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When I found Bill Kristol this week at the Weekly Standard, the conservative magazine he
created and edited for 20 years, he was still thinking about his friend Jeff Bell, who died a
few weeks ago.

A fixture in Republican Washington for decades, Bell launched one of the first successful
insurgencies of what would become the Reagan Revolution, knocking off New Jersey’s
moderate Republican senator, Clifford Case, in a 1978 primary. (He lost the general election
to a guy named Bill Bradley, despite drawing diagrams of the Laffer Curve all over the
state.)

In his last years, Kristol told me, Bell became an ardent internationalist and a vocal defender
of immigration.

“That was one of the impressive things about the American conservative movement,” Kristol
mused as we sat in his office, surrounded by a near-avalanche of political tracts from the last
few decades.

“It had a lot of odd, interesting characters with combinations of views that from the outside
you might not always think would go together. But it was a genuinely vibrant movement and
pretty good — pretty good — at policing its borders.”

By this, Kristol — whose father, Irving, helped found the neoconservative movement that
stood for expansionist military policy abroad and a rejection of cultural liberalism at home
— didn’t mean borders in the sense that President Trump talks about them. He meant the
borders that separated hard-line conservatives from dangerous, reactionary populists.
“We fought against Buchanan in the ’90s,” Kristol said. “We fought against Ron Paul. We
were pro-Jack Kemp on race issues. We tried to prevent that virus from being too dominant,
or dominant at all.

“Look, American history has always had elements of what we now think of as Trumpism,”
Kristol went on. “Joe McCarthy, George Wallace, Father Coughlin. It’s not as if these things
haven’t always existed, and they were powerful. The big difference is Trump is president.

“Think of Joe McCarthy being the nominee in 1952 and winning,” he said. “Thatis where we
are.”

Kristol and I were talking a few days after the venerable activist conference known as CPAC
left town. This year’s gathering seemed to have severed the last narrow isthmus connecting
Reagan’s upbeat conservative movement to the new mainland of irate Republicans.

Among the speakers at CPAC (in addition to Trump and Vice President Mike Pence) were
Marion Maréchal-Le Pen, the youngest in a family of extreme French nationalists, and the
top two officials from the NRA, who savaged the media in the wake of yet another school
shooting.

Meanwhile, Mona Charen, Kristol’s friend and fellow traveler, was loudly booedfor trying
to talk about sexual harassment in the context of Roy Moore and, yes, Trump himself.

The message could not have been clearer: A year into Trump’s presidency, Republican
activists in the rest of the country seem to have rallied around his politics of grievance, while
in Washington, conservative thinkers who once ran the country huddle together in exile.
Now it’s Kristol and his contemporaries who find themselves on the frontier side of the
border.

I asked Kristol if he could still call himself a Republican, and whether he would if Trump
was reelected in 2020.

The answer to the first question, he said, was yes. The answer to the second was no.

I wondered whether he held himself at all culpable in having led us to where we are. He
looked a little agonized by the question. He answered carefully.

“Yeah, to some degree,” Kristol said, nodding. “I think the failures of Republican
governance led to a distrust of Republican elites, which is fair enough. I myself am part of
that distrust.”
*****

For all the ubiquity of the term, there are myriad meanings to the hashtag #NeverTrump
inside the disenchanted conservative world.

Some of the longtime Republican leaders who took a stand against Trump during the
campaign take the view that “never” actually meant “at least not until he wins.” These
Republican insiders wake up every morning looking for reasons to support the president, and
— except for the odd day when Congress passes a massive, debt-spiraling tax cut —
generally go to bed disappointed.

On the other side are the pro-governing conservatives who see Trump as a kind of Vichy
government leader whose occupation of Washington must not be enabled. They castigate
friends who work in the administration as traitors to the cause, if not the country.

Kristol is mostly in the second camp. He’s fine with — even grateful for — figures like the
national security adviser, H.R. McMaster, or the defense secretary, James Mattis, who have
chosen to serve and, in Kristol’s view, mitigate the danger of a Trump presidency.

And yet, in a way that is truly remarkable for a guy who was once Vice President Dan
Quayle’s chief of staff, Kristol uses Twitter and his platform at the Standard to launch an
unrelenting assault on his own party’s president. You could say he is the clearest and most
credible voice of Republican resistance in Washington.

(Almost as strange is the fact that a lot of the liberals who used to detest Kristol for his
outspoken support of George W. Bush’s foreign policy are now retweeting him daily and
generally holding him out as an example of sanity. Trump has a way of building unlikely
alliances.)

“He has the character of a con man or demagogue,” Kristol said of the president, matter-of-
factly. “And it’s really bad for the country to have a demagogue as president, even if he’s a
demagogue who 30 percent or 50 percent or 70 percent of his policies are defensible or even
correct.

“I’m absolutist on Trump,” Kristol told me. “He shouldn’t be president. We should limit the
damage he can do as president. And we should try as hard as we can to prevent him from
being renominated or reelected.”

To that end, Kristol has begun talking to like-minded conservatives about mounting a
serious primary challenge or even an independent bid in 2020. His highest draft pick at the
moment would be Nikki Haley, Trump’s U.N. ambassador, who might be the perfect
insurgent save for the troubling fact that, as of today, she is still Trump’s U.N. ambassador.
“If he’s not renominated, you can say, ‘You know what, it was an aberration,’” Kristol said.
“Now, it’s an aberration from which one has to learn lessons. I’m not trying to say there
aren’t elements of conservatism that were there already that Trump magnified, exploited,
brought to light — that we don’t have to rethink certain things.

“But the way I think about it, we could try to make it more of a parenthesis than an
inflection point. More of an unfortunate interruption in an otherwise honorable movement.”

When that movement got its start, back in the 1980s, Kristol and his contemporaries were
the interlopers of their day — brash, ideological, worshiping of William Buckley and
contemptuous of the mushy old guard. They wrested power mainly by following Jeff Bell’s
example and threatening to primary their party’s leaders into extinction.

Now, of course, it’s Trump’s supporters who are terrifying elected Republicans with the
specter of hostile primaries. And Republican leaders who once opposed the president are
flying white flags of surrender.

Kristol, who saw himself as a kingmaker in the party, once touted to me the sky-high
potential for politicians like Chris Christie, Marco Rubio, Rudy Giuliani and Paul Ryan.
Now he admits to being stung by all of their betrayals — and especially the complicity of
Speaker Ryan, who was once the sober voice of budget reform in Washington, before
passing policies in recent weeks that will make any real reform all but impossible.

“Ryan has been disappointing to me,” Kristol admitted. “I’m not sure any speaker would
have been much different. I had hoped Ryan would be better than the average. I think he’s
just turned out to be closer to the mean of House Republican members.”

Kristol has lost some old friends, too. In the conservative world, everyone is making the
choices they have to make in the moment, and longtime relationships are fast unraveling.

Many years ago, Kristol hired a young writer named Tucker Carlson at the Standard; later,
he appeared regularly on Carlson’s cable TV shows. In January, though, the two got into a
nasty back-and-forth over Carlson’s Fox show, on which the once thoughtful host has lately
reshaped himself into more of a Trumpian nativist.

Kristol, in an interview with CNBC’s John Harwood, accused Carlson of “dumbing down”
and coming “close to racism,” at least. Carlson called Kristol a coward for not coming on the
show.

“There are people who were friends who are now acquaintances,” Kristol told me with
resignation, “and people who were acquaintances who I now don’t see much at all.”
*****

Harder for Kristol than facing the judgment of some old friends, perhaps, is facing the
verdict of history. The war in Iraq, for which Kristol himself famously whipped up support,
probably did as much to corrode faith in the good intentions of government, generally, as
Watergate did three decades earlier.

If it didn’t, then the financial collapse of 2008, brought on by a kind of reckless disregard in
Washington, certainly finished the job. Absent these cataclysmic events, Trump could not
have existed as a political proposition.

It’s hard to imagine a world in which cultural conservatives would have looked past all the
things that made Trump unpalatable — the New York values, the crudeness caught on tape,
the disregard for conservative orthodoxy — were it not for their intense and slow-burning
rage at the establishment he ran against.

Kristol doesn’t like to acknowledge the failure of his own promises about Iraq; he’s quick to
pivot to the troop “surge” that came later, which he says was an unqualified success. But he
agrees that the unrest in the party was largely a result of failed government.

“That’s why people like me were sort of friendly to the tea party, because we thought it was
an understandable reaction, and an important reaction,” Kristol said.

I suggested that by trying to use the resentment of popular uprisings, by playing to elements
of the base with anti-government and xenophobic rhetoric over the years, he and other
conservative strategists had made credible Trump’s dark, demagogic worldview.

“Yes,” he said. “But on the other hand, what would it have meant not to use them? They
were there. And Republicans were the less pro-government party, so you were going to get
everything from responsible skepticism toward government to insane anti-government
views. But they were still going to vote Republican.”

Before I could untangle this line of thought — that if people were going to vote for you
anyway, there was really no point in telling them they were wrong — Kristol got down to
the truth.

“Having said all that, yes, I think there was probably a little too much fuzzing of those lines
and failure to educate our own supporters, so to speak,” he said. “The Republican elites were
a little more discredited than we realized.”
To Kristol, all of this is second-guessing, the stuff of graduate seminars decades on. “To the
degree that people like me could have done more,” Kristol told me, “then I think we need to
do more now.”

He left unsaid the corollary: For the outcast leader of a defunct movement, there’s really
nothing left to lose.

SALISBURY, England (AP) — A former Russian spy was critically ill after exposure to an
"unknown substance," British media reported in a case that immediately drew parallels to the
poisoning of former Russian agent Alexander Litvinenko.

National and local authorities said only that a man and a woman were found unconscious
Sunday afternoon on a bench in a shopping mall in Salisbury, about 90 miles (145
kilometers) west of London.

Related SearchesRussian SpySpy QuoteSpy CameraSpy StockRussian Spies

British media identified him as Sergei Skripal, 66, who was convicted in Russia on charges
of spying for Britain and sentenced in 2006 to 13 years in prison. Skripal was freed in 2010
as part of a U.S.-Russian spy swap.

Wiltshire Police, which is responsible for the Salisbury area, said the man and woman
appeared to know one another and had no visible injuries. "They are currently being treated
for suspected exposure to an unknown substance. Both are currently in a critical condition in
intensive care," the police department said in a statement.

The discovery led to a dramatic decontamination effort. Crews in billowing yellow moon
suits worked into the night spraying down the street, and the Salisbury hospital's emergency
room was closed.

The BBC, which first identified Skripal as one of the victims, quoted eyewitness Freya
Church as saying it looked like the woman and man had taken "something quite strong."

"On the bench there was a couple, an older guy and a younger girl. She was sort of leaned in
on him. It looked like she had passed out, maybe," Church said.

"He was doing some strange hand movements, looking up to the sky," she said.

Public Health England said it had only limited information about the patients, but there
"doesn't appear to be any further immediate risk to public health."

"PHE understands that those exposed to the substances have been decontaminated," the
health agency said in a statement.
Public records list Skripal as having an address in Salisbury.

Skripal served with Russia's military intelligence, often known by its Russian-language
acronym GRU, and retired in 1999. He then worked at the Foreign Ministry until 2003 and
later became involved in business.

After his 2004 arrest in Moscow, he confessed to having been recruited by British
intelligence in 1995 and said he provided information about GRU agents in Europe,
receiving over $100,000 in return.

At the time of Skripal's trial, the Russian media quoted the FSB domestic security agency as
saying that the damage from his activities could be compared to harm inflicted by Oleg
Penkovsky, a GRU colonel who spied for the United States and Britain. Penkovsky was
executed in 1963.

Skripal was pardoned and released from custody in July 2010 as part of a U.S.-Russian-spy
swap, which followed the exposure of a ring of Russian sleeper agents in the United States.

The circumstances surrounding Sunday's incident were still murky and police urged the
public not to speculate. But few could avoid invoking the name of Litvinenko — the former
Russian agent who died after drinking polonium-210-laced tea in a swanky London hotel in
2006.

His illness was initially treated as unexplained; evidence eventually emerged indicating he
had been deliberately poisoned with the radioactive material.

A British judge wrote in a 2016 report that Litvinenko's death was an assassination carried
out by Russia's security services — with the likely approval of President Vladimir Putin. The
Russian government has denied any responsibility.

Keir Giles, the director of the Conflict Studies Research Center in Cambridge, England, said
he "would be surprised if this were not linked back to Russia in some direct way."

He said he could not rule out an overdose or some other kind of accidental poisoning — but
found it hard to picture such a scenario "that would lead to a full-scale decontamination of
the street and the hospital."

Giles also invoked a string of suspicious deaths of Russian government opponents in Britain
since Litvinenko's slaying.

"It's not just Litvinenko," he said. "It's hard not to see a pattern of the attacks becoming more
and more brazen."
Igor Sutyagin, who was part of the same spy swap as Skripal and now is a senior research
fellow at the Royal United Services Institute in London, said there was not enough evidence
to point fingers in any direction.

"There are lots of former security officers that deserted to the West," he said, urging caution
until more is known. "It is necessary to balance this information."

___

Satter reported from London. Vladimir Isachenkov in Moscow, Danica Kirka in London and
Jo Kearney in Salisbury contributed to this report.

WASHINGTON (AP) — A military investigation into the Niger attack that killed four
American service members concludes the team didn't get required senior command approval
for their risky mission to capture a high-level Islamic State militant, several U.S. officials
familiar with the report said. It doesn't point to that failure as a cause of the deadly ambush.

Initial information suggested the Army Special Forces team set out on its October mission to
meet local Nigerien leaders, only to be redirected to assist a second unit hunting for
Doundou Chefou, a militant suspected of involvement in the kidnapping of an American aid
worker. Officials say it now appears the team went after Chefou from the onset, without
outlining that intent to higher-level commanders.

As a result, commanders couldn't accurately assess the mission's risk, according to the
officials who spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss the results of the investigation
before they're publicly released. The finding will likely increase scrutiny on U.S. military
activity in Africa, particularly the role of special operations forces who've been advising and
working with local troops on the continent for years.

Four U.S. soldiers and four Nigerien troops were killed Oct. 4 about 120 miles (200
kilometers) north of Niamey, Niger's capital, when they were attacked by as many as 100
Islamic State-linked militants traveling by vehicle and carrying small arms and rocket-
propelled grenade launchers. Two other American soldiers and eight Nigerien forces were
wounded.

The investigation finds no single point of failure leading to the attack, which occurred after
the soldiers learned Chefou had left the area, checked his last known location and started for
home. It also draws no conclusion about whether villagers in Tongo Tongo, where the team
stopped for water and supplies, alerted IS militants to American forces in the area. Still,
questions remain about whether higher-level commanders — if given the chance — would
have approved or adjusted the mission, or provided additional resources that could have
helped repel the ambush.
Army Col. Rob Manning, a Pentagon spokesman, wouldn't comment on the investigation,
beyond saying it's now complete and being reviewed by Defense Secretary Jim Mattis and
other senior leaders.

The other U.S. officials said the final report could have consequences for U.S. military
operations in Africa.

Gen. Thomas Waldhauser, the Africa Command's leader, is expected to recommend greater
oversight to ensure proper mission approval and risk assessment, they said. Waldhauser isn't
expected to scale back missions in Africa or remove commanders' authorities to make
decisions. He is slated to testify before a House committee Tuesday.

The incident is likely to trigger discussions about improved security measures, too, including
heavier armored vehicles, better communications and improved individual trackers to make
it easier to find missing troops.

Top Africa Command officials, led by its chief of staff, Maj. Gen. Roger Cloutier Jr., have
spent months trying to unravel the complex incident, conducting dozens of interviews across
the U.S., Europe and Africa.

U.S. and Nigerien officials say the troops received intelligence about Chefou's location and
acted on what was likely considered a fleeting chance to get him, or at least gather valuable
intelligence on the American hostage.

It's unclear where Chefou was believed to be. But before arriving at that location, the U.S.-
Nigerien team learned he had left. The troops traveled on to the site to collect any remaining
information there. A second U.S. commando team assigned to the mission was unable to go
because of weather problems.

One Nigerien official said the troops that reached the destination found food and a
motorcycle. They destroyed the motorcycle. The team then headed home, the official said,
but stopped in Tongo Tongo to get supplies.

The U.S. investigation notes the team stayed at Tongo Tongo longer than normal, but says
there is no compelling evidence to conclude a villager or anyone else deliberately delayed
their departure or betrayed them by alerting militants.

The Nigerien official said Abou Walid Sahraoui, an IS leader in the region, heard the team
had visited the site of Chefou's last known location. He then dispatched about 20 fighters to
pursue the U.S. and Nigerien troops. A larger group of militants followed later, said the
official, who also would only discuss the matter on condition of anonymity. U.S. officials
couldn't corroborate that information.
Shortly after leaving Tongo Tongo, U.S. and Nigerien forces were attacked and eventually
overrun by the IS ambush. Army Sgt. La David T. Johnson, 25, of Miami Gardens, Florida,
became separated from the others as he fought and ran for cover in the brush. He was
gunned down, but his body wasn't found until two days later.

The other three Americans killed were Staff Sgt. Bryan C. Black, 35, of Puyallup,
Washington; Staff Sgt. Jeremiah W. Johnson, 39, of Springboro, Ohio; and Staff Sgt. Dustin
M. Wright, 29, of Lyons, Georgia. Black and Wright were Army Special Forces. Johnson
and Johnson weren't Green Berets; the others were.

The U.S. troops called for help using the code "Broken Arrow," which signals they were in
imminent danger, officials said. They then followed procedures and shut down their radios
to prevent the enemies from using them. As a result, they couldn't communicate quickly with
French aircraft sent in to rescue them. Some footage of the gruesome battle, taken off one of
the U.S. soldier's helmet cameras, surfaced in recent days in an IS propaganda video posted
online.

Officials said the procedural breakdown meant the overall mission lacked the higher-level
command approval necessary to go after a senior militant. Such missions require approval
by senior Special Operations Command officers who would've been in Chad or at Africa
Command's headquarters in Germany.

The reporting failure meant those commanders lacked a complete picture of what the unit
was doing, so concluded the mission was unlikely to encounter enemy forces. Had the unit
gotten proper oversight and approvals, officials said, it might have been better equipped or
included additional personnel more capable of sustaining a fight.

A man believed to be a former Russian agent convicted of spying for Britain is fighting for
his life in a hospital in Salisbury, England, along with a woman, after the two came into
contact with an “unknown substance” on Sunday.

Local police were alerted on Sunday afternoon after the pair was spotted unconscious on a
park bench -- the man exhibiting what witnesses described as “strange hand movements."

The incident made international headlines after the man was named by the BBC as Sergei
Skripal, believed to be one of four Russian spies involved in a prisoner exchange with the
U.S. in 2010.

Wiltshire Police, the regional force, have not named the man or woman, but did confirm
their respective ages of 66 and 33.
The pair "who we believe to be known to each other, did not have any visible injuries and
were taken to Salisbury District Hospital," authorities said. "They are currently being treated
for suspected exposure to an unknown substance. Both are currently in a critical condition in
intensive care."

The combination of a former Russian intelligence officer and contact with a substance has
led to comparisons with the 2006 poisoning of Russian spy Alexander Litvinenko, who died
after drinking tea laced with radioactive polonium at a London hotel.

A long-running British inquiry found the Russian state to be culpable and suggested that
Russian President Vladimir Putin may have ordered the assassination.

On Tuesday morning, Kremlin spokesman Dimitri Peskov told journalists that Moscow was
willing to help in the investigation, but that Russia had no information on what could have
been behind the incident.

"We see this tragic situation, but we don't have information on what could have led to this,
what he was engaged in," he said.

An Italian restaurant in the center of Salisbury was closed Monday in connection to the
incident. Police officers were seen speaking to staff inside Zizzi’s after it was closed "as a
precaution," according to police on the scene who spoke with local journalists.

The BBC reported on Tuesday that counter-terrorism police were assisting local law
enforcement in the investigation, but Scotland Yard declined to confirm this to ABC News.

Skripal was sentenced in Russia to 13 years for treason in 2006 for allegedly spying for
British intelligence services, passing secrets to MI6 since the late 1990s, receiving more than
$100,000 for sharing the identities of Russian agents in Europe.

In 2010, Skripal was exchanged with four other Russians for 10 U.S. citizens working as
Russian agents under deep cover in the U.S. He was officially pardoned the following year
in a decree signed by then-Russian President Dmitry Medvedev.

Local police were alerted on Sunday afternoon after the pair was spotted unconscious on a
park bench -- the man exhibiting what witnesses described as “strange hand movements."
The incident made international headlines after the man was named by the BBC as Sergei
Skripal, believed to be one of four Russian spies involved in a prisoner exchange with the
U.S. in 2010.

Wiltshire Police, the regional force, have not named the man or woman, but did confirm
their respective ages of 66 and 33.

The pair "who we believe to be known to each other, did not have any visible injuries and
were taken to Salisbury District Hospital," authorities said. "They are currently being treated
for suspected exposure to an unknown substance. Both are currently in a critical condition in
intensive care."

The combination of a former Russian intelligence officer and contact with a substance has
led to comparisons with the 2006 poisoning of Russian spy Alexander Litvinenko, who died
after drinking tea laced with radioactive polonium at a London hotel.

A long-running British inquiry found the Russian state to be culpable and suggested that
Russian President Vladimir Putin may have ordered the assassination.

On Tuesday morning, Kremlin spokesman Dimitri Peskov told journalists that Moscow was
willing to help in the investigation, but that Russia had no information on what could have
been behind the incident.

"We see this tragic situation, but we don't have information on what could have led to this,
what he was engaged in," he said.

An Italian restaurant in the center of Salisbury was closed Monday in connection to the
incident. Police officers were seen speaking to staff inside Zizzi’s after it was closed "as a
precaution," according to police on the scene who spoke with local journalists.

The BBC reported on Tuesday that counter-terrorism police were assisting local law
enforcement in the investigation, but Scotland Yard declined to confirm this to ABC News.

Skripal was sentenced in Russia to 13 years for treason in 2006 for allegedly spying for
British intelligence services, passing secrets to MI6 since the late 1990s, receiving more than
$100,000 for sharing the identities of Russian agents in Europe.
In 2010, Skripal was exchanged with four other Russians for 10 U.S. citizens working as
Russian agents under deep cover in the U.S. He was officially pardoned the following year
in a decree signed by then-Russian President Dmitry Medvedev.

A Florida middle school teacher was "removed" from classroom duties on Sunday after she
was accused of hosting a secret white-nationalist podcast in which she allegedly bragged
about touting her beliefs in the classroom, authorities said.

The Citrus County School District in northern Florida said it is investigating a Huffington
Post report that claimed Dayanna Volitich, a 25-year-old social studies teacher at Crystal
River Middle School, had hosted the under the pseudonym "Tiana Dalichov."
The district did not mention Volitich by name, but it said it became aware of "a concerning
podcast" on Friday when it was contacted by a Huffington Post reporter, according to a
statement released Sunday. The district said it launched the investigation immediately.
"The reporter indicated they believed one of the persons participating in the podcast was a
teacher at Crystal River Middle School," superintendent Sandra Himmel said in the
statement. "The teacher has been removed from the classroom and the investigation is
ongoing.

"Pursuant to Florida Statute an open investigation and materials related to it are exempt from
public record and cannot be discussed until the investigation is complete," Himmel added.

Volitich released a statement through her lawyer, Charles Moore Jr., denying reports she is a
white nationalist.

"None of the statements released about my being a white nationalist or white supremacist
have any truth to them, nor are my political beliefs injected into my teaching or social
studies curriculum," Volitich said. "While operating under the Russian pseudonym 'Tiana
Dalichov' on social media and the Unapologetic Podcast, I employed political satire and
exaggeration, mainly to the end of attracting listeners and followers, and generating
conversation about the content discussed between myself and guests."

In its Friday report, the Huffington Post cited evidence including photographs, location
information, occupation and age, that is said indicated that Volitich and Dalichov, the host of
the "Unapologetic" podcast, were the same person.
In one of the podcasts, the host talks about putting on a "dog and pony show" for
administrators during her first year when it came to teaching certain curriculum. In previous
episodes, the host said Muslims should be eradicated from the earth.
"I get to talk about topics that people don't like to talk about. They don't want to be seen as a
bigot, racist, whatever you want to call it. I honestly don't care," the host said in one clip.
ABC affiliate WFTS said it stopped by Volitich's apartment to talk with her, but no one
answered the door. A neighbor told WFTS that he recognized a photo of her, but said he
rarely spoke with her.
A former Trump campaign aide spent much of the day promising to defy a subpoena from
special counsel Robert Mueller, even throwing down the challenge to "arrest me," then
backed off his defiance by saying he would probably cooperate in the end.
In an interview Monday night with The Associated Press, Sam Nunberg said he was angry
over Mueller's request to have him appear in front of a grand jury and turn over thousands of
emails and other communications with other ex-officials, among them his mentor Roger
Stone. But he predicted that, in the end, he'd find a way to comply.

"I'm going to end up cooperating with them," he said.

It was a reversal from his tone throughout the day, when he lashed out at Trump and his
campaign and threatened to defy Mueller in a series of interviews.

"Why do I have to do it?" Nunberg told CNN of the subpoena. "I'm not cooperating," he said
later as he challenged officials to charge him.

In the earlier interviews, Nunberg said he thought Mueller may already have incriminating
evidence on Trump directly, although he would not say what that evidence might be.

"I think he may have done something during the election," Nunberg told MSNBC of the
president, "but I don't know that for sure." He later told CNN that Mueller "thinks Trump is
the Manchurian candidate." A reference drawn from a Cold War novel and film, a
"Manchurian candidate" is an American brainwashed or otherwise compromised to work on
behalf of an adversarial government.

Shortly after Nunberg lobbed the first allegation, White House press secretary Sarah
Huckabee Sanders rebuffed him during the White House press briefing.
"I definitely think he doesn't know that for sure because he's incorrect. As we've said many
times before, there was no collusion with the Trump campaign," Sanders said. "He hasn't
worked at the White House, so I certainly can't speak to him or the lack of knowledge that he
clearly has."

Nunberg also said he thinks former Trump foreign policy adviser Carter Page, a key figure
in the Russia investigation, worked with the Kremlin. "I believe that Carter Page was
colluding with the Russians," Nunberg said on CNN. "That Carter Page is a weird dude."

Page called Nunberg's accusations "laughable" in a comment to The Associated Press.

The Justice Department and FBI obtained a secret warrant in October 2016 to monitor Page's
communications. His activities during the presidential campaign that raised concerns
included a July 2016 trip to Moscow.
In the interviews, Nunberg said he believes the president probably knew about the June 2016
Trump Tower meeting between his eldest son, top campaign staff and a team of Russians,
which Trump has denied. And he blamed Trump for the investigation into Russia meddling,
telling MSNBC that he was "responsible for this investigation ... because he was so stupid."

A spokesman for the special counsel's office declined to comment.

During his afternoon tirades, Nunberg detailed his interview with Mueller's investigators,
mocking them for asking such questions as if he had heard Russian being spoken in Trump
Tower. He then said he would reject a sweeping demand from Mueller for communications
between him and top Trump advisers.

"I think it would be funny if they arrested me," Nunberg said on MSNBC.

He later added on CNN: "I'm not going to the grand jury. I'm not going to spend 30 hours
going over my emails. I'm not doing it."

Nunberg said he'd already blown a 3 p.m. Monday deadline to turn over the requested
communications. He said he'd traded numerous emails a day with Stone and former White
House chief strategist Steve Bannon, and said spending 80 hours digging through his inbox
to find them all was unreasonable.

But in his call with the AP, Nunberg said he might be more willing to comply if Mueller's
team limits the scope of its request.
"I'm happy if the scope changes and if they send me a subpoena that doesn't include Carter
Page," he said, insisting the two had never spoken.

He also said he believes the only reason he's being asked to testify before the grand jury is to
provide information that would be used against Stone, a longtime Trump adviser, which he
says he won't do.

Nunberg is the first witness in the ongoing federal Russia investigation to openly promise to
defy a subpoena. But he's not the first to challenge Mueller: Former Trump campaign
chairman Paul Manafort filed a lawsuit in January challenging Mueller's authority to indict
him.

It's unclear how much Nunberg would know about the inner workings of the Trump
campaign or the White House. He never worked at the White House and was jettisoned from
the Trump campaign early on, in August 2015, after racist social media postings surfaced.
Trump filed a $10 million lawsuit against Nunberg in July 2016, accusing him of violating a
nondisclosure agreement, but they settled the suit one month later.

John Dean, a White House counsel to President Richard Nixon during Watergate, tweeted
Monday that Nunberg can't flatly refuse to comply with a grand jury subpoena.

"This is not Mr. Nunberg's decision, and he will be in criminal contempt for refusing to
show up. He can take the Fifth Amendment. But he can't tell the grand Jury to get lost. He's
going to lose this fight."

Nunberg appeared pleased by his performance, telling the AP that he was "doing something
I've never seen."

"They don't know what's going on," he said, speculating that Mueller would not appreciate
his comments and suggesting the authorities might send police to his apartment.

His usual cockiness, however, did appear, at times, to ebb. At the end of an interview with
CNN's Jake Tapper, Nunberg asked whether the TV anchor thought he should instead
cooperate with Mueller.
"If it were me, I would," Tapper responded, telling Nunberg: "Sometimes life and special
prosecutors are not fair, I guess."

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