Professional Documents
Culture Documents
2011 Populism and The Italian Right
2011 Populism and The Italian Right
Abstract This paper documents and analyses how populist discourse was used in
very different ways by political entrepreneurs of the Italian right, leading to three
specific manifestations. The empirical range of populist ideologies is identified
through a frame analysis of party materials and connected to the varying political
and cultural opportunities of different kinds of parties. However, it is argued that
at the same time a common reliance on some common populist tenets constituted
an innovative strategy of the Italian right, and that as an ideology one of it’s
distinctive functions has been to act as a conceptual glue in a coalition which would
otherwise be deeply internally divided.
Acta Politica (2011) 46, 158–179. doi:10.1057/ap.2011.5
Introduction
The coalition between Berlusconi’s Forza Italia and Fini’s AN had first been
forged in 1994 (when the AN was a mere electoral front for the neo-fascist
Italian Social Movement, MSI) and had been central to the centre-right’s
election victories in 1994, 2001 and 2008. The third critical element of this
coalition was the Northern League (Lega Nord, LN), a regionalist populist
party, which has at times advocated the break-up of Italy and is often
categorised as part of the family of new xenophobic radical right-wing populist
parties (RRPs) or extreme right populists (ERPs) in Europe. Whereas Fini and
the AN had remained loyal to the coalition continuously from 1994 to 2010,
the LN, and its charismatic and sometimes demagogic leader Umberto Bossi,
had initially been viewed as the more unreliable partner, having withdrawn
from the short-lived governing coalition at the end of 1994 (causing the
collapse of the first Berlusconi government) and fighting the 1996 general
election separately from the united AN-FI centre-right pole. The non-partici-
pation of the LN in the centre-right coalition was key to its defeat in the 1996
election and its return to the coalition was critical to the centre-right’s success
in the 2001 election. Subsequently, however, the political direction of the
coalition has rested closely on a populist political axis between Berlusconi and
Bossi (and their respective political parties) while Fini has sought to carve
out a separate identity for himself (and previously the AN party) as the more
moderate conservative element of the coalition, and the more respectful of
Italy’s constitutional proprieties. Fini’s election as speaker of the chamber
of deputies in 2008 allowed him to put particular emphasis on the latter
identity, but this brought him increasingly into conflict with Berlusconi and
other elements of the coalition.
Despite these later troubles, the electoral and political success of Berlusconi
and his centre-right coalition has been undeniable. In 2006, Berlusconi’s
government could lay claim to the considerable achievement (in Italian terms) of
managing to remain in office for a full parliamentary term, setting a record for
longevity in office for a post-war Italian government. Although the centre-right
was defeated by the narrowest of margins in the 2006 general election, the
collapse of the centre-left government in early 2008 paved the way for
Berlusconi’s third general election victory and return as prime minister in April.
Berlusconi’s successes have come against the backdrop of a number of
judicial investigations into his business activities, and continuing questions
about the apparent conflict of interests surrounding his ownership of Italy’s
three main private TV networks, as well as other media and general business
interests. The dispute between Fini and Berlusconi came amidst the backdrop
of a series of lurid allegations surrounding Berlusoni’s private life, involving a
number of young women, and his alleged misuse of public office to grant them
political and legal favour.1 These allegations have added to the controversy
surrounding Berlusconi’s style of leadership, the legality of some of his political
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and business activities and the conflict between his political position and his
personal, media and business interests.
Given the controversy surrounding Berlusconi’s leadership, the AN’s
neo-fascist heritage and the LN’s xenophobic discourse and negation of the
Italian nation-state, this article seeks to provide a set of explanations for the
continuing success of this coalition in Italy. This will involve an examination of
the ideological features of these parties, their organisational structure, the
importance of communication strategies and the role of the media (particularly
the part owned by Berlusconi), and the broader political and cultural
opportunities open to the coalition.
In this article we argue that the success of the Italian right can be explained
in terms of its populism – which consists of a set of loosely connected but
distinctive ideological traits – which has been skilfully connected to other
ideological elements that resonate with Italian society, using specific political
and extra-political resources to optimise electoral appeal. We will thus identify
the central and the peripheral elements of populism and explain their
contribution to the success of the right through an analysis of the values of
the electorate and of the electoral programmes of the right-wing coalition,
drawing some general conclusions on the fit between the right-wing voting bloc
and the political opportunity structure.
This article explores the ideological innovation in which the Italian right has
engaged. In the background, one should emphasise the impact of institutional
changes on the success of the right – most importantly changes in the electoral
law which engendered the construction of broad electoral coalitions on the
centre-right and centre-left. Moreover, the collapse of the Christian Democrat
(DC) party which had been the main party of government since the 1940s,
together with its smaller coalition allies, following the tangentopoli scandal
(revealing systemic corruption) in the 1990s, had created a political vacuum
which the new right-wing coalition was able to exploit. However, without a
conceptual glue that could hold together a nationalist party such as the MSI-AN
which favoured a strengthened Italian state, with an ethno-nationalist or
regionalist formation such as the LN which has favoured the break-up of Italy,
success would not have been possible. We posit populism as this conceptual glue.
To explain the superior performance of the right we will emphasise
ideological factors, the changing structural characteristics of Italian society
and the resources at the disposal of political actors. Following the traumatic
events of tangentopoli the right could re-invent itself in a fashion that was
more suited to the changes that Italian society was undergoing, while the left
remained fragmented and anchored to old ideological schemes. The right
has been able to innovate ideologically and to an extent find common
ideological elements to mask persisting divisions. It has been able to reflect the
socially conservative values ingrained in a sizeable part of the Catholic
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Populism
their leaders, as reported in the media and in the parties’ own literature, and
interviews with party activists.
Methodology
Examining the three main constituent parties of the coalition in turn, the LN
reflects the core characteristics of populism: evocative rhetorical language and
symbolic policies emphasising belonging and drawing boundaries, and anti-
politics, directed at Rome-based politicians. It also fits most clearly into the
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decision to enter the political field in 1994 with his new party was determined by
the collapse of the old party system. This required the creation of a party that
could play a leading role in the mainstream of Italian politics, occupying the
position once held by the DC and attracting its voters. Thus its appeal needed to
be broad. Berlusconi would not have wanted to waste his time, and the financial
and organisational resources of his business empire, on creating a fringe populist
party to snap on the heels of the mainstream political establishment while being
unlikely to hold governmental power. A catch-all strategy was needed to win
over these voters. The construction of a liberal conservative political force was
thus required, appealing to conservative church-going Catholics who had
previously voted for the DC, while also representing the secular, consumerist and
materialist instincts of modern Italian society. At the same time, the need to
appeal across the Italian territory meant making different kinds of promises to
different parts of Italy – reflecting the different models of economic development
of different regions. Notably this meant promising tax cuts which would appeal
to the northern middle class, and major infrastructural projects to conservative
and state-dependent voters in the south. The main themes recurring throughout
FI documents are summarised in Figure 2.
As Figure 2 indicates, the general ideological profile of FI as reflected in all
its programmatic documents is mainly one of a typical centre-right party.
There are recurrent references to free-market policies, as the number of frames
categorised as ‘pro-free-market’ indicates. There are frequent references to a
conservative social ethos, as shown by the large number of references to
‘traditional family ethics’ to ‘law and order’ issues and concerns with crime and
security. The most prominent frame is the anti-bureaucracy one – linked to the
broader anti-establishment sentiment characteristic of populism but also
Figure 2: Most recurrent FI frames 1994–2006 (n. 312 – first eight frames n.190).
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of the PDL to side with him in his dispute with Berlusconi in 2010 and only a
relatively small minority subsequently followed Fini out of the PDL, and into
his new formation Future and Freedom for Italy.
In terms of the core elements of populism identified above, all are clearly
present in the Italian case. Appeals to the people emerge consistently from the
analysis of programmatic documents, although the ‘people’ are conceptualised
differently across the parties (particularly in terms of the territorial framing of
reference). A populist style embedded in anti-political linguistic and symbolic
usage was recurrent in all the parties, even if the specific linguistic style was
different among them. All parties have utilised broader anti-political frames
which encapsulate the core of populism. In the case of the AN and FI, this is
illustrated by the prominence of anti-partitiocracy frames. In the case of the
LN, this is part of a broader anti-establishment discourse, which involves
virulent attacks on the entire apparatus of the central state. The broad anti-
political ideological cluster has been much used by all parties and has been
reinterpreted in a variety of ways in the language of the right, from a
glorification of markets against the state, to an anti-elitist localism and
advocacy of greater civil society involvement. In its former meaning it is
connected to the frame of anti-bureaucracy which also has a pro-market
undertone, particularly for FI. Conversely, for the LN the anti-bureaucracy
frame is used as a byword for its anti-central state ethos which is encapsulated
by an old and now characteristic slogan ‘Roma Ladrona’ (thieving Rome).
Table 1 summarises in order of priority the first 10 elements that our frame
analysis identified out of a total of 60 frames. After the tenth the number of
AN LN FI
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This article does not conceptualise the success of the Italian right as an
expression of marked intolerance and xenophobia – an approach which would
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countries – although more than ex-communist states (ESS 2002 data – variable
trstprl5). They trust politicians even less, with only 6.5 per cent in 2002 and in
2004 assigning a score higher than 7 (on a 1 to 10 scale) (ESS 2002 data).
In Italy, the right has been more able to claim that its leaders were not part of
the political class. The right has benefited from a self-reinforcing cycle of mutual
influence between the media sphere the political sphere which has connected the
anti-political sentiments of the electorate to its own discourse. We have created an
index of ‘anti-politics’ based on answer to three questions related to attitudes
towards professional politicians.6 The results are illustrated in Figure 4.
As we see, anti-political sentiments are generally high and relatively evenly
distributed in the entire population, and while significantly present across all
party electorates are particularly well represented among those of the right
(the F test for the difference between means was significant). These findings
correlate with our analysis of the discourse of the parties, which also classified
the LN as the most anti-political party, followed by FI and AN. This finding
indicates that party discourse has been well tailored to public sentiment.
Concerns about race and ethnic identity are also crucial in explaining the
success of the right and gained new prominence in Italy on the back of
increased immigration flows since the beginning of the 1990s. We have
constructed an index of xenophobic sentiments in the Italian population and
examined its relevance for the 2006 electorate. From Figure 6, we see that
concerns about immigration and identity are generally relevant in the Italian
population, and are particularly high in the parties of the right.7 Once again,
the discourse of the parties on these issues follows closely the perceived
relevance for their electorate(Figure 5).
In Italy the success of the right is often explained with reference to a complex
set of sociological factors pertaining to the social profile of its electorate, its
Lega Nord
6
Forza Italia 5.16
Rif. Comunista DS Margherita AN
5 4.46 4.26
4.14 4.21 4.06 UDC
3.69
4
0
Anti-politics
Figure 4: Relevance of anti-political sentiments in selected electorates (index, range 1–9, Itanes
2006, n. ¼ 702). Test F sig. o0.05.
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0
Index of Racism
Figure 5: Index of xenophobia on a scale 1–6 (Itanes 2006, n. ¼ 730, range 0–6).
DS Margherita
6.37 UDC
6.35
6.40 6.30
Forza Italia AN Lega Nord
6.20 6.07 6.09 6.08
6.00
5.80
5.60
5.40
5.20
5.00
Environmental protection as first priority
Figure 6: Environmental protection as first priority (Itanes 2006, n. ¼ 881, mean score for group,
Test F sig. o0.05).
Taken together, the data presented above give an indication of the way in
which the right has addressed issues that are central to the Italian population,
and with some exceptions, they show that despite differences of emphasis, the
right at least on some issues such as ‘law and order’ and a negative approach
to migration, produced a relatively convergent ideology that resonates with
their electorate. Of course, the differences were in many respects as large as the
similarities – and, in the case of AN, they were also internal to the party.
Considering the three periods of government since 1994, internal tensions
certainly played a detrimental role for the centre-right and made governing less
effective. But, to an extent, the differences of emphasis also had the role of
broadening their electoral appeal. Irreconcilable differences were only seldom
presented to the electorate and appeared balanced by tensions within the left,
which particularly in recent years has been torn by strong tensions between its
radical and reformist wing.
We posit that each of the three rights operated a successful conjunction of
distinctive right-wing themes and populist ideological elements. In explaining the
success of the Italian right in a more global context, we need then to distinguish
between political opportunities, and cultural opportunities, which can be related
to factors pertaining to the structure of political communication and leadership,
and agency factors related to parties’ communicative strategies. Political oppor-
tunities for the right came from changes in the electoral law which forced a
previously unknown bipolar system and a political culture of bitter confrontation
onto Italian politics, but more importantly from the collapse of the post war
party system, creating a vacuum that required a whole new set of parties to be
invented or reinvented and allowing for a degree of political experimentation that
would have been impossible in other ‘frozen’ Western European party systems
(Lipset and Rokkan, 1967). This political culture was more conducive to a coali-
tion with a strong leader – perceived as such by both left and right (Barisione,
2006, pp. 20–26) – than to the fragmented leftist coalition.
In addition to political opportunities, cultural opportunities have also played
a role. In Italy, the success of the right relied on its mastery of the values
of social conservatism entrenched in Italian political culture following decades
of Christian Democratic rule. It also utilised fears about migration, security
and perceptions of ethnic rivalry for jobs and resources of the welfare state,
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which are widely shared in other European polities. Because of the distinctive
Italian patterns of media ownership, the right has been better able to exploit a
general trend that several observers have noted towards a media-oriented
redefinition of political competition (Mazzoleni, 2008, p. 58). If there is a
general European trend towards ‘soft populism’ whereby all political actors are
increasingly aware of the role of the media, learn to use media outlets and prefer
them to other political arenas, this knowledge and the ability to take advantage
of media resources is differently distributed, and this is particularly the case in Italy.
Stefano Fella writes on Italian, British and EU politics. In addition to his co-
authored book with Carlo Ruzza (see above), recent book publications include
‘New Labour and the European Union: Political Strategy, Policy Transition
and the Amsterdam Treaty Negotiation’ (Ashgate, 2002) and (as co-editor with
Mary Farrell and Michael Newman) ‘European Integration in the Twenty-
First Century – Unity in Diversity?’ (Sage, 2002). He has also edited a special
issue ‘Politics in Italy – Still in Transition’ of the Journal of Southern Europe
and the Balkans 8(2) (August 2006) and published articles in Politics and Policy,
Parliamentary Affairs, Political Quarterly, and Modern Italy.
Notes
1 In 2009, a number of media outlets within and outside of Italy began reporting on Berlusconi’s
relationships with a number of young women, some of whom were identified as paid escorts, and
allegations of promises by Berlusconi in terms of help in their media and political careers
(including their possible insertion onto party electoral lists), and political interventions to aid
their business interests. In October 2010, a story broke that Berlusconi had personally called a
police station to secure the release of a 17-year-old woman who had apparently previously
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attended one of his notorious parties and then later been arrested for theft. It was reported that
Berlusconi had falsely claimed that the young lady in question was the grand-daughter of
Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak. In relation to the latter case, it was reported in the Italian
press in January 2011, that Berlusconi had been put under investigation by Milan prosecutors for
allegedly paying for sex with an under-age prostitute.
2 These findings are examined at greater length in Ruzza and Fella (2009). The documents
analysed were the founding document of the AN in 1995, and the texts of its programmatic
congresses of 1998, 2001 and 2006, the electoral programmes (or guides for candidates) of the LN
for the 1994, 1996, 2001 and 2006 elections. For Forza Italia and in view of its dominant role on
the entire coalition we considered the FI election manifestos of 1994 and 2004 (European
elections) and joint manifestos of the Polo or CDL for 1996, 2001 and 2006, as well as the FI
Carta di Valori (Charter of Values).
3 The authors would like to thank Paolo Pasi, Mara Dalmonech and Giulia Bigot for their work in
collating and analysing the documents and elaborating the data. Thanks also to Enzo Loner for
his help with the methodology.
4 The frames presented are, in the main, not the result of aggregation of smaller frames into larger
all-encompassing frames. However, two aggregation of frames were conducted for presentational
purposes in Figure 1. First, the frame ‘federalism’ and ‘devolution’ were initially kept separate
but then unified to tap into the underlying dimension in all its aspects. Second, anti-immigration
was initially operationalised in terms of a set of dimensions which included concerns for personal
security and rivalry for welfare state resources and jobs. However, for presentational purposes
these dimensions were later aggregated.
5 This was a large rally organised on 11 May 2007 by Savino Pezzotta, a Catholic ex-trade-unionist
and well attended by the right. See Family Day, anche Berlusconi in piazza. Il Corriere, 11 May
2007.
6 Figure 5 shows the results of a one-way Anova (test F of difference between groups: sign. ¼ 0.007).
The anti-politics index was created with the following questions (possible answers from totally
disagree to completely agree on 1 to 4 scale: ‘Che governi la destra o la sinistra, le cose non
cambiano’; ‘I politici sono in maggioranza corrotti’; ‘Negli ultimi vent’anni, la classe dirigente
italiana ha completamente fallito’. (‘Things do not change whether the right or the left rule’; ‘The
majority of politicians are corrupt’; ‘In the last twenty years the Italian political class has
completely failed’). The one-dimensionality of the index has been evaluated by means of principal
component analysis (per cent of variance explained from the first component extracted: 53.5 per
cent). According to these questions a score ranging from 0 to 9 was assigned to each respondent.
7 Figure 6 shows the results of a one-way Anova (test F of difference between groups:
sign. ¼ 0.000). The index of xenophobia was created with the following questions (possibile
answers from totally disagree to completely agree on 1 to 4 scale: ‘E’ giusto permettere ai
musulmani di costruirsi delle moschee sul territorio italiano’; ‘Gli immigrati, se sono regolari e
pagano le tasse, dovrebbero votare alle elezioni amministrative del comune dove abitano’ (‘It is
right that Muslims should be allowed to build Mosques in Italy’; ‘If they are legal residents and
paying taxes, migrants should be able to vote in local elections’). The one-dimensionality of the
index has been evaluated by means of principal component analysis (per cent of variance
explained from the first component extracted: 69.6 per cent). According to these questions a
score ranging from 0 to 6 was assigned to each respondent.
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