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To cite this article: Meryem Atik, Simon Bell & Reyhan ErdoĞan (2012): Understanding Cultural
Interfaces in the Landscape: A Case Study of Ancient Lycia in the Turkish Mediterranean, Landscape
Research, DOI:10.1080/01426397.2011.642345
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Landscape Research,
2012, 1–21, iFirst article
*Department of Landscape Architecture, Akdeniz University, Turkey **OPEN Space Research Centre,
Edinburgh College of Art, UK
ABSTRACT Landscapes by definition include interactions between man and nature. Our actions,
perceptions and beliefs create and shape the landscape over time. The aim of this study was to
evaluate aspects of the Lycian landscape in the Turkish Mediterranean, testing an approach
based on interpreting cultural interfaces. Interfaces between past and present, between man and
nature, between culture and space and between the visual and the spiritual were evaluated in
relation to a selection of specific landscape elements: ancient tombs and local vernacular
structures. The Lycians constructed tombs to be their houses for the afterlife using the inspiration
of their actual houses. The persistence and the continuity of the original design and construction
techniques utilised in the tombs, still found today in granaries, beehives and chimneys, was
explored in terms of the types of cultural interface. The results of the study showed that the
authenticity of the Lycian landscape is a unique agreement between past and present on land
sharing the same knowledge and forms, and in this respect cultural interface can be an instinctive
communication tool between pattern, process and product in understanding the associative
cultural values within the landscape that are worthy of conservation.
KEY WORDS: Landscape, cultural interface, Lycia, rock tombs, Turkish Mediterranean
Introduction
The concept of landscape embraces both cultural and natural qualities of a particular
territorial area (Krönert et al., 2001). According to the European Landscape
Convention, landscape is defined as ‘‘an area, as perceived by people, whose
character is the result of the action and interaction of natural and/or human factors’’
(Council of Europe, 2000).
Bell (1999) noted that all landscapes are a combination of exceptional patterns
that arise as a result of a range of natural and cultural processes, while Harvey and
Fieldhouse (2005) indicated that landscape is the historical result of the different uses
made of a place and a multivalent form of knowledge.
Landscape architecture is the art and science of planning, design, management and
stewardship of the land which involves natural and built elements, and cultural and
potential meaning it is a challenge to identify and interpret the range of aspects that
may need to be conserved or managed for the future. This is where the concept of
interfaces becomes especially useful and can establish a communication between
physical manifestations and intangible values as well as other associations which
have adhered to a landscape over time. There are several categories of interface that
may be interpreted (Palang & Fry, 2003; PECSRL, 2006): those between past and
present, between man and nature, between culture and space and between the
spiritual and the visual.
The Turkish Mediterranean region was a key location for many ancient human
civilisations. The diverse nature of the surroundings and environmental conditions,
particularly the favourable climate, allowed people to inhabit and develop regions of
different characters through their diverse cultures. In ancient times, Lycia, known as
‘the land of lights’ was located in the Taurus Mountains with direct access to the
Mediterranean Sea. One of the most notable aspects of the Lycian civilisation since
the 500s BC and onwards was the practice of constructing elaborate rock tombs.
The aim of this study was to test the effectiveness of the concept of cultural
interface in the landscape by analysing a particular landscape, and applying it to a
specific area, that of a part of the modern Turkish Mediterranean known in ancient
times as Lycia. This is a particularly appropriate location because of some
remarkable continuities and adaptations of the landscape, in the form of a number
of distinct elements that persist to the present time, yet have been utterly transformed
in function over the millennia. These elements are the unique rock tombs to be found
there, whose form persists in contemporary vernacular buildings such as granaries,
beehives and chimneys.
The question for this research therefore was: does the application of the concept of
cultural interface significantly improve our understanding of cultural landscapes as
exemplified by the Lycia region and the transmission of the style of ancient rock tombs
to local vernacular constructions? The scope of this paper is a multi-interface
approach to landscape analysis and can help to evaluate and present the cultural
insights within landscape that may be especially valuable and particularly remarkable.
Figure 1. Map showing the location of Lycia region in the Turkish Mediterranean.
back to 2000 BC. The early inhabitants called the area Trmmise or mountain peak in
their language Luvi (Çevik, 2002).
The Lycians became established as a democratic league with 23 major cities, of
which Xanthos, Pinara, Tlos, Patara, Myra and Olimpos were the centres of
administration, justice, military, finance and religion (Bayburtluoglu, 2004). Xanthos
was the capital; Letoon was the mythical birthplace of Apollo, god of the sun and of
Artemis, goddess of war and wisdom; Myra was the place where St Nicholas lived.
Table 1 summarises the main periods of ancient Lycian history.
The study material comprises the exceptional landscape elements of rock tombs
and the local vernacular constructions still found there and built to this day; the local
granaries, beehives and house chimneys in the Lycia region.
The method of the study was based on the interpretation of cultural interfaces in
the Lycian landscape, aiming at understanding different characteristics of selected
landscape elements in their historical, cultural, architectural and spiritual contexts
and to comprehend their time depth.
This was a mainly desk-based study which started by surveying the archaeological
heritage and vernacular constructions in the Lycia region and their explicit
associations, using a number of sources. Some field visits were carried out both at
archaeological sites and in the surrounding rural areas where vernacular construc-
tions are most available in order to search some of the elements under investigation;
firstly the rock tombs, noting their unique design, structure and location; and
secondly, comparing these with present-day vernacular structures found in the
landscape. Following this identification, the examples were interpreted using the four
Understanding Cultural Interfaces in the Landscape 5
types of cultural interfaces based on Palang and Fry (2003) and PECSRL (2006) as
shown in Table 2.
Table 1. Chronology of the ancient Lycia region (adapted from Akşit, 2007; Antalya Valili
gi,
2004; Bayburtluoglu, 2004; Borchhardt, 1999; Çevik, 2002; Umar, 1999)
Table 2. An approach for different interfaces of landscapes (adapted from Palang & Fry, 2003;
PECSRL, 2006)
Interfaces Meaning
Between past Interface between past and present brings time depth to the
and present cultural landscape
Between man Interface between man and nature explains the type of product
and nature and process of the landscape
Between culture Interface between culture and space reflects the cultural identity
and space and individuality of the landscape in a particular place
Between the spiritual Interface between the spiritual and the visual reflects the effect of
and the visual belief and perception on the visual character of the landscape
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There are different records for the number of cities and the corresponding sites of
tomb in ancient Lycia. According to Akşit (2008) and Bean (1997), Pliny, in the first
century AD, claimed that there were 70 cities in Lycia but only 36 of these have been
identified. The east Lycian city of Idebessos, located at the intersection of coast and
mountains, was amongst 50 settlements recorded in the Miliarium Lyciae, an ancient
document found in Patara (Çevik et al., 2009). On the other hand, Strabon (2005)
mentioned that there were 23 cities with voting rights in the management of the
Lycian League. However, 39 major cities with important tomb sites can be identified
so far, according to Çevik (2002). Nevertheless, there are some other minor cities and
rural settlements which are less important and it is likely that new tomb sites will be
uncovered in the ancient Lycian region.
Rock tomb construction was started in Lycia by 500 BC and continued to the 300s
AD and beyond. The exact number of rock tombs is not known. Four hundred
monumental tombs built mainly in the fourth century BC in the city of Lymbra
demonstrate how large and rich this city must have been. There were around 345
tombs recorded in Olimpos, of which 44 were in the form of a sarcophagus (Çevik,
2002); and the number of rock-cut tombs in Myra alone is estimated to be over 100.
However there is no clear picture about exact number of tombs in the Lycia region,
as there are some still buried underground, which it is hoped will be excavated; some
have been destroyed, and some removed.
Regarded as the house of the dead, a tomb is primarily a repository for the
remains of the deceased, and the term can refer to any enclosed interment space
or burial chamber of any type or size. The rock tombs are also regarded as
funerary monuments, which performed social functions for the families and
communities to which the deceased belonged and in order to connect the dead
with the living the builders reflected the design of their traditional wooden houses
in the appearance of the tombs. Efendioglu (2010) noted that there was a
cemetery foundation in ancient Lycia with the aim of protecting the tombs from
damage, stating that the people who vandalised tombs and violated the rules were
defined as faithless.
According to Bean (1997) and Çevik (2002), the main rock tomb types in ancient
Lycia can be classified as monumental, pillar, sarcophagus and rock-cut tombs
(Figure 2).
Understanding Cultural Interfaces in the Landscape 7
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Figure 2. Lycian rock tombs: (a) monumental, (b) pillar, (c) sarcophagus, (d) rock-cut (Çevik,
2002).
Monumental Tomb
Monumental tombs were grand in scale, and some were in the form of temples to
reflect the wealth and prestige of the family concerned. They often recorded some
kind of political statement or a biography of the dead person, carved on the facades
of the tomb. Bean (1997) has shown that the grandest monumental tombs in Lycia
were usually built by the most important rulers of the time and mainly in the Ionian
style consisting of two columns.
Pillar Tomb
Pillar tombs were often attributed to important dynasties and consist of a single
prominent pillar or column with two main chambers, one of which is square and
carved out of the upper part of the pillar.
Sarcophagus
Being a common form of burial structure, sarcophagi can be found in a great range
of sizes. They are a sophisticated type of tomb that emerged from interment
traditions and are regarded as an important part of Lycian art.
A sarcophagus consists of four parts: a base, a grave-chamber and a crested lid,
and a hyposorion under the main grave-chamber. They are often decorated with
reliefs, usually on the sides and crest of the lid, but sometimes on the grave-chamber
also.
8 M. Atik et al.
Rock-Cut Tomb
The most elaborate tomb type in Lycia is the rock-cut tomb that was carved into the
living rock. Some of these rock cut tombs were in the form of a temple and had two
columns, an epistyle and a pediment with elaborate carved reliefs, while others
resembled houses (Figure 3). Rock-cut tombs often held more than one body, and
many burial chambers contain several stone couches upon which gifts were left and
the dead were laid, often whole families being laid to rest there. The entrance of a
rock cut tomb was sealed with a sliding stone door that ran sideways along a groove.
Since these rock-cut tombs were perceived to be the houses of the dead within
which the soul resided, they were appropriately modelled on the style of the wooden
houses occupied by the living. Rock-cut tombs have all the construction details and
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accessories such as doors, windows, pegs, door handles and door bolts accurately
carved (Txier, 2002). A rectangular entrance door on the front facade, planking on
both sides and beams to support the roof were carved to closely resemble the wooden
construction.
Originally, the tombs were probably built from wood, but later were carved
into the rocks in order to last indefinitely. The resulting monumental burial
complexes were frequently connected to each other by stairways. The facades of
the rock-cut tombs were also carved in the form of a house front, and the reliefs
often revealed information about the profession of the person buried there, while
the tombs of the wealthier Lycians were often finely worked with elaborate
decorative relief carving.
Rock-cut tombs in wooden house form are commonly found in Pinara, Tlos,
Telmessos, Myra, Lymyra and Antiphellos. In Pinara, even a plan of the city was
carved on one tomb facade. In order to make rock-cut tombs in Pinara, the sculptors
must have been suspended down the rock face (Txier, 2002). Living around the first
century AD, Pliny called the inhabitants of Pinara ‘bird people’ after visiting the
place (Akşit, 2007) owing to the locations of tombs up on the cliff faces out of reach
from the ground.
Vernacular Constructions
Vernacular constructions incorporate and may modify local features in material,
form and design as they are adapted and reproduced over time, although there is also
inherent conservatism in vernacular architecture. There are three main vernacular
elements that form the subject of this study: granaries, beehives and the chimneys
found on local houses. The construction periods of these existing local vernacular
structures used in the study differs considerably. The granaries were built around
1870 (Güçlü, 2007); the local vernacular houses, with typical elaborate chimneys,
were built around 1920 onwards. The beehives located in upland areas above 2000
metres elevation date back to the 1800s, due to the fact that there has been a long
inhabitation in the Taurus highlands by the Turkish nomadic Yörük people prior to
the development of coastal settlements.
Granaries
Relatively small storehouses for grain, granaries are still widely found in the rural
landscapes of ancient Lycia (Figure 4). The construction method of granaries is
based on the use of joined and locked wooden pieces without using pegs or other
fastenings. Such construction techniques also maintain the strength and solidity of
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local buildings, where cedar (Cedrus libani) and juniper (Juniperus exelsa, Juniperus
oxycedrus) are the main construction materials.
Wheat growing traditions and the need to store grain out of reach of vermin go
back to ancient times. The Lycian land was an ideal location for cultivating
important products, grain in particular. Xanthos was the centre for growing cereal
crops, whereas Patara and Andriake were known for their large grain warehouses
(Antalya Valili
gi, 2004). Lloyd (2000) pointed out that Myra owed its fame for being
an important harbour where huge grain ships traded in cereals and in second century
Horrea Hadriani, reference is made to the silos of Emperor Hadrian, massive
structures used to store supplies before they were transported (Çevik, 2009). Local
granaries are still used to store cereals such as wheat, barley and chickpeas today.
As a reflection of traditional house construction in ancient Lycia, there is a strong
sign that the form of granaries was inspired by the rock tombs, or by the original
houses portrayed in rock tombs and for which the tombs are the main evidence of
their construction, so that the construction method has persisted through different
cultural phases and times, leading to the identical artefacts of today’s landscape
(Figure 5).
Figure 4. (a) An illustration of a rock-cut tomb and (b) a modern local granary in the ancient
Lycia region (Bektaş, 2005) showing the similarity in design.
10 M. Atik et al.
Beehives
The beehive is a kind of an enclosed structure in which bees live, raise their young
and store their honey. Masetti (2002) defined beehives as enclosures built to protect
hives from incursions by predators.
There is a sophisticated relationship between beehives and architecture (Ramirez,
2007). Depending on the geographical characteristics of the area, the design and
construction of beehives has been inspired by local materials and traditional models
in a wide range of locations around the world. Concerning the design of beehives
from ancient Egyptian to modern times, Sheppard et al. (2001) emphasised the point
that while many cultural connections between the ancient peoples and present-day
inhabitants of Egypt have been severed and many old ways and technologies have
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been replaced, some remain. Similarly, as seen in Figure 6, local beehives in the
ancient Lycia region appear to borrow strongly from something of the tomb
architecture or the original timber models used for tombs found locally.
Günay (2008) noted that beehives in the Lycia region are a kind of tower
constructed on a platform consisting of wooden beams extending on four sides. The
body of the beehives consists of dry wall braided by very close girders with an
average height between 5 and 10 metres with a triangular hive made of hollow logs
on top.
Chimneys
Vernacular architecture incorporates the multi-layered, mysterious, evolved and
imprinted aspects of the environment (Deubzer, 2005). In architecture, every element
can reflect the genius loci and thus the culture and identity of the place. Being one of
the integral building elements in vernacular houses for the escape of smoke from a
fireplace or furnace, chimneys tend to be functionally identical features which
nevertheless also reflect the style of the building and have an aesthetic role in the
landscape.
As a distinctive part of the visual character of traditional buildings, the chimneys
of local houses in Lycia bear a strong resemblance to some of the types of tomb,
especially in the sense that they tend to be seen as silhouettes against the sky, as were
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Figure 7. Examples of chimneys from local houses in ancient Lycia region resembling some of
the types of tomb.
12 M. Atik et al.
construction form of timber houses and reflected it in the rock tombs. Reliefs on the
facades strongly symbolise the wooden architecture (Şahin & Adak, 2002). This style
has been carried on over time and through major cultural changes so that the same
details can still be seen in the region, in the form of different vernacular
constructions.
Günay (2008) remarked that the sarcophagus was modelled from the wooden
granaries of ancient times, while Bayburtluoglu (2003) considered that local
granaries in Lycia, built without using metal or pegs are the living examples of
original wooden house architecture in Lycia.
The other unique outcome of Lycian art was the creation of local beehives
reflected strongly in pillar tombs. However, in this case there is a converse cultural
meaning between these two landscape elements in terms of the past and present
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interface. In contrast to the common recognition that tombs are the houses of the
dead, beehives are the houses of life for bees, reflected in their creation of
honey, which has valuable life-enhancing properties. In terms of design interactions
between the two Çevik (2002) wrote that although the pillar tombs and sarcophagi
seem to be typical burial structures, they have nevertheless taken their models from
daily life.
The quality of stonemasonry of the Lycian masons is noteworthy and was
especially significant in the construction of tombs. The question remains open as to
whether the technique of interlocking joints in timber, that local craftsmen still use
today in the construction of granaries and beehives, has been inspired by the rock
tombs themselves or whether the original techniques utilised in the tombs have
remained alive, handed down from master to apprentice through history and across
cultures.
Lycia, for example in Bezirgan, Elmali and Sinan Degirmeni above 1000 metres,
where natural and durable materials from the cedar forest are readily available.
Tombs showing a double-sloping roof that forms a gable at each end portrayed on
the rock faces are thought to be examples of contemporaneous Lycian houses using
the same technique (Barışcan, 1997). The design is also adapted to the climate – the
overhanging roof sheds the rain effectively and the raised construction keeps vermin
away. The same cedar wood is used in beehive construction.
Some specific construction details visible in the carved tombs show that the
original houses on which they are based may also have been constructed from the
same type of timber. For example, Kamiya (2000) identified decorative curved
baseplate and foundation beams shown as being constructed from jointed wooden
sections, which shows the difficulty of bending cedar faithfully expressed in tomb
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construction.
Other materials in local vernacular constructions appear to be various; beehives
are constructed from natural materials such as stone and locally grown cedar and
juniper wood, while stone, brick and concrete are used in the construction of house
chimneys.
the space was to some extent defined by such monuments. These therefore impart a
strong character to the Lycian landscape.
Feliu (2003) observed that landscape belongs to the vital and imaginary
experiences of the subject and is an individual construction on one level, but when
a community with a particular culture shares the same values, the identity of a
specific landscape instead becomes a social structure. Vernacular constructions
occupy certain spatial patterns in the Lycian landscape; granaries, beehives and
chimneys of local houses were items with different social functions. Related to rural
life, crop production, beekeeping and housing, they reflect local ownership and
territorial structures but in a much more modest way.
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blend stories about social events, mythological scenes, battles and funerary
ceremonies with various artefacts as well as depictions of daily life, plants and
animals characteristic of the region were the manifestations of Lycian art. According
to Özdilek and Çevik (2009), scenery of warfare carved on the tombs reflected the
power, glory, pride and freedom of spirit of the deceased in the other world.
The interface between past and present allows us to analyse time depth within the
landscape, and the interface between man and nature reveals the basic processes that
created the Lycian landscape which is still in progress with the continued use of
various natural materials and products. The interface between culture and space
brings identity and individuality to the landscape in a space continuum while the
interface between the spiritual and the visual empowers the visual character and also
imparts meaning to the landscape.
Swaffield (2005) indicated that there is a hint of the science of landscape as process
and pattern and of different cultural readings to be found in the landscape. Process
implies a series of actions or functions that cause the landscape to evolve over time
(Bell, 1999). Spirn (1998) suggested that material, form and space are sensed and
shaped by processes. Accordingly, a model of the flow of pattern, process and the
resulting product in relation to cultural interfaces of the Lycian landscape is given in
Figure 8. The pattern of the landscape originated from Lycian houses where the rock
tombs provided a time-space process linking with granaries, beehives and chimneys
(Table 3).
The varieties of local architectural products resulting from the interface between
man and nature have been a source of cultural diversity in the Lycian landscape. The
uniqueness of the rock tomb form is one of the elements which ascribe cultural value
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to the region through the interface between the spiritual and the visual.
Cultural identity is strongly associated with the ways in which people interact with
their landscapes (Stephenson, 2008). Taylor (2008) reported that cultural landscapes
are at the interface of culture and nature, tangible and intangible heritage, biological
and cultural diversity – they represent a closely woven net of relationships, the
essence of culture and people’s identity. The term identity refers to the role of the
landscape in the self-definition of a group of people or cultures. Referring to this
definition, the interface between culture and space in ancient Lycia marks the
cultural identity that originated from rock tombs, while the vernacular constructions,
also being genuine to the area bring a different but related cultural identity. The
interface between past and present provides cultural continuity as a gradual
development in time leading to the development of a rare landscape (Figure 8).
Figure 8. A diagram showing the flow of pattern, process and product in relation to cultural
interfaces.
Understanding Cultural Interfaces in the Landscape 17
Menzies and Titchener (2009) wrote that landscape is a cultural construct in the
same way that justice and language are. We perceive and value landscape according
to our culture. When the layers of different cultures are blended with diverse
interpretations, the cultural content of the landscape becomes highly important for
understanding the sense of continuity within the landscape.
Palang and Fry (2003) recognised that there are four things to bear in mind when
studying landscapes; forms, functions, processes and context. Spirn (1998) advocated
that it is important to respond to the landscape’s surface form, and also to the
processes that shape its underlying structure.
The aim of this study was to evaluate the Lycian landscape in the Turkish
Mediterranean, and to test the cultural interface approach as a tool for
understanding how geographical and cultural aspects overlap in the Lycia region
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and how cultural interfaces can provide a distinct communication tool within the
pattern, process and product cycle. Time depth, cultural processes and products,
identity and individuality within a place, and spirituality expressed in the visual
character of the cultural landscape were major concerns for this study.
Human landscape perception, cognition and values directly affect the landscape
and are affected by it (Nassauer, 1995). Landscape patterns can be understood in one
way as the visible manifestation of the processes at work in the landscape. Bell (2001)
asserted that patterns and processes are indivisible and feed back to one another. As
perception connotes recognition and interpretation of sensory stimuli based chiefly
on memory, the process in the Lycian case has been influenced strongly by the
perception of the cultural and visual context of the landscape and its elements.
Our goal in this study was also to understand non-visual aspects, historical
continuity, aspects of perception and something of the historic layering of the
landscape. In this respect the process, pattern and product model demonstrated how
interfaces can disclose cultural diversity, cultural value, cultural identity and cultural
continuity in the Lycian landscape, while process divulged both tangible and
intangible evidence.
Landscape acquires an ethical, aesthetic and historic sense, gains symbolic values
and is presented as a cultural sign (Feliu, 2003). Symbolic meanings are also often
attributed to landscapes (Schama, 1995). Such a complexity of roles is too often
overlooked, particularly when the various features appear simultaneously in a
particular landscape as many layers of the same structure. Taylor (2008) emphasised
that connections between landscape and identity and hence memory are fundamental
to understanding landscape and the human sense of place.
The Lycians created their houses for the afterlife using the distinguished
inspiration of their real houses in a most logical way, being fitted into the local
topography and on to the limestone rock faces. However, while remaining part of the
living cultural heritage, the recognition of local vernacular constructions are
inextricably connected to the past via the types of cultural interface defined and
analysed here. The most notable example of the sense and spirit of place (genius loci)
of ancient Lycia is the rock tomb and its reflections in vernacular artefacts. The key
to this is the persistence and the continuity of the original design and construction
techniques utilised in the tombs yet visibly functional today in the granaries, beehives
and chimneys. With preservation, authenticity is one of the major concerns (Palang
& Fry, 2003) and the authenticity of the Lycian landscape emerges from a unique
18 M. Atik et al.
agreement between past and present on land sharing the same knowledge and forms
based on associative cultural and visual values.
Rowntree and Conkey (1980) pointed out that cultural landscape is in one sense
created and transformed by symbolic human action. The rock tombs in the Lycian
landscape are distinctive examples expressing the symbolic interaction between man
and nature, past and present, culture and space, the spiritual and the visual. Farina
(2008) presumed that landscape is a semiotic interface between organisms and
resources which simply introduces a new way to evaluate attributes that increase our
confidence and knowledge about this complex subject.
Landscape can be like a book, one which tells us who we are and how we arrived
at this place that we call the modern world, and which can tell us about human
origins and history and social progress (Fairclough et al., 2002). Landscape studies
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search for the way in which people in the past shaped nature consciously or
unconsciously depending on the interaction of many factors. Using ‘the interface’ as
the mode of interpretation in order to comprehend and read the cultural landscape
was our aim in this study which we hope will improve the integration of cultural
history with landscape research.
Because analysis of cultural landscape history enhances the possibilities of creative
practice in conservation, design and planning, analysis of the different interfaces can
be used as an effective tool. Here, studying landscape is an interdisciplinary mission
in which landscape architects, planners, historians, archaeologists, geographers and
other related professionals need to cooperate for the evaluation and understanding
of the meanings behind the landscapes that we see. In this respect, the Lycian
landscape is interwoven with perception, architecture and artistic work, local
knowledge, vernacular artefacts and natural settings as a result of cultural and
historical processes which are simultaneously autonomous and culture-bound and
must be handled using interdisciplinary approaches.
Connectivity and persistence are important for protecting unusual examples of
past experiences and knowledge and relates to landscape management issues. Jones
et al. (2007) wrote of the great diversity and the quality of the landscapes that we
have inherited and how we should seek to preserve or even enhance their diversity
and quality, instead of allowing them to decline.
The application of the concept of interfaces can be used as the basis for informing
landscape protection and management policies and practices. The interface can be
located at the junction presented by the present, where we look backwards into the
past and forwards into the future. Demonstrating recent patterns and forms of the
landscape originating from the past will have many subjective and objective values to
offer for the future in maintaining cultural continuity. At this point cultural
interfaces can help communication in landscape design and planning and help to
strengthen the basic knowledge of historic landscape protection and management.
As special places, monuments are imbued with a symbolic value and act as
landmarks that allow orientation in space and time (Atik et al., 2010). According to
Palang and Fry (2003) landscapes have a role to play in the shaping of local, regional
and national characters, and there is a tendency towards landscape as a cornerstone
of regional and national identities. Lycian rock tombs, as demonstrated by this
research, reflect the unique identity and individuality of the Lycian region in the
Turkish Mediterranean. Today the entire Lycian landscape is still dotted with
Understanding Cultural Interfaces in the Landscape 19
numerous funerary monuments and rock tombs, and their vernacular reflections in
granaries, beehives and chimneys, with different functions and meanings.
Palang and Fry (2003) stated that time and space is an important interface for the
development of our understanding and for theory development in the realm of
cultural landscape analysis and management. The research described in this paper,
exposing the interface approach to the analysis and interpretation of a specific
landscape, suggests that the concept has much to offer and that it should help to
provide a strong connectivity and persistence among different landscape aspects in
spatial, temporal, spiritual and cultural terms.
Acknowledgements
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This study was supported by the Administration Unit of Scientific Research Projects
of Akdeniz University. The authors would like to thank the Research Institute on
_
Mediterranean Civilisations of the Suna-Inan Kıraç Foundation for their kind
assistance and Nevzat Çevik, Burak Takmer, Muhammet Güçlü, H. Onur Tıbıkoglu
and Fehmi Gürel for their valuable contributions to the study.
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