‘Chapter 7: The Late Classic Maya Court of Namaan (La Florida, Guatemala) Mads Skytte Jorgensen & Guido Krempel The archaeological and epigraphic investigations conducted in recent years have greatly impacted our ‘understanding of the history and evolution of Classic Maya polities in the area around the Upper Usumacinta River (including parts of Chiapas and Tabasco, Mexico, and the North Westem Peten, Guatemala, see Canter 2007), and the mutual peaceful or bellicose interactions they maintained (eg., Anaya Hernandez 2001; Beliaev 2008; Biro 2009; Clancy 2009; Golden 2010; Golden & Sherer 2006; Jackson 2005; Martin & Grube 2008; Safronov 2005; Zender 2002). A poorly understood part of this area along the San Pedro Martir River, a major tributary of the Usumacinta, centers on the archaeological site of La Florida (also known as El Naranjo, El Naranjo-Frontera, and Ocultun). This little-known site (Figure 1), located half-way between the archaeological sites of Piedras Negras and Bl Peru, is now widely accepted as the seat of the ancient court of Namaan (e.g., Boot 2004: 1; Krempel 2011, Martin & Grube 2008: 145-147; Reents-Budet et a/. 2007; Safronov 2005; Zender 2002: 167; Tokovinine & Zender 2012: 49), although few hold divergent views (Houston 2012: 321). La Florida was placed in a strategically favorable position considering the flow of commodities between polities situated along this major trade route. Nevertheless, the site has so far escaped thorough investigation, not at least due to the illicit machinations at El Naranjo (e.g., Graham 2010; 296) and the occupation by the military since the late 1970ies; resulting in restricted access to the ruins for the past four decades. Following a period of looting and neglect, the time has come for a more in-depth study of the site and its history. Since most studies involving Namaan have tended to refer only sporadically to the site’s inscriptions, the present study will have the court of Namaan as its focal point. Based on epigraphic records, as few archaeological data is yet available, we seek to repopulate the Namaan court, by proposing a preliminary census of its nobility. In so doing, we 91 propose thakad cout of Namaan utilized a distinctive ceramic tradition during the 7th century, participated in trade and intermarriage networks with several sites located in the vicinity and far beyond their territory, and that local rulers even claimed the status of divine kings (k’whul ajaw), before eventually succumbing to its long-time enemy in the south, Yaxchilan. Prior Research at La Florida Edwin M. Shook, the first of three prominent scholars to visit the ruins of La Florida in the 20th century, arrived at the site in March 1943 and reported the existence of seven stone monuments in his field notes (Shook 1943: Fol, 15-16a, 19a-24a; see also Graham 1970). Having heard of the find, Sylvanus G. Morley arrived one year later and found additional five monuments, but unfortunately, only photographed the better preserved Stelae 7, 9, and Altar G (Morley 1944: 404-410; see also Graham 1970). As did Shook, Morley only spent few days at La Florida, and a brief note on his visit was subsequently published (Weeks 2006: 263-264, see also Proskouriakoff 1950: Fig. 61b-c). Another twenty years passed until lan Graham received news of looting at La Florida and sought to document the site (Figure 2) and the remaining monuments properly, Graham had only four days for this purpose, until he was suddenly chased off by the local land owner and never returned (Graham 1970: 430, Graham 2010; 296-300). Therefore, his investigation resulted in a preliminary report, including a total amount of thirteen stelae, and nine altars (Graham 1970). However, Graham managed to draw and photograph several monuments, but since he was interrupted, failed to provide illustrations of all monumental inscriptions. In recent times, only two site-surveys have been conducted, bringing two additional monuments, Stelae 14 and 15. to light (Garcia 1996; Morales 1998). As for ceramic analysis, which is crucial forMADS SKYTTE JORGENSEN & GUIDO KREMPEL tt Erronugero SCALE 910 20 30 40 km Map eben by A Saroncv axactun @ Pio 4 ElPenu NS * La Florida Tikal Lagupe Pride co . El ajar Motul San Jose ~ o 6 - LL] fi ells Figure 7.2: An updated site plan of the archaeological site of La Florida based on previous plans by lan Graham (1970) and Paulino Morales (1998), together with personal observations by Mads Jorgensen in 2011. Rectangles, Circles, and triangles illustrate the location of stelze, altars, and fragments respectively (plan by Christophe Helmke and Mads Jargensen). references (Lopes 2003; Teufel 2004: 160, 168; The Different Occurrences of the Safronov 2005: 52-5; Martin & Grube 2008: 124, Enigmatic MAN Sign (T566) 145-147). It has long been known that the ‘serpent segment” In 2009 Guido Krempel visited La Florida, and sign 1566 (Figure 3a), which constitutes the main documented a partially eroded Namaan Emblem sign of the Namaan Emblem Glyph, occurs in Glyph (na?-MAN-ni AJAW?) on the rear side of — various semantic contexts, one of them being the La Florida Stela 2 (Figure 7a) still in situ in the cardinal direction xaman ‘north’® (Closs 1988; Jones Great Plaza (Krempel 2011). This discovery 1989; see Figure 3b). Most problematic are the supports the initial proposal by Guenter (1998) and diverse lexicographic variations of the word root Beliaev (1999). Moreover, as will be shown in the /may/; xa-man (direction), na-maan or just: maan present study, several La Florida monuments bear mention of a specific king who is identified as a holy Namaan king by a well preserved Namaan 9 Emblem Glyph on La Florida Stela 7. There is * John Watanabe (1983) demonstrated, that the therefore both sufficient qualitative and quantitative identification of xaman understood as a cardinal point is data present locally at La Florida to identify it as the unsuitable, and is better understood as a vector (direction best candidate for the capital of the Namaan court, and length) (see also Hopkins & Josserand in press). and it will be treated as such henceforth. However, for want of a better term we use ‘north’ in quotation marks. 93MAbs SKYTTE JORGENSEN & GUIDO KREMPEL Figure 7.3: The MAN-sign in different semantic contexts; a) T566, b) xa-ma-MAN-na, c) T554, d) Cancuen Panel 1, e) Tikal Stela 5, f) K1670 (na-MAN-ni-AJAW), g) Piedras Negras, Burial 5, shell (MAN-ni-AJAW) (drawings by Guido krempel). (toponymic title), yok man, yajaw man, til man Kihnich® (in nominal phrases), or ma(h)noj? (verbal constructions; Péter Bird pers. comm. May 2011) (Figure 3). Crucial for an understanding of the meaning of man is an identification of the abstract icon T566 and its possible full form T554 (Figure 3c), showing a curled snake on a perch or tied up. The logogram MAN evidently depicts a stylized pattern of a serpent’s skin (e.g., Kettunen & Davis 2004: 4, 10, Figs. 16, 17).* The scribes may have * For an explanation of the aspirated vowel in k’ihnich see Wichmann (2004: 77-82) as well as Lacadena and Wichmann (2004: 104-106, n. 72). ‘Tt shall be emphasized that it is the general concept of ‘snake’ rather than a specific species that was meant to be 94 had an enigmatic being in mind, the so-called ‘vision serpent’, believed to be the wahy of the deity K’awiil (Houston & Stuart 1989: 7-8; Schele & Miller 1986: 177). It appears in multiple forms and regional variations and is named Nah Chan at Yaxchilan whereas at Palenque another serpentine aspect of K’awiil is known as the Sak Baak Nah Chapat (‘White-Bone-House-Centipede”) (Grube & Nahm 1994: 702; see also Figure 6f). Often, it is depicted. In an effort to try to identify a single specimen to T566 we risk the possibility of forcing a scientific zootaxonomy onto an ethnozoological or ‘folk’ taxonomy. Evidence of this differentiation in taxa for precisely snakes are found in Tzeltal Folk Zoology (Hunn 1977: 238, 244; see also Kettunen & Davis 2004).THE LATE CLASSIC MAYA COURT OF NAMAAN (LA FLORIDA, GUATEMALA) rendered as a hybrid creature, showing the typical serpent MAN-skin patterns as well as body parts of a centipede. A crucial passage referring to such a serpentine being as part of a nominal phrase is recorded on Yaxchilan Stela 18: ubaahil a'n k’ahk’ man? chan K’awiil ma(h)noj? tu kab tu ch’e'en... “it is the impersonation of ‘Fire-man-Heaven-K’awiil”® having ? (verb) at the place of...”. Seemingly, the possible full-figure glyph T564 substitutes for the usual TS66 MAN here, leading us to assume that ‘man was also used as a verbal root. On Cancuen Panel 1, a certain yajaw man (Figure 3d) is mentioned as one of four patron deities’ of the local ruler (Guenter 2002b: 6). The same deity is mentioned on a fragment found at the ballcourt of Calakmul: mudhkaj yajaw maan, akan yaxha’(al), and Stela 54 (Figure 3d). This deity was later captured and moved to Tikal by Jasaw Chan K’awiil, just after his glorious war campaign against the Kaanu’l dynasty of Calakmul (Martin 1996; Martin & Grube 2008: 45). The wife of Jasaw Chan K’awiil also incorporated the T566 MAN glyph. in her nominal phrase: Ix ? Nal K’awiil Yok Man Ajaw, “Lady ?-nal K’awiil, Foot-of-Man” (Figure 3e). Thus, man is again affiliated with K’awiil and one of his enigmatic wahy creatures (Freidel et al 1993: 195-196, Figs. 4.11-4.13). Despite the many semantic variations of man, the meaning of the sequence na-MAN-ni-AJAW or MAN-ni-AJAW (Figure 3f-g), forming the attested Emblem Glyph of La Florida, still eludes us, and we have to aw: further investigation to solve this problem. The Toponym Namaan The name of the ancient court, however, most likely begins with na- since namaan only occurs as a toponymic title, which is further supported by the substitutions of T23 and 1537 for the syllable na-. For this reason, and the fact that na-MAN-ni for namaan is by far the most frequently attested rendering of La Florida’s Emblem Glyph, we favor the reading ‘Namaan’ for the name of the court that resided at this archaeological site. 5 As Lopes (2003:4) notes, the Dumbarton Oaks Panel depicts Kan Joy Chitam dressed as Chaahk wielding a serpent-fire-axe, which might be an image of what is referred to here, and hints at a relationship between man and the serpentine aspects of the deities K’awiil and Chaahk. ° Kaloomte', yajaw man, ho’ kokan k'wh and yaxha’al chaahk (Helmke et al. 2003: 124, note 5; Lacadena 2004: 88-93). 95 Peopling the Namaan Court The first references to members of the Namaan court are recorded in dedication texts (Primary Standard Sequence, henceforth PSS) on finely painted polychrome ceramics of unknown provenance, currently either in private collections, museum exhibitions or tasage facilities. While populating the Namaan So: will additionally demonstrate that ap: Saxche Orange- polychrome ceramic variety, characterized by ted and black painted lines directly underneath a black rim, was favoured by the Namaan_ royalty throughout a century (see Figure 6b-g), Here we do not wish to argue for this particular design as an ethnic marker, but rather to underscore the high frequency with which Namaan Emblem Glyphs appear on one distinct variety in the Type-Variety system (¢.g., Gifford 1960; Smith et al. 1960). In peopling the Namaan court, we shall give each of its members a number in the Roman numeric system, starting from I counting forward according to their chronological appearance (Figure 4a). The seemingly earliest mention of an individual from Namaan, entitled namnaan hu'n ajaw, appears on exactly such a distinctive Saxche Orange- polychrome vessel (Figure 5a, Mufioz 2003); K5193 (Lopes 2003: 13). Due to the appearance of rare and undeciphered logograms in this uncommon and highly abbreviated PSS, the name of the owner can only partially be read as ? Ti” Hu'n Pih? (1). It is uncertain if Namaan functions as a toponymic title here, or if it was rather meant to form part of the proper epithet of the owner. However, since namaan is so far only attested as a toponymic title, we consider K5193 to make a reference to a member of the Namaan court. In dating K5193 and the following Saxche Orange polychrome Namaan vessels we use the well- established ceramic sequence from nearby Piedras Negras since this ceramic type is in use at slightly ' Another bowl bearing a similar nominal and titular phrase is recorded on a hitherto unpublished vessel in a Private collection in Guatemala (Sebastiin Matteo pers, comm. January 2011), but cannot surely be assigned to the Namaan polity. Stylistically it strikingly resembles ceramics that were found at La Foyanca and other sites in the vicinity (see eg, Amauld ef al. 2004: lim. 11; Michelet 2011: 158),MADS SKYTTE JORGENSEN & GUIDO KREMPEL The Namaan Court () 2 Ti’ Hu’n Pih? (2,FLD, King) (c. AD 560-600) (I) Ixix Wak Chan (°,?,Queen) (c. AD 560-620) (1) Chakjal Chih Chaahk (3,FLD,Ruler) (c. AD 600-620) (IV) _ Ix 2 Kin? Winikhaab Chak Ohl ? (2,FLD.Queen) (c. AD 600-620) (VY) Unknown (3,FLD,2) (c. AD 600-620) (VI) Sihyaj Chan K’awiil (3,FLD,King) (c. AD 620-6812) (VI) Ixchuwaj Sak ? (?, FLD,Queen at PNG) (c. AD 639-686) (VIII) K’ahk* Ti’ Kuy (2,FLD,King) (c. AD ?-681-2) (IX) Jal? Ti? Kuy (6,FLD,King?) (c. AD 6822-7312) (X) __ Ixwinikhaab Ajaw (2,FLD,Queen at PNG) (c. AD 687-7292) (XI) K’in Witz"/Chih? Chaahk (2,FLD,King) (c. AD 6832-731) (XM) Ixsaamal? ? Ohl Hu’n? Ixchak ? (2, FLD,Queen) (c, AD ?-731-2) (XII) K’ahk’ Chan Yopaat Bahlam Uk’awiil (3,FLD.King) (c. AD 731-766) (XIV) Aj Namaan (3,FLD,?) (c. AD ?-796-?) (XV) 2? Ch’aho’m Kokan Kab (¢,FLD,King) (c. AD 825-900) a (U) _Ixix Wak Chan (,?,Queen) = Unknown (3,FLD, King?) (11) Chakjal Chih Chaahk (3ELD,King) = (IV) fx ? K’in? Winikhaab Chak Ohl ? (,FLD,Queen) (VY) Unknown (3,ELD,?) (VIL) Ixchuwaj? Sak ? (2, FLD,Queen) = Itzam K’an Ahk Il (3,PNG,King) (%)___ Ixwinikhaab Ajaw (2,FLD Queen) = Yo"nal Ahk II (G,PNG,King) (XD) Jal? TH Kuy (FLD, ing) = Unknown (2,?,Queen) (XI) Ixsaamal? ? Ohl Hu’n? Ixchak ? (2,FLD,Queen) = Unknown (3.2.9), (XI) _K*ahk’ Chan Yopaat Bahlam Uk’awiil (@,FLD,King) b Figure 7.4: The Namaan court: a) a preliminary chronological lst of members of the Namaan court showing (in Parentheses) the sex, origin, and known period of life for each individual. b) An overview of family ties within the Namaan court. The equal sign (=) indicates marriage, with the single line connecting parents with their offspring Note the intermarriages between the Namaan and Yokib courts over two consecutive generations. 96THE LATE CLASSIC MAYA COURT OF NAMAAN (LA FLORIDA, GUATEMALA) o Figure 7.5: Hieroglyphic nominal phrases of the members of the Namaan court: a) ? Ti’ Hu’n Pih?, b) Ixix Wak Chan, ¢) Chakjal Chih? Chaahk, d) Ixk’in? Ajaw?, e) Sihyaj Chan K’awill, f) bowinikhaab Ajaw, g) Ixchuwaj? Sak ?, h) Ixsaamal ? Ohl? Hu'n? Ixchak 2, i) Jal? Ti’ Kuy, j) K'in Witz’? Chaahk, k) K’ahk’ Ti’ Kuy, I) K’ahk’ ? Chan? Yopaat Bahlam Uk’awiil, m) ? ? Ch’aho'm Kokan Kab (drawings by Guido Krempel and Sebastian Matteo), different time periods throughout the Maya Lowlands - for example testified by a vessel dedicated to K’ahk’ Xiiw? Chan Chaahk of Naranjo around A.D. 644-681, which is later than at Piedras Negras (see Martin & Grube 2008: 74-77; Krempel & Davletshin 2011; for an overview see Jorgensen 2012). At Piedras Negras K5193 belongs to the Balche Phase (A.D, 560-620), which is clearly exemplified by the calligraphy on a particular sherd 97 where a TP logogram is nearly identical to E1 on K5193 (Muiioz 2003: 64; 2006: 149-152: see also Pallin Gayol 2010: 6, Fig. 7b). ? Ti’ Hu'n Pih? therefore probably lived around the end of the 6th century. Thus, the ceramic evidence of this period point to early interaction between La Florida and Piedras Negras, that has hitherto only been testified by inscriptions from the 7th century A.D. (eg., Palin Gayol 2010),MADS SKYTTE JORGENSEN & GUIDO KREMPEL Figure 7.6: A selection of Saxche Orange-polychrome vessels associated with Namaan rulers, a) Unprovenanced Bowl 2 (photograph by Rafael Tunesi), K30066 (photograph courtesy of Inga Calvin), ¢) Unprovenanced Bow! 1 (after Société Genérale du Banque 1977: No. 149), d) the Brussels Dish (photograph by Sebastian Matteo), e) the Pomona Dish (photograph by Michel Zabé), f) K1670 (courtesy of the Princeton University Art Museum), g) the Zaculeu vessel (after Woodbury & Trik 1953: Fig. 263a). 98THE LATE CLASSIC MAYA COURT OF NAMAAN (LA FLORIDA, GUATEMALA) As Luis Lopes has demonstrated, a set consisting of four vessels can be associated with a Namaan ruler named Chakjal Chih? Chaahk (I11) (Figure Se, 6b-e, Lopes 2003). One of these vessels is a Saxche Orange- polychrome dish from Pomona currently exhibited at the site Museum (Figure 6e). The Pomona Dish displays the same configuration of motifs as K5193, which can also be found on another dish assigned to Chakjal Chih? Chaahk, today in the Musées Royaux d’Artet d'Histoire in Brussels (Figure 6d, Matteo in press). Both dishes assigned to this ruler belong to a less common class of vessel types known as yiyaljiib that Erik Boot deciphered as “awakening dish”, and it is interesting to note that, besides the two yafaljith of Chakjal Chih? Chaahk, a third is known from nearby Piedras Negras, and a fourth from Tikal (Boot 2004). The specimen from Tikal was found in the burial of K'ihnich Waaw, the assumed 22nd king of Tikal, alongside several Ik-complex dishes (Culbert 1993: bul95, Fig. 50-51; Guenter 2002a: 96 ff.). These dishes bear strikingly resemblance to the Pomona and the Brussels dishes, and can be dated to A.D. 573-628." This line of evidence thus serves to further strengthen the above ceramic dating. The latter dish is known as the Brussels Dish (Matteo 2011), and mentions a female named Ixix Wak Chan Ajaw (II) (Figure Sb), who is identified as the mother of Chakjal Chih? Chaahk by the relationship expression yal (Stuart 1997). Chakjal Chih? Chaahk carries the Namaan Emblem Glyph on both dishes, but his mother’s origin is unknown. Yet she is still a part of the Namaan royal court, and therefore included herein, Another Saxche Orange-polychrome vessel of unknown provenance (Figure 6c, see Hellmuth 1987: 165) bears mention of Chakjal Chih? Chaahk. Although we have no colour photo available, the piece exhibits the same design found on KS193, and the Pomona Dish consisting of circumferential lines in two different colours — most likely red and black. Hellmuth assigns it to the Tepeu 1 complex (A.D. 600-650) (Hellmuth 1987: 165), which corresponds nicely with the Balche Phase discussed above. * The reign of K’ihnich Waaw can approximately be dated to A.D. 573-628 based on Burial 195 and Stela 8 at Tikal, as well as Stela 8 from Altar de Sacrificios, which support the dating of the Pomona and Brussels dishes at the tum of the 6th century (see Guenter 2002: 96-100, 303-307; Martin & Grube 2008: 40: Mufoz 2003, 2006; Jorgensen 2012). 99 Another unprovenanced Saxche Orange polychrome bow! has so far not received a designation (Figure 6b). This vessel is particularly interesting as Chakjal Chich? Chaahk is mentioned with the epithet Chakjal - yet he is not the owner of the vessel. As indicated by the relationship expressions mijiin? and ‘yal, this bowl is dedicated to the son of Chakjal and Ix ? Kin? Winikhaab Chak Ohl ? (IV, Figure 4b, 5d). Yet the name of the son is entirely omitted in this dedicatory formula (V). The unusual PSS of this vessel is therefore extremely important in piecing together the family of Chakjal Chih? Chaahk, as it names his wife, and alludes to the presence of a son. Chakjal Chih? Chaahk is on the above four vessels accredited the ajaw-title of kingship, but bears farther two distinct titles that are both frequently present on Codex Style ceramics and often associated with the realm of Calakmul: chih witz?/chih cha yajawte’ (Grube 2004: 36-37; Stuart 2014) and chatahn winik. On the Pomona Dish he bears the latter title k’whul chatahn winik (see Boot 2005: 505-511). This title that appears on numerous Codex-style ceramics and betimes, is combined with the title chan mun? sak wayis, both of which appear at different sites located in and around the El Mirador Basin (eg, La Corona, Uxul and Calakmul), and are intimately related to the mighty Kaanu’l court of Calakmul (Barrios & Velasquez Garcia 2010; Grube 2008: 227-229). Although the exact geographic origin of chataln people still remains opaque, it is tempting to assume their place of origin somewhere in the North-Central Peten region, possibly north of Lake Peten Itza clase to the El Mirador Basin (see Boot 2005: 506). The chih witz/chih cha’ yajawte’ and chathan winik titles, as seen on Chakjal Chih? Chaahk’s bowl and the Pomona Dish, seem to have similar functions and the substitution attested here leads us to assume that both titles are part of a mythological concept related to the amalgamation of political power and the rise of ‘ajaw-(ruler)ship’ ‘The Saxche Orange-polychrome phase is the earliest, mark yet of the Namaan court, but this court continued to prosper over the following century. Two skillfully painted Orange-polychrome vessels of similar style were surely produced in the same workshop later during the 7th century. Luis Lopes (2003) already recognized that K1670 (Figure 6f), now at display in the Princeton University Art Museum, was dedicated to the Namaan king Sihyaj Chan K’awiil (VI, Figure Se), However, theMADS SKYTTE JORGENSEN & GUIDO KREMPEL association of a Saxche Orange-polychrome bowl from highland Zaculeu with the Namaan court is proposed here for the first time. The Zaculeu vessel was part of the burial furniture in the tomb under Structure 1 at Zaculeu in the Maya Highlands (Figure 6g) (Woodbury & Trik 1953: 191-193, Figs. 263a, 265s). The similarities in style and design, near identical and very rare PSS, calligraphic similarity and painting methodology, as well as the presence of a Namaan Emblem Glyph on the latter, leads us to suggest that the Zaculeu vessel also hails, from a Namaan workshop. If compared to the Piedras Negras ceramic sequence, the vessels clearly belong to the subsequent Yaxche phase A.D. 620- 750 (Mufioz 2003: 18). That Sihyaj Chan K’awiil reigned during a period of ceramic innovation or transition and maybe even enjoyed relations with far-away courts such as Zaculeu is supported by the recent excavation of a Saxche Orange-polychrome vessel of the Balche Type at La Corona(Canuto and Barrientos 2013). The Balche vessel, originally a Teotihuacan-style tripod, was found in the fill of the palace, dating to the late 7th century, and mentions Sihyaj Chan K’awiil as a k’uhul chatan from Namaan, which means that Sihyaj Chan K'awiil was probably Namaan king in the early-mid 7th century, which dovetails nicely with the Yaxche phase. It is however interesting to note, that Sihyaj Chan K’awiil like Chakjal Chih? Chaahk is equipped with the k'uhul chatahn title, which suggests some sort of continuity in Namaan kings legitimacy to kingship based on a shared mythological narrative. Concerning the surprising presence of a likely Namaan polychrome vessel at Zaculeu, it was probably a prestige item traded or gifted to the Highlands. It raises interesting questions regarding trade routes connecting these regions and intermediate production zones. Especially La Florida’s location along the San Pedro Martir River merits attention, as it surely facilitated the exchange of commodities and ideas between the Usumacinta Valley and the Peten, and even to highland Zaculeu. La Florida is ideally located along this route, and it is not surprising to find Saxche Orange- polychromes as well as other comparable ceramic spheres in its vicinity. Similar but yet distinct Saxche Orange polychrome ceramics were found at nearby La Joyanca (Amauld ef al. 2004, Forné 2005: 436-438), and El Peru (Guenter 2004; Pérez Robbles & Lucia Arroyaye 2009: 225-226), associated with the archacological site of El Zotz and Uaxactun (Smith 1955: Fig. 7f-1; Houston 2008; Zender 2000), and sporadically in the West, as for example at Piedras Negras (see also Muftoz 2003: Pallan Gayo! 2010). Allies in the West: The Courts of Namaan and Yokib By the second half of the 7th century, the court of Namaan already played an important role in the regional geopolitical landscape. Several monuments at Piedras Negras attest to the continued interaction between the local Yokib court on the one hand, and the Namaan court on the other. ‘The left side of Piedras Negras Stela 8, the latest monument of K’ihnich Yo'nal Ahk II (Ruler 3, known prior to his inauguration as Kooj or ‘Puma’), relates his birth with his father’s reign (Ruler 2 or Itzam K'an Ahk Il), stating that: “youths from the [court of] Namaan [and the] mother of Kooj arrived [at Piedras Negras]" (ihulily ch’ok namaan ajaw vanaatz? kooj).” Hereby we propose, that the wife of Itzam K’an Ahk Il, whose name we tentatively read Ixchuwaj? Sak 2!° (VII, Figure Sg) originated from La Florida, and arrived in the company of Namaan emissaries. This arrival allegedly took place on 9.11.12.7.2 (Jan, Ist A.D. 665), at the day of Kihnich Yo'nal Abk’s birth and nine years before the birth of his future wife, Ixwinikhaab Ajaw of La ° The ya-na-‘BAT” expression is partly undeciphered. While Jones and colleagues (1989) prefer ‘parent’, Schele (1989: 31) lists ‘mother’. Recently, Christophe Helmke (pers. comm, 2012) suggested that the expression might refer to kin related by martiage, as supported by the Iexeme anab, which denotes this general meaning. We follow the generally accepted interpretation of ‘mother™ although the latter idea is promising, it remains to be tested. That the syllable ma is intended to be read as testified by the substitution pattem on a fragment of the throne pertaining to Machaquila Structure 4, which uses a variant of T1000. "° The reading of this name is based on a recent drawing of the left side of Piedras Negras Stela 6 (see Figure 5g). In previous studies, scholars tended to refer to this, individual, the mother of K’inich Yo'nal Ahk, with the nickname Lady Sak ‘Bird’, a name that we find improper since the nominal phrase certainly does not begin with Sak and does not resemble the outlines of a bird head, but, rather a conflated feline, shark and female head. For the reading of the Feline God of the Underworld we follow a proposal by Luis Lopes as CHUWAJ?. Hence her name ‘can tentatively be transcribed as IX K"UH?-IX? K’UH?- IX? CHUWAJ?-SAK ?, but abbreviated for the sake of simplicity as IX CHUWAJ?-SAK, Ixchuwaj? Sak, 100‘THE LATE CLASSIC MAYA COURT OF NAMAAN (LA FLORIDA, GUATEMALA) Florida (X, Figure 4b, 5f) on 9.12.2.0.16 (July 7th A.D. 674). It is, however, somewhat unlikely that the pregnant Ixchuwaj? Sak ? could travel from La Florida to Piedras Negras on the day she gave birth, but not entirely impossible. The arrival of Ixchuwaj? Sak ? at the court of Itzam K’an Ahk II functioned to strengthen the political ties between the two polities. This relationship was consolidated by the more prominent marriage between K’ihnich Yo'nal Ahk II and Ixwinikhaab Ajaw twelve years later. ‘The first part of this important event took place on 9,12.4.10.11 (Nov. 16th A.D. 686), the day when Lowinikhaab Ajaw of La Florida, underwent a ‘seclusion’ or “betrothal’ ritual (mahkaj) (Houston & Stuart 2001: 67; Stuart 1985) under the auspices of Itzam K’an Ahk Il, as seen on, for example, Piedras Negras Stela 1, and 3. Itzam K’an Ahk IL died just two days later, and three days hereafter the second part of the wedding-event took place: “Ixwinikhaab Ajaw, Namaan Princess was presented before Kooj” (nahwaj ixwinikhaab ajaw namaan ajaw yichnal kooj), likewise attested on Piedras Negras Stelae | and 3. Hence the father of K’ihnich Yo'nal Ahk II never witnessed the second ritual, which was instead overseen by a lady from the little-known site of Bik’iil, who might have been his wife. Yet she could also be an unknown wife of K’inich Yo'nal Ahk Il if she is the female mentioned in glyph block B3 on the front of Piedras, Negras Stela 8. B3 is indiscernible but followed by the relationship expression yatan ‘wife’ (Stuart 1997) in reference to K’inich Yo'nal Ahk Il (B4- BS). Curiously enough, however, B3 does not seem to include the mandatory female agentive prefix ix-, and might not be a female. If so, yatan might, in a very unusual way, instead refer back to Ixwinikhaab Ajaw in B2 who here becomes his wife. If this second scenario is preferred, then who is overseeing, the event besides the Bik’iil lady? At least three other important events were recorded in the life of Ixwinikhaab Ajaw as testified on Piedras Negras Stela 3. Twelve years after the nalnwaj event, she gave birth to Lady Juntahn Ahk who is given the poorly studied kina’ ajaw title, which Marc Zender has tied to Piedras Negras, or its close vicinity (Zender 2002: 170-176). In the course of events, Ixwinikhaab Ajaw takes the throne on which she is shown seated on Stela 3, surely representing an exalted status, Her last recorded action is another nahwaj ‘presentation’ event undertaken by Ixmatawiil?, which she is said to have overseen in 9.14.17.14.17 (A.D. 729); shortly 101 before her husband's death, as inscribed on Shell 3 from Burial 5 in Structure J-5 (Stuart 1985, 2005: 22, note 1). Due to these records, there is no doubt that Ixwinikhaab Ajaw held high status in the Yokib court, In an effort to understand the crucial link between the rulers of the Yokib and Namaan courts, we must raise an important question: who was the father of Ixwinikhaab Ajaw and contemporary ruler of Namaan? The only known candidate so far is Sihyaj Chan K’awiil (VII), who ruled sometime in the 7th century, approximately when Ixwinikhaab Ajaw was born (A.D. 674). However, on the basis of present evidence this identification remains conjectural, and the question must remain open for debate. The next reference to the Namaan court is painted on an unprovenanced vessel whose origin remains debated (Reents-Budet er al. 1994; Lopes 2003; Reents-Budet & Bishop 2003; Houston 2013: 321). Divine Kings of Namaan and the Rise of K’ahk’ Chan Yopaat Bahlam Uk'awiil The polychrome vessel K2784, now in the Collection of Dumbarton Oaks (Inv.-No. PC.B.564; see Coe 1975; Reents-Budet ef al. 1994: 177) shows the consumption of food and beverages at the Namaan court during an audience, The PSS states that the owner is K’ebij Ti Chan, son of Sak Muvwaan — the divine king of Ik’. The name of the Namaan king is debatable (Velasquez Garcia 2009: 54; Tokovinine & Zender 2012: 40; Houston 2013: 319), but we propose the following translation for the accompanying glyphic caption: “At night on the day 9 Imix, it is his image seated in front of K’in Witz’? Chaahk, divine King of Namaan, Chief of the land” (XI, Figure 5h).'' We are unable to place the event in time due to the missing /haab, and are left with approximating the life time of K’in Witz"? Chaahk to c, A.D. 682-731 with reference to the reign of Sak Muwaan (A.D, 682-701) and a later Namaan king (see below) (Tokovinine & Zender 2012: 40-41; see also Reents-Budet ef al. 2007: 1419; Velasquez Garcia 2009, 2010). This vessel then serves to confirm the existence of a k'whul ajaw at La Florida at the beginning of the 8th century (Figure 4a), and it documents peaceful interactions between the Namaan and Ik’ courts in this period. '' Note that the subject of the text is the owner of the vessel, K’ebjj Ti Chan, not the Namaan king,MA0s SkYTTE JORGENSEN & GUIDO KREMPEL K’in Witz’? Chaahk was probably succeeded by the first Namaan king recorded in the local monumental inscriptions of La Florida. La Florida Stela 9, the earliest dated’? and best preserved monument of La Florida (Figure 7b), depicts a high ranking woman"? in royal garment standing before a tied lid-to-lid cache vessel and a box as her offerings for the stela dedication. The stela is erected in front of Structure 22 in company of Altar G (Figure 7c) as understood by the inscription (patlaj TO174 numil), and commemorates the date 9.15.0.0.0 4 Ajaw 13 Yax Sihom (A.D, 731) (see Stuart 1996; 150). The side of the stela facing Altar G depicts a woman with the partially deciphered nominal phrase Ixsaamal? ? Ohl Hu’n? Ixchak ? (XIL, Figure Si). The ya-na-‘-BAT” title succeeds her nominal phrase, and identifies her as the mother of the local Namaan king. The latter is the protagonist on Altar G, here named K’ahk’ Chan Yopaat Bahlam K’awiil (XII, Figure 5j). Stanley Guenter (n.d.) recognized parts of a similar nominal phrase on Stela 8, which he read Bahlam K’awiil. On Stela 8 and Altar G, the same individual is mentioned by an additional epithet, K’ahk’ ? Chan? Bahlam Uk’awiil (Figure 7d). Yet since the scription is too eroded and complex to be analyzed in detail in the present chapter, it shall suffice to mention that Bahlam Uk’awiil celebrated the 15th K’atun (A.D. 731), and is named a two score king on Stela 8 (cha’ winikhaab ajaw). Bablam Uk’awiil is likewise mentioned on an Ik’ style polychrome vessel (K5418) in A.D. 756. Here, he is mentioned with his epithet K’ahk” Yal? Chan Yopaat, and appears as a divine king of Namaan. Around the same time that the Namaan court had amicable interactions with the Ik’ court, the latter was engaged in friendly courtly affairs with the Hix " A possible reference to an earlier monumental tradition at La Florida is the mention of a sculptor on the front of El Peru Stela 34, which was erected in 9.13.0.0.0 (A.D 692, see Wanyerka 1996: 92). The sculptor is here named ? y-ajaw ‘HEAD’ man ajaw, but as previously shown, this could be part of a nominal phrase, and should be treated with caution. However, due to the close vicinity of El Peru to La Florida and the favorable river route through the San Pedro Martir River, an assumed scenario of a sculptor ftom La Florida leaving his signature on a monument dedicated to a noble woman of El Peru remains a plausible hypothesis. © Additionally, a hitherto unrecognized record of a female individual appears on La Florida Stela $ (see Graham 1970), but unfortunately only the female qualifier ix can clearly be identified, 102 Witz court (associated with Zapote Bobal/E! Pajaral and La Joyanea, see Stuart 2003) (K2803, see Lopes, 2003: 13, Martin & Reents-Budet 2011). However, Hix Witz was involved in a conflict with Ruler 4 of Piedras Negras, which ended in the decapitation of 2 Chan Ahk of Hix Witz (Martin & Grube 2008: 150) This complex geopolitical landscape begs the question: on which side did the allegiance of Bahlam Uk’awiil of La Florida lie? The last mention of Bahlam Uk’awiil is on Stela 7, which commemorates the period ending 9.16.15.0.0 (A.D. 766), which earned him the title four score king. Thus, Bahlam Uk’awiil reigned for at least 45 years (A.D. 721-766), and surely influenced the adjacent regions in the Upper Usumacinta during a period of transaction and increased warfare. An important ancestor to Bahlam Uk’awiil, with the name Jal? Ti? Kuy (IX, Figure Sk), is also prominently mentioned on Altar G. Bahlam Uk’awiil deliberately choose to associate himself with his grandfather who carries the chan sak wayis title associated with supernatural entities, magic, and personified illnesses (Houston & Stuart 1989; Zender 2004: 200-202; Helmke & Nielsen 2009; Barrios & Velasquez 2010). Jal? Ti’ Kuy must have lived around the end of the 7th century onwards — an estimate arrived at by counting two generations back from Bahlam Uk’awiil. Interestingly, a Namaan king with the strikingly similar name phrase K’ahk* Ti’ Kuy (VIEL, Figure 51) is recorded on Yaxchilan Lintel 45 roughly the same time in A.D. 681. He is ascribed an overlord status to the captive Aj Nik of Itzam Bahlam III, divine king of Yaxchilan. The capture of Aj Nik? was of much importance to Itzam Bahlam III, since ‘captor of Aj Nik? remains one of his favourite titles (Mathews 1989: 161). This owes to the struggles for geopolitical control of the Usumacinta region by Yaxchilan and Piedras Negras, where La Florida was tied to the latter polity. The Demise of the Namaan Court As previously noted, Itzam Bahlam III of Yaxchilan waged war against a Namaan subordinate in A.D. 681, and it was his later namesake that orchestrated the only other known campaigns against La Florida (Saftonov 2005). The impressive Yaxchilan Hieroglyphic Stairway 5 of Structure 20 records the military success of Itzam Bahlam IV and Namaan figures twice within the year A.D. 796 (Mathewsdrawings by Guido Krempel) 1989: Table 8-3, Safronov 2005)."* In both attacks, the captive is named “he of Namaan” (XIV, glyph block 40 and $6) (Figure 4a) but cannot be identified more precisely. Through the campaigns of " Peter Mathews worked out the chronology of the stairway shortly after its discovery by Roberto Garcia Moll, providing 9.18.5.14.0 and 9.18.6.5.11 for the two chuhkaj events (Jun. and Dec. A.D, 796, respectively) (Mathews 1989: Table 8-3). “THE Late CLASSIC Mava COURT OF NAMAAN (LA FLORIDA, GUATEMALA) Figure 7.7: A selection of La Florida monuments: a) Stela 2, b) Stela 7, ¢) Altar G, d) detail of Stela 8 (preliminary Itzam Bahlam IV and his farther, Yaxchilan became the dominating factor in the Usumacinta and eventually managed to sack Piedras Negras in A.D. 808 (Martin & Grube 2008: 137, 153). No monumental references from La Florida are registered after the attacks from Yaxchilan, and another by-product of the political downfall seems to have been the declining quality of ceramic production, A vessel, now in the William College Collection (Zender n.d.), carries a Namaan Emblem 103Mab SkyTTE JORGENSEN & GUIDO KREMPEL Glyph, but is made by a less skilful artist compared to the earlier vessels. The bowl has diagnostic vertical grooved and moulded sides, which gives the vessel a gourd-like appearance. The vessel is cream slipped with red paint, which differentiates it from the other known Namaan vessels. The manufacturing technique is called gadrooning and is found at Uaxactun A.D. 825< (Tepeu 3, Smith 1955: 45, Fig, 3aj, 24b, 44s), Seibal A.D. 830-928 (Sabloff 1970: 377-381, Fig. 57-58; 1975: 205, Fig. 397; Willey et al. 1975: 42), Altar de Sacrificios A.D. 909-948 (Adams 1971: Table 26, Fig. 66f, 66n, 66s), and at Piedras Negras A.D. 850-900? (Mutioz 2004; 2006: 167-169, 349). As with the previously discussed Namaan vessels, we follow the ceramic sequence at nearby Piedras Negras (see also Jorgensen 2012: 68-69). The bow! belonged to an individual bearing an elusive name, ? ? Ch’aho'm Kokan Kab (XV, Figure Sm), and an odd titular phrase, jun winikhaab ch'aho'm winikhaab ? cha’ winikhaab namaan ajaw. Examining the long titular phrase and the poor quality of the vessel, it gives the impression of a faltering Namaan royal court fighting to preserve a legitimate right to rule around the first half of the 9th century, and probably shortly hereafter followed the demise of the Southern Maya Lowlands. Final Remarks. As has been shown, the dynastic history of Namaan is recorded by ceramic and monumental texts. Hallmarks of the early Namaan court are ceramics of a particular Saxche Orange-polychrome variety, rendered in a distinctive regional style. A stylistic comparison and epigraphic analysis of these works of art revealed a total of seven members of the Namaan court. While three of these individuals can clearly be identified as local Namaan rulers, others were relatives that can likewise be dated to the 7th century. It can thus be assumed that the court of Namaan was already well established at this period, and we expect it to have existed earlier still. The high quality of ceramics and their distribution suggests that La Florida was involved in a wide trading network; thereby passing ideas and commodities from the Eastern Peten to the Upper Usumacinta, and even reaching the Southern Highlands. We likewise propose that the Namaan court established friendly ties to the Yokib court as early as the 6th century (even prior to the reign of Itzam K’an Ahk Il). This bond was surely strengthened by the coupling of Ixchuwaj? Sak ? with Itzam K’an Ahk Il, the arrival of Namaan nobles, and the marriage of Ixwinikhaab Ajaw into the Yokib court, integrating Namaan into the political struggle of its ally during this period of time. From what can be discerned so far, this part of the local history is not traceable through the study of the monuments of La Florida, and it is not until the end of the lifetime of Ixwinikhaab Ajaw and her husband (A.D. 729-764), that several monuments record the reign of Bahlam Uk’awiil, the divine lord of Namaan who seemingly marks the height of the Namaan court. Thus, we propose that the Namaan court already gained considerable _ political autonomy by the tum of the 7th century; a fact that is supported by close contact to, for example Motul de San José, on polychrome ceramics. The last references to members of the Namaan court are two consecutive attacks in A.D. 796 by Itzam Bahlam IV, marking the beginning of the downfall of the Namaan polity. Thus, throughout the entire Late Classic Period, the court of Namaan continued as a major player to reckon with concerning the struggle on territorial expansion in the Upper Usumacinta Valley. Yet our current understanding. relies exclusively on the epigraphic data, and it can only be hoped that future archaeological investigations at La Florida will unveil more about the history of the ‘Namaan court, Acknowledgements: We want to thank Alexander Safronov, Charles Golden, David Stuart, Erik Boot, Luis Lopes, Paulino Morales, Péter Bird, Nikolai Grube, Stanley Guenter, and Yuriy Polyukhovich for fruitful discussions and comments. A separate thanks goes to Barbara Fash and the CHMI for Graham’s photos of the La Florida inscriptions, Justin Kerr for high resolution photos of K5418, Christian Heck for his valuable photos of the La Florida ruins and monuments, Dimitri Beliaey, Erik Garcia Velasquez, Ana Barrios, and Sebastian Matteo for letting us read their unpublished manuscripts, Rahapel Tunesi for permitting us to publish his photo of the bowl belonging to the son of Chakjal Chih? Chaalhk, Tomas Barrientos and the Shook Archive at the Universidad del Valle in Guatemala for help and permission to study the notebooks of Edwin M. Shook, Bryan Just and the Princeton Muscum for permission to publish K1670, and Inga Calvin for letting us publish 30066. Finally, we would especially like to thank the editors of the present volume for having invited us to contribute this chapter on the Namaan court and for their comments on earlier drafts of this paper. 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