Women’s Political

Representation
and Existing
Legislative Barriers
TATIA KINKLADZE
MARCH, 2018
 Introduction

Since gaining independence, Georgia has made changes to increase women’s representa-
tion in politics but realization of women’s political rights persists as an important challenges.
As evidenced by many local or parliamentary elections, women’s representation in supreme
legislative and executive bodies is alarmingly low. In the 2016 parliamentary elections, wom-
en accounted for 37% of proportional list candidates and 17.69% of majoritarian candidates.
Following the elections, out of 150 seats women gained only 24. Similar to the Parliament of
Georgia, gender imbalance exists in representative and executive bodies of local self-govern-
ment. In the 21 October 2017 local self-government elections, women accounted for 13.5% of
officials elected in all self-governing units of Georgia, which is a slight increase from the 2014
local self-government elections. Out of 64 directly elected mayors, only one is a female.

The obligation to ensure gender equality is established by many international agreements and
most notably the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women
(CEDAW). The CEDAW Committee recommends that Georgia should take meaningful steps
to strengthen gender equality, including by taking mandatory measures to improve women’s
participation. The obligation to engage women in political processes is also established by the
updated EU-Georgia Association Agenda for 2017-2020.1 Regardless, systemic changes to
improve women’s representation and encourage their participation in political processes are
yet to be made.

The present research summarizes the legal mechanisms that will ensure women’s political
participation at the legislative level. It also analyzes gender composition of local representative
and executive bodies following the 2017 local self-government elections.

1 See Georgia-EU Association Agenda 2017-2020: http://infocenter.gov.ge/1568-asocirebis-dghis-tsesrigi-2017-2020-

tslebisthvis.html
 Historical Overview of Women’s Suffrage

In countries around the world, women started fighting for their right to vote in mid-19th century
period, which is often referred to as the “first-wave feminism”. It primarily focused on demand-
ing equal legal and political rights for women and men. The first-wave feminism ended with the
achievement of female suffrage, introduced first in New Zealand in 1893.2

In 1918, countries like Austria, Germany, UK, Estonia, Canada, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Rus-
sia, Hungary, Kirgizstan passed legislation to guarantee women’s right to vote. It took certain
developed countries relatively long time to grant women suffrage, for instance France recog-
nized women’s right to vote in 1944, Italy in 1945, Switzerland in 1971, Spain in 1931, etc.
In 1918-1921, Georgia was among the first European countries to grant women both active
and passive suffrage. Around 20 candidates registered for the Constituent Assembly Election
in 1919 in Georgia were women.3 In contrast, in 1918 only one elected MP was women in Brit-
ain.4

The Constitution of 21 February 1921 established the basic principle of equality before law.
Article 39 of the Constitution viewed both male and female citizens as equal subjects in exer-
cising civil, economic and domestic rights.5

Election of the representative body of the Republic of Georgia was regulated by the Statute of
the Constituent Assembly of Georgia (1918) and later by the Constitution (1921). Regulations
establishing basic electoral principles were also adopted. The Constituent Assembly of Geor-
gia composed of members elected in free, equal and direct elections, under a proportional
electoral system.6

Even before adoption of the Constitution, the 1918 Statute of the Constituent Assembly of
Georgia gave both men and women from the age of 20 equal right to participate in elections.
Similar provision was introduced in the U.S. Constitution in 1920 and only 36 out of 48 U.S.
states supported the amendment. Germany and Austria gave women the right to participate in
elections from the same age as men in 1928.7

2 A. Heywood, Political Ideologies, Introduction, p. 278

3 See E. Darbaidze, From the History of the Fight for Women’s Rights, p. 12
4 See UK Election Statistics: 1919-2012 Research Paper 12/43 7 August 2012
5 The Constitution of Georgia – adopted by the Constituent Assembly of Georgia on 21 Feb 1921
6 The Statute on Election of the Constituent Assembly – adopted by the Parliament of Georgia and the Government of
Georgian Republic on 22 Nov 1918
7 The Constitution of the Democratic Republic of Georgia, dated 21 Feb 1981
 Legislative Guarantees for Gender Equality

International Instruments

On 18 December 1979, the UN General Assembly adopted the Convention on the Elimination
of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). It is one of the most important inter-
national agreements in the field of protection of women’s rights. The CEDAW Convention not
only reinforces fundamental rights and freedoms of women but it also creates an international
supervisory mechanism for protection of these rights.

By joining the Convention on 22 September 1994, Georgia agreed to take all measures to
eliminate discrimination against women in political and public life, and in particular to ensure
for women on equal terms with men the right to participate in elections and public referenda,
hold public office, perform all public functions at all levels of government and participate in
different associations.8

Georgia signed the Beijing Platform for Action in 1995. 7th critical area of the Platform aims
to eliminate gender imbalance and obligates the State Parties to ensure equal participation of
women in power and decision-making at all levels. According to the Act, creation of effective
institutional mechanisms that will increase women’s representation in politics is important for
ensuring gender equality.9

The Treaty of Amsterdam signed by EU member countries on 2 October 1997 played an im-
portant role in women’s political participation. According to the Treaty, supporting equality
between men and women is a primary objective of the EU and entails implementation of sys-
temic policy to avoid discrimination and unequal treatment.10

The requirement of equality before law and prohibition of discrimination is established by

many other international agreements in the field of human rights protection. The principle of
equality of women and men before law has been established by: the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights (1948), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966), and the
International Covenant on Social and Cultural Rights (1966).

8 See: http://old.ucss.ge/publication/018%20Kalta%20Uflebebis%20Istoriuli%20Aspeqtebi.pdf
9 See the information: http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/beijing/pdf/BDPfA%20E.pd
10 See the information: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/workingpapers/femm/pdf/104_de.pdf
 National Legislative Framework

Article 14 of the Constitution of Georgia obligates the State to create equal legal guar-
antees for protecting individuals. The idea of equality in one field or another entails
ensuring equal opportunities.11 Article 14 provides the list of grounds that strengthening
of the equality principle should focus on; more specifically, it stipulates that everyone
is free by birth and is equal before law regardless of race, color, language, sex, etc.
The Constitutional Court provided a broad interpretation of Article 14 and prohibited
discrimination on any other grounds that are not specifically contained by the Article in
question.12 Constitutional guarantees for political participation are also created by arti-
cle 28 of the Constitution of Georgia that reinforces the right to vote and basic princi-
ples related to it.

Existing constitutional/legal guarantees strengthened formal model of equality that did

not provide adequate guarantees for women’s political participation. The CEDAW Con-
vention obligates the State Parties to introduce in national constitution and legislative
provisions that strengthen the principle of equality for men and women13, which implies
moving from the model of formal equality to the model of substantive equality. Such
requirement is also imposed by Res 1325 of the UN Security Council.14 In 2017, the
Constitution of Georgia was amended to introduce the obligation of the State to ensure
equal rights and opportunities for men and women and take special measures to create
substantive equality.15

In 2010, the Parliament of Georgia adopted the Law of Georgia on Gender Equality
requiring central and local authorities to ensure gender balance. Prohibition of discrim-
ination in all public areas, creation of legal mechanisms for realization of equal rights
and freedoms and prevention of unequal treatment were declared as the legitimate
public goal of the law.

In 2011, to protect gender balance and improve women’s political participation, the Par-
liament of Georgia amended the law of Georgia on Political Associations of Citizens,
offering 10% increase in public funding to political parties if in the nominated party list
it included at least 20% of different gender in each 10 candidates. For the 2012 par-
liamentary elections, only 6 electoral subjects observed the norm, which amounted
to only 40% of the registered parties. Of 200 candidates nominated by the Georgian
Dream under the proportional electoral system only 33 were women, and of 155 candi-
dates nominated by the United National Movement only 17 were women.16

11 Human Rights and the Practice of the Constitutional Court, p.31.

12 See Human Rights and the Practice of the Constitutional Court, p. 36;
13 See General recommendation No. 25, on article 4, paragraph 1, of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination against Women, on temporary special measures: http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/cedaw/recommenda-
tions/General%20recommendation%2025%20(English).pdf
14 See: https://www.un.org/press/en/2000/20001031.sc6942.doc.html
15 See the information: https://matsne.gov.ge/ka/document/view/30346
16 See the information: http://sapari.ge/wp-content/uploads/2016/05/qalta-chartulobis-gazliereba.pdf
Another amendment to the Law of Georgia on Political Associations of Citizens was intro-
duced in 2013, to increase the amount of public funding. Subsequently, under the existing
norm “A party receiving funding under this Article shall receive a bonus of 30% of the basic
funding if, in the election list presented by this party or by the relevant electoral bloc (in the
case of local self-government elections, in all party lists) at the elections based on the results
of which they receive funding, at least 30% of female candidates are included in the first, sec-
ond and every subsequent 10 candidates.” 17

A total of 22 political parties and 5 electoral blocs registered for the 21 October 2017 local
elections.18 The following 9 electoral subjects included at least 30% of female candidates in
the first, second and every subsequent 10 candidates on their party lists:

• Electoral bloc Bakradze, Ugulava – European Georgia;

• Electoral bloc Dimitri Lortkipanidze, Kakha Kukava – Democratic Movement – Free
Georgia;
• Electoral bloc United National Movement;
• Political union Republican Party;
• Political union Davit Tarkhan-Mouravi, Irma Inashvili – Alliance of Patriots of Georgia;
• Political union Left-Wing Alliance;
• Political union Shalva Natelashvili – the Labor Party of Georgia;
• Electoral bloc Giorgi Vashadze – Unity New Georgia;
• Political union Freedom – Zviad Gamsakhurdia’s Way.

As evidenced by the previous parliamentary and local self-government elections, the above
norm is ineffective and it does not create sufficient guarantees for improving women’s political
participation.

It should be noted that the so-called parallel electoral system does not promote women’s rep-
resentation in Georgia. Statistics summarized in the present report clearly illustrate that more
women are elected in legislative and representative bodies of local self-government under the
proportional electoral system than under the majoritarian one. In fact, the latter is one of the
barriers to women’s representation.

Electoral systems are not gender neutral. Often different types of system have different im-
pacts on women’s representation. Countries that practice proportional electoral system have
far better representation of women than countries with majoritarian system. States are usually
urged to consider the said issue when forming their electoral systems.19 Unlike the parallel
electoral system, the systems of proportional representation allow parties to present electoral
lists with more female candidates.20

17 See the Law of Georgia on Political Associations of Citizens

18 See the information provided by the CEC: http://cesko.ge/res/docs/Partiebiblokebi25.09.2017new.pdf
19 See the information: http://www.un.org/womenwatch/osagi/wps/publication/WomenAndElections.pdf
20 See Bridge Project 2005 AEC, UNEAD v2, P.12/38
 Gender Equality Bodies

Parliamentary Gender Council

The Gender Equality Council (GEC) is an advisory body set up as early as in 2004, before en-
actment of the Law of Georgia on Gender Equality. In 2010, the Council was transformed into
a standing body that operates under the Parliament of Georgia. Basic functions of the Council
include not only development of legal base but also control of bodies that are accountable be-
fore the Parliament of Georgia on gender equality issues. Pursuant to the Law of Georgia on
Gender Equality and the Rules of Procedure of the Parliament of Georgia, powers of the GEC
are determined under the statute approved by the Chairperson of the Parliament of Georgia.
Current statute of the Gender Equality Council was approved following the 2016 parliamenta-
ry elections. According to the statute, the Council determines key areas of the State’s gender
policy, develops measures for realization of equal rights of women and men, it also oversees
performance of executive authorities related to gender issues. The Council periodically hears
reports of the Inter-Agency Commission on issues of gender equality, violence against women
and domestic violence, and receives information from Ministries/agencies as needed.

To eliminate gender inequality in the legislation, the Council is authorized to prepare proposals
and ensure expert evaluation of drafts presented within the right of legislative initiative, from
gender point of view. To respond to violations of gender equality both on its own initiative and
based on the analysis of applications that it receives, the Council is authorized to issue recom-
mendations.21

The institutional arrangement and the scope of the Council’s powers do not create effective
guarantees to ensure women’s political participation and equality. Based on the analysis of the
existing statute, it is safe to conclude that the Council enjoys broad discretion when it comes
to fulfillment of the functions, the statute does not establish the obligation of the Council to
fulfill the said functions.

The GEC is made up of at least 10 MPs selected in proportion to the percentage of political
party members. Although the Council is accountable before Parliament, the legislation does
not prescribe any measures that need to be taken to improve the Council’s effectiveness in an
event of inability of members of the GEC to discharge the powers of their office.
Powers of the GEC are quite limited. To take further actions in response to applications that
it receives, the Council can invite representatives of central and local authorities, the Statute
of the GEC or the Rules of Procedure of the Parliament of Georgia do not envisage any other
measures of legal response. Non-binding nature of recommendations of the GEC does not
create a strong institutional mechanism for ensuring gender equality.

21 See the Statute of the GEC: http://www.parliament.ge/ge/saparlamento-saqmianoba/komisiebi-da-sabchoebi-8/genderu-

li-tanasworobis-sabcho/sabchos-debuleba
Local Self-Government Gender Councils

Taking meaningful actions to identify and eliminate discrimination falls under the authority of
central as well as local representative/executive authorities.

Under the Local Self-Government Code and the Law of Georgia on Gender Equality, with the
aim of fulfilling commitments established by national legislation and international agreements,
municipal Gender Equality Councils are set up within self-governing units. The council, created
by corresponding Sakrebulo, is a collegial body that coordinates its work with the Parliamentary
Gender Council. Composition, functions and powers of such council are defined under Sakrebu-
lo Regulations and the GEC Statute, and are approved by Sakrebulo.

Fifth indicator of the UN Sustainable Development Goal 5 obligates central as well as local au-
thorities to take temporary special measures to ensure gender balance in existing institutions
and to promote women’s full and effective participation in the decision-making process.

Local gender councils are especially important among national mechanisms for ensuring gender
equality, because they should be in charge of planning and implementing gender policy based
on municipal needs. As of 30 November 2017, gender equality councils have been created in 38
municipality Sakrebulos. These bodies are not obligated under the Law of Georgia on Gender
Equality or the Statute of the Council to submit a report of their performance to Sakrebulo or to
the Parliamentary Council of Gender Equality, which reduces the quality of their accountability.
In addition, a civil servant responsible for gender equality issues is in charge of studying matters
related to gender equality and planning corresponding activities within local executive bodies
(City Halls). Such civil servant is designated by the Mayor of the municipality, however appoint-
ment of individuals responsible for issues of gender does not fall under the mayoral respon-
sibilities. Lack of officers responsible for issues of gender at the local level continues to be a
challenge. Such functions are performed by other officials in addition to their primary functions.

Public Defender

The Public Defender of Georgia oversees gender equality in Georgia. To this end, s/he is autho-
rized to study activities of central/local authorities and officials and take measures to eliminate
discrimination.22

Article 141 of the Law of Georgia on Public Defender establishes at the legislative level the Pub-
lic Defender’s authority to eliminate discrimination. Based on analysis of acts of discrimination,
the Public Defender is authorized to issue recommendations and address relevant institutions
with general proposals, in order to ensure elimination of existing inequality. Under Article 24 of
the Law, public institutions and officials have the right to notify the Public Defender in written
form about results of consideration of the recommendations. If a state body fails to implement
the recommendation, the Public Defender is authorized as an interested party to apply to court
and demand issuance of an administrative-legal act or implementation of action.

22 See the Law of Georgia on Public Defender: https://matsne.gov.ge/ka/document/view/33034

 Women’s Representation in Georgia: Statistical Data

Women’s Representation in the Supreme Legislative Body

Georgia ranks 120th among 193 countries in terms of the number of women in Parliament,23
and according to the Global Gender Gap Report, it ranks 90th among 144 countries in terms of
women’s engagement in political, economic and social life.24

The below figure illustrates gender composition of the Parliament of Georgia from 2004 to pres-
ent:

WOMEN’S REPRESENTATION IN THE SUPREME LEGISLATIVE BODY

YEAR WOMAN MAN

6% MAN
2008 9 141 150 94%
WOMAN

12% MAN

2012 18 132 150

88%
WOMAN

16%
MAN

2016 24 126 150

84%
WOMAN

In the 2016 parliamentary elections, 37% of proportional list candidates were women and 63%
were men, while women accounted for only 17.69% of majoritarian candidates. The proportion
of women among candidates nominated by initiative groups for the parliamentary elections was
even lower (15.09%).25

Following the elections, women gained only 24 seats, making up 16% of the composition of
Parliament. More specifically, 23.38% of proportional seats and as low as 4.35% of majoritarian
seats were filled by women.26

23 See the information: http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/classif.htm

24 See the information: http://reports.weforum.org/global-gender-gap-report-2016/economies/#economy=GEO;
25 See the electoral gender statistics of CEC, 2017: http://cesko.ge/statistic/
26 Ibid
 Women’s Representation in the Elected Bodies of Local Self-Government

In the 21 October 2017 local self-government elections, voters chose members of municipal
representative and executive bodies by casting ballots directly.

According to the Central Election Commission of Georgia (CEC), number of voters registered
in the unified voters’ list for the 2017 local self-government elections was 3,440,123 and the
share of registered female voters exceeded the share of registered male voters by 7.52%. More
specifically, number of registered female voters was 1,849,359 (53.76%), while the number of
registered male voters was 1,590,764 (46.24%). In Tbilisi, the proportion of female registered
female voters (57.1%) exceeded the proportion of registered male voters (42.9%) by 14.2%.

In the local self-government elections, a total of 321 candidates registered for the mayoral
races in self-governing communities, including 282 male and 39 female candidates (87.85%
and 12.15%, respectively). The proportion of men among candidates registered for the mayoral
races in self-governing cities (Rustavi, Poti, Kutaisi, Batumi) was 77.08% and the proportion of
women was 22.92%, while only two of the thirteen candidates registered for the mayoral race
in Tbilisi were women.

Number of proportional list candidates nationwide was 12,902, including 8,147 male and 4,755
female candidates (63.15% and 36.85%, respectively). In Tbilisi, number of women among 927
majoritarian candidates was 428 (46.17%).

Number of majoritarian candidates in the 2017 local self-government elections was 247, includ-
ing 174 men and 73 women (70.45% and 29.51%, respectively). Majority of candidates – 172
men and 72 women (70.49% and 29.51%, respectively) – were nominated by political parties,
while initiative groups nominated 3 candidates only, including 2 men and 1 women (66.67% and
33.33%, respectively).

Following the 2017 elections, share of women among candidates elected as Sakrebulo Mem-
bers was 13.5%, and among 2058 Sakrebulo Members in municipalities nationwide only 277
are women.
 WOMEN REPRESENTATION
IN SAKREBULOS

MAN
13.5%
WOMAN

86.5%

Women gained 7.8% of majoritarian seats, i.e. out of 1088 Sakrebulo Members only 85 are
women. Under the proportional electoral system, women gained 19.8% of seats, i.e. out of 970
Sakrebulo Members elected under the proportional system 192 are women.

WOMEN REPRESENTATION WOMEN REPRESENTATION

ACCORDING TO MAJORITARIAN ACCORDING TO PROPORTIONAL
SYSTEM SYSTEM

MAN MAN
7.8% 19.8%
WOMAN WOMAN

92.2% 80.2%

In the following 21 municipalities women could not gain any majoritarian seats: Gurjaani,
Lagodekhi, Kvareli, Telavi, Mtskheta-Mtianeti, Kazbegi, Abasha, Chkhorotsku, Poti, Keda,
Shuakhevi, Khulo, Adigeni, Aspindza, Ninotsminda, Vani, Mestia, Rustavi, Gardabani, Marneuli
and Dmanisi.

There are no women represented in Marneuli Sakrebulo.

Only one out of 64 mayors directly elected in the 2017 local self-government elections is a wom-
an. Compared to 2010 (11,1%) and 2014 (11,6%27) local self-government elections, women’s
representation in representative bodies of local self-government has been slightly increased
following the 2017 elections.

27 See the research of ISFED: Gender Monitoring of Local Self-Government Agencies and Strengthening Women Involve-
ment in Political Life: http://www.isfed.ge/main/769/geo/
 Women’s Representation by Regions and Municipalities

The following municipality Sakrebulos have the highest proportion of women: Kharagauli
(28.6%), Tsalenjikha (26.7%), Khoni (25.0%), Senaki (24.2%), Tsageri (22.6%), Oni (21.2%),
Dusheti (20.6%), Ambrolauri (20.6%), Kutaisi (20.0%), Tbilisi (20.0%), Khashuri (19.4%).

The highest proportion of women is found in the following municipality Sakrebulos:

11 MUNICIPALITES WITH HIGHEST

REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN IN SAKREBULO
KHARAGAULI 28.6%
TSALENJIKHA 26.7%
KHONI 25.0%
SENAKI 24.2%
TSAGERI 22.6%
ONI 21.2%
DUSHETI 20.6%
AMBROLAURI 20.6%
KUTAISI 20.0%
TBILISI 20.0%
KHASHURI 19.4%
0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%
MEN WOMEN

The lowest proportion of women (below 10%) is found in the following municipality Sakrebulos:
Ninotsminda (7.7%), Dedoplistskaro (7.1%), Mestia (6.5%), Gardabani (5.6%), Tsalka (4.4%),
Keda (4.2%),Khulo (3.6%), Abasha (3.1%).

10 MUNICIPALITIES WITH LOWEST REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN

IN SAKREBULO AND ONE SAKREBULO WITHOUT WOMEN REPRESENTATION

MARNEULI 0%
ABASHA 3.1%
KHULO 3.6%
KEDA 4.2%
TSALKA 4.4%
GARDABANI 5.6%
MESTIA 6.5%
CHKHOROTSKU 7.1%
DEDOFLISTSKARO 7.1%
GURJAANI 7.7%
NINOTSMINDA 7.7%
0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%
MEN WOMEN
 TSALKA
GARDABANI
MESTIA
CHKHOROTSKU
DEDOFLISTSKARO
GURJAANI
The highest share of proportional seats held by women is found in Guria (26.7%), Racha-Lech-
NINOTSMINDA
khumi Kvemo Svaneti (25.0%) Shida Kartli (21.7%), Imereti (20.0%), Samegrelo-Zemo Svaneti
(20.0%), Samtskhe-Javakheti (20.0%) and Kakheti (20.0%) regions, and the lowest in Ajara
(15.6%).

GENDER BALANCE IN REGIONS

ACCORDING TO PROPORTIONAL SYSTEM
GURIA 26.7%

RACHA-LECHKHUMI-QVEMO SVANETI 25.0%

SHIDA KARTLI 21.7%

IMERETI 20.6%

SAMEGRELO-ZEMO SVANETI 20.0%

SAMTSKHE-JAVAKHETI 20.0%

20.0%
KAKHETI
18.3%
MTSKHETA-MTIANETI
16.2%
QVEMO KARTLI
16.0%
TBILISI
15.6%
ADJARA

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

MEN WOMEN

The highest rate of majoritarian seats held by women were found in Tbilisi (24.0%). The rate
was relatively high in Racha Lechkhumi-Kvemo Svaneti (16.4%), Guria (11.3%) and Imereti
(10.6%) regions. Number of female majoritarian members is alarmingly low in Kvemo Kartli
(2.3.%), Ajara (4.1%), Kakheti (5.1%) and Samtskhe-Javakheti (5.4%) Regions.

GENDER BALANCE IN REGIONS

ACCORDING TO MAJORITARIAN SYSTEM
2.3%
QVEMO KARTLI
4.1%
ADJARA
5.1%
KAKHETI
5.4%
SAMTSKHE-JAVAKHETI
6.5%
SAMEGRELO-ZEMO SVANETI
7.7%
SHIDA KARTLI
9.8%
MTSKHETA-MTIANETI
10.6%
IMERETI
11.3%
GURIA
16.4%
RACHA-LECHKHUMI -QVEMO SVANETI
24.0%
TBILISI
0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%
MEN WOMEN
 Gender Quotas

Women’s political participation means women reaching a critical mass in the legisla-
tive and executive bodies. According to the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action
(1995) and the UN Committee Recommendation, 30-35% of women’s representation in
Parliament is essential to achieve gender equality.

Taking effective legislative measures to improve women’s representation is important.

Gender quotas are a type of temporary legislative measure to improve political participa-
tion of women and men.

Gender quotas can be mandatory or voluntary. Mandatory quotas are ordered by the
Constitution or election legislation and all electoral stakeholders are required to meet
them. Voluntary quotas are voluntarily decided by political parties in a country.

Mandatory gender quotas involve setting aside certain seats for women. For instance,
the Constitution can require a specific number of women to be represented in the su-
preme legislative body or a specific number of women to be nominated by political par-
ties in consideration of the rule concerning rank order. It this case, it is important that
women are not placed on the bottom of the electoral list.28

On June 12, 2017, a legislative initiative prepared by the Task Force on Women’s Polit-
ical Participation was submitted to the Parliament of Georgia. The initiative, backed by
37,455 voters, introduces temporary legislative measures and a mandatory requirement
for parties to nominate gender balanced lists for parliamentary and local self-government
elections by ensuring that every other candidate on the electoral list is of a different sex.
The initiative proposes 50% gender balance and replacement of any elected member
who abandons his/her mandate with the next successful candidate on the party list who
is of the same sex.

Introducing the system of quotas is necessary to improve women’s representation. This

should be viewed as a tool for achieving gender equality, which becomes necessary
when women are significantly underrepresented. Quotas should be viewed as means for
realization of women’s passive suffrage that ensure increase of women’s representation
in elected bodies, which is very much needed in Georgia.

28 See the research of ISFED: http://www.isfed.ge/main/769/geo/

 Conclusion

Although under the Constitution of Georgia and legislation, the State has the obliga-
tion to take meaningful measures to ensure gender equality, no systemic changes have
been made to help really increase the number of women in representative bodies. The
financial incentive introduced after Parliament amended the law of Georgia on Political
Association of Citizens in 2011 is voluntary and as evidenced by parliamentary and local
self-government elections, electoral subjects do not follow the norm. Only nine political
parties registered for 2017 the local self-government elections included different sex in
the electoral list, and only four of them received a bonus funding.

Statistics summarized in the present report clearly illustrate that the parallel voting sys-
tem practiced in Georgia does not promote women’s representation, more women are
elected in legislative and representative bodies of local self-government under the pro-
portional electoral system than under the majoritarian one. In fact, the latter is one of
the barriers to women’s representation. We welcome the amendment made to the Con-
stitution in 2017 for moving to the proportional system for parliamentary elections, how-
ever the fact that the amendment will become effective in 2024 only delays the positive
changes that it may bring with regard to increasing women’s representation.

In light of this, it is even more important and necessary that the Parliament of Georgia
adopt mandatory gender quotas as a temporary measure for improving women’s repre-
sentation.
The national mechanisms for ensuring gender equality are less than effective. The in-
stitutional arrangement and the scope of the Council’s powers do not create effective
guarantees to ensure women’s political participation and equality. Based on the analysis
of the existing statute, it is safe to conclude that the Council has no obligation to fulfill the
functions prescribed by the Statute. The law does not provide any measures that need
to be taken to improve the Council’s effectiveness in an event of inability of members
to discharge the powers of their office. Local gender equality councils are not obligated
under the Statute or the Law of Georgia on Gender Equality to submit a report of their
performance to Sakrebulo or to the Parliamentary Council of Gender Equality, which re-
duces the quality of their accountability.
 Women’s representation in Sakrebulos

Municipality Percentage of women Proportional Majoritarian

Kharagauli 28,6 % 5 10 5 15
Tsalenjikha 26,7 % 6 9 2 13
Khoni 25,0 % 4 11 3 10
Senaki 24,2 % 5 10 3 15
Tsageri 22,6 % 4 11 3 13
Oni 21,2 % 5 10 2 16
Dushe3 20,6 % 3 12 4 15
Ambrolauri 20,6 % 3 12 4 15
Kutaisi 20,0 % 3 12 2 8
Khashuri 19,4 % 5 10 1 15
Chokhatauri 18,4 % 5 10 2 21
Borjomi 17,9 % 3 12 2 11
Lentekhi 17,4 % 3 12 1 7
Ozurge3 17,4 % 4 11 4 27
Sighnaghi 17,2 % 2 13 3 11
Sachkhere 17,2 % 4 11 1 13
Baghda3 17,2 % 4 11 1 13
Tetritskaro 17,1 % 5 10 1 19
Bolnisi 16,7 % 4 11 1 14
Kobule3 16,2 % 5 10 1 21
Akhmeta 16,1 % 4 11 1 15
Po3 16,0 % 4 11 10
Batumi 16,0 % 3 12 1 9
Lanchkhu3 15,6 % 3 12 2 15
Akhaltsikhe 15,2 % 4 11 1 17
Gori 15,0 % 4 11 2 23
Kvareli 14,8 % 4 11 12
Tiane3 14,8 % 3 12 1 11
Aspindza 14,8 % 4 11 12
Sagarejo 13,5 % 3 12 2 20
Lagodekhi 12,9 % 4 11 16
Samtredia 12,1 % 3 12 1 17
Zugdidi 12,0 % 3 12 3 32
Kaspi 11,8 % 2 13 2 17
Tskaltubo 11,8 % 2 13 2 17
Khelvachauri 11,5 % 2 13 1 10
Vani 11,4 % 4 11 20
Terjola 11,4 % 3 12 1 19
Zestaphoni 11,1 % 2 13 2 19
Tkibuli 11,1 % 2 13 1 11
Khobi 10,8 % 2 13 2 20
Akhalkalaki 10,5 % 2 13 2 21
Mtskheta 10,3 % 3 12 14
Adigeni 10,0 % 3 12 15
Dmanisi 9,7 % 3 12 16
Kazbegi 9,5 % 2 13 6
Kareli 9,1 % 2 13 1 17
Chiatura 9,1 % 1 14 2 16
Telavi 8,6 % 3 12 20
Shuakhevi 8,3 % 2 13 9
Martvili 8,1 % 2 13 1 21
Rustavi 8,0 % 2 13 10
Gurjaani 7,7 % 3 12 24
Ninotsminda 7,7 % 2 13 11
Dedoplistskaro 7,1 % 1 14 1 12
Chkhorotsku 7,1 % 2 13 13
Mes3a 6,5 % 2 13 16
Gardabani 5,6 % 2 13 21
Tsalka 4,4 % 1 14 1 29
Keda 4,2 % 1 14 9
Khulo 3,6 % 1 14 13
Abasha 3,1 % 1 14 17
Marneuli 0,0 % 15 20

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