Ana Bastos Raposo

PhD student at Central Saint Martins College of Art and Design, University of the Arts London
an.raposo@gmail.com

Abstract

This paper offers an insight into how political and ideological issues were represented in
music graphics in the United Kingdom from 1978 to 1994. The analysis focuses on the
music packaging concerning punk and post-punk bands engaged in the political
'extreme' – particularly the anarcho-punk movement and the neo-fascist punk and
skinhead scenes, through two of its most representative labels, Crass Records and Rock-
o-Rama Records. It aims to present an overview of the way persuasion and messages
are articulated within systems of propaganda. It also seeks to deconstruct the
propaganda graphic systems of extreme ideologies, and identify aesthetic and formal
differences and similarities between contrasting political stances.

As a medium, rock music has been used to express dissent against, and support for, the
establishment. However it was not until punk that it became the focus for groups of
resistance. Previous subcultures appropriated music made by musicians’ external to the
subculture, with politics distinct from their own. Punk rock was – and is – made by
punks for punks with punk issues expressed in song lyrics. Music depicts the subculture
and the subculture depicts the music. Music, the subculture and its politics are one and
cannot be divided. Thus, if previous to punk, musicians and bands had engaged in
political issues, the means of production with which they acted were limited. A virtual
frontier was visible between actions, music and subculture. This analysis focuses on the
followers of the punk tradition who were never co-opted by the mainstream, radically
developing the proto-political concept that early punk (the Sex Pistols, etc.) suggested,
and in so doing narrowing the gap between rhetoric and practice.

Visual media can offer a way of expressing a strong, direct, intelligible message, and
therefore it is no surprise that politically engaged bands use music packaging as a
propaganda medium (and music and graphics become powerful weapons to attempt to
catalyze change). In this context, graphics have the function of informing and
persuading, and iconic visual allegories become a representation of loyalty and
allegiance. The music graphics reveal and divulge the political agenda. This paper
addresses how content and stylistic devices – such as illustration and photography – are
used for specific purposes, such as recruiting new supporters and strengthening the
scenes, presenting a critique of contemporary realities or portraying utopian
environments. It focuses particularly on music graphics as a propaganda tool and how
political communication is achieved through visuals in a subcultural context.
This paper is part of a doctoral research project being developed at University of the
Arts London. The doctoral research presents two main novel contributions to knowledge
and to the research community. The first is the development of a methodology oriented
towards the analysis of the dissemination of ideological and political content through
graphic design objects in a subcultural context. The second is the analysis and
interpretation of ‘extreme’ political music packaging produced by artists from the
United Kingdom from 1978 to 2008, covering an under-researched field and time span.

Keywords: Design, Music graphics, Propaganda, Punk, Skinhead, Crass Records,

Rock-o-Rama Records

Introduction

“Banishing the love song, people discovered what else there was to sing about.”
(Marcus 1997: 77)

One of the first attempts to ally punk and organised politics was Rock Against Racism
(RAR). It was explicitly socialist and the organisers “…were all veterans of the 1960s
libertarian politics and agit-prop work (now ensconced in the Socialist Workers Party).”
(Frith & Street 1992: 68) According to Dave Laing, “…if punk rock’s concerns with
political and social topics took its cue from general ideological trends, its achievement
was nevertheless to introduce such themes into songs, something which the mainstream
of popular music had successfully resisted for a decade.” (1985: 31) RAR
acknowledged this attitude and formed an alliance with punk. However, this inter-
relationship was never fully achieved as, according to David Widgery, “…the Left
thought us too punky and the punks feared they would be eaten alive by communist
cannibals.” (1986: 59)

As a reaction to RAR and after previous subtler attempts to use punk, in 1978, a
division of the National Front formed the Punk Front. Eddy Morrison, organiser for the
National Front, stated: "I could also see that punk was becoming a powerful weapon for
anyone who could turn it politically. The reds were already attempting to do this with
their newly formed 'Rock Against Racism', and many teenagers went to their concerts,
not because they were anti-racist but simply to hear the music. This couldn’t be allowed
to continue. We either had to condemn punk or use it." (Morrison 2002)

The Punk Front began as a fanzine and swiftly evolved to an organised group of
musicians. As a paronomasia to RAR, the National Front launched Rock Against
Communism (RAC) in 1979. The Punk Front faded shortly afterwards and it is
unknown whether any bands associated recorded material. RAR and RAC – with
radically different scales of attendance – ‘used’ punk, but were not an outlet of punk.
Both acted as a recruiting and propaganda tool for the parties and were not a product of
the musicians and subcultures involved.
In "The Author as Producer", from 1934, Walter Benjamin claims that “…the best
political tendency is wrong if it does not demonstrate the attitude with which it is to be
followed” (1984: 306); this definition is used to identify committed musicians. Punk
created the new outlets of production advocated by Walter Benjamin. The first band,
within the remit of this research, who can be argued to have tracked the path advocated
by Benjamin, was the anarchist band/label/commune Crass who spearheaded a
movement that was to be called anarcho-punk. According to founder member and group
spokesman Penny Rimbaud; "The Pistols released ‘Anarchy in the UK’, maybe they
didn’t really mean it ma’am, but to us it was a battle cry. When Rotten proclaimed that
there was ‘no future’, we saw it as a challenge to our creativity – we knew there was a
future if we were prepared to work for it. It is our world, it is ours and it has been stolen
from us. We set out to demand it back, only this time they didn’t call us ‘hippies’, they
called us ‘punks’." (Rimbaud 1982: 12) The do-it-yourself ethos proclaimed by punk
provided a stage for politically aware individuals to express themselves. Many,
disappointed with the superficial approach taken so far, narrowed the gap between
rhetoric and practice.

In 1982, the National Front reinvested in music as a recruitment tool, with the creation
of the White Noise Club – an organisation created for the dissemination and production
of white power rock – providing an outlet for emerging and latent fascist audiences in
the punk subculture.

A new political awareness had emerged, creating a schism in the punk and skinhead
subcultures. This schism had its utmost visibility in the skinhead subculture, forcing a
distinction between apolitical or traditional skinheads; SHARP – Skinheads Against
Racial Prejudice; RASH – Red Anarchist Skinheads; and neo-fascist skinheads. In
regard to the use of the swastika by punks, Dick Hebdige had claimed in 1978 that
“…the symbol [had] lost its ‘natural’ enemy – fascism.” (1979: 116) and it “…was
worn because it was guaranteed to shock.” (1979: 116). Only four years later, he stated
that “…in 1981, you couldn’t pass off wearing a swastika as a sick joke. (...) To wear a
swastika in 1981 was to say that something real was on the march again.” (1982: 29)

This paper focuses on two of the most representative labels of contrasting political
stances burgeoning in the late 1970s and early 1980s: Crass Records of the anarcho-
punk movement and Rock-o-Rama Records of the neo-fascist punk and skinhead
scenes.

Crass Records operated from 1979 to 1986 out of Crass's open house in Essex – Dial
House. Producing records by previously unknown bands, its aim was to give a public
platform for unrecorded bands and provide them with the experience necessary to do-it-
themselves; successfully so, since some of the bands set their own labels up afterwards.
Crass Records released individual records by over twenty bands, together with more
than one hundred bands included in the Bullshit Detector compilations, which served as
an output for the publication of demos frequently sent to Dial House. The compilations
aimed to create a "…document of what people are doing, how they're doing it and the
places (from bedrooms to small commercial studios) in which they're doing it" (Crass
1982b) promoting the 'do-it-yourself' ethos of punk.
Rock-O-Rama Records, located in Germany, was one of the main producers of RAC
during the 1980s and early 1990s in Europe. The first bands released were either
apolitical or left leaning German punk. The first overtly RAC release from Rock-O-
Rama was Der Nette Mann by the Böhse Onkelz in 1984. Later that year, the album
Hail the New Dawn was the first release by Skrewdriver on Rock-O-Rama and marks
the transition of the label to far-right rock. Ian Stuart Donaldson, lead singer of
Skrewdriver and then organiser of the British White Noise Club, signed a contract with
the label, and the majority of British neo-fascist rock production moved to Rock-O-
Rama and its sub-labels.

Over thirty records of British far-right rock were produced through Rock-O-Rama from
1984. In the early 1990s, the German government initiated an investigation that would
lead to closing the label in 1994.

ANOK in the UK

From the moment of Crass’s inception, the dissemination of written and graphic
information was radical and central to their intentions. During the early gigging stage,
Crass were failing the mission they had set for themselves – to disseminate their beliefs.
According to Penny Rimbaud, “…no-one seemed able to understand what we were
about, and the words of our songs were so fast as to be incomprehensible, how were we
going to let people know what the message was? The ancient Gestetner machine would
solve that problem. From then on we would never travel to a gig without boxloads of
flyers to explain our ideas and beliefs.” (Ratter 1998: 102) Additionally, banners were
placed in the background of gigs to clarify stances.

The multimedia approach constructed by Crass in its early appearances was augmented
with Crass Records and its releases. Crass Records fully exploited sound, lyrics,
graphics and written word to disseminate the political message. The musical packaging
constantly offered extra surfaces, from inserts, to inner sleeves, to complex box sets
including different media, to the iconic fold-out sleeve – providing six times more
printable surface area than standard sleeves. Additionally, the surface of records, such
as run-out grooves and centre labels were exploited.

The visual contents targeted: the state, with emphasis on ‘the system’ or ‘them’ –
involving politicians, the monarchy, organised religion, the military and law
enforcement, and capitalism; subcultural values, regarding issues of unity and
authenticity, incitement to action and betrayal; environmentalism, with emphasis on
animal testing and cruelty, and the meat trade; and the unquestionable conventional
roles of society, including patriarchy and moral values. The records had the function of
educating and informing.

Exposing their intentions, the sleeve of The Feeding of the 5000, released in 1978,
displays this shift of Crass – represented by an individual carrying its flag – from
background of a degenerate society to a position of action, striding through the field
towards a new destiny. The Second Sitting, released by Crass Records two years later,
was clearer and more brazen [Fig. 1]. A stencil lettering frame surrounding the back
sleeve displayed the slogan “Do you really believe in the system? Well. OK. We believe
in ANOK [standing for Anarchy is OK] in the UK.”
Figure 1 – Crass. The Feeding of the 5000: The Second Sitting. 1980. Crass Records 621984. 12" EP.
Front and back sleeves

But if The Feeding of the 5000 presents a sample of society and the system in its cover,
no representation of ‘them’ is as complete as the illustration of the poster included in the
box set Christ: The Album from 1982 [Fig. 2]. The poster shows a congregation of
figures of authority. Over a quote from Ralph Waldo Emerson – ‘An institution is the
lengthened shadow of one person’ – an illustration, displaying the main characteristics
of photo-montage, reveals the figures casting the shadows of the oppressive
establishment. National and international politics are represented by politicians,
including Margaret Thatcher in a central role – with Dennis collecting her multiple
excretions – shadowing Queen Elizabeth II; Ronald Reagan in a display of strength with
Leonid Brezhnev, overviewed by the hyena Alexander Haig; or Michal Foot as the
jester in the political discourse of Britain. The military and law enforcement are
represented by a parade of soldiers raising on high the flags of military and corporate
businesses. Different sections of the corporate world are displayed, such as the media by
the BBC, financial world by American Express, the pharmaceuticals empire by Bayer,
meat consumption by McDonald’s, the music industry by EMI and the sex industry by
Playboy. Patriarchy and the suffering of women are represented through the image of a
crucified woman hidden behind the body of the crucified Christ. Also represented are
the religious authorities and the conventional moral, educational and family roles.
Figure 2 – Crass. Christ: The Album. 1982. Crass Records Bollox2u2. Boxset. Inner poster

An additional target of Crass consisted in those within the punk subculture who did not
live up to their expectations. Crass's split single with the Poison Girls, Bloody
Revolutions, made one of the most controversial statements within this field [Fig. 3]. The
suggestion of betrayal was achieved through an iconic image from the Sex Pistols, where
the faces of these punk spearheads are morphed to those of Queen Elizabeth II, the Pope
John Paul II, Lady Justice and Margaret Thatcher; standing for the establishment,
representing the monarchy, church, law and state. The single raised polemic on both the
music industry and the punk subculture. Not only was it banned by HMV due to the
“inflammatory nature of the cover” (Ratter 1998: 123), but according to Penny Rimbaud,
“...more disturbing by far was a phone call we received from a very angry and rather
drunk Glaswegian punk. ‘You fucking bastards,’ he slurred, ‘how dare you defile the Sex
Pistols like that. Don’t you know they’re fucking sacred?’" (Ratter 1998: 123) However,
if pretence was exposed, allegiance was rewarded and often records appealed for unity
and authenticity, particularly through the Bullshit Detector series.

Figure 3 – Crass/Poison Girls. Bloody Revolutions. 1980. Crass Records 421984/1. 7” Single. Inner poster
Crass dedicated one entire album to feminist politics, Penis Envy [Fig. 4]. Exclusively sung
by women, the record focused on issues such as marriage, sexual repression and patriarchy.
A photograph of an inflatable doll in the front sleeve is contrasted with one of a butcher
handling animal carcasses in the back, as a metaphor of the sexual exploitation of women.

Figure 4 – Crass. Penis Envy. 1981. Crass Records 321984/1. LP. Front and back sleeve

Although photography is often used with an illustrational character, either as a support for
illustration or as a component of compositions of contrasting images to create metaphors,
it is also used with the purpose of documentation. The sleeve of the album Stations of the
Crass documents the graffiti campaign carried by Crass in the London Underground [Fig.
5]. The photograph is reproduced as it is, without manipulation to capture reality.

Figure 5 – Crass. Stations of the Crass. 1979. Crass Records 521984. LP. Front and back sleeve
Photographs of the bands or its members in the sleeves are scarce. When displayed, they
often take the form of live performance photographs and are frequently relegated to a non-
prime location of the sleeve. Owing to either rough lighting or editing the images with high
contrast levels, individuals are difficult to identify. Banners hung on the background
displaying symbols, as the circle A, are as prominent as the individuals themselves.

Hail the New Dawn

Despite Rock-O-Rama’s original apolitical position, the covers of the first releases were
remarkably aggressive. Thus, it is strange that despite Rock-O-Rama’s propensity to
visual shock, and its position as one of the major labels of Rock Against Communism,
the covers of the RAC releases are some of the least explicit in either the music scene or
in Rock-O-Rama itself. Compared to far-right releases on other labels, political symbols
are scarce and frequently embedded in a global image. The imagery usually depends on
fuller knowledge of the intended consumer for its deciphering.

A common design strategy is the display of live performance photographs, presenting an

opportunity to expose three levels of information – the presentation of the band, who
frequently display political symbols embedded in the clothing or accessories; the loyal fan
base, the crowd, who also exhibit some of the same symbols; and the backdrops behind
the stage, consisting mainly of flags either of the nation or of political symbols [Fig. 6].
The use of backdrops and objects in the image, act as “elements of a veritable lexicon,
stable to a degree which allows them to be readily constituted into syntax” (Barthes 1987:
23), and are one of the main sources of political symbols in Rock-O-Rama covers. Thus,
whereas labels created purposefully for the dissemination of far-right rock – such as
Rebelles Européens or ISD Records – are less cautious in the use of explicit symbols,
releases on Rock-O-Rama portray socially acceptable metaphorical imagery. Few
references to Nazi symbolism or White Power symbols appear explicitly in the sleeve.
Parallel to this omission, is the segregation of the targeted enemies on the graphics.

Figure 6 – Brutal Attack. As the Drum Beats. 1988. Rock-O-Rama Records RRR 73. LP. Front cover
Exceptionally, an unequivocal reference to the Ku Klux Klan does appear in the White
Rider album of Skrewdriver, showing a Klansman on a horse emerging from a flaming
field, holding a torch in his hand [Fig. 7]. The sleeve acts as homage to the forefathers
of white warriors portraying their commitment in the fight against the enemy, although
the lyrics identify ‘Jewish power’ as the enemy instead of the black community.

Figure 7 – Skrewdriver. White Rider. 1987. Rock-O-Rama Records RRR 66. LP. Front cover

With metaphorical images, contents consist of illustrations of mythical warriors

surrounded by diverse contextual environments. Claims to engage in the struggle come
from Viking warriors disembarking on the coast, as in the album Hail the New Dawn
from Skrewdriver. Claims to be alert to the enemy movements are represented by a
Viking warrior with blood dropping from his axe standing guard on the coast, as in the
album Blood and Honour from Skrewdriver. Or, claims of endurance come from a
skinhead carrying the Union Jack emerging from a flamed field, overseen by mythical
characters, as in the album Forward into War from Vengeance [Fig. 8]. Thus, the
paramount concern manifested through the imagery in the sleeves relates to nation. The
usage of Norse imagery indicates the ideal of the preservation of a pure Aryan race in
Northern Europe associated with the Teutonic mythology. Thus, the alliance forged
between skinheads and Viking warriors establishes the link between contemporary and
historical defenders of the white race, and their soil from invaders, while claiming their
Aryan heritage. It is noteworthy to mention the apparent paradox in the use of Norse
imagery, as historically the Vikings were themselves invaders of Britain. Celts and
Anglo-saxons are absent from the graphics in Rock-O-Rama. Arguably it might be
attributed to a widespread popularity of Viking mythology and imagery, and the appeal
of a mythology strongly based on the glorification of warriors and war.
Figure 8 – Vengeance. Forward Into War. 1988. Rock-O-Rama Records RRR 70. LP. Front cover

The Skrewdriver album Freedom What Freedom, from 1992, makes an unorthodox
analogy to a biblical figure renowned from the Tanakh – the Hebrew bible – and the Old
Testament [Fig. 9]. Suggesting the persecution of white warriors, the logo of
Skrewdriver is chained to pillars that strive to contain it. As Samson had done,
Skrewdriver is breaking free from oppressive forces. Despite the atypical approach, it
indicates a recurrent theme: the persecution of members of the scene. The claim to stand
for fallen 'mates' reinforces the notion of unity and common purpose.

Figure 9 – Skrewdriver. Freedom What Freedom. 1992. Rock-O-Rama Records RRR 121. LP.
Front cover
Approximately two-thirds of the sleeves include photographs of the group. Russell
Bestley (2007) unearths and categorises the usage of photographs of the group in punk
sleeves. Bestley defines the most common reference in punk photography as the
‘Ramones-style’ pose, depicting the group standing against a decaying unidentified
urban environment. Although this is not the most common photographic representation
in RAC, it was used, occasionally to the point of redundancy, as in the album Blood
Against Gold by No Remorse, where an entire photo shoot, including duplicates, is
exhibited in the front and back covers.

Another common style is the live performance shot. Frequently, possibly as a means of
resolving the “technical difficulties of performance photography (particularly with
lighting and the physical position of the photographer relative to the group in small
clubs)” (Bestley 2007: 281), the image would be composed of a collage of individual
shots of the musicians. Concerning the use of photography, the live performance shot is
the most common stylistic device on the sleeves under analysis. However, technical
excellence does not seem to be a concern. Front sleeves, which feature performance
shots predominantly, employ photographs with defective lighting and flash reflections,
as in the sleeves of Ian Stuart’s album No Turning Back or the album As the Drum Beats
from Brutal Attack.

Another common visual approach is the integration of the musicians in the ‘tribe’
context. Representations of ‘mates’ ‘just hanging around’ or attending a gig are
paradigmatic. Examples can be found in the cover of the album of Public Enemy,
Englands Glory [Fig. 10]. The use of photographs of the ‘tribe’ acts to reinforce a
collective identity and allegiance to a common aim.

Figure 10 – Public Enemy. Englands Glory. 1986. Rock-O-Rama RRR 58. LP. Front cover
Conclusions

Crass Records fully exploited their releases, through sound, lyrics, graphics and written
word to disseminate the political message, while constantly searching for additional
surfaces in the supports. Antithetically, releases on Rock-O-Rama Records often
consisted of standard or gatefold sleeves, usually without any additional inserts. The use
of the package as a design strategy appears to derive from contrasting stances regarding
propaganda. Crass Records set on a mission of disseminating as much information as
possible; whereas Rock-O-Rama Records presents a more direct approach, relying on a
direct slogan.

Regarding key themes in the labels under analysis, in Crass Records, anarchy is pursued
by revealing the problems affecting society and setting out the path to overcome them.
Targets consist of: the state, with emphasis on ‘the system’ or ‘them’ – involving
politicians, the monarchy, organised religion, the military and law enforcement and
capitalism; subcultural values, regarding issues of unity and authenticity, incitement to
action and betrayal; environmentalism, with particular emphasis on animal testing and
cruelty, and the meat trade; and the unquestionable conventional roles of society,
including patriarchy and moral values. In Rock-O-Rama Records, idiosyncratic visual
tropes include: representations of patriotism and nationalism through national symbols;
struggle for the restoration and preservation of the Teutonic myth, through the usage of
Norse imagery and mythology; and appeal for alliance and endurance through
subcultural representations and the claim of persecution.

Common themes amongst the anarcho-punk movement and the neo-fascist scene
include the appeal for unity and claim of authenticity, as an endeavour to strengthen the
scene; and the depiction of foes, identifying the targets in the search for a better society.

The choice of graphic techniques is also revealing of different political intentions.

Illustration is used to convey fictitious scenarios whereas photography is used to report
actual situations. Despite the similarity in the purpose of the techniques, the
communicational aims are distinct. In Crass Records, illustration acts to construct a
representation of what the members of the anarcho-punk movement perceive as society
and its vices in a contemporary reality, while photography is used to document social
reality and the actions of the movement's members to alter it. Whereas in Rock-O-
Rama, illustration acts as portray of an idealised mythical past, and photography is used
to promote the members and the status of the scene. The inclusion of photographs of
members of the movements in the sleeves is radically different, from scarce appearances
in Crass Records releases to inclusions in approximately two-thirds of the sleeves in
Rock-O-Rama, thus manifesting a reliance on leaders on the far-right versus the motto
"there's no authority but yourself" of the anarcho-punk movement.

This paper aims to present an overview of how political and ideological issues were
represented in music graphics, particularly in the labels Crass Records and Rock-O-
Rama Records. It is part of a doctoral research project being currently developed at
University of the Arts London. The research project overall aims to create an extensive
panorama of visual communication within ‘extreme’ political factions in punk and post-
punk music, including a wider selection of bands and labels, and time span.
Additionally, the research includes the analysis of a comprehensive range of graphic
techniques and strategies.
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Discography

Böhse Onkelz (1984) Der nette mann. Rock-O-Rama Records.

Brutal Attack (1988) As the drum beats. Rock-O-Rama Records.

Crass (1979a) Stations of the Crass. Essex: Crass Records.

Crass (1979b) The feeding of the 5000: the second sitting. Essex: Crass Records.

Crass (eds.) (1980) Bullshit detector. Essex: Crass Records.

Crass (1981) Penis envy. Essex: Crass Records.

Crass (1982a) Christ: the album. Essex: Crass Records.

Crass (eds.) (1982b) Bullshit detector two. Essex: Crass Records.

Crass (eds.) (1984) Bullshit detector three. Essex: Crass Records.

Crass & Poison Girls (1980) Bloody revolutions. Essex: Crass Records.

Ian Stuart (1989) No turning back. Rock-O-Rama Records.

No Remorse (1989) Blood against gold. RAC Records.

Public Enemy (1986) Englands glory. Rock-O-Rama Records.

Skrewdriver (1984) Hail the new dawn. Rock-O-Rama Records.

Skrewdriver (1985) Blood and honour. Rock-O-Rama Records.

Skrewdriver (1987) White rider. Rock-O-Rama Records.

Skrewdriver (1992) Freedom what freedom. Rock-O-Rama Records.

Rock-O-Rama Records (eds.) (2008) – Rock-O-Rama Records...

Nach 30 jahren lieder aus der RAC-Ära: teil 2. Rock-O-Rama Records.

Vengeance (1988) Forward into war. Rock-O-Rama Records.

Acknowledgments
First of all, I would like to thank my PhD supervisory team: Roger Sabin, Russell Bestley and Andrew
McGettigan, for all their support and advice. Additionally, I would like to thank Fundação para a Ciência
e a Tecnologia for funding this research project.