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Psychological Control and Perfectionism
Psychological Control and Perfectionism
Bart Soenens
Andrew J. Elliot
University of Rochester
Correspondence concerning this article should be sent to Bart Soenens, K.U. Leuven, Department of
Abstract
The present study investigated the role of parental perfectionism as a predictor of parental
psychological control, and the role of parents’ psychological control in the intergenerational
transmission of perfectionism in a sample of female late adolescents and their parents. First, parental
perfectionism significantly predicted parents’ psychological control, even when controlling for
parents’ neuroticism. This relationship was found to be stronger for fathers than for mothers.
Second, mothers’ but not fathers’ perfectionism significantly predicted their daughters’
perfectionism. Third, process analyses showed that the relationship between mothers’ and daughters’
Research using a variety of designs and target populations indicates that parental psychological
control has deleterious effects on the developing child and adolescent (Barber & Harmon, 2002). An
important question to be raised, then, is why some parents are more likely than others to engage in
psychologically controlling parenting. In the present study, it is proposed that parents’ perfectionism
indeed true that perfectionistic parents tend to use more psychological control, the next question is
through the use of psychological control. Hence, the present study also examined whether
psychologically controlling parenting plays a role in the transmission of perfectionism from parents
to children.
Psychological control refers to a child rearing style used by parents who are primarily focused on
their own psychological needs and emotional problems, and on their authority position in the
relationship with the child (Barber, 1996; Maccoby & Martin, 1983). Parents who use psychological
control are thought to pressure their children to comply with their personal standards through the
excessive use of techniques such as guilt-induction and love withdrawal (Barber, 1992; Baumrind,
1991; Steinberg, 1990). Recent research has demonstrated convincingly that parents’ psychological
control is associated with a host of negative outcomes in children, including depression, low self-
esteem, maladaptive guilt, anxiety, withdrawn behavior, and externalizing behavioral problems (see
Barber & Harmon, 2002, for a review). These relationships have been shown to remain significant,
even when controlling for the effects of two protective parenting style dimensions, namely parental
behavioral control (i.e., an adaptive form of control aimed at guiding and supervising the child’s
Perfectionism and psychological control 5
behavior that protects the child against behavioral problems) and parental responsiveness (i.e., the
level of parental warmth or secure attachment to the child; Barber, 1996; Barber, Olsen, & Shagle,
1994; Carron, Weiss, & Harris, 2003; Gray & Steinberg, 1999; Herman, Dornbusch, Herron, &
Herting, 1997; Soucy & Larose, 2000). These findings have been demonstrated in research with
participants from early childhood to late adolescence (Holmbeck et al., 2002; Pettit, Laird, Dodge,
important to study its antecedents. Surprisingly, to date, only a few studies have addressed this
issue (see Barber, Bean, & Erickson, 2002). It has been shown, for instance, that psychological
control is predicted by interparental hostility (Stone, Buehler, & Barber, 2002), parents’
perceived legitimacy of parental authority (Smetana & Daddis, 2002), and early externalising
behaviors exhibited by the child (Pettit et al., 2001). None of these studies, however, has
psychological control. Given the fact that parents who use psychological control are primarily
preoccupied with their own needs and standards, Barber et al. (2002) have urged greater attention
to the role of parental resources and parental personality characteristics in research on the
comprising both intrapersonal and interpersonal components (Frost, Marten, Lahart, &
Rosenblate, 1990; Hewitt & Flett, 1990; 1991). Given our interest in the intra-individual
Intrapersonal perfectionism has been defined as an individual’s tendency to set excessively high
standards for the self, to rigidly adhere to these standards, and to engage in overly critical self-
Perfectionism and psychological control 6
evaluations (Frost, Marten, Lahart, & Rosenblate, 1990; Shafran & Mansell, 2001). These critical
self-evaluations include strong concerns over mistakes in performance, fear of failure, and a
continuous sense of doubt about the quality of one’ performance (Frost et al., 1990).
Perfectionism has been shown to predict a large number of maladaptive outcomes, such as, for
instance, depression (Frost et al., 1990), marital stress (Hewitt, Flett, & Mikail, 1995), low
academic adjustment (Rice & Mirzadeh, 2000), and eating disorders (Bulik et al., 2003; Goldner,
tendency to be overly concerned about their personal standards and norms, often at the expense of
the development of mature, mutually satisfying relationships with others (Blatt, 1995; Frost et al.,
1990; Shafran & Mansell, 2001). Given this strong focus on the achievement of personal
standards, perfectionistic parents can be expected to be less attuned to their children’s behavior
(Dix, 1991). Moreover, perfectionists typically engage in harsh, negative, and critical self-
evaluations, which results in the feeling of having failed to live up to expectations (Blatt, 1995).
Together with this constant self-scrutiny, they demand that others would also meet their
exaggerated and unrealistic standards (Hewitt & Flett, 1990). Hence, perfectionistic parents may
project the wishes and norms that they feel unable to achieve themselves onto their children,
critically evaluating the behaviors of their children and inducing guilt when norms are not met.
approving, psychologically controlling parenting. Based on this reasoning, we posit that parents’
Although this hypothesis has not yet been directly tested, the findings of some recent
experimental studies on parenting are highly relevant to our study. Thompson and Zuroff (1998), for
instance, found that mothers who scored high on self-criticism, relative to those who scored low on
Perfectionism and psychological control 7
self-criticism, engaged in more explicit commands and negative feedback when confronted with the
autonomous behavior of their child (i.e., the child choosing someone other than their mother as a
Jacob (2002) found that mothers who were placed in an ego-involving, highly achievement-oriented
play situation, behaved more controlling towards their child than mothers placed in a non-ego-
involving condition. Perfectionistic parents, who are known to be strongly ego-involved and oriented
towards the achievement of self-imposed goals (Blatt, 1995), can therefore also be expected to
thwart their children’s attempts at autonomy by using psychological control. Other evidence
supporting our reasoning comes from correlational studies on the interpersonal styles that are
associated with perfectionism. Perfectionism in men has been found to be related to dominant and
hostile interpersonal styles, which include problems with control, manipulation, suspicion, and lack
of empathy (Habke & Flynn, 2002; Hill, Zrull, & Turlington, 1997; Luyten, Corveleyn, & Blatt, in
press). It is clear that these interpersonal problems, when applied to the parent-child context, are
more strongly related to submissive interpersonal traits (Hill et al., 1997), suggesting that the
interpersonal manifestations of perfectionism differ for men and women: whereas perfectionistic
submissive interpersonal style. It was hypothesized, therefore, that perfectionism may be more
In our research, we aimed to examine whether parental perfectionism adds to the prediction of
parents’ use of psychological control over and above the influence of parental neuroticism. Parental
neuroticism has been consistently linked to less competent and less optimal parenting (Belsky &
Barends, 2002; Clark, Kochanska, & Ready, 2000; Kendler, Sham, & MacLean, 1997; Kochanska,
Clark, & Goldman, 1997; Metsäpelto & Pulkkinen, 2002). Moreover, positive correlations have
Perfectionism and psychological control 8
been reported between perfectionism and neuroticism (Stumpf & Parker, 2000). Because any
parental perfectionism is predictive of parental psychological control over and above the influence of
parental neuroticism.
Moreover, both parents’ and children’s reports of psychological control were used as indicators of
the parental psychological control construct. This approach allowed us to circumvent the difficulties
associated with the method variance problem (Simons, Whitbeck, Conger, & Chyi-In, 1991;
Schwarz, Barton-Henry, & Pruzinsky, 1985). This problem refers to the fact that when two variables
are measured using reports from a single source, associations between the variables may be inflated
because of the individual’s characteristic response tendencies (Watson & Clark, 1984). It was
assumed that by utilizing both parents’ and children’s reports of psychological control, the common
reality perceived by parents and children or the ‘true’ level of psychological control could be
Apart from examining the relation between parental perfectionism and psychological control,
perfectionism from parents to their offspring. Several studies have examined whether
perfectionism in parents is associated with perfectionism in their children (Ablard & Parker,
1997; Chang, 2000; Frost, Lahart, & Rosenblate, 1991; Vieth & Trull, 1999; Woodside et al.,
2002). This research has been conducted from a social-learning perspective (Flett, Hewitt, Oliver,
& MacDonald, 2002), assuming that children’s personality is modelled to a large degree on their
parents’ personality characteristics. From the results of these studies it can be concluded that
Patterns of intergenerational transmission have been studied in such areas as attachment (van
Ijzendoorn, 1995), substance abuse (Kandel & Wu, 1995), and depression (Goodman & Gotlib,
1999; Jacob & Johnson, 2001; McCarty, McMahon, & Conduct Problems Prevention Research
Group, 2003). In each of these areas, it has been proposed that parenting styles (in addition to
other factors such as role modelling and genetic inheritance) are important mechanisms that
account for the transmission of beliefs, behaviors, and affects from parents to their offspring
(Serbin & Stack, 1998; van Ijzendoorn, 1995; Verschueren, Dossche, Mahieu, Marcoen,
Bakermans-Kranenburg, & van Ijzendoorn, 2003). On the basis of this research, we assume that
the transmission of perfectionism from parents to children is accounted for by the child rearing
Theories about the developmental origins of perfectionism have stressed the role of disrupted
parent-child relationships. Specifically, it has been emphasized by a number of authors that love
withdrawal, guilt-induction, and intrusive parenting are important precursors of children’s self-
criticism and perfectionism (Blatt, 1995; Burns, 1980; Hamachek, 1978). Only recently, however,
has research on the relationship between parenting and perfectionism been undertaken (e.g., Flett,
Hewitt, & Singer, 1995; Kawamura, Frost, & Harmatz, 2002). Soenens, Vansteenkiste, Luyten,
Duriez, and Goossens (2003) showed that parents’ psychological control is a positive predictor of
perfectionism in adolescents.
In light of these findings, it was hypothesized that psychological control acts as an intervening
variable in the relation between parents’ and children’s perfectionism. Although this hypothesis
has not yet been examined empirically, some evidence in support of this hypothesis can be found
in a recent study by Elliot and Thrash (in press). These researchers showed that the
mothers’ use of love withdrawal. No evidence was found in that research for the mediating role
Perfectionism and psychological control 10
of fathers’ love withdrawal. The concept of fear of failure, which refers to individuals’ tendency
to be motivated by the desire to avoid failure in achievement situations (Elliot & Thrash, in
press), is conceptually related to perfectionism, which also involves high concerns about failing
and not meeting self-imposed standards (Blatt, 1995; Frost et al., 1990). Likewise, parental love
withdrawal may be considered one aspect of the broader construct of psychological control as
evidenced in the parent-child relationship. One limitation of that research was its exclusive
The present study investigated (a) the role of parental perfectionism as a predictor of parental
psychological control, and (b) the role of parents’ psychological control in the intergenerational
transmission of perfectionism. These issues were examined in a sample of female late adolescents
and their parents. First, we anticipated that parents’ perfectionism would be associated with parents’
psychological control, particularly in fathers. We also expected that parents’ perfectionism would
positively predict parents’ use of psychological control over and above their level of neuroticism.
Second, we aimed to establish the role of psychological control in the relationship between
between mothers’ and their daughters’ perfectionism and, based on the research of Elliot and Thrash
(in press), we expected that this concordance would be mediated by mothers’ psychologically
controlling parenting. In contrast, based on studies by Frost et al. (1991) and Vieth and Trull (1999),
we anticipated that there would be a low or even non-significant level of concordance between
fathers’ and daughters’ perfectionism. Hence, the transmission of perfectionism from fathers to
daughters through psychologically controlling parenting was expected to take place indirectly.
Perfectionism and psychological control 11
METHOD
Dutch-speaking university in Belgium, and their parents. The student (i.e., daughter) participants
ranged in age from 18 to 24 years (mean = 20 years), and received extra course credit for their
participation. Eighty-six percent of the daughter participants came from intact two-parent
families, 11% had divorced parents, and in 3% of the families one parent was deceased. The
questionnaire to each of their parents. One hundred and forty-eight mothers and 130 fathers
returned a completed questionnaire; data from both parents were available for 128 families. The
parent participants ranged in age from 41 to 62 years (mean = 48 years). All participants were
Measures
All measures in the present study were translated from English to Dutch, the participants’
mother tongue, according to the guidelines of the International Test Commission (Hambleton, 1994).
All items were scored on 5-point Likert-type scales, ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5
(strongly agree). Both parent and daughter participants completed the measures of perfectionism and
parental psychological control; parent participants were also administered a measure of neuroticism.
35-item questionnaire consisting of six subscales tapping different aspects of perfectionism and
associated constructs, namely Personal Standards (7 items, e.g., “I set higher goals than most
people”), Concern over Mistakes (9 items, e.g., “People will probably think less of me if I make a
mistake”), Doubts About Actions (4 items, e.g., “Even when I do something very carefully, I
often feel that is not quite right”), Parental Expectations (5 items, e.g., “My parents have expected
Perfectionism and psychological control 12
excellence from me”), Parental Criticism (4 items, e.g., “I never felt like I could meet my parent’s
standards”), and Organization (6 items, e.g., “Organization is very important to me”). For the
present study, we utilized the three scales assessing intrapersonal perfectionism (Personal
Standards, Concern over Mistakes, and Doubts about Actions; see Frost et al., 1990; 1991). The
two parenting scales and the organization scale were not included in the study because these
scales do not assess the perfectionism construct per se (Frost et al., 1990; Shafran & Mansell,
2001). Cronbach’s alpha for the Personal Standards scale was .78, .76, and .81 for mothers,
fathers, and daughters, respectively; Cronbach’s alpha for the Concern over Mistakes scale was
.83, .86, and .85 for mothers, fathers and daughters, respectively; and Cronbach’s alpha for the
Doubts about Actions scale was .74, .76, and .71 for mothers, fathers and daughters, respectively.
Participants’ mean scores averaged across these three scales were used to represent
perfectionism. A factor analysis (principal components method) of the items revealed a single
factor with an eigenvalue exceeding unity, both in the parent and daughter samples. The single
factor solution accounted for 68% (mother sample), 60% (father sample) and 59% (daughter
sample) of the variance in the items, respectively, with factor loadings ranging from .63 to .88.
Parental Psychological Control. A 7-item measure, derived from the Children’s Report of
Parents’ Behavior Inventory (CRPBI; Schaefer, 1965), was used to assess parental psychological
control (e.g., “My mother/father is less friendly to me if I don’t see things like he/she does”). The
daughter participants rated the items for both their mother and their father. The parent
participants rated the items with respect to their own parenting behavior toward their daughter,
and the items for the measure were revised slightly to make them amenable to parent self-report
(e.g., the prior sample item was revised to read “I tend to be less friendly to my daughter if she
does not see things like I do”). Cronbach’s alphas for daughters’ reports of maternal and paternal
psychological control were .85 and .82, respectively; Cronbach’s alpha was .71 for the mother
Perfectionism and psychological control 13
Dutch/Flemish version of the NEO-FFI (Hoekstra, Ormel, & De Fruyt, 1996; e.g., “I often feel
tense and nervous”). The Dutch/Flemish items correspond to the original English item pool as
closely as possible, and the translated scales have been validated on several Dutch and Flemish
samples. Cronbach’s alpha for mothers was .84 and for fathers was .86.
RESULTS
Means, standard deviations, and ranges for the study variables are displayed in Table 1.
To examine mean level differences in all study variables among family members, a series of
repeated measures ANOVA’s was conducted with family member as the within-subjects variable.
A significant difference was found between mothers’ and daughters’ reports of maternal
psychological control (F (1, 147) = 9.90, p < .01; η² = .063), with mothers describing themselves
as less psychologically controlling than they were perceived to be by their daughters. No similar
difference was found when comparing father and daughter reports of paternal psychological
control (p > .22). Additionally, a significant difference was found between mothers and fathers in
neuroticism (F (1, 127) = 11.09, p < .001; η² = .080), with mothers scoring higher than fathers.
The Pearson Product Moment correlations among the study variables are presented in
Table 2. Mothers’ and daughters’ reports of psychological control were positively correlated, r =
.29 (p < .001), and fathers’ and daughters’ reports of psychological control were also positively
correlated, r = .31 (p < .001). The magnitude of these relationships is similar to those observed in
other research using parent and child reports of parental socialization (Garber, Robinson, &
Perfectionism and psychological control 14
Valentiner, 1997; Pettit et al., 2001; Schwartz et al., 1985). The parent and daughter reports of
psychological control were used as indicators of the same underlying construct in all primary
analyses (see Garber et al., 1997; Simons et al., 1991; Whitbeck et al., 1992).
Primary analyses
Structural equation modelling (SEM) with latent variables was used to examine the study
hypotheses. Analysis of the covariance matrices was conducted using LISREL 8.54 (Jöreskog &
Sörbom, 1996), and solutions were generated on the basis of maximum-likelihood estimation. In
the analyses, perfectionism was represented using parcels rather than individual scale items
(Landis, Beal, & Tesluk, 2000). Parcelling has several advantages in the modelling of latent
variables, relative to the use of individual items. Parcels are likely to have a stronger relationship
to the latent variable, are less likely to be affected by method effects, and are more likely to meet
assumptions of normality (Marsh, Hau, Balla, & Grayson, 1998). Six parcels were created by
randomly splitting the three scales tapping the perfectionism construct (personal standards,
concern over mistakes, and doubts about actions). This form of parcelling enables modelling of
the unreliability within each of the separate scales (Marsh et al., 1998). The error variances of the
parcels that were drawn from the same scale were allowed to correlate, given their similar
wording (Kline, 1998). The same parcelling procedure was used to represent mothers’, fathers’,
and daughters’ perfectionism. Parental psychological control was represented using parent and
In each SEM, the unstandardized loading of the indicator with the strongest loading was
set to 1 (Byrne, 2001). Several fit indices were used to evaluate the models: the χ² to degree of
freedom ratio, with values of 2.0 or less indicating acceptable fit (Loehlin, 1987); the
comparative fit index (CFI), with values of .90 or above indicating acceptable fit (Bentler, 1990);
Perfectionism and psychological control 15
and the root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA), with values of .08 or below
We addressed our hypotheses in three steps. First, we examined the effect of parents’
perfectionism on parents’ psychological control. In this step, we also examined whether parents’
perfectionism predicts parents’ psychological control over and above parents’ neuroticism.
on daughters’ perfectionism through the parental psychological control variable. Each hypothesis
Parents’ perfectionism and parents’ psychological control. The model testing the effect of
mothers’ perfectionism on mothers’ psychological control provided an excellent fit to the data,
χ2(17, N = 148) = 13.86 (χ²/df = .82; CFI = 1.00; RMSEA = .00), and the path from mothers’
perfectionism to mothers’ psychological control was significant, β = .33 (p < .01). In order to
examine whether maternal perfectionism predicts psychological control over and above maternal
neuroticism, a second model was tested in which both variables were included as independent
variables. This model showed acceptable fit, χ2(39, N = 148) = 73.75 (χ²/df = 1.89; CFI = .94;
RMSEA = .08), and demonstrated that maternal perfectionism predicted maternal psychological
control, β = .26 (p ≤ .05), over and above maternal neuroticism, β = .36 (p < .01). The model
testing the influence of fathers’ perfectionism on fathers’ psychological control also provided a
good fit to the data, χ² (16, N = 130) = 30.69 (χ²/df = 1.92; CFI = .95; RMSEA = .08), and the
path from fathers’ perfectionism to fathers’ psychological control was highly significant, β = .72
control resulted in a model with acceptable fit, χ² (38, N = 130) = 73.21 (χ²/df = 1.93; CFI = .93;
Perfectionism and psychological control 16
RMSEA = .09), and showed that paternal perfectionism predicted paternal psychological control,
β = .66 (p < .001), over and above paternal neuroticism, β = .10 (p = .50).
psychological control (R² = .51) than in maternal psychological control (R² = .11). This confirmed
our hypothesis that the predictive utility of parental perfectionism for parental psychological
Parents’ and daughters’ perfectionism. The model testing the direct influence of mothers’
perfectionism on daughters’ perfectionism provided an acceptable fit to the data, χ² (48, N = 148)
= 63.07 (χ²/df = 1.31; CFI = .98; RMSEA = .05), and the path from mothers’ perfectionism to
daughters’ perfectionism was significant, β = .20 (p < .05). The same model for fathers provided
an excellent fit to the data, χ² (47, N = 130) = 41.35 (χ²/df = 0.88; CFI = 1.00; RMSEA = .00); the
path from fathers’ perfectionism to daughters’ perfectionism was in the same direction as that for
mothers and daughters, but it did not attain significance, β = .12 (p = .30).
Parental psychological control as an intervening variable. The final set of models tested
parental psychological control as an intervening variable in the relationship between parents’ and
daughters’ perfectionism. First, we examined whether the direct relationship between mothers’
and daughters’ perfectionism documented in the preceding analysis was mediated by mothers’
psychological control. In order to test for mediation, two models were compared, namely a full
mediational model (in which no direct relationship was allowed between mothers’ and daughters’
perfectionism) and a partial mediational model (in which a direct relationship between mothers’
and daughters’ perfectionism was allowed). The fit for the full mediational model was good, χ²
(71, N = 141) = 87.66 (χ²/df = 1.23; CFI = .98; RMSEA = .04); both the path from mothers’
perfectionism to mothers’ psychological control, β = .43 (p < .01), and the path from mothers’
Perfectionism and psychological control 17
psychological control to daughters’ perfectionism, β = .29 (p < .05), were significant. Adding a
path from mothers’ perfectionism to daughters’ perfectionism (i.e., a test of the partial
mediational model) did not significantly improve the model fit (χ²diff (1) = 0.12; p = .73). The
AIC criterion (Akaike, 1987), which allows for a direct comparison between models taking
parsimony into account, favoured the full mediation model (AIC = 155.66) over the partial
Hoffman, West, and Sheets’ (2002) z' test was computed to examine the significance of the
psychological control. The z' score that was obtained was significant (z' = 1.91, p < .05). See
Next, although the absence of a direct relationship between fathers’ and daughters’
control. This indirect influence model provided an acceptable fit to the data: χ² (69, N = 130) =
89.20 (χ²/df = 1.29; CFI = .96; RMSEA = .05), and both the path from fathers’ perfectionism to
paternal psychological control, β = .73 (p < .001), and the path from fathers’ psychological
control to daughters’ perfectionism was significant, β = .23 (p ≤ .05). The fit of the model could
not be improved by allowing a direct path from fathers’ to daughters’ perfectionism (χ²diff (1) =
1.38; p = .24). MacKinnon et al.’s (2002) z' test indicated that the indirect influence of fathers’
(z' = 2.82; p < .01). See Figure 2 for a pictorial display of this indirect influence model.
DISCUSSION
The aim of the present study was twofold, namely, (a) to examine the role of parental
perfectionism as a predictor of parental psychological control, and (b) to examine the role of
Perfectionism and psychological control 18
considerable support was found for the hypothesis that perfectionistic parents behave toward their
children in a more intrusive, psychologically controlling fashion. Although this relationship was
documented for both fathers and mothers, the utility of parental perfectionism in predicting
psychologically controlling parenting proved to be particularly strong for fathers. Indeed, paternal
perfectionism predicted more than 50% of the variance in the paternal psychological control
construct. The finding that perfectionism is more strongly related to psychologically controlling
parenting for fathers than for mothers is in line with research showing that the interpersonal
manifestations of perfectionism differ for men and women. Whereas perfectionistic men tend to be
domineering and hostile in their relationships with others, perfectionistic women tend to engage in a
more submissive interpersonal style (Habke & Flynn, 2002). Importantly, the relationships observed
herein remained significant when controlling for parental neuroticism, a variable that has been
shown to be predictive of maladaptive parenting in past research (Belsky & Barends, 2002) and
which also shares variability with perfectionism (Stumpf & Parker, 2000).
Second, our findings demonstrate that psychologically controlling parenting plays an important
role as an intervening variable in the transmission of perfectionism from parents to their daughters.
In line with a number of studies that have shown that parent-child similarity in perfectionism occurs
mainly in same-sex dyads (Frost et al., 1991; Vieth & Trull, 1999), we found a significant
association between mothers’ and daughters’ perfectionism, but not between fathers’ and daughters’
perfectionism. More importantly, we found evidence for the mediating role of psychological control
in the relation between mothers’ and daughters’ perfectionism. In fact, the best fitting and most
parsimonious model in our structural equation modeling analyses was a full mediational model in
which the direct relationship between mothers’ and daughters’ perfectionism was completely
accounted for by maternal psychological control. Although no direct association was found between
Perfectionism and psychological control 19
fathers’ and daughters’ perfectionism, an indirect relationship through paternal psychological control
is clearly more tenuous and less direct than that for mother-daughter pairs, fathers do appear to play
The findings of this study have important implications for research on parental psychological
control. Although several studies have convincingly demonstrated the negative emotional and
behavioural outcomes associated with psychologically controlling parenting (Barber & Harmon,
2002), few studies addressed the antecedents of this parenting style, and none have attended to
the influence of parents’ personality. Our findings demonstrate that parents characterized by
excessively high personal standards and by a tendency to be overly concerned with failure are
more likely to engage in contingent approval, guilt-induction, and intrusive parenting. One
possible explanation for this finding is that perfectionistic parents are preoccupied with their self-
imposed standards and norms, to such an extent that they lack the sensitivity and empathic
concern necessary to be appropriately attuned to the needs and wishes of their children (Dix,
1991). This may result in the autonomy-inhibiting and intrusive behaviours that are characteristic
perfectionism and their use of psychological control may be found in the fragility of
perfectionistic parents’ self-esteem. Perfectionistic parents may have a contingent sense of self-
worth (Deci & Ryan, 1995; Kernis, 2002), which is characterized by feelings about oneself that
are dependent on the achievement of particular standards or expectations. When parents’ self-
acceptance is contingent on the achievement of their personal goals, they may apply this same
contingency to their children by only communicating love and acceptance to their children when
they meet the parents’ standards and expectations (Elliot & Thrash, in press). In a related vein,
Hewitt and Flett (1990) suggested that perfectionists often set unrealistic expectations of others
Perfectionism and psychological control 20
and evaluate them in a critical fashion. This tendency, which is referred to by Hewitt and Flett
(1990) as “other-oriented perfectionism”, may explain why perfectionistic parents project their
own wishes and standards onto their children by means of psychologically controlling parenting.
Future research would do well to examine the role of these variables (i.e., empathy, contingent
self-esteem, and other-oriented perfectionism) and additional constructs as mediators that may
account for the link between parental perfectionism and psychologically controlling parenting.
Our findings are in line with a number of recent studies that have shown that maladaptive
tendencies and characteristics such as depressive symptoms (Goodman & Gotlib, 1999; McCarty
et al., 2003) and fear of failure (Elliot & Trash, in press) are transmitted from parents to their
children through specific qualities of the parent-child relationship (e.g., low social support and
love-withdrawing parenting). Together with the results of this recent research, our study indicates
that socialization in general and intrusive parenting in particular plays an important role in
passing down self-critical, perfectionistic self-representations from one generation to the next.
We should note that our study does not rule out the possibility of genetic transmission of
perfectionism from parent to child, although the fact that we only found parent-child similarity in
mother-child pairs suggests a minimal role for genes. Research explicitly designed to parse
information on this issue. Regardless, the present research clearly documents an important role of
Although the present study has several strengths, such as the use of both parent and child
reports of parenting style and the inclusion of both fathers and mothers, some limitations warrant
consideration. First, our sample was limited to adolescent daughters and their parents. Future
studies on this topic might attempt to replicate our findings in a sample of adolescent boys. Such
Perfectionism and psychological control 21
research may find further evidence for Vieth and Trull’s (1999) hypothesis that males and
females identify with or pattern themselves after same-sex role models more than opposite-sex
role models. Second, due to the cross-sectional nature of our study, no definite conclusions can be
drawn concerning the direction of causality in the model proposed. For instance, perfectionism in
tendencies displayed by their children, or these variables may influence each other reciprocally
over time. Therefore, it would be useful for future research to examine the model proposed in the
Finally, it would be interesting for future research to examine whether psychological control is
also transmitted across generations. A number of studies have provided evidence for the
Perris, Schlette, & Adolfsson, 2000), harsh parenting (Deater-Deckard, Lansford, Dodge, Pettit,
& Bates, 2003; Simons et al., 1991), parental rejection (Whitbeck et al., 1992), and parental
conditional regard (Assor, Roth, & Deci, 2002). It may be hypothesized, therefore, that
environment. The psychologically controlling parenting that they presumably experience may
then be transmitted to their children, perhaps in part through their perfectionistic tendencies. In
other words, it is likely that the present research focused on one part of a larger process in which
personality and parenting style both exert their influence across multiple generations. Research
exploring this possibility should be a high priority on the research agenda of personality
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Table 1
Measure 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
1. Daughters’ perfectionism -
2. Mothers’ perfectionism .21* -
3. Fathers’ perfectionism .08 .30*** -
4. Mothers’ neuroticism .07 .38*** .04 -
5. Fathers’ neuroticism .03 .11 .45*** -.04 -
6. Daughter-reported maternal psychological control .14 .09 .02 .28*** .22* -
7. Daughter-reported paternal psychological control .28*** .15 .22* .11 .16 .22* -
8. Mother-reported maternal psychological control .06 .29*** .02 .21** .04 .29*** .01 -
9. Father-reported paternal psychological control .13 .22* .45*** .10 .37*** .11 .31*** .09 -
Figure 1. Structural model of the relationships between maternal perfectionism, psychological control,
and daughter perfectionism. The coefficients in the figure are standardized estimates.
Figure 2. Structural model of the relationships between paternal perfectionism, psychological control,
and daughter perfectionism. The coefficients in the figure are standardized estimates.
Mother
Doubts 1 Psychological .61 Doubts 1
.25 .52 control .47
.43 .33
Child
Doubts 2 Doubts 2
.49
.43*** .29* .44
Concerns 1 Concerns 1
.90 Maternal Daughter .89
.00 .00
.89 perfectionism perfectionism .84
Concerns 2 Concerns 2
.70 .75
Standards 1 Standards 1
.45 .45
.30 .28
Standards 2 Standards 2
(2)
Father
Doubts 1 Psychological .81 Doubts 1
.27 .48 control .40
.47 .31
Child
Doubts 2 Doubts 2
.45
.73*** .23* .40
Concerns 1 Concerns 1
.78 Paternal Daughter .84
.23 .07
.70 perfectionism perfectionism .76
Concerns 2 Concerns 2
.59 .79
Standards 1 Standards 1
.32 .43
.41 .27
Standards 2 Standards 2