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Texas Feel
Texas Feel
Texas Feel
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The Antioch Review
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Just What Is It about
Texas?
BY MILTON EZRATI
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Just What Is It about Texas? 755
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756 The Antioch Review
I am not mystical enough to suggest that Crockett and his fellows have
somehow imposed their spirit on today's Texas. Rather, that too-often-
told story seems to set the state's tone, capture its essence. It functions
as the Greek myths did for the ancients, as an expression of the culture's
fundamental values, or at least those that it wants to cultivate. It is little
wonder, then, that Texans never seem to tire of the story. It is their great
metaphor.
Crockett' s tale, in many respects, is also classically American. Like
the forebears of all Americans, including the Indians, Crockett makes
a personal journey from an old, traditional world to a new one. There
he joins others from disparate places and backgrounds to begin
something new. He fails in his old world, the East, despite his native
intelligence, personal courage, decency, and drive. His style is too
homespun. He has the wrong accent. He rejects, explicitly or not, the
sophisticated deceptions so common to that society. He does not fit in
the East Coast's imitation of Europe's imitation of an aristocratic past
that never really was. He loses because this old world stresses ties of
class, family, and background over individual worth. Crockett also
loses because strong moral convictions put him directly at odds with the
establishment. The congressional record tells how Crockett, despite his
Tennessee constituency, took on Andrew Jackson to speak out against
the displacement of the eastern Indians, what has come to be called the
"Trail of Tears."
Disgusted with this duplicitous and biased world, he tells his fickle
supporters that they can go to hell and that he will go to Texas. He and
a small group appear at the beleaguered Alamo, where he finds a
welcome that was denied him in the old country. Those in charge at the
Alamo are desperate. They welcome all: New Yorkers, Pennsylva-
nians, Alabamans, Indians, Englishman, Tejanos, Mexicans, Europe-
ans, and Colonel Crockett. All can see the wide variety of names and
places of origin at the Alamo today. Like the American ideal (if not
necessarily practice), Travis and Bowie, those in charge at the Alamo,
ask no questions about class, ethnicity, race, and religion. They make
no distinctions according to nationality or native language. They do,
however, tie their welcome to harsh demands of a different sort. All
must commit to the cause. In the crucible of the Alamo, that commit-
ment constitutes a devotion unto death.
Some might say this is more a generally American story than a
particularly Texan one. America, traditionally at least, asks people to
cast aside their old ethnic, social, and national identities and the
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Just What Is It about Texas? 757
prejudices that go with them. It asks them to replace those ties with a
personal commitment to this new world and its ideals of equality,
liberty, personal merit over class, and democracy. This broad American
interpretation of Crockett's story is entirely reasonable, but only up to
a point. The tale, after all, takes place in Texas. The setting reminds
everyone that the desperation in the Alamo sharpened the contours of
this American ethic. In doing so, it also points up the lead Texas has
taken in embracing these classically American values.
Texas today, of course, is less desperate than Travis and Bowie
were, but still, more than most of the rest of America, it seeks all sorts
of people, new people, to meet its ambitious growth agenda. And while
Texas extends a warmer welcome than most of the rest of the country,
like the Alamo, it is also more demanding. These days, most of America
increasingly compromises on the traditional demand that citizens reject
the old world in favor of a new personal American devotion. Texas will
not. To keep the Texas welcome, to be considered a full-fledged Texan,
the state demands that commitment. Traditional Texans brook no
ambiguity. They accept none of the hyphenated identities so popular in
California and the big Eastern and Midwestern cities, where Irish-
American, Italian-American, African-American, and others impossi-
bly claim two loyalties simultaneously, one to the ideals of this new
world and one to an old-world focus on ethnicity, race, or language.
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758 The Antioch Review
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Just What Is It about Texas? 759
in other ways, the exchange with this fellow New Yorker had a very
different character. We talked about our respective careers on Wall
Street. I mentioned that when I worked for a Japanese broker the staff
in Tokyo considered me the representative American. "They called me
Mr. America"-I laughed-"and never knew the significance of the
title." But he was less interested in the humor than in drawing distinc-
tions. "Not often a guy like you gets called white bread, is it?" It was a
fair remark, I guess. I have an exotic name. Still it had a needlessly
exclusive tone. Of course, you need not be white bread to be an
American, but why draw the distinction at all? Later my friend added
an ethnic overlay to the effort. He told how, when living in Boston, he
felt right at home. His Irish face, he said, fit right in with the others. I
begrudge him none of his sense of belonging, but I could not help
noticing how his focus on facial features, effectively genes, drew a line
that no amount of commitment could ever overcome. Whether I wanted
to join his fold or not, this typical New Yorker certainly tried to deny
me the inclusiveness offered freely in Houston.
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760 The Antioch Review
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Just What Is It about Texas? 761
While Texans chafe at the world's criticisms and on the surface dismiss
them, there is no denying that they seem to have much to prove, to others
and to themselves. They clearly share a passionate need for greatness,
for the admiration of others. That they do is understandable. Having
made a personal choice, they naturally strive to verify their decision and
seek affirmation by impressing others. Those bound by language or
birth need no such support. Having had no choice, they have nothing to
prove. But for Texans, there is something to gain, if they can get a New
Yorker or any outsider to become wide-eyed about things Texan, even
better if they can win a real convert to the Texas way. When these things
happen, all Texans can feel a little easier about their choice. Texans'
efforts at affirmation can prompt an irritating amount of boasting, one
of the things most disliked about the culture. But even as the frustrated
outsider begs his Texas host not to say another great thing about the
state, he feels a countervailing sympathy for that person's obvious need
and an equally powerful urge to offer the sought-after reassurance.
This almost desperate quest for affirmation has strength enough to
reach out of the present and creates in Texans a remarkable reliance on
the state's history and heritage. It is sometimes endearing and some-
times silly, but it is always abiding. If Texas has a glorious past, a
special place in history, then the decision to commit to it is well made.
Under the sway of this need, Texas has just about institutionalized a
reverence for the past. References to heritage appear in everyday life
much more frequently than just about anywhere else in the country.
Legitimate history is the least of it, of course, and is much rarer than the
passion for the legends and the lore. Many I meet seem more concerned
with the costuming or minor detail than with the fundamental historical
import of past events. Sometimes, the past appears purely in decor-an
oak rocking chair in an otherwise sleek law office, a prominently placed
bronze of a working cowboy as the centerpiece for a modern shopping
mall. Indeed, legend and the feeling of the past serve this need for
reassurance so much better than real history that it is hard to find a good
popular history of Texas. But however misplaced the emphasis and
comic some of the interpretations, the onlooker must feel some human
sympathy for the storyteller's, the decorator's, the builder's efforts at
personal reaffirmation and the shared feeling of belonging that grows
out of it.
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762 The Antioch Review
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764 The Antioch Review
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Even as this passion for the state's heritage takes Texans up to the hills,
into the pine trees, and out on the prairies, it also inspires a greater
interest in the wider world than many Americans have. The difference
is evident even in the response to my poor joke. The Texans cared who
was central and who thought they were central, an interest that carried
their thoughts outside their state. The New Yorkers refused even to look
south and west. Most Americans, like my New York friends, tend to
keep their focus close to home. Either they believe, erroneously like the
New Yorkers, that they are the unquestioned center, or they just do not
care, believing that they should mind their own business in their corner
of the world. While there is a certain puritan charm to this rather humble
view, it hardly encourages an interest in things and opinions outside
people's immediate circle, much less outside their state. Not so in
Texas. I seldom have met an educated Texan who misses a broader
interest. His focus often skips art and literature, but it almost always
embraces politics, economics, and society. Occasionally, I meet Texans
who lack an interest in things outside their small circle, but much less
frequently than elsewhere. Even in some supposedly sophisticated
settings around the country, I often meet otherwise well-educated
people, professionals, who seem almost bored with such broader issues
and sometimes even are offended by such subjects. Quite the contrary
to popular belief, these folks are rarer in Texas than elsewhere, not more
common.
Of course, other factors contribute to this interest in the world.
Geography, climate, topography surely matter, too. Californians, sit-
ting amidst their perfect weather on the far side of the Sierra Madres,
must face a great temptation to banish the rest of the troubled world. So,
too, those who have found salvation in the unspoiled mountain fastness
of the Colorado Rockies might want to ignore the troubled flatland.
Less dramatic strongholds in the South, in Ohio, New Hampshire, and
elsewhere, also breed insular attitudes. But Texas has no natural barrier
to rest of the country, no high Sierras. Much is flat prairie. People there
can see others coming for a long way and also see no natural barrier to
their advance. California's coast faces the seemingly endless Pacific,
whereas the Texas coast faces the Gulf of Mexico in general and New
Orleans in particular. There is no hiding from the outside world in that
neighborhood. Neither can anyone ask for sanctuary in Texas weather.
Much as Texans love their state and praise its every feature, few can
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766 The Antioch Review
deny that the breath of hell sweeps across the place in summer, or that
Texas is afflicted by dust storms, stifling humidity in the south and ea
and great winter cold in the north and west. In that harsh open space
there is little to tempt Texans to turn inward for sanctuary from the
world outside.
Economics surely plays a role as well. Texans know better than
most that their prosperity depends on events around the world. Though
the Lone Star State today enjoys commerce in diverse industries, its
heritage ties the state's prosperity to agriculture and oil, commodities
whose prices are set by a world market. Even the most remote commu-
nity has long had the sense that prosperity depends at least in part on the
decisions of the Saudi royal family, gas discoveries in Siberia, and the
next meeting in Vienna of the berobed members of the Organization of
Petroleum Exporting Countries. Texans know that the price of beef
hinges as much on what happens in Argentina and Australia as at home.
Other Americans have greater opportunities to hide from their inevi-
table and uncomfortable vulnerability to the world. California's iden-
tification with high technology surely leads its citizens to believe that
the state's fate lies in its ideas and innovations more than in outside
events. Hollywood can claim that success lies only in its talent. New
York's financial orientation prevents the same degree of self-deception
as California enjoys, but the fashion industry allows itself to believe
that taste and imagination alone will do the job. Of course, much
success does lie in the particular inventiveness of a firm or individual,
in Texas as well as other places. But nothing can fully insulate anyone
these days, and Texas's heritage drives that point home to its citizens
more thoroughly than do habits of thought in other regions of the
country. The interests of its citizens follow that insight.
For all the economics and geography, however, I find most inter-
esting the way the Texas sense of heritage opens people there to the
outside world. A keen need to assert their own unique legacy reminds
each Texan that others possess different legacies with their own,
alternative perspectives and values. Texans assume that others will see
things differently. Their search for these differences and ways to bridge
them keeps up their interest in outsiders. By contrast, people elsewhere
in the States, lacking such a keen sense of their own heritage, tend to see
people as pretty much the same the world over. Kidding themselves that
with little effort they could reach understanding with others, even in
distant places, they see little need to wonder what those people might
think, except, perhaps, to gratify a mild curiosity. While Texans
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Just What Is It about Texas? 767
All this passion and interest comes with the aggressive, almost
domineering personality for which Texans, both the men and the
women, are famous. The Texas style can come across not just as strong
and opinionated but also as loud and vulgar, even for New Yorkers, for
whom loud and vulgar is a way of life. Even Las Vegas, where vulgarity
is an art form, cannot always stand up to Texas. Once in Vegas, I saw
a group of Texans get so loud and rambunctious that the casino
management asked them to either quiet down or leave. I have never seen
anyone in Vegas ever ask anyone to be quiet. I would have thought no
noise too loud, no action too gross for a casino management. But the
Texans found it. That kind of volume can certainly irritate outsiders, as
can the domineering personality that goes with it, but, as with so many
other Texas vices, I find myself smiling and cutting the Texans more
slack than I would another, than I would a fellow New Yorker.
Part of my willingness to set irritation aside comes, I am sure, from
what I see as the reasons behind the loudness. With New Yorkers, and
I guess others, I associate volume and vulgarity with bullying. I sense
a malicious quality, a desire to humiliate, to assert that their group is
more important than others. With loud Texans, there is, of course, a
disregard of others, but their loudness, even the domineering seems to
lack that element of bullying, much less the malice or desire to
humiliate that I see elsewhere. Instead, I sense an almost boyish
exuberance, a willingness to take on the world, to make a difference,
even if it means inconveniencing and irritating a few people. My
predisposition about Texas vulgarity surely stems from the many
instances when Texans have shown a blithe willingness, even an
eagerness to take on the sometimes impressive risks associated with
their exuberance and aggressiveness, something I do not see so fre-
quently in my fellow New Yorkers, especially the louder, more vulgar
ones.
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768 The Antioch Review
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770 The Antioch Review
more prosperous future, while his willingness to take huge risks helped
bring that bigger future into being.
Maybe this aggressive faith also explains the incongruous Texas
passion for high school football. Of course, America generally loves
football. Places as different as Denver, Tampa, New York, Boston, and
San Francisco all produce loyal and, at times, fanatical fans. Texans
enjoy their professional and college teams as much as any. But only
Texans extend this football passion to the high school game. They
lavish love, money, and lots of time on it. Only Texas televises high
school games and writes about them outside the local newspaper. It
seems strange in a place that otherwise prefers the large and well
financed over the small and poorly financed. The only explanation is
this other Texas passion, which impels an aggressive (which high
school football surely is) pursuit of the future; the future is what high
school players, good as they may be for high school kids, are really all
about. As much as Texans love their big professional and college teams,
the high school game glimpses this other important element of their
essential character.
This aggressive faith in the future has a parallel in the state's robust and
open religious life. It takes no more than casual observation to see the
prominent role of religion in Texas. Most of the rest of the nation,
outside the deep South, tends to associate religion in Texas with
fundamentalist Christianity. Their assessment is much too narrow.
Texas has plenty of fundamentalists, to be sure, but there are also many
Evangelicals, Roman Catholics, Orthodox, main-line Protestants, the
list goes on. Each has a prominent place in its adherents' lives and
minds, more visible if not more treasured than is generally the case
elsewhere in the county, except perhaps the deep South. Texans claim
an active religious affiliation much more frequently than Americans in
general, and especially those on the West Coast and in the Northeast
(some surveys suggest three or five times more frequently). In Texas,
God, Jesus, and the church extend outside the confines of their sometimes
huge buildings. It is no coincidence, surely, that Texas has given the
nation its most explicitly religious president in many years. Most
Americans try to avoid the topic of religion in everyday life. Especially
in the Northeast and California, people speak of religious matters in
guarded tones, as if they were walking on eggs. In Texas, people will
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Just What Is It about Texas? 771
allude to church the way their New York and California counterparts
talk about home-improvement projects, little league, and their vacation
plans. They will point out their church building to you, if you happen
to drive by it.
I cannot help but believe that this forceful religious life feeds into
and is fed by the state's remarkable secular faith in the future. In saying
this, I do not suggest in any way that Texas religious faith is false. On
the contrary, to my experience it is fervent and genuine. My point is
simply that the predisposition toward hope in the future fits well with
the Christian belief in a benevolent providence. When these beliefs
exist together, as they do in Texas, they surely reinforce each other.
That was certainly the case in nineteenth-century America, where a
strong secular faith in the future and a fervent Christianity fed off each
other, fostering a remarkable willingness among the population to work
hard for that future. Perhaps, as in nineteenth-century America, the
obvious Texas faith in the future grows out of the deep religious
convictions of the state's citizens. Maybe the causality runs the other
way. It is pointless to try to guess which came first, for Texas today or
for historic America. The point is that the parallel strengths of these
convictions help distinguish Texas character from the rest of the
country in yet another remarkable way.
Surely the strong religious nature also warms the state's welcoming
nature. If one is religious, especially Christian, as the vast majority of
Texans are, then one's own creed demands a consideration of God's
other creatures. Add this Christian respect for community to the already
extreme Texas embrace of the classic American ethic, and you have a
tremendous force to pull in outsiders, and yes, convert them, not to
Christianity but to Texas values. Today's Texans, most of them at least,
are too sophisticated to press a religious conversion on outsiders. But
the impulse is there in their beliefs nonetheless. Gaining some positive
response for the secular aspects of the state and its way of life gratifies
some of this religious impulse, albeit in an oblique way, even as it
provides a welcome verification of its parallel secular faith in Texas
values. Of course, an embrace of otherwise welcoming religious beliefs
is no assurance that a society will actually practice them. In many places
and many eras, benevolent religious rhetoric has coexisted with great
bigotry and cruelty. But that does not seem to be the case in the state
today. On the contrary, the adoption of a welcoming Christian creed
seems to reinforce the already great secular predisposition to bring
outsiders into the fold.
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772 The Antioch Review
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Just What Is It about Texas? 773
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