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Markets of Dispossession - A Reflection
Markets of Dispossession - A Reflection
It seemed to me that what was threatening for residents of the new city is their environment
would be “infected” by those “informal” “irregular” “poor” “Others” if we borrowed Mary
Douglas’s theme of purity and Danger. They don’t mind buying goods for double or triple their
prices as long as those goods are introduced to them in a “neat”, “clean” and “formal” space.
They wouldn’t care also for how would other population serving their existence such as
construction workers, their personal driver or their domestic maid would find means to secure
food for themselves. In her conclusion, Julia Alyachar argues that neoliberal markets introduced
themselves as “the market” excluding and neglecting other forms of markets preceding them.
She also argues that “the poor” could find ways to adjust to those markets in an unexpected
way. It looks like that those gate guards could find ways to maneuver the practices of the state
and the neoliberal markets such as bribing the government official who acts with two roles,
finding other places unknown to those officials and getting support from their own customers
(i.e. university students, construction workers and even residents themselves). Two buildings
away from our house, a man and his wife are putting a table with cigarettes, tea packets and
candies and on the side of the table are few boxes of low-priced snacks. This small table serves
higher institute students nearby; young adults prefer to buy from this man because he doesn’t
add margins to his goods as small shops inside the institute itself. Few months ago, the man
disappeared for a while, but then he reappeared again with his same exact small table.
Samar Saadany
A friend of mine was talking with me about a Gam3ia he is participating to buy himself a scooter
(a small motorcycle) and that his mother is managing for him (i.e. responsible for taking money
from him and handling communication with the main Gam3ia manager). In Gamiaas, order of
gets money is usually unknown; this is a regular tradition to avoid pressure from other
participants on the person who’s turn to receive the money to exchange turns. In my friend’s
case, one woman knew my friend’s mother order. In a visit for my friend to his mother, the
woman passed by his mother because she knew my friend’s mother’s turn is first. The two
women negotiated on which one should take her money first explaining their circumstances to
each other. My friend’s mother is participating with three “names” (for her two sons and one
daughter) and the other woman was participating with more than one “name” to help her
daughter who is getting married. I know of a whole system of Gamiaat run by mothers to help
their children in their daily living, either for apartments installments, vehicles purchase,
marriage costs, or even travelling. Neo-liberalism is disempowering the poor under claims of
empowerment, but those women are empowering their children a very strict regulated and
efficient informal economic system.