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Practical Ethnography A Guide To Doing Ethnography... - (Chapter 6 Ethical Ethnography)
Practical Ethnography A Guide To Doing Ethnography... - (Chapter 6 Ethical Ethnography)
Ethical Ethnography
Practical Ethnography: A Guide to Doing Ethnography in the Private Sector by Sam Ladner,
87–99. © 2014 Left Coast Press, Inc. All rights reserved.
87
Ladner, Sam. Practical Ethnography : A Guide to Doing Ethnography in the Private Sector, Taylor and Francis, 2014.
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Chapter 6
88
Ladner, Sam. Practical Ethnography : A Guide to Doing Ethnography in the Private Sector, Taylor and Francis, 2014.
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Ethical Ethnography
89
Ladner, Sam. Practical Ethnography : A Guide to Doing Ethnography in the Private Sector, Taylor and Francis, 2014.
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Chapter 6
about privilege, but they still do not address the clean/dirty divide. Jill
McCorkel and Kristin Myers (2003), for example, analyze what rights
their participants could really claim, given that they were inmates in
prison. They explore the intersectionality of their privilege over these par-
ticipants, which included both a class and a racial dimension. They adopt
Dorothy Smith’s “standpoint theory” to examine the role the institution
(in this case, the prison) plays in these participants’ lived experience, and
they interrogate themselves and their motivations to produce research,
given the necessarily coercive nature of the prison as an institution. Pertti
Alasuutari argues that this power dynamic is unavoidable: “An encoun-
ter between two people who are beyond and outside all hierarchies and
power relations is unthinkable; it is quite simply not a possibility” (1995,
p.89). In their study of mobile phone use among teenagers, Andre Caron
and Letizia Caronia (2007) note that mobile phone use is a way for teen-
agers to construct an identity, but one that often reinforces the stereotype
that they are “lazy.” It is this identity process they highlight, while at the
same time, as “hard-working” adults, they held a position of power over
the teenagers they studied, making it difficult to understand this self-
conception without evoking their own position of power and privilege.
University-based researchers have privilege, and ethnographic research
brings that privilege into stark relief, particularly when the study focuses
on some facet of inequality itself. This is often true for sociological stud-
ies of class, for example.
But none of these ethnographers discuss the very real challenge of
negotiating a potentially corrupting position of doing research for profit.
Copyright © 2014. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved.
In the private sector, ethnographic practice faces all of these same prob-
lems of privilege, but there is a much deeper problem that must be con-
fronted: private-sector ethnography’s purpose is, at its heart, to generate
more profit. Whether it be a marketing study on women’s experiences of
personal-care products, a design study of kitchens and stoves, or an orga-
nizational study of how employees use a new technology, private-sector
ethnographers’ ultimate goal is to sell more products, design better prod-
ucts that will sell more, or design a technology that enables an employer
to extract more surplus value from its employees. An academic ethnog-
rapher may confront his own motivation to get grant money, to publish
more for greater esteem, and ultimately for personal gain in the form of
90
Ladner, Sam. Practical Ethnography : A Guide to Doing Ethnography in the Private Sector, Taylor and Francis, 2014.
ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/canterbury/detail.action?docID=1656740.
Created from canterbury on 2017-11-15 01:20:08.
Ethical Ethnography
tenure. But a private-sector ethnographer must grapple with the fact that
her research may lead to greater profits and, ultimately, the perpetuation
of capitalism itself.
Is this an essentially unethical activity? Does generating more profit
necessarily imply a breach of morals? Does participating in the capitalist
system lead to a corruption of the emic ethnographic project? Melissa
Cefkin flatly rejects this view in her book, Ethnography and the Corporate
Encounter. Cefkin eschews “angst-ridden hand wringing about practitio-
ners’ moral and political complicity” (2009, p. 2). She argues that private-
sector ethnography is about understanding what people produce, and in
what ways. It is the legitimate study of market activity, which is one of the
most basic forms of human expression. Why should we not study market
activity from inside the market?
I would argue that studying market-based activity does not corrupt
the emic position, at least not necessarily. If an academic ethnographer
can act ethically while at the same time receiving the personal benefit of
tenure, the private-sector ethnographer can conduct research that brings
her clients greater profit without compromising the autonomy of her par-
ticipants. It is a pleasant fiction to believe that one can achieve a “pure”
ethnographic practice simply by studying from a “comfortable distance.”
A purist interpretation of capitalism construes any profit-seeking as nec-
essarily “corrupting” a social interaction, but this overestimates the
division between market activity and everyday life. There are frequent
and common breaches of money transactions into even the most inti-
mate relationships, yet this supposed corruption does not destroy these
Copyright © 2014. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved.
intimate relationships.
Sociologist Viviana Zelizer (2007) argues convincingly that it is a
purist (and largely fictional) belief that social life can be extricated from
the market. She suggests it is this belief that leads social actors to re-
conceptualize their money transactions as more “pure” social activities
through sometimes elaborate explanations and workarounds. As a busi-
ness owner, for example, I may pay my husband as a salaried employee,
but I might recast his role as trusted advisor, not employee, in order
to shore up the fiction that he is not financially dependent on and per-
haps even exploited by me. Such workarounds allow us to believe that
relationships are somehow outside the capitalist economy, and therefore
91
Ladner, Sam. Practical Ethnography : A Guide to Doing Ethnography in the Private Sector, Taylor and Francis, 2014.
ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/canterbury/detail.action?docID=1656740.
Created from canterbury on 2017-11-15 01:20:08.
Chapter 6
Association (AAA) offers a starting point for the ethical principles we can
apply. The AAA has distilled its ethical principles down to three simple
statements:
1. Do no harm.
2. Be open and honest.
3. Gain informed consent.
These principles are generally applicable to private-sector ethnography as
well, but with a few differences.
92
Ladner, Sam. Practical Ethnography : A Guide to Doing Ethnography in the Private Sector, Taylor and Francis, 2014.
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Ethical Ethnography
93
Ladner, Sam. Practical Ethnography : A Guide to Doing Ethnography in the Private Sector, Taylor and Francis, 2014.
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Created from canterbury on 2017-11-15 01:20:08.
Chapter 6
ing of this disclosure is tricky. I often wait until sufficient rapport is built
with participants, either half-way through or at the end of the interview.
The second major difference between academic ethics and private-
sector ethics involves informed consent. Informed consent requires some
adaptation to the private sector. In academic ethnography, informed
consent involves telling participants what data will be collected, how it
will be stored, and what ultimate outputs will be created (which usu-
ally means articles and books). But in the private sector, it is not entirely
knowable beforehand how and in what ways the data will be used. In
a typical organization, market research findings are routinely shared
94
Ladner, Sam. Practical Ethnography : A Guide to Doing Ethnography in the Private Sector, Taylor and Francis, 2014.
ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/canterbury/detail.action?docID=1656740.
Created from canterbury on 2017-11-15 01:20:08.
Ethical Ethnography
throughout the organization and (with any luck!) for years to come. It
is difficult for ethnographers to envision the potential future uses of all
the data they will collect, much less to explain all these potential uses
to participants in a way they may truly understand. So informed con-
sent means explaining to participants that their faces and likenesses will
be shared with members of the client organization in various formats
including, but not limited to, audio, video, still photographs, and written
field note summaries. Some ethnographers choose to always use partici-
pant code names for this very reason, because attaching a name to a video
and suddenly having that video shared with an entire company may rep-
resent a clear potential for harm, depending on the topic of research. To
avoid this trouble, ethnographers can either avoid taking photographs of
faces or always rely on code names, or both.
The final difference is how private-sector ethnographers grapple
with what Cefkin (2009) calls “moral and political complicity” with the
pursuit of profit. Since the very practice of private-sector ethnography
involves generating gain for oneself and one’s clients, private-sector eth-
nographers can focus on this issue as a means of ethical practice. They
may follow Hammershoy and Madsen’s (2012) argument that “Do no
harm” is far too low a bar for business anthropologists. They argue that
private-sector ethnographers should aspire to actively do good, which
goes far beyond the burden of simply mitigating harm to participants
and being transparent. They argue that the very notion of a univer-
sal moral principle of “harm” is too ambiguous in the first place. The
dynamic nature of business anthropology means that moral principles
Copyright © 2014. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved.
95
Ladner, Sam. Practical Ethnography : A Guide to Doing Ethnography in the Private Sector, Taylor and Francis, 2014.
ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/canterbury/detail.action?docID=1656740.
Created from canterbury on 2017-11-15 01:20:08.
Chapter 6
96
Ladner, Sam. Practical Ethnography : A Guide to Doing Ethnography in the Private Sector, Taylor and Francis, 2014.
ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/canterbury/detail.action?docID=1656740.
Created from canterbury on 2017-11-15 01:20:08.
Ethical Ethnography
without control over his day-to-day life. His bodily movements are not
under his control, which threatens his very autonomy as an individual.
This product can be a way the patient copes with this lack of autonomy.
Buying the client’s product is a symbolic act of reclaiming autonomy that
his illness has compromised. The ethnographer would suggest, in this
second course of action, that the patient needs some form of redemption.
The patient’s depression is not framed as an “opportunity” to exploit, but
as the essence of his lived experience. In the first course of action, the
ethnographer offers the company a path to exploitation and profit; in the
second, he offers the company a path to empathy with real people’s pain.
In this second course of action, the company might choose to “stay
honest,” and tell potential consumers that its product does not treat
depression or the chronic illness. The company truthfully suggests that
its product offers some comfort to people who are experiencing the
depressive symptoms from this chronic illness—a way to feel just a lit-
tle bit better. If the company “stays honest,” consumers will see that the
company truly understands their experience, and they may reward the
company with their business—and perhaps more importantly, their loy-
alty—because they feel understood. They are not deceived into thinking
their depression will go away, but they feel comforted that at least this
company has an idea of what it’s like living with this particular illness.
The distinction is a subtle one, but it centers around the question of
deceit. An ethnographer can be a party to deceit, or she can “stay honest”
and offer the client ways to engage in market activity that is ethical. In
this case, the ethnographer can raise the question, what values would the
Copyright © 2014. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved.
97
Ladner, Sam. Practical Ethnography : A Guide to Doing Ethnography in the Private Sector, Taylor and Francis, 2014.
ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/canterbury/detail.action?docID=1656740.
Created from canterbury on 2017-11-15 01:20:08.
Chapter 6
98
Ladner, Sam. Practical Ethnography : A Guide to Doing Ethnography in the Private Sector, Taylor and Francis, 2014.
ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/canterbury/detail.action?docID=1656740.
Created from canterbury on 2017-11-15 01:20:08.
Ethical Ethnography
99
Ladner, Sam. Practical Ethnography : A Guide to Doing Ethnography in the Private Sector, Taylor and Francis, 2014.
ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/canterbury/detail.action?docID=1656740.
Created from canterbury on 2017-11-15 01:20:08.
Copyright © 2014. Taylor and Francis. All rights reserved.
Ladner, Sam. Practical Ethnography : A Guide to Doing Ethnography in the Private Sector, Taylor and Francis, 2014.
ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/canterbury/detail.action?docID=1656740.
Created from canterbury on 2017-11-15 01:20:08.