed overhead. Much earlier, someone else identified the
problem: anyone familiar with the condition of the floor at the sniper's nest, and aware of the
early statements made by Norman, Williams and Jarman to the FBI, needed no re-enactment to
realize that a gap existed in their testimony. That gap was, in effect, closed on December 4,
1963, when Harold Norman signed the affidavit included in SS491.
The Dropped Carton

A reasonable assessment of Norman's testimony leads to the conclusion that the original
statement he gave to the FBI was truthful and his later testimony a fabrication. When the shots
were fired on November 22, Norman did not hear the shells hit the floor above him, nor did he
hear the bolt action of the rifle. Something prompted him to lean out the window and look up.
While doing so "particles of dirt" fell on him. The question is, what prompted him to lean out the
window and what caused the dirt to fall?

One possible answer to these questions is found in the testimony of Deputy Sheriff Luke
Mooney, who was the first to see the sniper's nest when he discovered the spent shells on the
floor in front of the window. Mooney told the Commission that the box in the windows with the
crease on it appeared to have been "tilted." He said it "looked like he might have knocked it off,"
referring to the gunman.[15] In the picture which Mooney identified, this box (which contained
books) is resting partially on the brickwork in front of the window and partially on the wooden
sill.[16] If Mooney was correct, and the person who arranged the boxes at the sniper's nest
"knocked" this particular one off, or if he accidentally dropped it onto the window sill, the
resulting jolt may have prompted Norman to lean out the window below and look upward. If this
is the case, the falling dirt was dislodged by the same jolt.

Evidence that someone, other than Oswald, arranged the boxes at the sniper's nest is found in
the testimony of Lillian Mooneyham, a District Court clerk in Dallas. On November 22, Lillian
Mooneyham was in the court house on Main Street and she watched the motorcade from a
window facing toward the Depository. On December 31, 1963, Dallas attorney S.L. Johnson told
the FBI that Mooneyham told him that she saw "some boxes moving" in the window from which
the shots allegedly came.[17] Interviewed by the FBI on January 8, 1964, Mooneyham stated
that:

4½ to 5 minutes following the shots ... she looked up towards the sixth floor of the TSBD and
observed the figure of a man standing in a sixth floor window behind some cardboard boxes.[18]

The man she saw was standing back from the window and "looking out." Since a Dallas
policeman, M.L. Baker, encountered Oswald in the lunchroom on the second floor of the
Depository only 90 seconds after the shots were fired, the man seen by Mooneyham "4½ to 5
minutes" after the shooting could not have been Oswald. He could, however, have been the
person who arranged the boxes at the sniper's nest and in the process dropped the carton,
described by Deputy Mooney, onto the window ledge. He could also have planted the shells on
the floor. Lillian Mooneyham was not called to testify before the commission, and her statement
to the FBI was not pursued.

Bonnie Ray Williams — The Chicken Bone Story

Forty minutes after the shots were fired, Deputy Sheriff Luke Mooney discovered the so-called
sniper's nest on the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository. Several tall stacks of
boxes were arranged around the southeast corner window concealing it from view on three
sides. Inside this enclosure, other boxes were stacked directly in front of the window.
Presumably the gunman rested his rifle on this smaller pile of boxes. On the floor in front of the
window, Mooney found three spent shell casings. And at the west end of the enclosure, on top
of one of the tall stacks of boxes, Mooney saw a partially-eaten chicken bone and a lunch
sack.[19]

Four other men were on the sixth floor when Mooney found the sniper's nest: Police officers
E.D. Brewer, G. Hill and CA.A. Haygood, and Deputy Sheriff Roger Craig. When Mooney saw
the shell casings he yelled out, and the other men responded immediately by going to his
location.[20] All of them - Brewer, Hill, Haygood and Craig - later testified that they too saw
some portion of the chicken lunch at the same window where the shells were found.[21] In
addition, Officer L.A. Montgomery, who arrived on the sixth floor after the shells were found and
was one of the two men assigned to guard the scene, testified to seeing the lunch remnants at
the sniper's nest.[22]

There is a remarkable unanimity in the statements of these six men. The lunch remnants
consisted of at least two chicken bones, an ordinary lunch sack, and a Dr. Pepper bottle. Not all
six men saw all of these items, some saw more than others, but no one saw anything differently.
They all described what they saw and where they saw it in similar terms.

The similarity of language used to describe the bones is particularly striking. Three of these men
gave almost identical descriptions. Mooney said he saw "one partially eaten piece of fried
chicken," while Brewer saw "a partially eaten piece of chicken," and Montgomery saw "one
piece ... I believe it was partially eaten."[23] Obviously, these men were describing the same
chicken bone. This is further supported by the fact that they all saw the bone at the same
location: on top of a box. Mooney indicated that the bone and sack were on top of one of the
larger stacks of boxes at the west side of the window. This corresponds with the testimony of
Gerald Hill, who said the "chicken leg bone" and the sack were "on top of the larger stack of
boxes that would have been used for concealment." Montgomery, too, saw a piece of chicken
"on a box" (he also noticed another piece on the floor). And Roger Craig, who remembered only
the sack, saw it "on top of a box."[24]

Three of these men - Haygood, Brewer and Montgomery - saw the Dr. Pepper bottle, but only
Montgomery described its location in any detail. (Montgomery's testimony regarding the location
of the bottle as well as the second piece of chicken on the floor deserves great weight since he
guarded the scene after the others left, and had greater opportunity to observe the area.) He
said that the bottle was "over a little more to the west of that window ... sitting over there by
itself."[25] This means that the bottle was separated from the stack of boxes on which the bone
and sack rested, that it was on the floor somewhat farther west of the sniper's nest. This may
explain why Mooney, Hill and Craig did not see the bottle.

A precise and consistent picture emerges from the testimony of these six witnesses. On top of
one of the tall stacks of cartons which formed the west end of the enclosure encircling the
sniper's nest was a partially eaten chicken bone and a paper sack; on the floor nearby was
another bone; and outside the enclosure and farther to the west was a Dr. Pepper bottle.

Exactly one hour after Deputy Sheriff Mooney discovered the sniper's nest and saw the chicken
bone and lunch sack there, Dallas Police Inspector J.H. Sawyer told the Associated Press about
the chicken lunch and that wire service, quoting Sawyer, carried the story:

Police found the remains of fried chicken and paper on the fifth floor. Apparently the person had
been there quite a while.[26]

This first public reference to the chicken lunch (which incorrectly identified the sniper's nest as
being on the fifth floor) occurred one hour and 42 minutes after the assassination. In it,
Inspector Sawyer linked the "fried chicken" to the assassin and word flashed around the world
that the gunman had eaten fried chicken shortly before killing President Kennedy.

United Press International actually photographed the "Dallas police technician" as he removed
part of the lunch from the building. This photograph shows the "police technician" holding two
sticks, one protruding into the mouth of a Dr. Pepper bottle and the other attached to a small
lunch sack. The caption reads:

A lunch bag and a pop bottle, held here by a Dallas police technician, and three spent shell
casings were found by the sixth floor window. The sniper had dined on fried chicken and pop
while waiting patiently to shoot the President.[27]

Many other stories appeared in the new media that day describing the gunman's chicken lunch.
On November 22, it was generally believed that the chicken lunch belonged to the assassin.
The first five witnesses to see the sniper's nest thought so, as did Inspector Sawyer, who first
relayed the information to the press. Furthermore, the photograph of the "technician" carefully
removing the sack and bottle from the building indicates that the Dallas Police regarded them as
significant evidence.

Nevertheless, when the Warren Report was published ten months later, the chicken lunch was
dismissed as inconsequential. It was not found at the sniper's nest, the commission decided, but
20 or 30 feet west at the third or fourth set of double windows. Furthermore, according to the
Commission, it was left there not by the assassin, but by Bonnie Ray Williams, the same
witness who later watched the motorcade from a windows on the fifth floor next to Harold
Norman.

Part II

In arriving at its conclusions, the Warren Commission relied on two pieces of evidence: (1) the
Dallas Police photographs of the sixth floor taken by R.L. Studebaker which show no sack, no
bones, and no bottle at the sniper's nest, but do show a sack and a bottle on the floor at the
third set of double windows; and (2) the testimony of Bonnie Ray Williams, who claimed he left
the sack and bottle on the floor as shown in the Studebaker picture.
The Studebaker Picture

Detective Studebaker testified before the Warren Commission that he took the picture of the
chicken lunch "before anything was touched and before it was dusted." The picture shows a Dr.
Pepper bottle and a lunch sack on the floor near a two-wheel cart in front of the third set of
windows.[28] There are no chicken bones visible in this picture nor in any other picture taken
that day. Studebaker explained why. The chicken bones, he told the Commission, "were all
inside the sack, wrapped up and put right back in."[29]

By the time Studebaker took this picture, the chicken bones seen at the sniper's nest by Deputy
Sheriff Mooney and police officers Brewer, Hill and Montgomery were no longer visible because
they were "inside the sack." Also, the sack and bones were no longer atop a box in the
southeast corner, but now were on the floor in front of the third set of windows. Studebaker may
have taken this picture "before [anything] was dusted," but he certainly did not take it "before
anything was touched."

The fact is, no one who saw the chicken lunch that day saw what Studebaker photographed. In
addition to the six men who saw the lunch at the sniper's nest, other witnesses arrived on the
sixth floor later that afternoon. These later witnesses saw the lunch at various locations, but
none of them saw the sack and bottle as photographed. Like Mooney and the others, these men
also saw the chicken bones. But unlike the first group of witnesses, each of these men saw the
lunch at a different place. Officer Marvin Johnson saw the sack, "remnants of fried chicken" and
the bottle at the second set of double windows; Detective E.L. Boyd saw "some chicken bones"
and a "lunch sack" on "top of some boxes" at the third set of double windows; and FBI agents
Nat Pinkston and J. Doyle Williams, accompanied by an employee of the Depository, William
Shelley, viewed the scene after the sack and bottle were removed from the building, and saw
the bones along with some wax paper on the floor near the center (i.e., third) window.[30]

The wide variety of these later sightings and their chronology (that is the fact that they all
occurred after the initial group saw the lunch at the sniper's nest) suggest that the lunch was
removed from its original position and moved about on the sixth floor before it was finally placed
on the floor in front of the third set of double windows where it was photographed.

Clearly, the Studebaker picture, supposedly taken before anything was touched on the sixth
floor, suffers from a severe credibility problem. During his Warren Commission interview,
Studebaker was asked if he saw any chicken bones at the sniper's nest, and he replied that he
did not recall any, and if there had been, "it ought to be in one of these pictures ...."[31] There,
Studebaker defined the problem.

Not only did the deputities and officers who saw the lunch on November 22 fail to provide
testimony that supported the picture, but the two of them who saw the picture unequivocally
rejected it. When Deputy Sheriff Mooney and Officer Montgomery were shown the Studebaker
picture, both of them told the Warren Commission that they did not remember the scene it
depicted. And Montgomery, after looking at the picture, continued to insist that there were
chicken bones "over here around where the hulls were found ... I know there was one piece
laying up on top of the box there."[32]

[Dallas Police] Lieutenant J.C. Day, who also took photographs of the sixth floor that afternoon,
arrived on the scene with Studebaker and was his immediate superior. Day is the only one of
these later witnesses who provided any support for Studebaker's picture. He is the only one of
this group, except Studebaker, who did not see the chicken bones outside the sack. Also, he
recalled seeing the lunch sack and pop bottle at the third set of windows. However, when he
was shown the picture, he was unable to locate th sack and commented that it didn't show in
the picture. He then stated that he didn't remember where the sack was located.[33]

Day's failure to see the sack in the picture is understandable. As shown, the sack is practically
hidden from sight. It is on the floor at the east end of of a two-wheel cart between the cart and a
stack of boxes. A sack in that position would have been difficult to spot on November 22.
Certainly no sack in that location could have been confused with one on top of a box in the
southeast corner, 20 or 30 feet to the east.

If the chicken bones were inside the sack as Studebaker claims and as his picture indicates,
none of the people on the sixth floor that day would have seen them. But six of them did: three
from the first group at the scene, and three who arrived later.[34] The only explanation for this
contradiction is that the bones were outside initially and were put inside the sack before the
picture was taken. Since the bones were obviously moved from outside the sack to inside, it is
hardly unreasonable to suggest that the entire lunch was then moved from one location to
another, from the sniper's nest to the third set of double windows before being photographed.

The question that remains is why this was done. A police affidavit contained in the 26 volumes
of Commission Hearings and Exhibits provides the motive. Sometime on November 22, Wesley
Frazier, the man who drove Oswald to work that Friday morning, signed a sworn statement
which included the following information:

Lee (Oswald) did not carry his lunch today. He told me this morning he was going to buy his
lunch today.[35]

This statement, made the day of the assassination, established that the remnants of a chicken
lunch found at the sniper's nest were not Oswald's. This meant someone else ate his lunch
there, and the bones, sack and bottle were evidence of that fact. Once it was known that
Oswald did not bring his lunch to work that day, the chicken lunch became an impediment to the
theory that Oswald, acting alone, fired the fatal shots from the southeast corner window of the
sixth floor. Consequently, the chicken bones, lunch sack and Dr. Pepper bottle were moved
away from the alleged sniper's nest in order to disassociate them from the gunman.
The Chicken "Sandwich"

Two weeks after the assassination, the Secret Service found a witness to support the
Studebaker picture. Bonnie Ray Williams was interviewed on November 23 by the FBI, but not
until he was interviewed by the Secret Service in December did he lay claim to the chicken
lunch found on the sixth floor.
The day after the assassination, Williams was interviewed by the FBI and gave a detailed
account of his movements on November 22:

At approximately 12 noon, Williams went back upstairs ... to the 6th floor with his lunch. He
stayed on that floor only about three minutes, and seeing no one there, descended to the fifth
floor ....[36]

Here Williams described a brief three-minute trip to the sixth floor. There is no suggestion in this
FBI report (1) that he at his lunch on the sixth floor; (2) that his lunch contained chicken bones;
or (3) that he left anything behind on the sixth floor. Williams' entire chicken bone story
materialized in December when he was interviewed by the Secret Service.

SS491 summarizes Williams' statement in part as follows:

After Williams picked up his lunch on the first floor he returned to the sixth floor and sat near the
windows in the center of the building overlooking Elm Street and ate his lunch. Included in his
lunch was a chicken sandwich and Williams claims that there were some chicken bones in the
sandwich and he left them on the floor at the time he ate. He also left an empty Dr. Pepper
bottle at the same location. He drank the Dr. Pepper with his lunch.

Williams ... went to the fifth floor ... prior to 12:15 p.m.[37]

Williams' three-minute trip to the sixth floor, which he described to the FBI the day after the
assassination, expended here to 15 minutes during which he at his curious "chicken sandwich"
and left the bones behind.

Williams' Secret Service story is not only late-blooming but, like Norman's, it conflicts with his
earlier statement to the FBI. This December testimony is the final solution to the problem posed
by the chicken bones. It is an important solution, however, one that fails to explain the most
credible evidence, the testimony of those who saw the chicken bones at the sniper's nest. On
the contrary, it is a story that corroborates the Studebaker picture, the only testimony to do so,
and that alone is cause for skepticism.

Three months later, when Williams testified before the Warren Commission, he improved his
story somewhat. He included the two-wheel cart (shown in the Studebaker picture), claiming he
sat on it while eating his "sandwich." And he added a sack, saying he put the bones back inside
before he "threw the sack down."

To his credit, Williams' reluctance to associate himself with the chicken bones is apparent in his
refusal to call his lunch "fried chicken." He repeatedly referred to it as a "chicken sandwich."
This "sandwich" prompted the following exchange between Williams and Commission attorney
Ball:

WILLIAMS: I had a chicken sandwich.

BALL: Describe the sandwich. What did it have in it besides chicken?

WILLIAMS: Well, it just had chicken in it. Chicken on the bone.

BALL: Chicken on the bone?


WILLIAMS: Yes.

BALL: The chicken was not boned?

WILLIAMS: It was just chicken on the bone. Just plain old chicken.

BALL: Did it have bread around it?

WILLIAMS: Yes it did.[38]

Understandably, Ball had difficulty visualizing a chicken sandwich with bones in it. That was
Williams' story, however, and Ball resolved the problem by suggesting that Williams' "chicken on
the bone" had bread around it. This conjured up a strange culinary image but it permitted
Williams to have his "sandwich" and the Commission to have an explanation for the bones
found on the sixth floor.

There is no doubt about the function of Williams' testimony. As first outlined in the December
report, the message imparted was clear: the bones found on the sixth floor which received so
much early publicity were not found at the sniper's nest as first reported, but at a totally different
windows, well removed from the southeast corner, and they were not left there by the assassin,
but by Bonnie Ray Williams.

This story, secured by the Secret Service ten days after the assassination and passed on to the
staff of the Warren Commission, determined the course of the inquiry regarding the chicken
lunch. By providing this innocent explanation early in the investigation, the Secret Service
precluded the exploration of other possibilities which might have yielded quite a different story.
Certainly if someone other than Oswald ate his lunch at the sniper's nest, and that person was
there when the shots were fired or shortly before, that information would have had an impact on
the Commission's investigation. There is evidence that such a person was seen at the sniper's
nest.

A witness outside the building, Arnold Rowland, testified that he saw an elderly Negro at the
window of the sniper's nest five or six minutes before the shooting. In addition, there is other
evidence that another witness, Amos Euins, moments after the shooting, said the man at the
sniper's nest was black. (Euins later said he could not say whether the man was black or white.)
The Warren Report explains that while Rowland was not regarded as a credible witness, his
assertion about the elderly Negro at the sniper's nest was investigated. This investigation
consisted of interviews with certain employees of the Depository which determined that the only
two men who might fit Rowland's description were on the first floor "before and during the
assassination.[39]

A more vigorous inquiry might have been conducted if the Commission, in addition to
investigating Rowland's clam, had been actively seeking an explanation for the presence of
chicken bones found at the sniper's nest. The chicken lunch would have given Rowland's
allegation more substance and additional steps might have been taken. For instance, the
Commission could have made an effort for Rowland to identify the Negro he saw from among
the employees of the building. Also, fingerprints on both the lunch sack and the bottle could
have been checked against those of the employees. Since the chicken lunch was dismissed
early in the Commission's investigation, it was not associated with Rowland's testimony, and
only a superficial effort was made to identify the man Rowland claimed he saw at the sniper's
nest only minutes before the shooting.

The Warren Commission's attitude toward the lunch remnants was determined early in
December when the Commission's inquiry was just beginning. The testimony in SS491
indicated to the Commission staff that the lunch was totally unrelated to both the sniper's nest
and to the assassin. This position is challenged by the testimony of the Deputy Sheriff who
found the shells, and four other law enforcement officers present on the sixth floor at the time,
as well as by the testimony of the officer who guarded the sniper's nest. Unfortunately, these
men all testified late in the investigation, long after the Secret Service interview with Williams
had steered the Commission's inquiry away from the chicken lunch.
Charles Givens - Oswald at the Crime Scene

The day of the assassination, Givens told the FBI he saw Oswald three times that morning:

1.

Working on the fifth floor during the morning filling orders;


2.

Standing by the elevator in the building at 11:50 AM when givens went to the first floor; and
3.

Reading a newspaper in the domino room where the employees eat lunch about 11:50
A.M.[40]

The original version of when and where Givens saw Oswald during that day is totally different
from his later statement to the Secret Service. In this first account given to the FBI on November
22, Givens last saw Oswald on the first floor in the room where the employees, including
Oswald, normally ate lunch. At that time, roughly 40 minutes before he allegedly committed the
crime of the century, Oswald was behaving quite normally, doing what he did at lunchtime:
reading a newspaper.

To some extent, this testimony by Givens corroborates Oswald's own statement made that
afternoon after his arrest. During his interrogation at Police headquarters, Oswald claimed he
was on the first floor when the President's motorcade passed the building. Two FBI agents
heard Oswald make this statement:

Oswald stated that he went to lunch at approximately noon and he claimed he ate his lunch on
the first floor in the lunchroom.... Oswald claimed to be on the first floor when President John F.
Kennedy passed this building.[41]

Oswald claimed he was in the first floor lunchroom "at approximately noon." Givens' statement
to the FBI placed him there at 11:50, indicating that Oswald was telling the truth about his
whereabouts at that time. Oswald also claimed he was still on the first floor when the motorcade
passed the building, but it does not make Oswald's assertion plausible. Givens' November 22
statement lent credibility to Oswald's alibi and this presented a problem for those intent on
establishing Oswald's guilt. This problem was solved two weeks later when Givens withdrew his
original testimony and converted to a witness for the prosecution.
Secret Service Interview (SS491)
Sometime between December 2 and 5, 1963, Givens was interviewed by the Secret Service,
and according to SS491:

Givens stated that he saw Oswald on the sixth floor at about 11:45 A.M. ... and that Oswald was
carrying a clipboard that appeared to have some orders on it. Givens felt that Oswald was
looking for some books to fill an order, which is his job, and did not give the matter further
thought. Shortly thereafter, Givens and the other employees working on the floor-laying project
quit for lunch and they took both elevators. They were racing the elevators to the first floor and
Givens heard Oswald call to them to send one of the elevators back up.[42]

This account describes only one sighting of Oswald and it took place on the sixth floor at about
11:45. At this point, the picture of Oswald last seen reading a newspaper in the domino room is
replaced by a totally new image. Now he is last seen on the sixth floor. The purpose of this new
version is obvious: to incriminate Oswald.

The Clipboard

A new and important item was added to Givens' story during this December interview: Oswald's
clipboard. SS491 contains the first mention of the clipboard Oswald was supposedly carrying
when last seen on the sixth floor: "Oswald was carrying a clipboard that appeared to have some
orders on it," the report states. The Warren Report explains the importance of this item:

The significance of Given's observation that Oswald was carrying his clipboard became
apparent on December 2, 1963, when an employee, Frankie Kaiser, found a clipboard hidden
by book cartons in the northwest corner of the sixth floor at the west wall a few feet from where
the rifle had been found ... Kaiser identified it as the clipboard which Oswald had appropriated
from him when Oswald came to work at the Depository.[43]

This narrative outlines the following sequence of events: once alone on the sixth floor, Oswald
hid the clipboard near the spot where he later concealed his rifle; it went undetected for ten
days; on or about December 2, Givens made his statement to the Secret Service, but the
"significance" of his reference to the clipboard was not apparent until the clipboard was found by
Kaiser on December 2.

This interpretation raises numerous questions. First, why would Oswald bother to hide his
clipboard? And if he did, why wasn't it found during the search of the sixth floor on November
22? According to Kaiser's description of its location, the clipboard wasn't hidden at all, merely
lying on the floor between some cartons and the wall. How then did it go unnoticed for ten days?

The major question, however, relates to the timing of the clipboard's discovery and Givens'
testimony about it. The Warren Report implies that Givens' reference to the clipboard occurred
prior to the clipboard's discovery, but in fact, both arrived on the scene with the juxtaposition of
Siamese twins. Givens' statement to the Secret Service occurred between December 2 and
December 5, which means his reference to the clipboard was made the same day it was "found"
or within three days afterward. The true implication of this tardy, simultaneous appearance is
ominous and far-reaching. It means that whoever was reshaping the testimony of witnesses
also had access to certain items of physical evidence.

The clipboard and Givens' Secret Service testimony are virtually inseparable. They appeared at
the same time, each supported the other, and together they provided the Warren Commission
with evidence "linking Oswald with the point from which the shots were fired." Yet in the first
statement that Givens made on November 22, he stated that he last saw Oswald on the first
floor, not the sixth, and that Oswald was reading a newspaper, not carrying a clipboard.

Only one version can be true: Oswald was either in one place or the other, and the earliest most
reliable evidence places him in the lunch room. There is no reason do doubt Givens' first
statement to the FBI, but there is abundant reason to doubt his later statement to the Secret
Service. Givens had no motive to fabricate the first version. It served no purpose and helped no
one, except Oswald, a fact Givens could not have known when he gave the statement on
November 22. On the other hand, the later story served a valuable function. Coupled with the
physical evidence provided by the clipboard, it contributed to the web of circumstantial evidence
used to incriminate Oswald. Moreover, it effectively eliminated Givens' earlier testimony which
had raised the disquieting possibility that Oswald's statements about his whereabouts during the
assassination might be true.

SS491 — What Does It Mean?

In evaluating the significance of this document, it is useful to consider how different the record
would be if the original statements made by Harold Norman, Bonnie Ray Williams and Charles
Givens to the FBI had prevailed. There would be no audio evidence, raising the question of why
the men below the sniper's nest heard nothing overhead during the assassination. There would
be no explanation for the remnants of a chicken lunch found on the sixth floor, necessitating
further investigation in that area. And there would be no testimony placing Oswald on the sixth
floor after everyone else went to lunch, instead there would be support for Oswald's claim that
he was on the first floor when the shots were fired. (It should be noted that the FBI reports
detailing the initial statements of the three men were not published in the Commission's 26
volumes but, instead, were placed in the Archives.)

This report by the Secret Service suggests a certain pattern of activity. It is extremely unlikely
that these three stories blossomed independently of each other and appeared for the first time
in the same document either by accident or coincidence. On the contrary, a systematically
coordinated effort appears to be be operating. One designed to steer the Warren Commission's
inquiry in a particular direction during its early stages and to prevent the Commission from
pursuing certain areas where investigation might have yielded conclusions different from those
finally reached. (It is possible, in fact likely, that similar efforts too place in other, more critical
areas.) When viewed in this way, SS491 could be interpreted as circumstantial evidence
implicating the Secret Service in an orchestrated effort to conceal the truth about the
assassination.

On the other hand, it could be argued that the Secret Service was merely an unwitting conduit
for the new information supplied by these three witnesses. That possibility prompts a number of
questions:

Who decided it was necessary to re-interview the employees of the TSBD en masse?
*

Why was the Secret Service chosen to do the job, instead of the FBI?
*
And what bureaucratic process was involved in these decisions; who set the process into
motion; and why?

Were these interviews really necessary, or were they only set up to allow Harold Norman,
Bonnie Ray Williams and Charles Givens to revise their earlier testimony, and to put their new
stories into the record?

The obvious implication of this line of thinking is that someone involved in manipulating the
testimony of these three men was in a position to influence the actual mechanics of the Warren
Commission's field investigation.

In the final analysis, the ultimate dimensions of SS491 cannot be adequately defined at this
point; more information is needed. But what we know is grim enough: eyewitness testimony was
falsified and physical evidence manipulated. Regardless of the role played by the Secret
Service, whether that agency was the source of the revised testimony or merely a conduit for it,
the implications are unpleasant in the extreme. For such a complex and calculated effort could
not have succeeded without high level assistance from within the investigation itself.

NOTES:

Note: All references open in new window, and display scanned pages of the appropriate
documents on the Mary Ferrell Foundation website (www.MaryFerrell.org).

1.

CD87, page 775, et seq. (return to text)


2.

CD5, page 26 (return to text)


3.

2H159 (Jackson); 6H169 (Underwood); 7H523 (Altgens); CD5, page 13 (Brennan) (return to
text)
4.

6H169 (Underwood); 7H523 (Altgens) (return to text)


5.

CD5, page 330 (return to text)


6.

3H175 (Williams); 3H211 (Jarman) (return to text)


7.

CD87, page 797 (return to text)


8.
3H191 (return to text)
9.

3H192 (return to text)


10.

3H196 (return to text)


11.

3H175 (Williams); 3H211 (Jarman) (return to text)


12.

Report, page 71 (return to text)


13.

ibid. (return to text)


14.

3H175 (return to text)


15.

3H287 (return to text)


16.

17H222 (return to text)


17.

CD329, page 16 (return to text)


18.

24H531 (return to text)


19.

3H288 (return to text)


20.

3H284-85 (Mooney); 6H267 (Craig); 6H300 (Haygood); 6H306 (Brewer); 7H46 (Hill) (return
to text)
21.

6H267-68 (Craig); 6H300 (Haygood); 6H307 (Brewer); 7H46 (Hill) (return to text)
22.

7H97-98 (return to text)


23.

3H286 (Mooney); 6H307 (Brewer); 7H98 (Montgomery) (return to text)


24.

3H286-88 (Mooney); 7H46 (Hill); 7H97-98 (Montgomery); 7H268 (Craig) (return to text)
25.

7H97 (return to text)


26.

AP/A345DN, 2:12PM (return to text)


27.

Four Days, page 29 (return to text)


28.

17H507 (return to text)


29.

7H146 (return to text)


30.

7H102-103 (Johnson); 7H121-22 (Boyd); 6H330 (Shelley); CD5, page 371 (FBI agents);
CD1245, page 84 (Studebaker).
FOOTNOTE: Shelley's testimony to the Warren Commission about the lunch remnants
differs from the FBI version, but since the FBI report was written the day of the sighting and
Shelley's testimony was not given until April, the FBI report is the most reliable recollection of
what was seen. (return to text)
31.

7H147 (return to text)


32.

7H93 (return to text)


33.

4H266 (return to text)


34.

3H288 (Mooney); 7H46 (Hill); 6H307 (Brewer); 7H97-98 (Montgomery); 7H102 (Johnson);
7H121 (Boyd) (return to text)
35.

24H209 (return to text)


36.

CD5, page 330 (return to text)


37.

CD87, page 784 (return to text)


38.

3H169 (return to text)


39.
2H175, 178, 188 (Rowland); 6H170 and 2H207 (Euins); Report, 252 (elderly Negroes)
(return to text)
40.

CD5, page 329 (return to text)


41.

17H786 (return to text)


42.

CD87, page 780 (return to text)


43.

Report, page 143 (return to text)

This article contributed by Paige Turner.

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