Li eRe b BM lt A.0.1275-1600 ieee UOC OU‘The The Protohistoric Pueblo World, : University of A.D. 1275-1600 Arizona Press, Edited by E. Charles Adams and Andrew I. Duff TucsonThe University of Ariana Press © 2004 The Arizcna Beard of Regents Firs printing A rights reserved {© This hook i printed on acidtree archival-quaity paper Manufactured in the United Statesof America Go op OF oS OH HS HS ET Library of Congres Caaloging-in-Publcaton Data “The protehistric Pucbio word, a. 1375-1600 / elite by E.Charks Adims and Andrew I. Du. pen, Includes bibiographicl references and inde, ua 0-8165-2343+6 clath alk paper) 1 Pactlo Indians —Antiguitn 2 Pueblo Indians Land tenee 3 Sori archaeology Southwest, New. 4. Demographic ‘chaeslogy ~Southwes, New. 5 Land setlement pattens— Southwest, New. 6. Vilage communities Southwest, New — Histor: 7-Southwest, New—Antiquties. | Adans, F. Chases. 1. Du, Andrew 1. Andzew an), 1965 anor sp8.or—deas Publication of hisbookis made posible in pan by agrant from the Arzona State Museum,Contents Acknowledgments _ix 1 Settlement Clusters and the Pucblo LV Period, E. Charles Adams and Andrew 1. Duff a 2 Tiseasersus Tina: Noshern Bia Grande Settlement Patterns and, Social Hisory,a.0.1275 to 1540 ‘Severin M. Fonles 1 3, “Ruins of Our Forefathers”: Large ‘Siuesand Sue Clusters in the Northern Rio Grane James E. Snead, Winifred Creamer, “and Lincke Ven Zandt 26 4 Pueblo IV Community Formation in the Central Rio Grande Valley: The Alluuquerwue, Cochiti, and Lower ‘Rio Pucreo Districts Susamne L, Kctert and Linda 8, Cordall 33 5 Social ientityand the Internal Organization ofthe Jumanos Pueblos Setlement Cluster in the Salinas District, Central ‘New Mexico Williem M. Graves 43 Pueblo IV in the Chihuahuan Desert ‘Sueghen HH, Lekson, Michael Btetser, and A.C. MacWiliams 53 Archaeological Patterning and Organizational Seale of Late Prehistoric Settlement Clusters in the Zuni Region of New Mexico Deborah L.. Huntley and Keith W. Kinigh 62 ‘Setslement Clustering and Village Interaction in the Upper Little Colorado Region Andrew |. Dud 35 ‘Migration, Factionalism, and the ‘Trajectories of Pueblo [V Period (Clustersin the Mogollon Rim Region Bric J. Kaldail, Sett Van Keuren, and Barkara J. Mills 85 ‘The Political Geography and Teritoralty of r4th-Century ‘Setilements in the Mogollon Highlands of East-Central Arizona Daniela Triadan and M. Nieves Zedeno 95 45 ‘The Formation of Sectlement Glusters on Anderson Mesa Wesley Bernardini and Gary M. Brown 108 Homot ovis A rgth-ryth-Century Settlement Cluscer in Northeastern ‘Arizona E.Charles Adams 110 Hopi Settlement Clusters Past and Present E. Charles Adams, Vincent M. LaMowa, and Kart Dingoske 128 Gusters Revisited Katherine A. Spielman 137 Social Formations in the Pucblo IV Southwest: An Ethnological View Pater Whiteley 144 Appendix: Site Information 157 Notes 183 References 18) List ofConcribuwors 211 InAcknowledgments As with any edited volume, this isa group «ffort. Our thanks tothe authors who stuck 1 a rigorous time schedule to enable the editors to get this book published in a ely manner, who responded quickly to commentsfrom theeditorsand the review «rs, and who provided quality dataand new snd vital perspectives of those data, In par- ticular we want to thank the discussants for this book and the original Society for American Arckacology symposium, Peter Whiteley and Katherine Spielmann, who had the difficule task of reading and re~ sponding to the Sas papers and then toa set ofchapters fr the book. Their chapters sre both synthetic and complementary and sdd significantly tothe book. Weare indebted to George Gumerman and the Arizona State Museum for pro- viding subvention funds o the University of Arizona Press that enabled the book to be published. Thanks to the College of Liberal Arts at Washington State Univer sity foran Initiation and Completion grant to fund map preparation. We are most grateful to Shearon Vaughn of Chartroom Graphics, who prepared many ofthe maps for the book, which add signifcantiy to its overall quality. We appreciate the time taken and insights provided by David Wile coxand an anonymous reviewer who thor oughly read, critiqued, and offered valu- ablesuggestions for theeditors and authors ‘that substantally improved the book, Our thanks to Christine Szuter and Yvonne Reineke of the University of Arizona Press, ‘who encouraged us to submit the manu script and have worked withus throughout the publication process We wish to acknowledge Adalph Ban- lr, Harry Mera, Steadman Upham, David Wileos, and others who have pre~ viously thought about and published on Pueblo TV settlement elusters and from ‘whose ideas the editors and the authors have fieely borrowed. The senior editor ‘would like to acknowledge and thank the many graduate students with whome hss worked and from whom he has learned rach of what went into his parts of this ‘book. Although too numerous 10 mention, they know who they are ‘This book builds on more than 120 years of intensive archaeological and ethno- graphic interest and passion forthe study and understanding of Pueblo people and ther history. We acknowledge and appre~ ciate their continuing tolerance, gracious fhumor, and understanding of our interest in their past affairs. May this relationship between anthropologists and the people they study continue to macure inco mutual respect and understanding.Copyrighted materialThe Protohistoric Pueblo WorldChapter r Settlement Clusters and the Pueblo IV Period E. Charles Adams and Andrew I. Duff When Alfred Kidder convened the 1627 Pecos Conference, he brought together the researchers who were then working ‘with Southwestern prehistoryto define the chronology of the Colorado Plateau snd sdjacent areas. This gathering more than 175 yeursago continues toshape discussions of Southwestern prehistory. In the tem= poral framework that emerged from that gathering, the Puchlo IV period served 4s a bridge between the Pucblo III end Pueblo V periods (Kidder 1927), orin Rob- rts (1933) more evocatively named 9ys- ‘em, the Great Pueblo and Historic Pueblo periods. At the time, the Pueblo Ill period ‘vas considered to have been the zenith of Pucblo development on the Colorado Plateau, Afterall, the preeminent cultural traditions of the Pueblo III period, Chaco Canyon and Mesa Verde, collapsed in the mid-.p, rro0sand late rzo0s respectively In fact, the majority of the Pueblo III pe~ riod Anasuzi world was depopulated, with the former oceupants moving to the south and cast, settling into areas along the Little Colorado and the Rio Grande Rivers and inareas along the arc of the Mogollon Rim. Information about the histori period, de- fined by initial contact in AD. 1539 and 1540, but assigned an 4D, 1600 starting point in the Pecos Classification, was con= siderably augmented by Spanish records that provided richer glimpses of Pueblo culture than could be reconstructed with archaeological information alone. Before turning to definitions, its useful to document the development of the con= cept of the setlement cluster, especially as it refers to groupings of historic Pueblo villages and their counterparts just prior to Spanish contact. Thanks to the sleuthing of David Wi or, wenowknow thatasearly 48 Adolph Bandelier (1892), the aware ness of clusters of early historie and late prehistoric Peeblovillaesevisted. Bande lier recognized the physical boundaries of settlement clusters and attributed them to tribal or linguistic roots possibly encour aged by defensive need Mera’s (1935, 1940) interest in linguis- tic groups, which he organized into clus- ters, and the synthesis of this research by Schroeder (1979) brought awareness to a= chacologists of the petential for locking above the individual ste 1 understand the social context of the sertlement. Wile cox and Masse (1981) once again focused research on broader patterns through the protohiseorie volume, with Wileox (1981) and later Upham (1982) postulating the political integration of site clusters. With the pioneering work of Wileoxand Upham, social complexity at and above the site level began to be explored, most noubly by Spielmann (1994) in her con- sideration of Puchlo TV setements ia the context of historic northeastem Huron confederacy models. Several chapters in the volume edited by Spielmann (1998) take settlement or regional perspectives in assessing not only villige but abo supra- village organization, Regional exchange of goods is generally viewed asthe most mea surable mears for villages to connect oF ally with other villages, as noted first in the pioneering work of Anna Shepard (1942, 1954). “This volume is distinet from recentsyn= theses of Pueblo IV research in that au- ‘thors begin with the setlement cluster as theanalstic unit. Through the deconsruc~ tion of how members of clusters of vil- lags interacted with one another, we gain «clearer understanding ofthe value ofthis level of analysis and the possibilities for future research, \eblo IV in Time Kidder and cohorts termed the Pueblo 1V period “Proto-Histori,” associating it ‘ith an overall reduction in the area occu~ Pied adectine nthe use ofcorrugated por- tery, and “in general, by decline from the preceding cultural peak” (Kiider 1927: 490). The Pueblo IV period came to be associated with A.D. 1300-1600, Roberts (1035) termed this the Regressive Pucblo stage, hoping to avoid assigning specific dates to this phenomenon. Pueblo [V has again been termed the protokistorie pe- rind (Wilcox and Masse 1981). Spielmann (1998c3) notes that recent work clearly Indicates that the processes that define Pueblo TV began before A.D. 1300, pes haps as carly as A.D. 1250 in some areas. In virally every area where Pueblo IV settle changes bezan around 4.9, 1275, but we also acknowledge temporal overlap with the Pueblo II period, which some extend to A.D. 1350 (Adler 1996). Thus, for our purposes, we define the Pueblo IV peried tospan theinterval between A. 1275 and inivil Spanish contact and its immediate effeetsbetween 4.0. 1540 and 1600. Recent research suggests that changes ‘occurs, aggregation and other in villge layout and location were syn- cchronous over much of the Southwest. In many Western Pueblo regions, research- crs have noted that the A.D. 1275-1400 period can be separated into two sub= periods: ao, 1275-1328 and 1325-1400 (Adams 2002; Duff 2000, 2002; Mills and Herr 1999). Most visibly, these dates com respond with changes in ceramic deco-4 Mdamsand Dui ration and technofogy, including the ini- tial production of glaze-painted pottery Atabout Ax. 1275, several regional devel- cpments become evident in ceramic pro- ‘duction, altering a pattern in which sty lstic conventions had been widely shared (with acknowledged variation) over large areas (Carlson 1070). These patterns in dlude the divergence of White Mountain Red Ware into a western and eastern series (Carlion 1970), termed late White Moun- tain Red Ware and Zuni Glaze Ware, re- spectively, and the development of Salado Polychrome pottery (aka Roosevelt Red Ware or Salado Red Ware) with the pro- uction of Pinto Polychrome. At abcut Ap. 1325 0F 1330, another series of techno- Iogieally and stylistically distinct ceramies developed with the appearance of Jeddito Yellow Ware, Fourmile Polychrome, and Gila Polychrome. Related to these devel- epments is the appearance of Katsina or Southwest Cul iconography on ceramics and rock at (Adams 1991b; Crovsn 1999) “More important, .b. 1325 seems wo eot= relatewithabandonmentor reorganization of villages all along the Little Colorado River and Rio Grande watersheds. Mills (1998) notes changesin the layout and loca- tion of villages in the Silver Creek arza Similarly, Adams (2002) notes remodeling at Homo ovi I through incorporation of somal plaza spaces within the toom blocks. Dit (2000, 2002) has documented signfi- ‘ant shifts in settlement pattern at Zuni and new construction in the Upper Lite Colorado region at about 4D. 1325. In rorthern Rio Grande areas, the transition hetween the Coalition and Classic peri- ‘ods hinges 4.0. 1325 (Wendorf and Reed 1955) and corresponds with a general shift ‘t nucleated settlements, though there is ring of this pro= ‘greater variation in the cess (Crown, Orcutt, and Kohler 1996) Finally, .b. 14oo approximates another significant temporal hallmark, the time by which most Western Pucblo regicns ceased to be permanently occupied. After AD. 1400, Puebloan settlements west of the Rio Grande were confined to areas surrounding the Hopi Mesas, and modern Zuniand Acoma, A similar reorganization may have occurred along the Rio Grande north of Sanca Fe as some villages were abandoned while others expanded. The transition to Glaze D and the increased ‘exchange in ceramics that occurred after A.D. 1450 may reflect this tansformation of the Pueblo TV social landscape (Cordell 1997: 420a; Snow ro8tb; Warren 19776) “These temporal milestones are asso- ciated with broader patterning outside the areas considered in this volume, such as the Tonto Basin (Elson 1996, 1998; Rice and Lindauer 19945 Stark, Clark, and Elson 1993) and the core areas of Hotokam settlement (Abbott 2000). As these key dates appear to mark signifi- cant changes throughout the Southwest, wwe have asked authors to consider pat terns of change within thei cluser or re= gion with reference to three emporal sub= divisions: Ap. 1275-1325, 4325-2400,and 1400-1540/1600. We have not attempted to introduce a standard terminology for these divisions, and we reeugnize tha for some regions and authors, other beginning or ending dates are more appropriate Pucblo IV in Space Spatially; Pucblo IV is indeed much re- strited from the vast reaches ofthe Colo- rado Plateau occupied prior 9 .. 1300 When originally formubsted (Kidder 1927), Pueblo IV did not extend much be- yond thedistibution ofhistoric Pueblo vile Jages at Hopi, Zuni, Acoma,and along the Rio Grande. Exceptions were the drain- ages ofthe Little Colorado River and the region below the Mogollon Rim on the White Mounrain and San Carlos Apiche reservations. By the 1930s, this range had alreidy expanded (Di Peso 1958), a phe~ ‘nomenon thatcontinucs tothe present. example, migrants from northeastern A zona appear in the archaeological record after A.D. 1260 in such diverse areas below the Mogollon Rimas Grasshopper Pueblo, Point of Pines, the Safford area, and the San Peco drainage east of Tucson (Haury Lindsay 1992: Lyons 2001; Wood- son 1999). According to Lekson (1990) and Lyons (2001), much of what we per ceive as Salado culture results from ceram- ies produced by these immigrants from northeastern Arizona. Recent scholarship (Ferguson and Lomaomvaya 1999; Stark, (Clark, and Elson 1995), particularly in Arizona, has demonstrated archaeological connections between plateau, mountain, and desert populations that affirm the tes Jong noted in Native oral traditions (ergu- son and Lomaomvaya 1999; Teague 1993) Although all of these areas could be included in our discussion of Puctlo TY, wwe have restricted the spatial scope of this book to encompass regions tradition ally associated with Eastern and Western Puchlo populations, Therefore, ume, the Pueblo TV pattern includes the Rio Grande from Taos on the north to south ofthe border with Mexico and from Flagstaff and the Verde Valley on the west to the transition to the Phins on the east. Inbetveen, Pueblo IV settlement clusters ‘were concentrated along drainages of the major river systems and prominent land- scape features or passageways. The exeep- ton to this spatial mandate isan excursion into the Chihuahwan descrt in the chapter by Lelson, Bletzer, and MacWillians, this vo Pueblo IV as Social Pattern Now that Pueblo IV has been confined in space and time, what is implied be- haviorally by Pucblo IV? Several signifi cant and listing changes are associated with the Pueblo [V period, most of which persist among the Pueblos today, Dut ing Pusblo IV, villages grow in size be- yond any previous period, surpassing both those of Chaco Canyon and Pueblo III pe- riod ceaters such as Sand Canyon Pueblo (Varien et al. 1996). This phenomenon — variously termed aggregation, consolida- tion, or nucleation—continues through- ‘out the period, Pucblo IV period villages usually have distinctive public ard ture, most often in the form of enclosed plazas: ritually sanctioned space that both structures intersetion and situates com-imunal activity. Plazas often contain one ‘or more unattached kivas, generally round in the east and square or rectangular in the west. Indications of increased religious ritual are evident as katsina ieonogrsphy im the form of rock art, ceramic decoration, ‘and kiva murals; in the diversity of ritual ‘eructures;and in abundant ritual deposits Pueblo TV villages were most offen founded during this period, buta few exist~ ing settlements grew significantly. In both cases villoges typically comprised popula= ‘i included significant numbers of jmmigraets. The recent interest in exam~ ‘ethnic, twa, and stylistic ining lingui diversity in tight of migration is touched ‘on by some of the contributions bere. Ceramic traditions duringthe Pueblo peri typically become regionally distine= live, Stualies of ceramic stsle and mantie facturing technology have along and pro~ ductive history in the Southwest, but the sturdy of ceramics from Pueblo TV villages thas been the source of groundbreaking ‘methodological advances (Shepard 1954) ‘Additionally, locally or regionally distinc: decorated pottery was not manufactured jn all areas, but vessels were broadly €%- changed. Examples include some of the glaze wares ofthe Rio Grande and the Hopi Yellow Ware tradition. Other Pueblo IV pottery types, such as Zani Glaze Ware fand late White Mountain Red Ware, cir- tealated in more restricted nerworks. F change in other materials also increased substantially during the Pueblo IV riod, In the east, Spiimann (19912, 1998) has documented trade in buffalo meat and hides for com. Snow (rg8ra) documented exchange in numerous commodities. At Homol’oxi, Adams(19918, 2602) has com mented on the importance of cotton i exchange networks Gee also Wileox 1084)- Pacblo TV settlements almost never oe= ‘euralone, they are usually paired with se¥~ cralotherseftlements, here termed setle= spent clusters The size and relationships Of illages. within and—vo a lesser de ace bevween these clusters isthe unc fying theme of this volume. Because v lages occur in clusters, large portions of Settlement Chatersand the Pueblo IV Period 5 the landscape lacked permanent oecupa- tion. These gaps have been variously con- sidered frontiers, “no-man’s lands,” or butter zones with differing imerpretations of their origin and significance (LeBhne 1998 19995 Wileor 1991), but the spac ing between occupied clusters generally inereased over time (Jewett 1989; Mera 1033). Finally, eeause the Pueblo 1V perio is gelatively recent in Pueblo history, Pueblo groups have stronger oral traditions Fel tive to individual villages or village clus ters. Many Pueblo IV period villages are specially named in clan and village his- tories, some have important shrines, and “thers are periodically revisited Pueblo IV and the Larger Southwest How does Pueblo IV as considered in this volume articulate with other culture areas or groups,suchas Hohokim, Mogel- Jon, northern Mexico, of non-Pucblosn roups, uch as Athapashan? As with any yetiod and phenomenon, Fines drawn or 2 snap indicat distinctive boundaries. How fever, these boundaries are always fizzy at the edges: ‘The clear cultural partern of Hiohokam dissipates in the uplands north of Phoenix and east and south of Tueson fier A.D. 1300. In both areas, it just so hhappens thae Puebloan migrants appeat to have settled among. more tradition ally Hohokam groups along the Sale and ‘San Pedro Rivers, Along the San Pedro, the Cemier for Desert Archaedlogy be- Tieves, Pueblean groups settled in frontier areas between indigenous groups (includ ing Hobokarn setlements with platform mounds), perhaps as buffers or guards against future hosts with neighboring areups (Patrick Eyons pesonal comme ication, 2001) Inthe Tonto Basin, it ap- pears that integrated commurities were formed (Chirk 2001; Stark, Clark, and Ebon 1995) TLekson (2999) would have us believe that Paquimé and associated settlements fre Chico reincarnated, and rightfully part of Pueblo IV. If this perspective weath- crs the serutiay of the numerous research programs currently being conducted south fof the international border, then ancient Pueblo groups bump up against such in- digenous cultures as Trincheras. Lelson’s population figures in eis volume sug> get to him that the population center of the region hy in the Chihuahuan desert fand not along the Rio Grande, During the later 13¢h century, the Mogollon tra dition became fused with ancient Pueblo ‘the mountains of Arona and New Mexico. Certainty, the si cant igre tions of northern Arizona Anasazi im! the mountains of Arizonaand west-central New Mexico contributed significantly © this fasion “Therefore by 4.D.1275Puebloangroups swore bounded on the south and vest by Hohokam and ‘Trincheras cultures. and fon the east by traditional Pins cultures (Spielmann 912). By the end of the Puctlo TY period, the dynamics of these relationships bad been totally transformed by Spanish contact. The Paquimé, Tein~ cheras, and Hohobam traditions had col lapsed, and themountainowsregins atand ‘below the Mogolon Rim had been aban domed, Athapascan groups populated the Plains to the eastand the mountains and camvonsto the north of Pueblo groups Re- Iationships with Apachean groups on the Plans involved the mutualistic exchange of buffalo hides and meat For maize. In both nstances the exchange of food benefited the rcipints by providingbalance to their det (Speth and Scott 1991; Spiekmara “gota, In contrast, early Navajo grours jn northwestern New Mexico borrowed, and later adopted, Pueblo traits through sachange (Spicer 1962). Although riding ty Navajoand Apache ancestors did occu, the relationship prior to Sparish contact ppeas to have been predicated om €<- change (Wilcox 1989) Why the Symposium Was Organized In April soot, the authors organized 2 | symposium held atthe 6th Annual Mect= ing of the Society for American Arehae-6 Adams and Duet ology in New Orleans. The session was ‘organized to take advantage of recent re search on Pueblo IV. period villiges throughout the American Southwest, Several regions in both the Eastern and Western Pueblo areas have been the for us of recent survey, excavation, archival, and collections-based research programs, Many of which were initiated within the last decade. These research programs have resulted in the assembly of new data specifically designed to address. recent "esearch themes, thore emerging from con temporary questions and theoretical or centations, ‘The organizing principle of both that Symposium and this volume was to bring together some of the scholass engaged in this research, ashing them to sum- -matize essential information about chron nology and settlement histories in differ. ‘ent regions, to consider the question of social organication at the scale of settlee ‘meat clusters, and to discuss analyses and interpretations based on these new data, ‘The explicit gos! ofthe symposium was {0 engage both established holes, those with along history of research and exper- ‘se in particular regions or with Pueblo LV. Petiod research, and the group of schol ars whose recent research has combined data from excavations with that of earlier Projects to produce original studies, These ¢fforts have produced rich collaborations, many of which are reflected in the author. ships of several chapters in this volume. Given the limitations of such a synthetic endeavor, neither all of the atcas of the American Southwest with occupation fall. ing between the a.v. 1275 and 1600 nor ll ofthe scholars involved in current or past Drojects were included. This was more the ‘se with the symposium than this vob twee there several important contribu tions have been added. Alfred Dittert and Judy Brunsone Hadley’s (2001) contribution discussed the culture history of the Puebio LV petiod in the Acoma Culture Province, bu it does ot appear in the volume, Dittert's hall. ‘mark dissertation and a recent publica tion (Dittert 1955, 1998), paired with that ‘of Ruppé (1990), outline the cultural and temporal trajectory of this important re- sion. These remain the primary reference Sources: Roney's (1996) recent summaries primary discussing the Pueblo IL! pe- riod, area significane addition. The Acoma Fegion will continue to present research rs with an interest inthe Pueblo IV pe- riod with more questions than answers, a5 its central location has long becn consid. cred a bridge between eastern and west. ern districts (Eggan 1950; Plog 1978). Data from the Acoma region, as summarized by Roney (1996), were used to characterize this area, Why This Volume Is Needed ‘There is no single reference source for the basic dita of Pueblo [V period settle iment. The explicit sim of this volume is t# remedy this problem, In the most re. ent and encompassing publication on the PucbloIV period, Migration and Reorgani- ‘ation: The Pueblo IV Perind inthe Ameri- «a Sexthiest edited by Katherine pick ‘mann, she noted that the “volume was ‘most assuredly nor a synthesis of all thar is currently known about the Puebio IV Period” (Spielmann 1o98d:ix, emphasis in ‘original). We have, within the spatial con. straints noted above, designed this volume to be that synthesis 11 1996, the University of Arizona Press Published a synthetic volume emitted The Prehistoric Pueblo Worlt, 3.0. 1150-1350, edited by Michael Adir, which focuses 9 the Pucblo TI period. This volume succeeded in summarizing knowledge on ‘the organization and extent of the Pueblo world preceding and slightly overlapping the present volumes, and it now serves 8 the essential reference for basic dita shout the Pueblo III period, ‘This establishes the precedent for the Present collection, and we have exp patterned this volume to be a Pucblo IV Period companion to the Pueblo II pe- Tiod synthesis. We believe this will also become both an indispensable reference for the facts of the Pueblo IV period, as we know them to be at this time, and a ‘enue for interpretative summary of these ‘materials, with particular attention to re ional dyramics. For these reasons, we hve asked that each contributor compile 8 tabular summary of all known villages dating to the Pueblo TV period having 50 (OF more rooms, and to alu provide a re. ional map oftheir locations, Additanally Several contributions contain representa, tive site plans. Ths facilitates comparison (0 similar tables and maps preduced for the Adler (1996) volume, These data are included as an appendix, with composite ‘maps presented in the sections that fallow, Additionally, we have asbed authors to resent descriptive summaries ofsites, set. tlement patter, and chronology, nd to try todistinguish these from interpretations of Patterning and process. Although a useful heuristic, this s impossible to accomplish in practice. Nevertheless, the contributors have responded admirably, and it should >be easy for readers 10 distinguish between what are thought to be the facts of the Puebio IV period, whick should endure, fom our interpretations of these facts, notoriously subject to revision as new data become available and brouder discipinary tends change. Organization of the Volume ‘The chapters of this volume are orga- nized geographically, though somewhat Sirwousy, fom north to south snd east to WO (fiz. 1.1). The vohume is divided inte chapters; this introduction, 12 devoted ‘e-consideration of the Pueblo IV period by eagraphie area, and discussion and com. ‘mentarychapters by Katherine Spielmann and Peter Whiteley. This volume includes several changes from the original session In large part, these refeet an atcempt to redress the disproportional representation of the Western Pueblo regions in the ses- sion, but several chapters have also been altered in specific scope and content from resented versions to reflect the goals of the volume,8 Mamsand Daf? Sererin Fowles's contribution leads off the volume, discussing trends in cluster “organization in the Chama and Tos dis iwicts of the northern Rio Grande. Fowles ighlights both the integrative and com- petitive nature of community relationships ‘within settlement chister, In an sddition that fills a consider= able spatial and interpretive gap from the symposium, James Snead, Winified Creamer, and Tineke Van Zande's chapter documents trends in several northern Rio Grande districts. Encompassing the Pecos, Galiseo, Sana Fe, Tesuque/Nambé, Santa Cruz, Jémez, and Pajarito district, ‘theseauthors suggest that settlement clus- ters can be viewed from a number of perspectives, and that no single perspec- tive for viewing the developments of the Pueblo IV period alone is appropriate ‘Suzanne Eckert has collaborated with Linds Cordell to produce a includes the Lower Rio Puerco of the Fast and the Albuquerque and Cochiti districts. This contribution substantially expands the informational database for this region. Williams Graves's contribution reports cn the Manzanos and Jumanos settlement synthesis that clusters, His chapter addresses issues of ientity as they elate to settlement cluster- ing inthe Manzanosand Jumanos clusters. ‘Stephen Lelson, Michael Blevzer, and Art MacWilliams provide an encempass- ing teatment of the Rio Abajo that ex- tendssouth ofthe international border into CChibuahus, This series of regions is char- acterized by environmental and cultural diversity: In the summary Lekson_pro- ocatvely argues that the true center of regional population lay in northern Chie hushua rather than in the northern Rio Grande. Deborah Huntley and Keith Kintigh provide an important and detailed assess- ‘ment of patterning in the Zuniregion. The populous Zuni region has infrequently ‘been viewed from the perspective of intra regional settlement cluster organization, more frequently being considered vis- other regions asa coherent emity. Though, such a practice is warranted on grounds of material culture, Huntley and Kintigh provide a refreshing look at Zuni internal dynamics, using a number of complemen tary techniques, Andrew Dutt namics from the Upper Little Colorado susses settlement dy= rogiom, a relatively small spatial cluster of | settlements with limited tora population, Hisstudy demonstrates that the Pueblo IV residents of the region pursued a num= ber of relatienships at scales that corre= spond with the cluster of setlements but also Frequently range outside ofthe region, suggesting that clustering & only one of several important scales for viewing social behavior Eric Kaldshl, Scott Van Keuren, and Barbara Mills discuss settlement dyram= ies und factional competition in the Silver (Creek region, They suggest that the con- tantly shifting village composition, the sult of persistent migration, pmduced a setting that facilitated instability, demon strating how they see this process having shaped the trajectory within Siler Creek region settlements Daniela Triadanand Nieves Zedetiodis- ccuss settlement clustering informed by geographic information systems analysis ‘of topography in the mountain areas below the Mogollon Rim. Compiling data from an array of sources, this chapter evaluates, settlement location with respect 1 impor tantlandscapeand economic features, con- side concerns combined to influence settlement ig how access, resources, and social decisions that playout at thelevelof settle ‘ment groupings. Wesley Bernardini and Gary Brownem- pphasize site and chronological data from the Anderson Mesa region ina discussion focused on demography, exchange, and mi- ration, E. Charles Adams's chapter on the Ho- molovi cluster emphasizes the unique adaptation ofthese villages to water from the Little Colorado River, which required intervillage shaving and cooperation. A chapter by Adams, Vincent LaMotta,and Kurt Dongoste synthesizes the data from the Hopi region using historical and mod- em data on Hopi village clustes to evalu- ate the Pueblo IV settlement patterns Pueblo IV and Village Size Information about 410 villages with more than 50 rooms that date to the authors? definition of Pueblo IV is included as an appendix. Table 1-1 summarizes room counts from each author's ares, using the tripartite division of the Pacblo IV period noted above, and these are plosted by pe- riod in figures 1.2-1.4. Table 1.2 summ- rizesaverage village size foreach subperied by area. There are two patterns of note ‘The first isthe steady increase in sizeof vil lages through time, For the A.D. 1275-1325 period, the average village size for the 23 sitesi 235 rooms, However, excluding the enormous and unique 29 villages at Zuni, the average size of the remaining 202 vil- Iages is 200 r00ms. For the 4.0, 1325-1400 period, the 257 villages average 323 rooms. Village size forthe 146 villages of the late period (A.0.1400-1540/1600) averages 536 rooms, Itis recognized that contributing tothe perception of rapidiy increas lage size is the lengthy occupation span of many ofthese villages. This i highlighted inthis volume by Adams, who notes that ‘excavations reveal that, at most, 73% of structures were in use in the Tate 13008 at Homol’ovi and perhars only 25% of toral structures at Awatovi were in use during the 17th-century Mission Period. However, the overcount in rooms actually in use at any one time in our sample is partially offset by the undercount in total rooms caused by counting only ground= oor rooms, dueto the absence of informa tion on number of stories for many areas. Only detailed excavations focused on the problem of occupied rooms at intervals as short as a generation can truly resolve this conundrum. Phe total number of villages in any pe~ riod is never high, but these data do suge gest substantial Puebloan populations. Ia ‘our database, there isa total of 231 villages that date tothe early peril, 257 that date to the middle period, and 146 that date toSettlement Clusters and the Pucblo IV Periol 9 ‘Table 1 Average Village Size by Time Period for Each of the Areas Vitee Nambert Early Mie Tate Nrther Rio Grande Chama-Tios 2 5 676 fou ‘ertern Rio Grande Santa Fe % z 505, fo AMbuguergue Area? ” au: an m Sainas ‘ unknown 500, 700 Rin Abo Ps unknown 163 " Acoma 2 o 26 Zan " am 368 ‘Upper Lite Colorato i % &7 Siher Creek ‘ 180 20 Mogotca Ms a 19 9 Hemet oe 7 ot 608 Prereo/Bidatoehi> ' 00 25 Hopi 4 Ms 470 Andersen Mesa 7 150 159 _umocupid Veet Valley 4 unkown 53 umecupied Meant 235 Bs 536 1 Nurbe itl ambero igs ozupel reg Puc Nome a wh dd not hae om sours Oates ssa fe of wich were ved daring Paco 1: Foconsseey ih or provinces the Rio Grande Vl, vilag with elaine of 00 ete Aba qurgu, Sana, Ko Ayo pevncs were signe to emi prod and rte ea pei 4, Bg Houses inde in ig court br nen ste sie for Pro Biioshi {Onl 47st Pes (196) an 43 or move rooms Only hae ae ise ne append 5. Tod vis foreary 21, me 5, afte 14, Mean vase fr Ey Puro TV’ what Zi ould B20 for 23 lags ‘Table 1.2 Total Room Counts for Each of the Areas Area Midate Lite [Northera RioGranie Chama-Taos 169 woar6 [Northern Ri Grane Santa Fe ano 25884 Albuquerque Areat 8855 8480 Sains 4500 6300 Rio Absio soe aco Acoma 758 500 Zuni 36 229 Upper Little Colorsdo an ° ‘iver Ceck 1150 ° Mogollen Mens stor . Homa 5040 ° Puerco/idabochiz mas 350 Hopi +050 Baso Andersen Mesa 955, ° ‘Verde? Valley 25 Ss Chituatuan Des 4290 2350 ea shen 7320 1: orm wih ter pines he Rio Gael age with ei aso uo AB guru, Salas an Rio Abajo pences were signe to he mide pein and norte eal pri 1 Big House ce itaeom can Oe wae ein cain gsi te POHANG dae Take 5: Fore Ved Vy, ttl oun cours retaken fon Pile (4) {Te rom somes 40 rn fo mike Palo Van 300 om fr ate Puch IV inthe Salinas ste ‘hse umber re exeapoled roman eimat of 40 roam seven ofthe ine ile ring Plo In bir provinces with misingroom counter nil ile, aextimaes wee made forth sitet igs, tnd the ae not inde in wl rom cans eth province To vilapes tong 190 roms fm the Quen re suth of Zn arene in betta fo teers Perio the late period. The increase in number from the early to middle periods is modest and dueto the distribusion of villages dur- ing the carly pericd. For example in some aress in the west, numerous villages with fewer than sorooms were occupied beyond ‘Aw. 1275, resulting ina significant under= ‘count of population and occupied villages during the early period. At Hopi, forex ample, nearly 50 villages smaller than 50 rooms that were occupied in.b.1a7§were abandoned by 1300, and only 15 surtived into the 14th century (Colton 1974; Mu- seum of Northern Arizona ste fle; Hopi Caitural Preservation Office files). This also appears to have been the case in the ares surrounding modern Acoma, where 27 villages collapse into 6 by the 13005, A similar pattern characterizes the Verde ‘Valley into the 14th eentury (Piles 1996; ‘ef. Wileox et al. 2001). What the early period figures suggest is thatthe timing ‘of popultion consolidations varied region= ally (Duff 1998). Thus, if anything, aver- age village si period is inflated, because many villages having fewer than o roms wereexelided from the database ce during the A. 1275-1325 Average village siz sents another interesting pattern. Dur- ing the early Pueblo TV period, only 9 fof 45 settlement clusters averaged more than 250 rooms: Galisteo, Jémer Fe, Chama, Taos, Albuquerque, Cochit, Zuni, and the Hopi Third Mesa cluster. Allbut Zuniand Third Mest arein the Rio Grande Vilges in the western clusters, including Silver Creek, Upper Latte Colo- rub, Bilahochi/Puerco, Acoma, Mogol- Jon Mountains, Anderson Mesa, Ho- movi and Hopi all sverage between 86 and 208 rooms, with four of these clus smong clusters pre- ters averaging 139-180 rooms. Only 7 of the 113 villages in 20 clusters had more than 200 rooms. This suggests a threshold in social organization that constrained vil+ lage growth, a point taken up by Kaldahl, Van Keuren, and Mills in their discussion (of factions. Conversely, this implies some ‘consistency in village organizational siruc~ ture throughout the Westen Pueblo areato Adams and Duf EE —_——=—= ag ~ ~~ _USA mcs Fig. 12. Dutt (2000, 2002) has suggested that this pattern resulted in greater interregional connections among people living in elas ters with lower overall populations By the middle period (fg. 1.3), there ib clear divergence as the nine previous clusters, except Cochiti are joined by Ho- molovi, Antelope, and First Mesa clusters in the west and Jumanosand Manzanos in the eist, with cluster averages exceeding 4450 rooms The Hopi clusters, Homo! ovi, Galisweo, Je ta Fe, Chama, Taos, Jumanos, and Manzanos average 470 oF ‘The distribution of setlements dating to the Early Pueblo IV period, a. 127: ‘more rooms. In fact, the seven Rio Grande clusters range from 663 to 1,014 rooms, exceeding any cluster in the west except the single village “cluster” of Orayvi, or ‘Thied Mesa. The clusters with smaller vil- lagesaveraging less than 2sorooms include every cluster west of Zuni, except Hopi and Homol’ovi, plus Acoma, the Rio Abajo region ofthe Rio Grande, and the Chihua- hhuan clusters, With rare exceptions, none of these clusters survited after 4.0. 1400. ‘example, the Mogollon Rim areas seem ‘unable to sustain truly large villages, prob- 35, ably due toa combination of factors, such aspoorenvironment, competition, and so- ial organization, Zuni and northern and middle Rio Grande start large and stay large. Two areas of substantial growth in the A.D. 13008 are Hopi and Homolovi ‘These areas grow from a combination of ‘outside immigration and consolidation of small local villages ‘The clusters that persist after a.. 1400 are those encountered by the Spanish (fig. 1.4). These clusters and th sizes in the late period are: First Mesatzokme NA ( \ Sidhe aah Se 7 Mexico Settlement Clusters and the Puchlo IV Periods ARIZOA 8 a 2 é usa | \ NeW Mexico ee soy Fig. 1.3. The distribution of settlements dating to the Middle Pueblo IV period, 4.0. 1325-1400. (0675), Second Mesa (673), Third Mesa (1350), Antelope Mesa (2350), Zuni (470), Acoma (500), Manzanos (759), Jamanos (663), Albuquerque (314), Jemex (550), ‘Chama (763), Santa Pe (1100), Galiseo (168), Pesos (422), Agua Fria (510), Thos (1000), Rio Abajo (171), ané Chihuahua (132). These range from single villages to slusters of up to 17 villages. ‘Thirty-one of the 146 late period villages, or 21%, have 1,000 or more rooms. The 31 villages having 1,000 oF more rooms underscore the fact that there is not only variability between clusters in average village size, butalso enormous varisbility in size within idual clusters So what does village size mean? As Johnson (1989), Kintigh (1994), Berar dini(1996), Duff (2002),and Adams (2002) hhave noted, village and regional popula tion sizeis almost certainly an index of the ‘orginizational complexity of the groups occupying them. Johnson used the term scalur stress to define this concept. Addi- tionally, several have extended this to re sional argregates, predicting that popu- lations above about 2,000 (Adler 1990) ‘or 2,500 (Kasse 1996) people are usually associated with hierarchical organization, though Upham (1999) suggests that this requires on the order of 10,300 people Duff (2002) sugeests that smaller villages, such as those in the Upper Little Colo- ado, could have continued to be orgi- nized using smaller units such as clans and lineages. Contemporancous larger vile ages were constituted of eorporate groups, such ap clans or meieties and sodaliti and these entities organized labor, ritual,New MEXICO Teas m = Fig. 1.4. The distribution of setdements dating to the Late Pueblo IV period, a.0. 1400~1540/1600, and power The ability o'some clusters to «ffoctivelyintegratenumerou smaller vile lage segments into large, complesly orga~ rized communities was probably the key to their bg-range survival. The brief jumps to enormous sizes of some villages at Zuni inthe late 1200s probably filed be cause the associated social organizational changes were not yet fully in place result- ing in sson (Kintigh 1085) As Kintigh (1994) notes for Zuni, chere are prominent gaps in village size. In the Pueblo IV period settlement clusters, this gap seems typically to be roughly a dou bling of size from r00 to 200, 200 to 4500, 500 {0 1,000, or multiples of mod ules, as noted by Gregory Johnson (198 4381). Duringthe middie Pueblo IV period at Homot’ovi, for example, there are two villages, each with about 120 rooms, and three villages with between 300 and 1200 rooms. In the Chama-Taos portion of the Rio Grande during the middle Pueblo 1V period, there are seven villages with 250 oomsor fewer, four villages with 450-600 rooms, and seven villages with more than Although the proportional relationship of changing scale is common, it is une likely that the same forces were driving the changes in each case. A shift from 100 to 200 rooms would not seem to re= quire a change in social organization, but the move could be defensive or economic. Kosse (1960, citing Forge [1972]) notes that “when settlement size grows beyond150 individuals, organizational relation- ships tend to becomemore complex.” Vil ages with 100-200 rooms would easily accommodate 100-200 individuals, sug- gesting that gaps in village size likely re= lated to local changes in community orgi~ nization to betteralleviate scalar stress We should remember that diversity is the ru rather than the exception, a point driven home in the Snead, Creamer, ax Van Zandt contribution in theirdiseussion of the problem of equifinality. Some sc= cial arrangements used to accommodate growth during Pueblo LV may have failed entirely: Pusblo IIT examples seem abun dant at Mesa Verde and other aggregated communities in the Four Comers. The focus om the importance of evolving so- cial arrangements to accommodate segre- gation isa recurrent theme in the chap ters in this volume. Some authors wo see tightly knit setslement clusters consider such sccial arrangements to extend beyond the individual village. More commonly, however, the perspective is that villages primarily operated autonomously and in= creased size was individually achieved by the interplay ofhistorcal processes accom panied by local subsistence conditions Nevertheless, the explosive growth in settlement size after Av. 1400, where the typical village size jumped to over 4500 rooms, required social mechanisms in all surviving clusters that effectively subjugated the needs of the few (cross culturally, the kinship group) to the will ‘ofthe mans. This was accomplished in the classic sense described by Gregory John= son (1982) through the creation of more layers of organization to effectively keep information flowing through the commu nity. Sodaliies, moieties, religious soci cies, and phratries are all social arrange- ‘ments that combine smaller, kinship-based socal units that woull faction rather than cooperate in previous iterations of aggre- gation in Pucblo society nto non-kinship aggregates organized principally through religious organizations. Again, manyof the organizational tuetures for this may have Settlement Clustersand the Pacblo TV Period 13, been developed in the larger villages in e-A.. 14008 times. Pueblo IV and Settlement Clusters ‘The purpose of the maps and tables isto document the size, location, and age of the various villages grouped rogether as Puebio IV. Before looking at the setile- ment clusters themselves, itis important to note that not al clusters are discussed in the volume. However, every attempthas been made to include information about the villages in these clusters im the sum= mary figures and tables inthis chapter: ‘The four setlement clusters that have been omied are allin the Western Pucblo area, These inelude the Verde Valley, Bida= hochi, Puerco River of the West, and Acoma (fg. 1.1). The Verde Valley was home to southern Sinagua, descendants whose northern counterparts are summa= rized by Bernardiniand Brown. The Verde River valley was home to several relatively small but Fong-lived vilages occupied in the Pucblo TV period, whose connections seem to be primarily with Homolovi and Hopi, Peter Plles (1996) has summarized these daa (ace also Wileox etal. 2001). Bidahochi and Puerco are small clus ters of 3-4 villages each that ie along the middle resches of two major draine ages, Cottonwood Creek and Puerco River, which flow south into the Little Colo- rado River. They occupy the space be- ween Hopi and Zuni, and they have been treated as single rexion (Dut 2000, 2002; Upham 1982) Their ceramic assemblages contain several wares, but these gener= to Hopi, while ally suggest primar mainiaining connections to Zuni ot Upper Little Colorado River, Homo ovi, and Sil- ver Creek clusters. Puerco Ruin, within the boundaries of Petrified Forest National Park, is the only village of tie two clus- ters to receive recent professional exeava- sions, which were conducted by the Na- sional Park Service in 1957-1938, 1957, and 1988-1989 (Burton 1990). In. gor Hough (1903) tested Black Ax or Wallace ‘Tank, which he called Adamana Ruin, also in the Puerco cluster. With antecedent vile lages presentin the Bidahochi and Puerco clusters, it seems that # sythecentury ‘manifesiations are primarily aggregates of groups indigenous to the area (Dut 2002: 438-30), although Bidshochi also appar ently benefited from migration. Manvelto Canyon, also along the Rio Puerco of the West, contains a Pucblo IV period village called Big House (Foster etal. 1987). Big House and Stone Axe seem to have had stronger developmental and historicalcon- nections with the Zuni region in contrast toPuereo Ruin, whose ies are more clearly to Hopi Acoma, as described in the Pueblo TIL ‘olume,had 27 villages grouped into three clusters: 7 at Acoma, 11 at EI Malpas, and g in the Middle Puerco of the East, but associated room-count data are svail- able for only 24 of these (Roney: 1996). Setilement and community development patterns in the Acoma region closely par= alle those reported for Zuni (Raney 1996: 162-63), with strong continuities in ce~ rami decoration persisting into the his toric period. However, their cultural tra- jectories diverged as the 27 small villages ‘occupied prior to A.D. 1325 were reduced to only 6 between a.p. 1325 and 1400, and. to 1, Acoma itself, after 1400. This sug ess dramatic population reorganization asmany resident of smaller villages joined larger ones inthe gth century ormigrated wo the Rio Grande Diuert 1998.87). This tendency to focus reganal population into fever and larger villages is typical of the late Pucblo IV period. For example, at Chema/Taos, 869 ofthe rooms occupied in the region are concentrated in 10 vile lages, an increase from the already con- cenuratel 76% in the midile period. In thefour Hopi clusters, he eanceatration is even more dramati, with 63% of rooms in villages of 1,c00 ormore rooms in sizedur= ingthe late period versas only 39% during the mide period For ths volume our definition of a cus- ter follows Adams, who notes that clusters4 Adam: and Dust share only two basic choracteristis: “the existence of spatially proximate groupings «of pwo oF more villages that are more si lar in material culture to each other than to adjacent groupings, and the existence af significant spatial gaps between clus- ters” (Adams 2002:13). Contributors to this volume have ccnfirmed the perspec= tive ofdiversityamong clusters. Fowles eb serves thatalthough ethnographersand ar- chacologists have treated pueblos as a cluster, members of neither village see it that way. Although speak~ ing dialeets of the same language, Novth~ cern Tia, the villages are avowed enemies of each other, Kaldahl, Van Keuren, and Millsuse ceramic evidence to suggest that i was only during the early Pueblo IV pe- riod that the cluster of Silver Creek vil- Iages interacted socially. Ceramic produe- tion diversified after a,b. 1325, suggesting increased fuetionalism within villages and 4 lack of interaction and cooperation be- tween villages. As with Picuris and Taos, did notalways entalsoeialinter- proxi action, Snead, Creamer, and Van Zandt provide three examples of different social ‘processes and settlement histories tha re= sulted in similar clasters. These include ‘ene caused by the distribution of lol re= sourees, one a product of historical pro= cesses of settlement, anda third the pred= uct of sociopolitical organization. Adams notes a similar process at Hopi, ‘where village clusters seemingly interacted and cooperated to mutsal benefit dur ing the early and middle Pueblo IV pesi- cds, but as villages grew to 500 rooms and larger, they became more autor mous With a population of s00 individu- als or more, according to Johnson (1982), Upham (1990), and Kosse (1990), a sg nificant cross-caltural threshold has been reached. Typically, at 500 + 100 individu- als, it may become necessary to create more complex social formulations within villages, because face-to-face communi= tation is no longer efficient. Worldwide ‘suds of middle-range societies suggest that these social formations vest decision making power in rligious societies (Adler 198; Johnson 1982, 1989; Kosse 1990). Population Fis ww cexional poles, such as Pueblo IV settlement clusters, usually peak at 2,500 + 500 individu- als. When regional population exceeds about 2500 individuals, hierarchical po- litical structures tend to develop (Adler 1990; Kesse 1996 Lekson 1985), altheugh ‘Upham (1996) usts 10,500 a8 the thresh= old. For Zuni at contact, there were an ated 3,416 rooms (Kintigh 1985). At Homolovithe maximum numberof roms peaked at 3,290 in am. 1375, but only 2,16s of these were occupied. At Hopi, the largest cluster at Antelope Mesa had 3,400 rooms in A.D. 1406, rising to 4,500 rooms at AD. 1300, but these village sizes signi cantly overstate true population size. The Jumanoscluster of four villages had 2,500~ {3,000 rooms during late Pueblo IV. On the extreme end of size isthe Galisteo Basin user of eight villages, with some 0,343 rooms after 1400. Hoveves, as noted by Snead, Crean, and Van Zand, the actual population ofeach village may nothave ex ceeded 500 individuals. Again, room count considerably exceeds actual population, as in the Awat'ovi example. Nevertheless, the complexity suggested by a cluster of this size, were i organized above the vi lage, could be at a scale beyond typical ‘middle-ange societies. The competition and autonomous nature suggested by the archaeological record and historic docu ments forthe Galisteo Basin indicate tle in the way of cluster identity or formal organization beyond thelevel ofthe village. ‘Smaller clusters in the Western Pueblo arearange ftom 809 t01,200r00ms thd to bal the size of the larger clusters. It would seem, therefore, that village size is indeed an indicator of autonomy oF the ability tosurvve without cooperation from proximate vilges: Cluster size isan ind ‘ator of luster survival beyond 4D, 1400, «with smallerclusters unable to survive,due to the economic and secial disadvantages they faced in comparison to their larger ‘counterparts Studies worldwide (Adler 1989; Fein- ‘man and Neitzel 1984; Kosse 1990) suggest theimportance of villegeand clustersize in developing autonomy while also meeting allsocial, ritual, and economic cbligtions. For instance, Upham (1g90) notes that village endogamy is possible vith popu lations of 500 individuals. Early Spanish contact at Zuni found this size falls be- tween 60 and 200 households, or 300 1» 1,200 people (Kintigh 1085). Village size ‘of at least 300 rooms, and typically over {500 roams, would be predicted from these populations, Dob (199) found that the 18 Eastern Pueblos averaged 570 inhabi- tants in 1948, This figure is remarkably similar to the average of 536 rooms found {nour sample of 146 post-s.b. 1400 settle- iments, Although about one-third of vik lages are smaller than 400 rooms after A. 1400, almosta quarter have more than 1,000 rooms. As the Pucblo region con tinued to collapse in extent and to reorga- nize socially, selection for villages with corporate forms of social organization is indicated ‘This suggests an alternative perspec- tive on the abandonment of many re- sions occupied during the early or middle Pueblo IV periods, attributed recently 19 warfare (LeBlanc. 1999) and, earlier, to environmental models. Regions that were abandoned in the A.p. 13008 typically had small villages, with fewer than 300 rooms, and small settlement clusters, usually to- taling less than 1,500 rooms. Whether village and cluser size are constrained by subsistence or social organization, it seems that only villages and clusters that approached the 500-room (a proxy for population) village and 2,500-r00m clus- ter threshols persisted beyond 8.0. 1400, ‘with most continuing into the Spanish pe- riod The inability of the smaller villages and clusters to compete with their larger counterparts seems tobe a logical explana tion for their demise, although the sources of competition are subject to multiple in- terpretations. By the late A. 13005, smallvillages and clusters were either absorbed ‘or dispersed. Absorption is suggested by oom counts for post-A.0. 1400 villages by authors. The composite total number of occupied rooms remains reli- tively stable over time, with 83,074 rooms in the a.0. 13008, and 78,320 rooms in the 1400s through to contact. Whereas room count during the A.0, 1400s increased in the east by more than 6,500 rooms, in the west it declined by 11,000 rooms, or by nearly half: Additionally, tne Chihun- haan deserts lost half of their rooms, d= the variow lining to 2,250. Nearly all of the gain in the Rio Grande is in the northe:n villages described by Fowles and Snead, Creamer, and Van Zandt, Excluding the northern Rio Grande dat, the remainder of the Rio Grande actually decreased by amodest 7.1% (1554 rooms). Total rooms ‘atside the three densely inhabited north- em Rio Grande provinces between Albu querque and Taos declined 34%, from 42,151 rooms to 27,040 rooms. ‘These data support thelongunderstood reality that the post-a.0. 1400 Pueblo ‘world was not only one of increasing vi lage size, but also one of drastic popu- lation shifts. Population decline may be the result of warfare (LeBlanc 1999), dis- ‘ease, nutritional stress, social choices, or most likely—various combinations. of these factors. However, Upham (1084) contends that some Pucblo groups could have resorted to a hunter-gatherer sub- sistence swategy and disappeared from the archaeological record. Whereas conflict could account for some population loss, the archacclogical record does not suggest it could account forthe declines in pop lation suggested for the Western Pueblo area, The depopulation of smaller West- fem Pueblo disiriets accounts for nearly 7% of the 11042-r00m decline in the ‘west. Homolovi and the Verde Valley ac- ‘count forthe rest. The sll villagesizein the mountsins, with only 7 of 54 xillages having more than 200 rooms, suggests that local environment was a major factor in curtailing village size (Reid et al. 1996). Settlement Clusters and the Pucble IV Period 15 “Triadan and Zedefo, preceded by mumer- ‘ous researchers, beginning with Haury, have noted the difficulty of supporting Iangeageregated villages in the mountains Yet the abandonment of evenargevillages, suchas Kinishba, withinan adequate corn- growing region suggeststhatabandonment of surrounding regions would! profoundly affect the social ervironment in terms of safety and bomndary maintenance. Some of those mountain populations ma have suffered from inadequate food and cither perished or resorted to less seden- tary subsistence, Some ensderatly below the Mogollon Rim, such as Kinishba and Point of Pines, may have migrated south rather than north and east I seems that the advantage of villages having over 590 residents, or 500 rooms, ‘was theirabiity to be socially, ritually, and politically autonomous and to also be rela tively secure (Upham 1950), Economic au tonomy wasckarlya goal With the largest villages, interactions with neighbors may have wolved economic exchanges, alli ance for common defense (LsBlane 1090), or ritual events. At Homolovi, there is, evidence for exonomie evoperation within the cluster, The small size of the river and the total dependence of the village populations on river water for subsistence and irrigation required this cooperation. Clasters where interaction was not de= ‘maniled for subsisence survival seem to have been connected for trade or mutual defense. The social consequences of the demographic need for small villages to sustsin their populations would also re- sult in interaction and intermarriage (Dut 2002:167). Feological diversity may have enabled some settlements to interact to smooth local resource fluctuations chat ‘could favor one village over others. Such ‘occasional mutualistie exchange may kave benefited loose confederacies of clusters, as Lightfoot (1984) and Upham (1982) havesuggested. The strategy of aller il lages in smaller clusters may have been — by integrating residents of several smaller Villages through regular interactions—t0, ‘emulate the organizational structure and demographic level of single large villages (Dutt 2002). Exchange of nonsibsistence items may have augmented connections between members ofthese communities. Patterns and Possibilities Several patterns and possibilities are sug- gested by these Pueblo IV dara. Vilage and cluster size, as estimated using the number of rooms as a proxy measure, in- creases steaily throughout the Pueblo IV pesiod, There is aconsistent dichotomy in Village size, both within and between clus- ters, Ths dichotomy is probably related to two distinct forms of social organization — corporate and kinship Gomewhat analo- ous to network versus corporate sirate- gies [Banton et al. 1996]). Clusters with small villages an small total room counts ceased to be occupied after A. 1400, sug- sesting that there were distinct advantages to larger-scale entities, Small-illage and cluster sizes may not have been able «0 sow as did other villages, due, in part, to local subsistence or lator constraints, and fewer economic options. Ahough vil+ lage size increased throughout the South- west, total population grew in the east, particularly in the northern Rio Grande, ‘but dropped by more thin half in the This volume is intended to provide a new point of departure for future research in this pivotal period of the history of the Southwest United States and Northwest Mexica This volume has allowed a syn- ‘thesis fess ané information that reveals trends in rewearch and delineates continu ing gaps in our knowledge. The trends in social research and ageney-basedl models for the Pueblo LV period ate just now ma turing, promising exciting new ideas and research directions. In particular, the re- search on ceramic sourcing and the trans- ferand execu ‘transforming our ability to measure social action at small-group or individual levels. Additionally, the understanding of eom- mnoFsymbolzon pottery are16 Adams and Dust plexity in these villages has emerged as a central theme. ‘The diversity ofhistorical processes that created and made unique each cluster and village can be better understood and ap- precited es a result of this volume, The irections outlined herein also hole prom- ise for future research, As pointed out clearly by authors and discussant, the for- mation of clusters is a clssic example of equilfinality, The creation of clusters is the result of many causes, and each of these needs to be investigeted uniquely. Yet social and environmental processes that encourage clustering can be identi- fied. Spielmann and Whiteley ably discuss these patterns in their orerviews of the ‘other chapters. It is encouraging to see so many new dissertations focused on issues best defined in Pucblo IV. It would seem that the future of Pueblo IV research is in good hands,Chapter 2 Tewa versus Tiwa Northern Rio Grande Settlement Patterns and Social History, a.p. 1275 t0 1540 Severin M. Fowles ‘Throughout mach ofthe American South- vest, the Pueblo TV period was character ined by relatively clear clasters of approxi- mately five to thirteen large villages, with cach cluster inclucing pethaps as many 4s 3000 individuals. As many chapters within the present volume reveal, these il- lage groupings have been variously inter- preted as centralized hierarchical polities, cgalitarian confederacies,or ethnic groups composed of relatively autonomous vil- lages One ofthe mest intriguing aspects of| Puctlo IV research is that, tow certain ex tent, each of these competing models can ‘be accommodated by the same settlement data, and itis this interpretive dilemma that has resulted in a general lack of cone sensus concerning the sociopolitical com plexity of protchistoric communities inthe Pueblo world. Tnthis chapter, I draw upon data from the Chama and Taos districts of north- central New Mexico (fig. 21) to explore the problem of Pueblo IV organization in one corner of the Pucbloan world. ‘The focus is on the avilable settlement pat- tern data, However, some spice is of ne~ cessity dedicated to a consideration both of the earlier context out of which the Puetlo IV societies emerged and of the modern peoples into which they devel oped. Through its discussion of the latter, the study aimsco highlight the caution that must be used when employing settlement data to interpret the organization of past societies generally The Historical Backdrop to the Pueblo IV Period By all accounts, a critical transition was made in the northern Rio Grande during. Fig. 21. the Pueblo IY period. the 13th and early 14th centuries. In the local phase system formalized by Wendorf and Reed (1953), this transition encom- passes the Coalition Period (Ap. 1200 1335); in the Framework ofthe present vole ‘ume, the transition trades the Puebio IT and IV periods. The Coalition Period was time of lux and rapid cultura change in the northern Rio Grande that ended with the solidification of community paverns ‘that would be encountered by the Spanish in the s6th century. Previously, the popu lation density of the reron had been rela- tively low, hough few areas were truly unoccupied. In general, settlements were small and rarely excesded thirty above ‘Settlements in the Chama and Taos districts with evidence of occupation in ground rooms. In many parts of the re~ son, only ephemeral jacl surface rooms ‘were constructed, and dispersed pithouses remained the stndsed residential form. In the few cases in which larger settl- ‘ments were constructed, suchas at Arror0 [Negro outside of Santa Fe, architectural layouts suggest that small, presumably ex tended family groups continued to main ‘sin a relatively large degree of spatial and decision-making autonomy (see fig. 2.20) “The broudly homogencous distibutionsof the early Back-on-white ceramics prior the Coalition period also indicate that ex ‘change and interaction were extensive and thar social houndarios were blurred and8 Severin M. Fowles Jiffuse, as was typical of so many tribal societies in prehistory (Fowles 2002). Con- sequently, there is litle disagreement with, the observation the structure of regulay if not nec= cssarly daily, social intertction—was rela tion: tively small-scale and decentralized. During the 13th and r4th centuries, however, settlement patterns in the norlh- rn Rio Grande changed dramatically Population density inereased, as did the average size of villages, to a point that can ‘be explained only by the relatively rapid immigration of substantial numbers of individuals That large portions of the San Juan cegion were akandoned at this same time has long led archaeologists to view the Rio Grande Valley as a “New World” of sortscolonized by Westeenersin the after- sath of Chacoand Mesa Verde. Certainly, such a metaphor can be overstate. Trade incoramicsand Cerrillos turquoiseand the CChaco-tike appearance of locally produced wares such as Kovahe'e Black-on-white in the Rio Grandedo reveal that East had met West priorto aD. 1200. Nevertheless, while there is growing interest in the roles of indigenous com- munities during the immigration and re- crganization of the Coalition period, most research continues to view the Pusblo TV foresvence ind relatively derivative. Quite simply, iis f= ficult to imagine thar the large villages that abruptly appeared inthe early 4th century Rio Grande Valley as were under the direction of loeal peoples who had left behind their dispersed ham lets only a generation before. These were villages rapidly constructed in large busld- ing episodes following preconceived cen= teal plans, presumably by pecples already familiar with life in nucleated contexts. Furthermore, itis equally difficult to imag- ine that those accustomed to the socio- politcal complexity’of the San Juan Basin would have been fully content 10 follow the irection of the poorly mobilized locals, Pushed by an climate of increasing insia- bility and warfire, pulled perhaps by the prospects of Plains trade and a now start the San Jun migrations undoubtedly did Fig.2.2. A.D. 1100-1200); B ‘much tosculpt the Pueblo TV world in the Rio Grande Valley Another consequence of the Coalition period upheavals was that the linguistic groupings recorded during the historic pe- riod began, for the first time, to take on an archacological visibility (coe Ford, Schroeder, and Peckham 1972)."The Tiwa ‘Sertlement hyouts of ele sites mentioned in text. A= TA-g7 (Thos district, royo Negro (Santa Fe district, 1D. 990-1150); C Pueblo; D = Palisade Ruin; F = Kap; F = Poshu’ouinge; ot Creck = Pose’uinge; H = Sapawe and Tewa are two of the li ups that appear to have taken shape at this time. The northern Tivwa, reviewed later, came to occupy a rebatively small region from the ‘Taos Plateau in the north to just blow the Picuris Mountains in the south ‘The Tewa, on the other hund, spread into a larger area that probably included theChama region, Espatiola Basin, and Psja- rito Plateau, as well as much of the land surrounding Stnta Fe, While che nature of pan-Tea integration deserves its own treatment, I focus here only an the norh= cern Tewa presence in the Chama district, including the Caitones, Abiquiu, El Rito, Rio del Oso, Ojo Caliente, and the lower ‘Chama drainages. The Cor ig of the Northern Tewa, “Inthe very beginning we were one people. ‘Then we divided inio Summer people and Winter people... .”; thus began the Tewa ‘movement into the Rio Grande Valley 1c- cording to the oral history of San Juan Pucbio (Ortiz 1969:16). The Teva then traveled south 3s two different peoples and sresaid tohave made 12 siopsin theChama district along the way before finaly reunit= ing and esablishing their modern villages. ‘The moiety divisionberween Summer and Winter people in Tews communities is considered to be a result of dhe course of this journey: ‘The archaeological account of Tewa immigration into the Chama district is ket Prior to 4D. 1250 of 90, the re- sion was largely empty, as indicated by the paucity of Kwahe'e or Santa Fe Black-on- White at local sites. When the first signfi- cant oceupation ofthe region commenced soon thereafter, however, settlements ap- peared relatively suddenly. As figure 2.3 ilustates, existing data suggest that seven “oreight major villages were established be- tween a.0.1275 and 1325, many of which contained hundreds of rooms “The proves of aggregation, so dominant a theme in other parts of the Southwest during the sth century, did not occur in the Chama district. The fist sertlements were already populous strongholds "The geographic origin of the peoples settling the region at the start of the Pueblo TV period remains unclesr. His- toric evidence of the Pueblo population movements (Schroeder 1968) reminds us that long-range relocations by San Juan migrants into the Chama district peed not Northern Rio Grande Settlement Patterns and Social History 19 possile population = Site with known 10 Fig as. tween A, 1275 and 1325. have produced an archaeologically vivid path of sites along the way. Using what ence we have, however itis clear that relatively large populations did exist to the south on the Pajarito Plateau and in the Espaftola Basin during the early 13theen- tury, and i plausib densities increased in those regions, some groups moved upriver into previously un- ‘occupied territories. Ife fallow Tews trax ition and look fora more northerly origin, itisalso possible thatthe early Chama vile, lages absorbed some ofthe Gallina peoples that were lewing theit homeland to the northwest just as the Chama district was setted. Regarding the later possibilty, it is vorth noting that + few of the ex est Chama villages—Tsping,Patsade,and Riana—are located far to the northwest, rear Cafiones Creck. that ae population On the other hand, the early villages ‘may have been so positionedin order tode- fend the Tews from an initially hstile Gal- lina presence. Indeed, most Chama settle- ‘ments had undeniably defensive qualities Settlements in the Chamaand Taos districts with evidence of aceupation be- Villages were uniformly located on high esas with large, fully enclosed plazas and restricted acean.Thping, oreximple, vwas one of the most fortreslike of the Gham sites, with numerous fully en- cbsed plas, defensive walls extending from room blacks in both the northern and scuthern portions of the site, and only two narrow staircases by which access to the highly perched village was posible Even the smallest vilages appear to have had such eoncems. With 45 to 50 rooms Pai- sade Ruin (fg 2.24) can just barely be con sidered a “large site"; however, during is bef life span its inhabitants constructed not only a wooden paliside to fully en close the eastern side of is plaza, but also three architectural extensions that Peck ham (1981) notes would have allowed the occupants to aim easily a ssalnts up and clown the sides of the il Feat of attack by others can, of course, be a powerfully integrating foree, and it is perhaps for this reason that the Chama, settlements weredesignedand constructed20 Severin M. Fowles with such a high degree of centralized architectural coordination. Room blocks. were erected in large-scale building epi- sodes involving many dozens. of rooms simultaneously rather than according to the whims of each household separately. Individual privacy, once beyond the eon fines of one’s room, was effectively erased through settlement designs that utilized extremely large open plazas (fg. .2d-h). ‘The apparent focus on the group com- bined withthe formality of the plaza might lead one t9 conclude that religious inno- vation played a significant role in main taining the scale and tight organization of northern Tewa society, ina manner similar to katsina developreents among the West cen Pueblos. Atleast concerning the early Chama settlements, however, litte clear evidence curreatly supports this postion. Prior to about Av. 1350, for example, change in ceramic imagery was minimal. Enclosed large plazas were widely present but may have been constructed primarily for provection. And one large early vile age, Kap (fig. 2.22, dees not appear to have hal even asingle hiva (sce Beal 1987), indicating again that defense, more than divinity, may have been the mechanism of sociopolitical integration within the vil- age. However deck jon making came (0 be centralized at the village level, the same sort of unity was not replicated at an interste level between a1. 1275 and 1325. ‘Though Wileox (1991) has used later evi- dence of site clustering in the Chama Valley to describe it as a “well bounded polity” the earliest substantial occupation af the region consisted ofa handfulofrela- tively well-spaced settlements that formed at best a loose cluser. Villages tended to be located 10-15 km from each other, typi= ally at the confluence of waterways, a pattern that vas probably as much eo Jogically bised as it was politically. Access to perennial water sources, adequate agri= cultural land, and perhaps also to the im= portant lithic resources in the Polvadera Peak area appear to have been the strong~ est determinants of settlement location, | etcomnss Se Fig 24 ‘tween 4.0, 1325 and 1400. ‘Nonetheless, the spacing of these sites in- cates that individuals more often than coull visit a neighboring village and return home that same day if need be. Regional ceramic distributions ding this period ako gues thatinteracten became more structured. By AD. 1300 the wide spread production and use of Santa Fe Black-on-white was being supplanted by the production of more localized ceramic types throughout the Rio Grande Valley ‘This increasing regionalism in ceramics has generally been interpreted as a con- sequence of the emergence of new ethnic boundares—the Tewa ethaie group, for example, having distinguished themselves 4 producers of Wiyo Black-on-white and the later Biscuit wares By the late 14th century, the settlement patterns in the Chama Valley had grown muuch more complex (Bg. 2.4). Much of the new construction at this time was fo- ceused along the northern frontier in the jo Caliente drainage, and with the aban donment of Riana and siping sometime Settlomente in the Chamaand Thos districts with evidence of occupation be- in the mid-to late 14th century, the west= ‘em boundary of Tewaoccupation retreated, some 10-15 km toward the Rio Grande. At the same time, the number of large sites more than doubled, Consequently, the average distance between settlements de= creased sharply, and many villages came 10 be within 8km of oneanother. By 4.0, 1.400 very village was within a day's round trip journey from a least four others, and centrally lecated sites were accessible by up to 11 other villages. The Chama dis- trict had become a welltefired cluster Although our ignorance of the corstric= tion sequences st the largest sites in the district makes it difficult to assess site size hierarchies, architectural characteris- tits do not indicate any clear patterns of villagedominance. The largest sites appear in fact to have been neighboring one an~ ‘other, evenly —slbeit closely —spaced up and down the El Rito and Ojo Caliente drainages, ‘The population density of the Chama istrict continued to increase during. theDotted tines insist possible sub-groupings. 1 Site withknowa Great Kiva 20km 10 Fig.as. tween A.D. 1400 and 1540. carly 15th century, as evidenced both by the preponderance of Biscuit B in the re= ion and by tree-ring evidence of height- ened construction between A.D. 1407 and 1445 (fig. 2.5; Stallings n.d). Sites of in- creasingly large size developed, the most massive ofa vere Pose uinge, Sapawe, and Ponsipa’akeri, each of which prob- ably contained over 2,000 rooms by the Kime they were abandoned (fig. 2.2gand)), ‘The distribution of settlements remained tightly focused on the 8oo km?areaaround te Chama River, and as the population expanded, the region grew more densely packed and better defined spatially. One ‘an, for example, discern three spatial subgroups during he 15th century that ‘may well have had & social realty forthe “Tewa; Sayawe, the immense settlement that dominated the El Rito drainage, preb~ ably should be considered subgroup nite ‘oven right, bringing the cotal of potential internal sociopolitical entities to four ‘Very likely, these subgroups wer ed by a degree of economi hare special. Northern Rio Grande Settlement Pattems and Social History 31 sata Fe Settlements in the Chama and Taos districts with evidence of occupation be- ization. The villages berween the Caaiones and El Rito drainages, for example, would hhave been well poised to take advantage of the nearby and highly valued Peder- nal chert and Polvadera obsidian, ‘Those perched along the Rio Ojo Calente un- doubtedly profited by their proximity to extensive locil sources of micaczous clay (used to produce the dominant lozal utility ware, Sapawe Micaccous Wishboard), red ochre, and fibrolite (used to preduce the durable and widely traded fibrolite axes), swell as—and peshapsmost important — their placement next to the Ojo Caliente hot springs, “one of the most sacred places known to the Tena” (Harrington 1916: 164) Theextensive waflle gawtensandirri~ zation networks along the Ojo Caliente ‘may further indicate production of agri ‘cultural goods for trades wellas cal con sumption. Finally, the southeastern sub ‘group atthe confluence of the Rio Grande and the Chama Rivers may have secured its economic niche by virtue of its peivi- leged middle-man position with respect to longer-distance trade between the north= ‘em Teva and groupsto the south. Ritual lifeamong thenorthem Teva ako appears to have become mach more strue= tured during the late 14th and 15th cen= tures, a fact that perhaps indicates a gen= eral “setting in” with respect wo both the physical and social ervironment. Distine- tive Tea shrines— including World Quar- ter shrines immediately south of major villages, small rock rings, and boulders with cupules and/or axe slicks—prolif= certed in the Chama district, Awanyu, ‘or stylized feathered:-serpent, designs an aware vessels became signature em= blems of Tewa pottery and may well have ‘been related to the Tewa’s participation in 4 local variant of the Southwestern Cul Furthermore, a degree of ritual central- ization within the subgroups is suggested by the presence of a single great kiva in the largest settlement of each group —Sapawe, Posh’ouinge, Pose'winge, anc “Teewi fg. 25). leis entirely possible that ‘during this period one or owo settlements szined further preeminence with respect Biseu to regional leadership in ritual and/or palitics throughout the district, though it is diffcule 10 explore this proposition at present using archaeology alone, In re- cent years some Tewa have reported that Pose"uinge was the head village of the pre= historie Chama district and served as a locus for pan-Tewa decision making in much the same way San Juan Pueblois rec ognized as the head village of the moder Tewa (Ortie 1060). Pose'uinge was situe ated, essentially, on top of the Ojo Caliente thot springs, a Fact that may well have en hanced its claim of importance. Of additional interest regarding the question of intersite relations, however, s the apparent trend during the late 14th and 15th centuries towarl paired towns positioned directly beside exch other Such potential pairings include Buena Vises I and IL at Abiquiu, Te'ewi and Ku, Homayo and Howiri (described by Harrington's [1916:162] Tewa informants tes), and Yunque and San Juan. Higher-resolution chronclogies as “companion”a2 Severin M, are, of course, necessary to better under= stand the relationships between sites in such pairs. Without the tree-ring dates retrieved during exeavation, for example, Palisade (4.0, 1312-1320) and Riana (A.D. 1335-13502) would very likely have been istaken for puired towns. But the very brief occupations of these much smaller sites probably represent anomalies,and the Anown persistence of the Yungue-San Juan sroup into the historic period lends sup port to theinterpretationthat mostof these prehistoric pairings were real Its possible thatthe paired towns were carly expressions of the Tewa moiety divie on between Summer and Winter People, complementing each other with respect they may indicate the presence of a wel ‘tablished and intriguing form of reigio= political power sharing worthy of further study: On the other hand, the position- ing of the paired towns may point to sreater coordination between the four sub~ groups noted above. Three of the pairs al and leadership. In this sense, are located at the eles of the larger is ‘wibution of northern “Tewa settlements, effecively guarding” the major northern, western, and southeastern acess routes into the region (the additional pair was morcor less centrally locsted within the son; see fig. 2.5)! These settlements must have been an impressive and intimidating sight to those coming from other regions to visitor trade with the northern Tewa, skin perhaps totwo stone lions Nanking the entrance 1o one's home, However, paired towns would hive also been strategic with respect to defense against outsiders, asin- Ased such configurations were Frequently employed as part of larger-scale militry strategies in more complex societies in Nubia and elsewhere (Ellen Moris, per- sonal commusication, 2002). While the northern Tewa were therefore internally divided along religious, economic, and, probably, politisal as, chey appeartohave collaborated militarily when confrontedby an external threat. By the early 13th cemtury, the noh= ‘ern Tewa had become an archieolegi- cally identifible group within the greater northern Rio Grande. As would be pected, closest relations were with cheir linguistic relatives divsetly to the south fon the Pajarito Plateau. Ceramics con tinue to provide us with the most de- tailed pieture of economic interaction, and while the nonpainted wares had fairly dis tinet distributions and were traded less, the Biscuit wares provide ample evidence of wade between these two Tewa regions (Shepard 1936). Levels of ceramic ex- change between Chama and other villages farther afield, hovever, were surprisingly low: Whereas many sites in the Pajarito district boast relatively large numbers of elazeware sherds imported from prod tion centers tothe sou, the percentages of nonlocal sherds at Chama sites (ie, those not from the Chama or northern Pajarito districts) is typically lessthan 1%: 2.8% at Sapawe (Snow 1963), 0.84% at Hoviri (Gauthier 1982), 0.07% at ‘Tama (Windes1972),ando.91% ar Te’ewi (Wen- dort 1953; see abo comparable daw in Creamer 200146). That such large cen- ters yield so few imported ceramics indi- cates the existence of certain major social barricrsto trade. “To the south, Biscuit ware vessels from the Chama and Pajarito districts. were traded (most likely by the Teva of the Pajarito and Santa Fe districts) at a tim ited seale at least as far away as Pecos Pueblo, where they have been reported 4s constituting between theceramic assemblage (Kidder 1931:157). ‘More important than the mere presence of such exchange, however, isthe fact that fe and 20% of theclarity with which an individual would have been able to recognize a “Tewa” ce- amie versus that of some other group was greatly enhanced after the mid-rgth century: Shepard's early studies, for ex ample, indicated that the clys chosen for the Biscuit wares would have been «spe~ cially dificuk to work with, and that one of the few qualities to recommend them was that they allowed the potter to pro- duce a vibrantly dark painted design on the vessel wall (Shepard 1026:402-04). Ease of production, therefore, appears 10 have been sacriiced for high visual ime pact. The large and widespread increase in the percentage of painted ceramics at the Pueblo IV sites in the northem Rio Grande—from sround 30% of ceramic as- semblages during the Pucblo 1 and 111 periods to 30% in the Pueblo IV period (Gauthier 1982:7)—may also be related to this new desire to use ceramics as ethnic markers. Similar the more frequent ase of iconographie motifs~awanyus, for ex= ample, in the cae ofthe Biscuit wares— 48 opposed to simple geometric painted designs perhaps also enhanced the infor ration content of Pueblo IV ceramics “The Chama settlement cluster (, per haps, clusters) Doresced in the early th century with the development ofa series ofextremely large vilagesand distinctive material culture By the end of the een- tury, however, the population was already on the decline as the northern frostier of the Tewa began to recede to the south “Tree-ring data do notreveil any significant period of dryness berween A.D. 1483 and 1560 (Smiley, Stubbs, and Bannister 1953: incating that envirenmental stimuli swore not directly involved The Tewa have historically reported shat many oftheir an- cestralsitesin the Chama region were de- stroyed in ids (Hlarsington 1916), lain that finds support in the archaeological record. The best-known example of vio lent abandenment in the region was found at Teowi, where Wendorf (195346) 16- ports the burned remains of oer 30 indie viduals slaughtered in a kiva at the end ofthe site's occupation. Tree-ing and ee= amie data suggest that TWewi was one of iff mot the, last of the Chama villages co be abandoned. Whether the attackers were Athapsskan, other ‘Tewa, or acighboring Pucblean groups cannot be determined, but itis lear thatthe retreat to the south and east was in part forced Many have concluded, therefore, that the inkabitants ofthe Chama distriet dur- ig the Pueblo TV period were ightly orgt~ nized and defensively poised neweomers to their region, banding together into an“ethnic alliance” that had some degree of nilitry, rdigious, and pechaps socinpolit- cal centralization, ‘The settlement cluster~ ing that developed over the course of the period has similarly come to be viewed as the most tangible reflection of such 1e- tional integration, Two related questions arise from the model of the Chama district thus devel- ‘oped, however. First, if the Tewa were clustered together in opposition to other roups, which neighboring peoples posed the perceived or actual threat? Second, ‘hat effect did the sudden presence of for tified Tewa sites in the Chama havein turn an the social organization of those neigh tors? On the surface, the former question is thesimpler to answer, While the Gallina region to the northwest may have threat ned the earliest Pueblo IV cccupants of the Chama district, between AD. 1300 and the arrival of Athapaskan groups som ‘during the last decade or two of the 1 ‘century oni the northern Tiva ofthe’ Taos istrict and other ancestral ‘Tewa groups: to the south were sulciently proximate have acted as external opponents. Given theextentofnteraction and trade between “Tewaareas, we are thus lft focus onthe northern Tia, ‘The later question concerning the re- sional effects ofthe Tewa presence is more ted. To address it, in the next sec- tion 1 consider the Pueblo IV trajectory of settlement pattems among the Tewa's “Tiwa neighbors. As will be the subject of the concluding discussion, the seemingly anomalous case of the’Tiva may provide springboard forreevaluating cur~ rent explanations ofthe settlement clusters that developed in the Chama district ‘The Tiwa Response Unlike the Chama district, the Taos 1e- tion was home toa substantial, albeit dis- persed, population prior to the Pucblo IV period, with numerous pit houses and, Iter, unit pueblos dotting the landscape between about A.D. 1059 and 1250 (vee fig. 2.22 foran example). Asa culture area Northern Rio Grande Settlement Pattems and Social History 25, marked by fairly regular economic inter= action and a similar material culture, the properly extended north to the Purgatoire River Valley in Colorado Taos disirict and northeast into the Cimarron regicn of [New Mexico, Puctlo or Puetlo-ized Pains xxoups in both of these regions appear to have traded regularly with Taos locals (see Mitchell 1996). Indeed, while we are ac- ccustomed to viewing the northern Tiwa colture that evoled in the Taos district as an extensian of the Pueblo world com= posed initially by groups moving in from the west, sufficient evidence exists ro con sider much ofthe culture as having had its origins to the east and north with Upper Republican-lke peoples Th identify 1 more, rather than les, indige- nous northem Rio Grande population, then the Tia are the best candidate, In fact, che split fem Tiva-speakers has often been por trayed as a historical process initiated by rations during the Pueblo IT pe riod into the midle of an extant ances tral Tiws presence (Ford, Schroeder, and Peckham 1972). Accepting the broad out ines ofthis model, i isinteresting to then important point is that iPone can ween northern and south- Teva ‘consider what the reaction of the “locals” was to the 13th- and rgth-century im= migrations from the west, The Tewa of the Chama and Sunta Cruz regions were their closest neighbors, and itis reveal- ing that aggregation in the Taos district ‘commenced precisely on the heels of the sudden appearance of large fortified Tewa Only fouraggregated villages developed in the Tios region, and for at least three ‘of these an inital period of substantial construction during the mid~ to late-3th ‘century can be assumed (ig. 2.3)-Chrano- metric control fo the fourth—the El Pue~ Dlito site—remains especially problematic. “The sites are located roughly in a north- south linc, and if we look at site spacing in terms of kilometers *as the crow flies,” wwe find that the intervals are quite regu lar: 14 from El Puebiito to Cornfield Taos, 18 from Cornfield Taos to Pot Creek, 16 from Pot Creek to Picuris, While we must factor in the terrin over which these dis- tances pass, the patterning again reveals a Irae logic’ aceupantsof the Coalition sites in the Taos district evuld protably travel from their home village toa neighbor and se dy. (Of the four ageregated sites, Pot Creek Pueblo is by far the best known archaeo- logically and must act as a: model of the ‘changes that were occurring within north- bac cern Tiva society asthe shift to Pueblo IV. wis made. Approximately two-thirds of Por Creek hasbeen archaeclogically tested, and asa reslt a reasonable estimation of the construction sequence has been estab- lished (Crown and Kohler 1994). The im- portant observation to be made is that Pot Creek developed according to the earlier “indigenous” model of Pueblo IIT sggre- gation seen at Rio Grande sites ike Arroyo Nogto (fg. 2.2b and o). Spatially isolated room blocks, each with their own kiva and pza area, banded together to form the village communi. A number of explanatory models of Pueblo IV aggregation in the Taos dlis- trict ean immediately be dispensed with No evidence of significant exchange with Phins orany other groupsis tobe found in ‘the region until the late rsth century ind ‘eating that hrge villages were not initially constructed as trade centers despite their development as such by the time of Span- ish contact. Furthermore, active warfare appears not to have been centrally ine valved. Nore ofthe northern Tia pueb- los was particularly well situated with re= spect to defense, and skeletal evidence of violence in fact significantly decreases by the start of the Pueblo IY period, More significant were the ways in which aggre- gation helped the northera ‘Tiva to mari their own identity asdstinet from other Pucbloan groups. Architecturally, for ex ample, the northern Tiwa made a sudden shift in the late 1250s or carly r2bos to type of construction that involved cen ‘ral roof supporss surrounded by basins. “The detailed construction sequence at Pot ‘Creek Pueblo reveals that once introduced,24 Severin M. Fowles eceryroom atthe site quickly adopted the same pattern, a8 dil the communities at seighboring Picuris and Taos (Dick eta. 1000: Ells and Brody 1064). The center- rost/basin complex was not structurally recessary and isnot found at other adobe pucblos inthe Rio Grande Valle: The rigid niformity of its application in this sense suggests thatthe complex was functioning in parca an emblem of what it meant to te Ceramics from the Taos dstict provide another glimpse into nozthera Tia pate terns of imeracsion and identi tase black-onewhite vessels (Taos Black onewhite) continued 0 be produced throughout the 13th century, much fer than in other parts of the northern Rio Mineral= Grane, While local variants of carbon= painted Santa Fe Black-on-white were produced after A.D. 1206, the persistence ff mineral wares in contrast to the rest ‘of the northern Rio Grande suggests that ‘ceramics were also used by the northern ‘Tiwa to signal their cultural distinc “The conservatism ofthe northern Tiwain such practices has tended to be explained with reference to their geographic isla- tion. Hossever, the Tiwa were surly well aware of trends in other parts of the Rio ‘Grande Valles and itis perhapsmoreaccu- rate to view this conservatism as an effort to assert and maintain a coherent identity in the presence of large immigrant com- ‘unites to the south, Even more inter cexting, the northern have largely rejected the katsina cult that vas taking hold among the Tewa and other [Northern Rio Grande groupsin the early ‘gth century. As Fegan (1083:730, my em= phasis), for example, nove, “the kachina societies... are found in every group, ex cecpethe northern wn abo appear to Fiwa pueblos of"Taos and Picurs.” Existing evidence suggests that by AD. 1300 aggregation was in full sing and all of the northern Tiwa were residing in one of three large villages, a pattern similar to that of the early ‘Teva and other migrant communities to the south. By the sgth century, however, settlement pattems in the Taos distriet had begun to strengly diverge from the rest of the northern Rio Grande (fig. 2.4). Pot Creek Pueblo was abandoned some time soon after 4.0. 1320, and as its population moved in with Taos and/or Picurs the northern ‘wa region wasleft with only two majorsettlements. A distance of 3olinear kilometers (perhaps 37 walking kilometers) separated these cen= ters, and any individuals traveling from their home village to the oxher and back again were embarking on a multi-day trip. Each northem Tiwa town had thus be= ‘come a spatial isolate and ikely had few daily interactions with members of other settlements. This basic pattern persisted up until Spanish contact, 2t which time ‘Taos and Pieuris were recorded as ewo of the largest pueblos in the Rio Grande Valley Weare accustomed t» viewing Taos and Picuris Pueblos aspart ofa single northern “Tiva group based upon therclose linguis= tic relationship and their common main tenance of such distinctively “Tiwa” tra ditions as the pole ceremony and historic micaceous pottery making. As a result, circles are drawn around the ‘Taos district, implying that these peoples were united through a common ethnic background if not by spatial clustering. However, ifeth= nicity is defined asa sel/-ascribed identity, then the grouping of Taos and Picutis in ar= cchaeological and historic models seriously misrepresents the situstion, For not only hhave these two pucblos met viewed there selves as part of the same ethnic group in the 20th century (Parsons 1939:12), but they have in fuct been openly hestile toward each other, The two pueblos in= sult each other, claim not to undersand cach other's Ianguage—despite the fact thattheyclearlyean—and have historically not been willing to provide mutual sup- port in times of warfare. They have not, in recent memory even been willing to inter= marry, peeferring to seck mates in other, rnon-Tivsa pueblos, If these sentiments can be presumed to have existed in late: prehisn nthe northern Tia speakers followed a traje tory that led away notonly fromsertlement clustering but also from participation in regional, ethnically based confederations Explaining such anomalous Pueblo IV be- havior is difficult, for on the surface it appears that the ‘Tiwa would have bene- fited from participation in astrengalliance, given che presence of fertresslike Tewa settlements not far away: A consideration ‘of why the Tiwa did not cluster and why the fewa did concludes this chapter Conclusion: Explaining Pueblo IV Settlement Patterns ‘The case of the northern Tia holds the potential to help refine our general inter- pretations of protohistori settlement pat terning, because it highlights the wo basic social realities ofthe period. To begin with, Pueblo IV was unquestionably a time dur ing which boundaries of social interaction and identity were being drawn with in= creasing clarity aa regional level. Regard less of their lack of settlement clustering, the northern TTiwa became as sharply de- fined as the northern ‘Tewa with respect to the archicologically visible aspects of their material culture. However, it is also clear that—despite this regional diferen- tiation—many of the mos: significant so- cial tensions existed mihin the regional group, ‘The danger in drawing 100 bold acircle srounda group of clustered villages is chat it diverts attention away from the con flict that may have existed within clusters. Most models treat the Pueblo IV” clus ters as “integrated” socal entities held to= gether by commen participation in the kat sina cult or some other solidarity-building fdcologieal system. One cannot assume, however, that ritual ystems simply served tointegrate social groups, Ritual may ere= ate emotive feelings of solidarity and eco- nomic ties through the necessity of trade in ritual items, but it ean be—and typ- cally is—a venue for powerful social fac- tional: Given these realities the degree ofritual, political, or economic integrationwithin settlement clusters becomes a seri- ‘ous prablem that is open to question, In- ‘deed, intracluster competition of neighbor versus neighbor would have been likely, n= asmuch as these were the individual and social fuctions that had the most to com= pece over. They drew from the same water sources, mined from the same clay pits, hhunted in the same territories, postured in the same system of prestige, were be- hholden to foreigners for access t the same rnonlocel raw materials, and so on, The case of the northern Tia pueblos may beextreme, but italsoreveals that lin- guistic and cultural similarities need not even imply common ethnic sef-idemtifica- tion. The Tia maintained, toa degree, the lusury of distancing themselves from one another, and internal tensions were thus permitted to fester into open local hos- tility. Similar dynamics were probably at ‘work within Tewa and other Rio Grande communities. With higher population den- sities, a greater number of neighbors/de- ensivetionis with which 1 be voncerned, and perhaps an uneasiness born. of the ruption of their former networks in the San Juan Basin, such basic tendencies toward intemal factionaliom and Sssion ‘may simply have manifested diferent This perspective is somewhat contrary to thatadopted by Wileox and others who hhave suggested that the physical ness of Pucblo IV villages in the north- crm Rip Grande is compeehensible only if we accept a certain amount of litical and economic collaboration. However, itis nt without ethnographic parallels. Spicl- mann (19942), for example, has drawn the interesting comparison beween Rio Grande clusters and Huron confederacies. Expanding upon this compariscn, itis also worth noting that Heidenreich (1971:130~ 38) used the close proximity of two or three villages —settlenent clustering —as evidence of the inability of the Huron 10 palitically integrate a large scales. Huron village clusters emerged as a compromise between two dirergent social pressures: (1) & need to aggregate into relatively large collectivities for defensive purposes Northern Rio Grande Settlement Pacterns and Social History 5 and (2) a need co maintain local decision- making autonomy. The former pressure Pushed a group together, andthe later simultaneously pulled itpart—clustersin this model can slmost be viewed as aborted attempts to create a single, powerful cen- ter, Might we therefore take site clustering 4s evidence of politcal disintegration and alack of centralization? ‘Considering ethnographie data further afield, for example, Chagnon (1983:74) also notes of the Yanomam that fac= tionalism within a local group frequently caused a se 10 fission into wo op= posed and openly hostile autonomous vil- ages that nonetheless remained “located nly « few yards avay from each other” (emphasis mine). The choice made by the ‘wo newly opposed groups to put up with ‘what was essentially continued cohabita- tion was based upon the reality that the hostility fle toward other surrounding sil- lages was even more intense than that felt within the local community “The purpose of these brief compara tive examples is to point out that spa- tial proximity cansot be direetly inter- preted as full sociopolitical collaboration. Figure 2.6stummarizes this point by sche- ‘matically presenting two opposing models that might be used to explain the same patterning, In model A, communities are viewed as having banded together into a luster voluntarily, forming a strong uni- fied alliance in opposition to other similar alliances. In model B, the cluster is viewed 4s having developed as communities fs sioned and seperated while stil being held in relative proximity due to economic and ritual tes to the land as well asa fear of ‘encroaching onthe teritory of others Ele ments ofboth models are probably needed ‘oexplain settlement clustering during the Puebio IV period in the Rio Grande Val- ley. Rather than adopting one model, it may be more productive to instead search our the full range of potential extemal and internal forces that were variables in the creation of village clusters: bonds of ritual, trade, or ethnicity; competition for natural resources or social prestige: regional ideo- Fig. 2.6, Contrasting models of the dy- namics that Ied to the development of set tement clusters. logical movementsstressing social integra ‘don oF warfare; and the like. Had the northern Tiwa region been sub ject to the sort of pressures that existed in the Pueblo IV Tewa world—such as a rapidly ineres a decreasing availability of land —theymay also have been forced to cluster together {nto tenuous alliances rather than distance sing population density and themseltee from their kin when tensions flared. Taking this perspective, we can re~ assess the mannerin which we explain the "Tewaand other clusters in the Rio Grande ‘Valley during the Pueblo IV period. Rather than viewing the clusters asthe product of peoples banding together to defend them- cluster form selves, we can ont athe result of internal efforts toward fis- sion and sepzration that were stymied by the reality that there was very little room left in which to separate. In this sense, the Tews’s defensive posture in the Chama district may even have been, to a large degree, intemally directed. At the very least, such intragroup tensions—so often neglected in past models of sociopolitical ‘orgunization—arein need of greater atten tion in fature work, In other parts of the world where such social circumscription ‘exited and the option 1 resolve competi= tion by population movement was limited, ‘centralized and stratified societies evolved “That the Pueblo IV trajectory did not fol- low this pathand instead came to be char acterized by «complex mix of village con- federations of varying size and coherency is a problem that deserves the attention notonly of Southwesternists, buc of social evolutionary theorists more broallChapter 3 “Ruins of Our Forefathers” Large Sites and Site Clusters in the Northern Rio Grande James E. Snead, Winifred Creamer, and Tineke Van Zandt “The density of archacological remains in the northern Rio Grande region of New Mexico is remarkable testament to gen- erations of Ancesral Pueblo people who rade the land their home. Avchaedlogi- cal research, which began in the region in the 1870s, was driven by this wealth of resources and by the presence of come unites with close historical ties to the Tandscape. “IF you wish to see what great people we once were,” a guide from one ofthe pueblos remarkal tos soth-century anthropologist, “you must go upon the mesas and inco the eafons ofthe vicinity, ‘where ruins of ou forefathers ae numer- ‘ons (Putnam 18792345). “The legacy of more than a century of ar- chacology is substantial. Despite this vol- tume of work, however, there is today a ccerain dissatisfaction with the state of our understanding of Ancestral Pueblo society in the northern Rio Grande. The exten sive carly investigation of large sites was poorly recorded, meaning that for modl- cer researchers the impression of a vast body of sehlarship is illusory: Regional survey coverage has produced significant results, ut critical gaps exis. Large areas, such a6 the eastern flanks of the Tewa Basin, hive never been systematically ox amined. On a more conceptual level, the ‘wealth of ethnographic data can be seen as inhibiting, rather than enhancing, re= search on the Pucbloun past, promoting conservative interpretations of archaco- logical data (Cordell and Plog 1979). The wapities of modern research opportini- ties (Snead 20022) have also limited op portunities for archaeologists working in the northern Rio Grande to contribute to important debstes concerning the pre= Columbian Southwest. The centrality of the northern Rio Grande to arguments concerning the expansion of the Katsina Gale in the 13th century AD., for ine stance (Adams 19918), is clear, but with the exception of rock art studies (2, P.Schuafsmma 1994, 2000; Schuafsma and Schaafsma 1974), no formal esearch pro gram has ever been initiated tospecifcally examine the issue. In sum, the volumi= nous quantity of archaeological deta de- ved from the northern Rio Grande often obscures te fat that central research pri- rites remain unfalilled Regional organization is one ofthe most important of these outstanding questions. ‘The presence or absence of ste clusters, site hierarchies, or central places is cen= tral to many recent, influential models of Ancestral Pueblo society. These include alliances (Creamer 1996, 2000; Creamer and Haas 1998; Plog 1983), ethne alli- ances (Wileox 108t, 1984, 1991), clustered confederacies (Spielmann 19943), com= plex tribes (Habicht-Mauche 1993), ard sequential hierarchies (G. Johnson 1980). Research stimulated by these models has, however, challenged some of their funds rental assumptions. A shift in focus away from urge sites and toward examination of associated culeural landscapes and com munities (Anschuetz 1998; Snead 1995) has also complicated attempts to under fe patterning. In the northern Rio Grande in particular, very lite in the way of regional analysis was accomplished during the 19908 Despite this deadlock, itis evident that the regional distribution of large sites is 4 critical souree of information for the stand macro-level ‘organization of Ancestral Puehla society: Here we address this question in two ways First, we examine the state of arckacologi- cal interpretation of lage sites in light of heightened awareness of the nature of the archaeological data, in particular examin ing issues of unit definition, scale, and equi- finality. This discussion will be followed by brief ease studies in which patterns ofsite clustering are examined as manifestations of three distinet cultural processes; the dis tribution of natural resources, historic pro- ‘cesses of settlement dynamics, and socio political organization. ‘The Northern Rio Grande We define the northern Rio Grande re= sgionas the tesitory along the Rio Grande itselfnorth from Cochitito the junction of the Rio Santa Cruz, bounded by the upper Pecos River Valley and Galisteo Basin 10 the east and the watershed of the Jemez River to the west. The earliest permanent habitations in the area date to A.D. 600~ 1200; by the conclusion ofthis period, agri- cultural commun widespread, often located near springs or permanent streams and consisting of pit houses and puctlo-style houses. ‘The first half of the ssthcontury 4p. was typifiedby increasing diversity in the location and organization of residential architecture, a result of both intemal demographic expansion and the influy of migrants from elsewhere in the Southwest. By A.b. 1375 the population of the northern Rio Grande was increasingly associated wit mulkiroom pueblos built of masonry snd adobe, some of two stories oF more, organized around open plazasand in association with kivas and similar socially integrative features (fi. 3.2). Over timeoo Fig. 3.1. Upper Arroyo Hondo Pucblo (A 76), illustrating pueblo residential seructure of the late 12008 after map by H. P. Meraon fle in the New Mexico His- toric Preservation Department). these complexes grew larger, some con- taining thousands of rooms and multiple plazas (fig. 3.2; see Conlell 1979; Ford, Schroeder, and Peckham 1972; Stuart and Gauthier 1981; Wendorf and Reed 1953). ‘The data set used in this research (fg. 3.3% appendix) documents the distribution ‘of 97 known sites of 50 rooms or larger ated 10 three phases of the Pueblo IV 1400-1540), roughly corresponding to the Late Coalition, Early Classic, and Middle/ Late Classic periods as dofined by Wen dorf and Reed (1953). This isa minis cstimate, particularly at the early end of the period, since ceramic dating for 13th= century sites is imprecise. It also likely that many in the range of 0 1 100 rooms remain unrecorded. Nonetheless, the re- sample sufficiently large and rep resentative to reflect the organization and distribution of sites aross the Pueblo IV yeriod, and thas be used t0 addiess the issue of site clusters Kidder intially divided the northern Rio Grande into small: uniss along the ‘voundaries of watersheds, while Mera sult (1034, 1040) used the presence of distine- tive ceramic types t0 suggest subregional variability. Schroeder (1979) partitioned the northern Rio Grande into “districts” based on ethnohistorie accounts of inguis- tic groups and the early explorer’s account (of the distribution of settlements across the region, combined with thesubregional Clusters 27 Fig. 32. Salbkeowinge (LA 18) illustrating a large ste occupicd during the 1400s (afer map by H. P. Mera on file in the New Mexico Historic Preservation Department). divisions suggested by Kidder and Mera As result, “districts” are closely aligned With site clusters as discussed below We begin by dividing the region into sev= eral archaeological districts that roughly correlate with watersheds, which we have adopted as a way to clarify the difference between topographic and culeural “buffer zones” between districts The Pecos District ‘The Pecos district includes the valley of the Rio Pecos bounded by the Sangre de Gristos to the north, the Tecolote range £0 the east, and Glorieta Mest to the west. Tn cultural terms it marks the eastern limits of Ancestral Pueblo settlement dur= ing the Pueblo IV, during which time eight large sites were inhabited in the area. The Pecos districtis associated with the Towa spesking people of Pecos Puebio, aban- ddoned in the early roth century (Levine 1999). Archaeological research in the area is indelitly linked 10 the work of A.V. Kid- der and his research team (Kidder 1958) at Pecos Peeblo itself and related sites; more recent research includes that of Cordell (1967) at Rowe Pueblo, New research conducted by the National Park Service promises to significantly expand informa tion on the Pecos district. ‘The Galisteo District ‘The Galisteo district, immediately south, of Santa Fe, consists of the area west of the Peces valley roughly encompass ing the watershed of the Rio Galisteo and its minor tributaries correlated with the Galisteo Basin, Daring the contact period the Galsteo was home to southern Tea, or*Tano” people, as well as some Keres- speakers, although none of these com monte survived the 18h century. The early excavations of Nels Nelson (1914) were followed by sporadic archacologi- cal research thraughour the 2th eentury (ee., Creamer e al. 199%: Dutton 1064, tof; Lang 1977, 1993). Documentation casts for 15 large sites occupied between Ao. 1275 and 1550, although the carl petiod may be significantly undertepre- sented. ‘The Santa Fe District ‘The Santa Fe districts defined here is re- stricted 10 the watershed of the Rio Santa Fe thus including most of the land asso- cisted with the city of Santa Fe and its suburbs as well as the adjacent parts of the Caja del Rio to the west. Pueblo TV settlement in the Santa Fe district ws concentrated near the river itself and in north-south band along the foothills of the Sangre de Cristos, Population in the district appears to have been at its height between 4.n. 1259 and 1409, dropping sig- nificantly thereafter, Six pucblos of 50 rooms or larger, ranging in size up to 1,000, rooms, are associated, although other large sites may once have existed within the city limits. Excavation reports exist for Pindi28 Snead, Creamer, and Van Zandt 3829 351g 982" | 3 aare.\2%6 | 3828" a7" 2033 222% aaye 4 Set tan sen 3632-7—~ spr ‘sa224 9029 Sree 38, Fig. (4 1: Stubbs and Stallings 1953), for the Agua Fria Schoolhouse site (ta 2: Lang. and Scheick 1980), and, in particular, for Arroyo Honclo Pucblo (Ls 12: see Creamer 19932). The Arroyo Hondo survey (Dick~ son 1479) is themostsubstantive published souree for the distribution of sites within the district. ‘The Nambé District ‘This district consists of the area drained by the Rio Tesuque and the Rio Nambé, ‘hich flow north and west before merging below the puebio of Pojoaque and flowing Said - C aneas . i saniaOnz oF4, ‘ ana 8% , Xe \ = on to the Rio Grande near San Ildefonso, Hiscorically, the land isassociated with the ‘Teva, and large areas are currently under the jurisdiction ofthe puclos of Tesuque, Pojeaque, San Idefonsa, and Nambé. Ar- ‘chacological knowledgeof the Pucblo IV in is suprisingly limited; oF the to lrge pueblo sites known ftom the area, ‘excavations have been conducted only at Cuyamnungue (L4 38) and Nambé (L417), with few published results Information provided by Elis (1964) for several sites on the Nambé reservation suggests that they are large and complex, but even accurate locariona information is unsvalable SANTA FE _+-_-—s*~ GALISTEO 343°/ Loar eae sang a2 ‘ThenorthernRio Grande region of New Meaicg illustrating archaeological dStrcis and the distribution offarge Puedlo LY The Santa Cruz District ‘The Santa Crw. district includes land along this major western tributary of the Rio Grande and associated drainages. Pe- rennial water male the vicinity a favorable locale for settlement during the colonial period, severely impacting the archaco- logical record. No excavations have taken place. Survey and mapping projects have documented total ofcightlarge Pucblo TV pueblos in various staes of preservation in the discrit, particularly along tributaries such as the Rito Sarco (see below).‘The Pajarito District TThe Pajarito district includes land along the Rio Grande between Cochiti and the Rio Santa Cruz and the associated tut/ basalt uphnds that make up the Pajarito Plateau and the western Caja del Rio Pla ‘eau. Historically, the region has been asso- ciated with both Keres and ‘Tew peoples. Archaeological research in the area was inaugurated! by Adolph Bandelier (1832) and Edgar Lee Hewett (1909), and con- tinues to the present (ie., Kohler 1080, 1ggo; Kohler and Linse 1993; Koller and Root 1002). Large-scale surveys (Chap ‘man and Biella 1977; Hill and Tierweler 186; Powers and Orcutt r99ga) have pro~ vided the best body of information on re~ tional organization in the northern Rio Grande, The difficulty of evaluating the large numberof sites potentially dating to Ap. 1275-1325 and the thorough diseus- sion of these data by Crown, Oreatt, and Kohler (1996) leads us to resirit our is cussion tothe 1 large sites occupied after 1325, total that ako does noc inchude the rumerouscavate pueblos in the region, ‘The Jémer District ‘The Jémer district incorporates the teri- tory slongthe Rio Jemezand its tributaries from the vicinity of the modern pueblo of Jémez northward, abutting the Psja- rito to the east but separated from it by a series of high sa ditional homeland of the ‘Towa-speaking inhabitants of Jémez Pueblo. It remains poorly understood in archaeological terms, although several excavations were con ducted in the 20th century (eg, Reiter 1938). Elliott (1982) provides basie docu mentation for most ofthe 34 large pucblo sites in the district that are included inthe sample presented here. mits. The area isthe tra Theoretical Issues The systematic use of archaeological data to identify site clusters in the northern Rio Grande region was inaugurated by Harry Mera (1934, 1940) in the late 19208, Mera collected datable ceramics at hundreds of sites and used the information to make distributional maps depiting changes in population overtime, This work forms the basis of most subsequent regional analysis, so that there is very litte real difference between site clusters identified in 1040 and those recognized in the modern day (Upham and Reed 1984; bat see P. Reed 1983). ‘Two issues have emerged to complicate this picture: site history andthe conceptual definition ofthe setlements theraseves. Ie is now widely recognized that lrge sites, as they are recognized in thearchacological record, are the result of complex patterns, ‘of use, modification, abandonment and re~ use, sometimes over hundreds of years. Crown's research at Pot Creek Pueblo cal- culates thatthe average uselife of rooms atthe site was 19 years (Crown 1991:305), only a fraction of the total period of cceu- ppancy of the site itself These and similar findings suggest that large parts of sites ‘would have been unoccupied at any given tims, making evaluating population and scale of occupation problematic. Various formation processes make itdiicult to use surface ceramics to identify detailed pat terns of occupation (Ramenofsky 2001), suggesting that such processes ean be in tractable in the absence of large-scale ex= Our inability to determin ste size dur- ing particular eemporal periods is unforta~ nate, due to the fact that settlement clus ters are usually defined using particularly large sits. This in part rellects our con- fidence that all large sites in the northern Rio Grande have been discovered, but it also represents the idea that larger sites housed larger population aggregates and ‘thus are the best candidates fr political or economic centers. Yet since the assump- tion that large sites equal large residen- tial populations isno longer tenable, argu ‘ments about sociopolitical systems based fon such data must also be questioned The problem of site size is exacerbated by uncertainty over what large sites in Large Sites and Site Clusters 39 the northem Rio Grande actually repre sent. Although a certain residential func tion is lear, the relevant corollaries <= ‘main in doubt. Powers and others discuss this issue as it apples to site classi tion in the San Juan Basin, where “the ‘term ew has been applied [to] single, en- 50 room) sites — smnntly bulk of coursed adobe with room blocks loosely arranged around at least ‘one central plaza—were constructed in all three districts. Fifty-three 1yth-century residential sites have been identified in the Albuquerque distrit, of which 25 have more than s0 rooms. Similarly, a least 29 residential sites were occupied in the Com chiti istrict, 12 of which are large. Settle rment in the Lover Rio Puerco area fo lowed a different pattern, with no small residential sites and only three large vil- lages. Billa (1079) suggests that the large sites in the Cochiti district represent an aggregation of groups that had been tiving. in the area prior to 1300, rather than mi-38 Ecker and Cordell rants arriving from other aexs. Based on the pre-1300 populations discassed aboxe, this is probably true for the Lover Rio Puerco and Albuquerque distits as well During the 1400s, there were fewer, larger pueblos in each district. Population concentrated into pueblos that wore ini tally builtin the 1300s; no new pueblos vere established. Inthe Albuquerque dis- trict, many sites were abandoned by the 14008, resulting in 15 large villages. Settlements remained stable in the district during the last half ofthe 1400s, so that by end of the century 14 large pueblos were occupied. Similarly, seven large villages were occupied in the extly 1400s in the Cochiti district. Five ofthese villages were still inhabited by the last half of the cen tury. Tivo villages, Hummingbird Pueblo (4 578)and Pottery Mound (La 416), were caccupied during thistimein the Lower Rio Puerco district. The abandonment date of ‘ach site is uncertain but seems to have teen in the mid-to-hte 1400s. ‘Afier 1500, 10 large pueblos were occu ried in the Albuquerque district, and at least three large pueblos continued to be ‘occupied in the Cochiti istrict; however, there is no evidence of cecupation in the Lower Rio Puerco until the possible re= use of the ares during the Pucblo Re- sole (Eidenbach 1982). By 1600, only five rucbbs were occupied inthe ATbuquerque district, and at least one pueblo (Ls 126) vas occupied in the Cochiti istrict. This lust site is modern Gochiti Pucblo, which seems to have been continuously occupied from Puetlo IV to the preset, with only temporaryabsences when Spanish expk tionary forces were inthe vicinity (Preucel 1998). Most, if not all, of the post-1600 pueblos were occupied until 1680, when many were abandoned in the wake of the Pueblo Revol Site Occupation Histories Most of the sites ia our districts pecb= ably kad complicated occupation histories. Biella (19792131) recognized (wo types of complex occupation histories at Pueblo IV sites in the Cochiti district. The first type includes construetion and use of dif ferent features in different areas of the e oer time, For example, the Alfied Herrera site (14 6455) consisted of an eastern and a western component (C. Lange [1959] 1968). The eastern com= ponent, dated to the late 1300s, includes series of pit rooms, surface rooms, and ‘onekiva. Thewestern component, dated to the late 14005 includes 37 surface rooms, various extramural featares,and two kivas, ‘The second occupation history defined bby Bells (1479) is more typical of the sites in all three distriets. Ie includes add ing rooms gradually to the same area of the site over time as well as remodeli and/or construction over oer portions of| the site, Pueblo del Encierro (tA 70), in the Cochiti district, provides an excellent ‘example of this type of occupation (Snow 1976). The initial occupation of the site (1350-1400) consisted of at least seven pit rooms and one square kiva (Snow 1076). Between 1350 and 1450, numerous adobe surface pomsand three small round bivas were constructed. In the mid-1400s, there ‘vas substantial room-block construction and replacement of the three small hivas ‘with three lage kivas, rfleting substan tial population growth at the sie (Snow 1970). After the construction ofa kiva in the East Phra in the early 13003, no new building tok place. Remodeling and re~ pair occurred thrcugh the 15008, and the site appears to have been abandoned by 1650. Tijeras Pueblo (LA 581), one of the bestreported 1tr-century sites im the Albuquerquedistret (Cordell 1975, 10773, 19776, 1980, also grew by scereion. The site wasintaly occupie nthe late 12008, as group of aggregated room blocks. In 1313, @ great kva 21-m in diameter, with double coursed masonry walls was constructed. In the same year (Cordell 1977223), 4 7 m? kiva was built alongside a rcom block facing a small plaza. This Kiva had several layers of badly burned and deteriorated colored plaster, one of which revealed a partial series of sick- figure images. By the 13605, Tijeras Pueblo consisted of about 209 rooms constructed around the great kiva and open plazas. In the 390s, 4 smuller pueblo was partially buile orer portions of earlier rooms in what today is the main mound at the site. In 1391, a rectangular adobe-walled kiva was built just west of, and partially into, the burned square hiva. A unique mosaic of inlaid hematire, turquoise, and shell was found inthe floor of this kiva. By this time, the occupation of Tijeras Pucblo seems to have been confined co the main mound ‘with room tocks along three sides ofa nar= row plaza open tothe east. A retaining wall, much like one at Pecos Puebla, bordered the room blocks on the north. The rectan- ular kiva was burned and a few masonry ‘rooms built over it as Tijeras Pueblo con tinued to be occupied into the 14003. The site was fimlly abandoned at about 1425 (Cordell 1975, 1677). Currently, Poctery Mound (LA 436) is the most extensively excavated Pueblo LV site in the Lover Rio Puerco dstec. “This ste was constructed of adabe-walled rooms surrounding four large plazas (Hib- bben_1075). From recent examination of field maps housed ar the Maxwell Mu- seam, the ste appears to have been con= struct of variowsagregated rom blocks ‘uit over a period of years. There is also cxidence of extensive remodeling. Hib- bben (1975:6, 8) described “a wide, low, flat mound with sloping sides made of pddled adobe snd trash fill, with a sur face of smoothed cache,” asthe frst con- struetion at the site. Room locks were tater built into and over most ofthis origi ral mound. While Hibben (1966) iitally described this mound as a Mesoamerican inspired pyramid, he later notes the re semblance of the mound to similar ones at many sites in Arzona, and to Casas Grandes in Chihuahua (Hiboen 1975) Hibben (1975:10) suggest the possibility that the mound was constructed inthe late 12005, but in fact all construction at Por tery Mound seems to have oecurred be- tween 1300 and (475, Two large “moiety” vas were identified atthe site, one reet-angular and the other round, both with ‘murals (Hibben 1966). An additional 14 rectangular kivas, 12 of which had male tiple ayers of murals, were excavated.’The iconography ofthe Pottery Mound murals is discussed in denil by Hibben (1975) and comparatively by Crotty (1995) and Schaafsma (200). Summary ‘The central Rio Grande settlements en- countered by Spanish explorers repre- sented the continuing aggregation of popu- lations thae began in the 12008. Although measuring pre-Hispanic populaticn sizes is difficult researchers working in ll three ts find evidence of a considerable disu Pueblo II! occupation. ‘The Pueblo IIT settlements consist of both dispersed room tlocksandloose aggregates of riomblocks. ring the late 12008 and early 13005, dents ofall three distrits began a tran- sition to large, plaza-oriented pueblos. By tne 1400s, this was the dominant seule~ ment form. Based on numbers of sites and. their layout, there is no evidence of immi- aration or great population growth in the central Rio Grande in the 13008, In each of our districts, the number of Pueblo IV villages decreases over time. In ‘ost ofthe eases for which we have exea- sation dats (i.e, Pueblo Corrales, Kuaua, Pueblo del Encierr), sites increased in size, apparently supporting larger num- ters of people, Growth at these sites seemsto have been through accretion, with plieblo layout consisting of oom blocks Ioosely centered on one oF more plazas, raking it diffcale to determine how many room blocks, plazas, or kivas were in use at any one time (Kelley 1936; Marshall 1085; Snow 1976). Tijeras Pueblo pro vides an example of a site where poput= Intion first increased and then decined during the 13008. The clear pattern from the data is one of settlement instability ver time. The instability may reflect a rariety of factors, including subsistence shortialls, conflict, demographic reorgani- zation, and/or changes in social networks. ‘We evaluate some ofthese factors below in the context of looking at the natural envi- ronmentand agriculture, the iconographic and economic manifestations of regional interaction, and community formation Environment and Agricultural Practices “The central Rio Grande is diverse physio- graphically, consating ofthe uplifed San- dia Mountains, the Albuquerque Basin of the Rio Grande rift system, the basin of the Rio Puerco of the East, and the eastern pediment of the voleanie Pairito Plateau. The Rio Grande, below White Rock Canyon, isthe primary drainage of the area, with the Santa Fe River and the Rio Pucteo of the East as tributary streams. The entire area is dominated by the Upper Senoran life zone consisting of open grasslands and woodlands of pinyon and juniper. Riparian plant communities dccur along the Rio Grande and its tibu- Lares, while Forests of aspen and ponderosa ‘occur at higher elevations. With respect 10 agriculture, the mainsay of Pueblo life, the entre exntral Rio Grande is. mar- sin cipitation and growing season vary over short distances, depending upon eleva- tion and exposure (Cordell 1979). How= ever, outside of marrow canyons and the Sania Mountains, the growing season in the central Rio Grande is generally adequate for corn (Cordell 19770, 19795 Hogan 1908; Warren 10778), but sunple ‘mental watering of erops would have been necessary. Because the Rio Grande and in terms of precipitation, Both pre~ ita tributaries dominate the area, schol- ars have suggested that irrigation agricul ture set a distinctive pattern for the East «ern Puctlos (Dozier 1960). However, Ford (1972) and others ¢., Cordell 1979) point out that the Rio Grande itself is a high risk for irrigated fields, due to flooding. Other difficulties include clearing dense bosque without iron tools and salinization of poorly drained soils. Asa result, while pre-Hispanic Pueblos cultivated the Rio Grande floodplain, and may have irrigated ry Formation in the Central Rio Grande using small side drainages, they used a variety of other agricultural strategies and alo depended on hunting and gathering. Dry farming was much more important for the Eastern Pueblos than is usually credited. The archaeological data from bath the Albuquerque and Cochiti di tricts show the past importance of rain fall farming (Cordell etal. 1983). Nov ‘merous posi-1300 agricultural eld houses hhave been recorded in both the Albu- querque (1 = 83) and Cochiti (n = 103) districts, ‘Two very large sites (LA 13202 apd LA 13293) in the Cochiti Reservoir project ares (O'Leary 1070) consisted of terraces, grids, and sione alignments that ‘cover more than 1,000 square meters. In alton, mach of the ares between mox= ‘em Zia and Jémez pueblosis covered with systems of grid-bordered fields sce photo in Cordell 19972:293). Although dating is problematic for many ivigation features, combined climataogical and archacologi= cal dat: from our districts support Ford's (1972) ethnographically based observation indicating « degree of Pueblo IV envi= renmeatal risk and agricultural insecu rity not usually associated with the East- cm Pachlos. Interestingly, however, n0 Pacblo IV field houses have been recorded inthe Lower Ri Puerco distriet, suggest~ ing a citferent agricultural strategy, per haps one that relied on a less entrenched river channel Exeavated data indicate that through- ‘out the central Rio Grande, hunting ard szathering were activities critical to subs tence security (Cordell, Earls, and Binford 1684; Dragerand Loose 1977; Marchiando 1677). Mule door and antelope were prob- ably the mast important large game in all three distrits; however, ducks and other water birds were also captured for food in bath the Cachiti (Marchiando 1977) and Lower Rio Pucreo cistrets (Emslie and Hargrave 1978) “The paleoclimatic record (Rose, Dean, and Robinson 1981) suggests periods of ‘mwisture deficiency that may have been devastating for erops. One panicular dry period at about 1450 seems to have been40. Eckert and Cordell dificult for residents throughout the Rio Grande, perhaps causing a local sban- donment episode (Cordell 1980), Climatic conditions, however, do net seem to ex phin why central Rio Grande settlements wwere occupied for relatively short peri- ‘ods of time or why the population in all three districts contracted spatially The use of floodplains, irrigation from side deain- ages, and runoff from seeps and springs, as well as the tremendous amount of upland dry farming, indicates that people used the Tand intensively and extensively through- ‘out the Pueblo TV period, Ceramic Production, Exchange ‘Networks, Ritual Architecture, and Ieonography ‘The Rio Grande Classic is generally de~ fined by the production of red-slipped, slaze-psinted pottery, assumed to have ‘been matte in imitation of Western Pueblo slaze wares. Although once thought to have been introduced through a migra tion from the Wescern Pueblos (Erik Reed 1949:169-70, Shepard 1942:197-99) this is not supported by the settlement data presented above (also see Cordell 1979, 1og7a; Wendorfand Reed 1955)-Research- cers have recently suggested that the pres cence of glaze ware reflects the spread of an ideology and its associated rituals (Crown 19942108; Graves and Eckert 1998:279; Spicimann 19986). During the r4th cen tury, there were abo changes in settlement pattern, ritual architecture, and iconog- raphy that may be considered in light of the presence ofa newly adopted ritual sys= tem. The specific nature of these changes ‘was not homogeneous among the districts examined here, anobsecvation that hasim= plications for community formation inthe central Rio Grande, We describe changes in ceramic produetion and exchange, ritual architecture, and iconography, and their implications for the spread of idealogy and community formation, in the follow~ ing section. Ceramic Production and Exchange During early Pueblo IY, red-slipped glaze ware was produced in all three of our d= tricts (Shepard 1942; Warren 1969, 1976), although not always to the exclusion of black-on-white ware. The distribution of sghze ware provides evidence that villages within each district were participating in extensive social networks developed both within and between distrits: During the 1400s, glaze ware production changed in two ways. First, slip color became more diverse, with some yillges producing yellow- oF polychrome-slipped vessels ‘hile other villages appear to have eon tinued to make red-slipped vessels. See~ ond, there were fewer villages produc= ing ghze-decorated pottery over time. Although the most important production canters of yellow-slipped, glaze-decorated vessels in the 1sth century were in th Galisteo Basin, outside oar area, one vil= lage in the Albuquerque district, Tongue Pueblo (LA 240), seems to have partic pated in production ofyelow-slipped por tery as wel (Warren 1960). The distribu tion ofyellow-slipped pottery extended 10 other districts in the central and northern Rio Grands, and into the Salinas Basin, but noe to villages in the southern portion ofthe Albuquerque distret, the Rio Abajo ‘or along the Lower Rio Puerco, In these areas, potters either continued to make red-slipped vesiels or produced glaze- painted vessels with polychrome slips. The ‘most common polychrome-slipped_ves- sels were bowls with a light-colored slip, (white, cream, oF yellow) on the interior and a red slip on the exterior, This di= versity in gle decorationand contraction of glaze-producing sites during the 1400s suggests that pottery production and ex change networks had become more struc- ‘tured, potentially signaling more stable so- cial allances than had existed earlier in the Pueblo IV period Ritual Architecture and Ieonography Pueblo IV ceremonial structures in our districts represent a diverse number of forms and include central plazas as well as round, square, and rectangubr kivas of different sizes. Platform mounds are apparently restricted to Pottery Mound. Plazas are common features of central Rio Grande villages starting in the late 1200 and probubly represent locations for pub- lic ceremonies, among other socal activi ties. Kivas of different shapesseem to have bee use at the same time, often ar che same site Kisa mural art first makes its appearance in Pueblo LV and ismoreabun- dant in the central Rio Grande than in any other locaton in the Southwest at thi time. Murals oceur in all three districts and are painted in both round (Pueblo del Encierro, Pottery Mound) and rect= 2) kivas The diversity of kiva architecture and ritual featres, in diferent combina- angular (Tijeras, Pottery Mound, Ku sions at different sites, suggests that an underlying suite of ritual practices were incorporated in different ways at villages throughout the central Rio Grande. ‘One important suite of icons, occurring. oon rock art and in kiva mural paintings at this time, concerns fertility and rain. Many ‘mural themes at Kuaua focus on rain, warer, and com, although there are sso many birds, especially eagles (Schaafima 2000). Crotty (1999:186) argues that ico- ography focused on warfare developed. in some Pueblo IV areas, andl not in others, Specifically, she argues that hiva ‘murals at Pottery Mound, Awavovi, and Kawaika’s suggest a preoccupation with warfare, while such a preoccupation is absent in the kiva muralsof Picuris Pueblo Warfare iconography on rock art and iva murals first appears in the central Rio Grande during Pueblo IV (Schaafima 2000). This iconography includes shields, largeactive warriors in profile often held ing quivers and bows), stars, mountain lions, and warrior katsinas (Schaafima 2090:104-5). Shields have been recog- nized on rock art in all three districts,4s well as in kiva murals at boch Pot tery Mound and Pueblo del Encisrro, In one kiva at Pueblo del Encierro (Snow 1976), 10 layers of plaster had evidence of murals, These murals consisted of a series of shields, some fringed, occur- ring in pairs, one on either side of the ventilator (SchaafSma 2000:100). In Pot= tery Mound kiva murals, mountain lions were painted in association with shields (Schsafsma 2000:100). A large pictograph ofa mountain lion with a heartline occurs song Tijeras Creek not far from Tijeras Pueblo. Mountain lions have alo been identified at Petroglyph National Monu= ‘mentand in the rock art of the Cochit is trict. Hibben (1975:t07-9) identifies more than 19 mountain lions in the marals at Pottery Mound (although some are de= picted seated as “councilors” and notes that Acoma observers atthe site associated these images with war secities ‘Schaafsma (2000:162) argues that the content and context of Pueblo IV iconog- raphy indicate that warfare dleology be- came an imporcant aspect of Pueblo ritual 4 this time, leading to the formation of various social institutiors, including war- Flor societies. LeBlanc (1999) sees the de~ lages for much of Pueblo IV, Humming- bird Pueblo and Pottery Mound are closer to each other than they are to any other known Pucblo IV sites. These two villages aresimilarin size and layout. Further, both sites have extremely similar ceramic as- semblages, consisting of both locally pro ‘duced glize waresunique tothe Lower Rio Puerco drainage and local copies of West- cern Pueblo and Rio Grande gaze ware types. Finally, petrographic and ceramic type data show that residents of both sites, ‘were exchanging pottery with each other, as well as participating in the same inter regional networks ‘Taken together, these lines of evidence suggest that the Lower Rio Puerco drainage was a small claster oF two villages. Asa resule of their unique position on the landscape daring a period Of dramatic demographic reorganization, residents ofthese villages were responding. 10 similar social processes in similar ways, as well as participating in larger social net- ‘works that tied them to villages ourside ‘their cluster. Understanding the nature of the Lower Rio Puerco cluster isthe focus of Ecken’s current research, o cluster of villages is apparent in ther the Albuquerque or Cochiti die tics. Whether clusters once existed and evidence of them has been destroyed through urban development, or whether clusters never existed in these districts, is impossible to evaluate: Aktough no vile Tage clusters are apparent, this does not ‘mean thit some socal boundaries cannot be detected. For example, Tijeras Pueblo and the early occupation of Pra-ko are largely contemporancous villages, located within the Sandia Mountains, within only a few kilomecers of each other, However, residents of Tijeras Purblo produced red slipged glaze waresimilarvothatof the vil- lages immediately westof the mountansin thearc of present-day Albuquerque Resi- dents of Paz-ko produced yellow-stipped sghze ware similar to thar of the villages immediately eas of the mountains in the Galisteo Basin. Despite the villages prox inity, pottery produced at Par-ko is not recovered from Tijeras Pueblo, This ce- ramic boundary may very well mark a real social boundary and, further, is evidence that spatial proximity is rot the onl terion that needs to be considered when defining village clusters. Although no specific cluster of villages ‘ean be defined in the central Rio Grande region, similar changes in material culture throughout the districts examined here point to a shared response to the social upheaval of the early Pusblo IV period. ‘Changes in material culture that occurred throughout the region during this period include production of red-slipped, glaze- decorated pottery; a diversity of ceremon nil architecture features indifferent com= binations at different villages; and a new suite of feens on boih rock art and kiva murals These changes suggest that res dents of the cemzral Rio Grande accepted new religious practices and religious soc- «tics: These may haveserved, among other benefits, as means of more easily inte gating former strangers and allocating so- ial rok in the absence of cose kin con= nections. The general similarity in these changes over the ares suggests that a new ritual system was accepted over the en- tire central Rio Grande. The diverse spe- fic manifestations of these changes sug- gest that the new system was not adopted ‘or imposed from ans one source bat de= veloped through acceptance of suite of concepts common throughout the Pueblo world (Crown 1994), and elaborated di ferentially atthe level of the individual settlement. Selecting froma larger suite of shared concepts and concerns, and orge- nized by pancregionsl religious societies, residents of each village could have com- bined their understanding of Pueblo cos- mology and practice to create dlstine- tive ritual systems at the village level Specific ceremonial eycles—along. with42 ekercand Cordell their associated architecture, iconography, and paraphernalia —swould result fom the unique combination of people from one ‘or more sociolinguistic groups in exch lage. While the new suite of rituals may have integrated residents within newly 2g= zregaced villages through the creation of ‘ceremonies and societies that cross-cut fa- tila ties (Adams 19916), membership in specific religious societies could have provided entry for residents of each vil- lage into a regional network that facii- tated movement from one village to an= ‘other, offered aes outside the village, and perhaps encouraged participation in co «perative agricultural or hunting endeav= ‘ors. These networks eventually may have provided a context for the establishment cf more formal regional trade and inter action. In the ate 14005, as fewer villages were cccupied by mare and more people, some villages participated in an exchange net- ‘work linked by yellow-slip glaze wares pro- ‘duced in the Galisteo Basin, while others did nor. For the rythecentury northern Rio Grande, outside our area, Habicht- ‘Mauche (1993) suggests thatthe develop- sige networks, evidenced in ment of excl the distribution of glaze wares, wasan im= portant factor in social integration. She angues that such networks would have sia- bilized interregional social relatiens and reduced competition and conflict. Simi- larly, in the central Rio Grande, exchange newworks may have helped to stabil cial relations in an environment of settle _ment instability, increased village size, and possible competition over access 0 die verse field types and wild resources. The shared belief system that developed in the 13008, and need for ritual items that it fos tered, may also have led some villages with, access to necessary materials to special ize in crafts for trade during the 1400s, Eventually, as Snow (1981:369) suggests, crafe specialization and exchange for exotic items may have become a “self-regulating ceremonial system” that cross-cut socio- linguistic groups. However, a demand for ritual paraphernalia was probably not the only means by which ceremonies inspired exchange. Ceremonial occasions may also hhave been times when there was visiting, feasting, and subsidiary exchange, ‘The material cultureof Pueblo in the central Rio Grande in general is broadly hhomogencous, but it is heterogeneous within specific settlements and overtime. ‘There are no visible settlement cluster boundaries (possibly asa result of urban development), nor are there any clusters that are strongly marked by suite of ma terial culture classes. Rather, the dist ie wares and bution of hive shapes, types, ceramic stylistic motifs, and suites ofcons on poteryorinmurals would cach segregate different constellaionsof settle ments In our view, Pueblo TV social de= velopmeats in the cental Rio Grande i volved a continuous process of interaction at Toca and regional levels They depended ‘upon recognition, selection, and modifies tion ofa range of shared symbolic features ‘that enabled individuals to participate ina variety of networks atthe level of the vik. lage, potentially a village clusters, and the region. Social networks of this sort could and did foster specialization and exchange in both information and material items. Settlements within the central Rio Grande had access to different scales of social networks. The specific configurs- tion of lated trade partners, rtualorga- nizations, sodalties, and ngwage groups \was unique to each settlement. Although unique at the level of each village, these networks intersected broadly throughout the Pueblo world of shared ideas about the universe and the place of people within it, Archacologists have begun to trace the paths of these networks with increasing accuracy, providing a vision that is at once more clear and much more complicated, Acknowledgments We are grateful to. the many archieolo- aists who have collected data inthe central Rio Grande over the years. We are espe- Gully grateful to Judith Habicht-Mauche, Richanl Chapman, Detorah Huntley, Dive Wileox, the volume editors, and an anonymous reviewer, whose discussions and comments have stimalated much of ‘what is writen here, We are also indebted to Jeremy Kulisheck and Scott Geister of avons for their help while collecting dataChapter 5 Social Identity and the Internal Organization of the Jumanos Pueblos Settlement Cluster in the Salinas District, Central New Mexico William M. Graves ‘The development of settlement clustering ‘during the 15th century marks a funda mental shift in socal, political, and eco- omic relations throughout the protohis~ toric (ea. 20. 1450 t0 1600) Rio Grande region. In this chapter, I examine this phe rromenon in the Salinas district of cen tral New Mexico and offer some sug- gestions concerning the development of settlement clusters and their social and political significance in the protohistoric Pueblo world. I argue that the clustering of some villages represents the settlement patter signature of a new form of group ilentty that emerged in the A.D. 13008 and 1400s. Some clusters within the re- gon would have been distinet social orga rizational units with their own shared ifentties. This new form of group iden- tity was intimately ied to the concept of seographie place and is related to what ‘other researchers have identified as a fun damental cosmological shift in the con= ‘ceptuilization of social group formation, interactions, and identity that occurred throughout the Pueblo world (Dulf 2002; Kolb and Snead 1997; Ortman 1998). In this chapter, I also examine the inter- ral organization of one particular settle- ment cluster within the Salinas district, te Jumanos pueblos, ane offer some ideas concerning the nature of within-cluster sociopolitical dynamics that_may have structured relaionsamong villages Late Prehistorie Settlement Patterns in the Salinas District ‘Two periods of population and settlement aggregation characterize the late prehis- toric peried in the Salinas district and throughout the Rio Grande (appendix). During the intial period of aggregation in the 4.0, 13008, or the early Pueblo TV period, indigenous population growthand immigration into the area resulted in the ‘establishment of small (roughly rooms) pueblos throughout the region (Caperton 1981; Spielmann 1996). These pueblos often take the form of contigu- ‘ous arrangements of room blacks arcund ‘central plazas (Caperton 1981; Spielmann 1996183) andare distributed inarelatvely Alspersed patiern aeross the landscape Around 4.0, 1400 to 1450, the beginning ‘of the protohistoric period, asecond period of aggregation occurred as many of these small pusblos were abandoned and pep lations consolidated into larger pueblos (Mera 1940; Spielmann 1996:183). Pueblo settlements resulting from this secone pe- ‘idl of aggregation were much larger than sr counterparts, consisting of as many as 25 1» 30 multistory room blocks (Spielmann 19y6:183-86). Impor tantly, these communities also represent ‘much more permanent setilements and, with the exceptionof Pueblo Colorado see bbclow), were eccupied well nto the historic period. their ear Protohistoric Pueblo Clusters in the Salinas District ‘This second period of aggregation re- sulked in the formation of a least one die crete settlement cluster in the Salinas dis trict, the Jumanos pueblos (ig, 5.«5 Graves ‘2002; Graves and Spielmann 2000a; Hayes 1082). The Jumanos cluster consists of four sites, Gran Quivira, Pueblo Pardo, Pueblo Colorado, and Puetlo Blanco, or ‘Tobira. Occupations at the Jumanos pueb- Jos beyan sometime arouni! 4.8. 1300 and, with the exception of Pueblo Colorado— abandoned in thes.0. 15005, persisted until, the early 1670s (Graves 1996, 2002; Vivian 1964:39)- Pucblo Blanco was apparently resettled fora yearn 1677-1678 by anum- ber of Christianized Pueblo families and Spanish soldiers (Hackett 1937:267-98; Hhyes, Young, and Warren r981:8; J Wik son, Lestie,and Warren 168309) ‘The remainder of the Salinas pucblos, Chilli, Tajique, Quarai, Abo, and “Fenabs, are located north of the Jumanos pueblos anu do not seem to have formed a distinet settlement cluster (fg. 5.1) the pueblos of Chill and Tajique, the ewo northernmost Salinas villages, are buried underneath the modern towns ofthe same names. The towas of Chilli and Tajique are old Spanish and Mexican land grants dating to the fist half of the nineteenth century (Thinter and Levine 1988:104- 5). Ceramic evidence shows that the fixe northem Salinas pueblos were frst oceu- pied around A.p.1300(Mera 1940:14, 23}. Quarai appears to have been abandoned sometime duringthe 14o0sand reoecupied in the ate 1500s (Spielmann 1994b:168- 60). All ofthe northern pueblos were per= ‘manently abandoned in the early 16705 prior to the Pueblo Revolt (Hackett 1037; Hayes, Young, and Warren 1981:8; | Wile son, Leslie, and Warren 1683:05~09). Edhrohisorie, linguist, and. material evidence strongly suggests that the Jue ‘manos pueblos cluster represented a dis- tinct group with a shared social identity during the protohistorie peried (Graves 1996, 2002; Graves and Spielmann 20003; Hayes 1982). Early Spanish accounts con- he ruins of