Research Report

Altered States, Conflicting Cultures:

Shamans, Neoshamans and Academics
Robert J.Wallis
Department of Archaeology
University of Southampton
S017 1BJ England
rjw2@soton.ac.uk

Abstract
In anthropology, archaeology and popular culture, Shamanism may be one of
the most used, abused and misunderstood terms, to date. Researchers are increasingly
recognizing the socio-political roles of altered states of consciousness and shamanism
in past and present societies, yet the rise of Neo-shamanism and its implications for
academics and their subjects of study are consistently neglected. Moreover, many
academics marginalize "neo-shamans," and neo-shamanic interaction with
anthropology, archaeology and indigenous peoples is often regarded as neo-
colonialism. To complicate the matter, indigenous peoples express multivocal
opinions of neo-shamanism, from blatant condemnation to active encouragement.
I first trace the roots of neo-shamanism in order to compare neo-shamanic and
academic approaches. Criticisms of neo-shamanism as expressed by academic and
native critics are presented, and I suggest these conflicting views are potentially
reconcilable. Essentially, post-processualist praxis should be implemented via
programs of research and communication. Keywords: Neo-shamanism, experiential
anthropology, indigenous perspectives, academic marginalization.

Comparing Academe and Neo*Shamanism

Origins of neo-shamanism stem from use of the term shamanism in 18th century
ethnographic and antiquarian texts. The saman were originally Siberian Tungus
practitioners of altered states of consciousness encountered by German, Russian, and
Polish explorers. But, by the end of the 18th century, shamanism had become the
generic term used to describe similar forms of ecstatic religion (Flaherty 1992).
Essentially then, shamanism is an academic construct and a word for the West, its
meaning inevitably universalized, repeatedly re-fabricated, its definition contested
(see, for example, Hultkrantz 1973; Walsh 1989). Fascinated by its titillating bizarre

Anthropology of Consciousness 10(Z):4M9 Copyright © 1994 American Anthropological Ass»ciation

41
42 Anthropology of Consciousness 110(2-3))

qualities, people romanticized shamanism, associated themselves with the noble

savage and became neo-shamans. Goethe, for instance, probably styled Faust as a
shaman (Flaherty 1989), thereby paving the way for the artist as the shaman of higher
civilization (Flaherty 1988). Neo-shamanism and academic study of shamanism
essentially emerged at the same time then, both approaching indigenous peoples,
past and present, in ways which are politically sensitive.

Criticisms of Neo-Shamanism
Neo-shamanism today describes "a spiritual path for personal empowerment,"
utilizing altered states of consciousness and the shaman's worldview (see, for
example, papers in Doore 1988). A primary source text is Michael Harrier's (1980)
The Way of the Shaman. Once professor of anthropology, Harner along with his
colleagues at the Foundation for Shamanic Studies currently teach courses in
experiential shamanism throughout the West. In the Basic "core shamanism"
Workshop, participants are taught that anyone can enter an altered state of
consciousness or trance, which Harner names the shamanic state of consciousness
(SSC). He leads participants into a shamanic experience, instructing them to lie
down and relax with their eyes closed or covered. He asks them to begin their
journeys by entering the earth at a place well known to them in the physical world
such as a cave, then they travel down tunnels, into the "lower world." Here, aspirants
meet and interact with spirit teachers and power animals. Later, as aspirants become
more adept, they can take more advanced workshops in which they learn divination
and ways to heal sickness. These "Harner method" techniques are probably the most
widely known and practiced in the West, and they have come under the closest
criticism (see, for example Johnson 1995, Harvey 1997).
For instance, Johnson believes that throughout Michael Hamer's published
works (see, for example, Harner 1972, 1973, 1980) he shifts from the particular to
the universal, from the locative to the Utopian (Johnson 1995:171). He describes
"core shamanism" as universal to shamanism across space and time, thus
decontextualizing aspects of shamanism from its original cultures, practitioners, and
owners. Furthermore, Harner's techniques are held to be safe in sharp contrast with
many shamanic traditions which are dangerous, even potentially life-threatening.
According to Brown (1989) neo-shamans avoid the dark side of shamanism, such as
death threats, curses, and battles with malevolent spirits.
Neo-shamanism is portrayed as available to everyone and as a spiritual way of
life Westerners can choose for themselves. In many traditional shamanic societies,
however the shaman's role might be entered into with fear and hesitation. Shamanic
trance is often described as being painful and potentially deadly as well as potentially
healing. Often, the spirits chose the shaman, not the other way around.
Many neo-shamanic practitioners do describe spontaneous experiences that
have brought them into neo-shamanism. Howard Charing, co-founder of Eagles
Wing for Contemporary Shamanism, UK, told me that £ near-fatal and almost
disabling lift crash lead to his communication with spirits and subsequent healing
(personal communication). Only later did Charing come to call these practices
shamanism. Another informant explained that while conventional medicine was
unable to help a psychopathological condition, communication with spirits allowed
June/Sept 1999 Altered States, Conflicting Cultures 43

a self-healing. In retrospect, he understands his experiences as shamanic. Wiger

reports how drug abuse, prostitution, and multiple personality disorder were overcome
with shamanic techniques which she now teaches (Bend and Wiger 1987).
In these examples (see also Drury 1982; Fries 1993), the individuals did not
chose shamanism; their descriptions parallel the calling, the initiatory sickness, and
self-healing of shamans worldwide; they are the "wounded healers" Halifax (1982)
describes. Furthermore, many neo-shamans express beliefs in spirit worlds and spirits
outside themselves. These testimonies exemplify Harvey's idea that some neo-
shamanssubstantially change their views beyond conventional psychological models,
(e.g, Jungian models; Harvey 1997).
In contrast to these experiences, some workshops on neo-shamanism emphasize
the individual inner journey, personal psychology, and explanations according to
Jungian archetypes, suggesting to Johnson that neo-shamanism can overly psychologize
traditional shamanism, leaving itself open to accusations of solipsism (Johnson
1995:175). He suggests an inherent individualism in neo-shamanism:
a plurality of religions... leads to... a focus on individual agency, choice, needs
and preference in the religious marketplace...an obsession with the self—
[Individuals are free and capable of converting to any religious system in any
place and at any time. (Johnson 1995:174)

Shamanism in the Marketplace

Harner has been accused of selling Western-oriented rapid results,
decontextualized in terms of spiritual development and healing (see, for example,
Atkinson 1992:322). In contrast, the traditional shamanic path is not a psychological
tool for self-discovery or empowerment which can be used for a few minutes with
dramatic results. In my view, Harner erroneously privileges the shaman's altered
state of consciousness when he asserts that what may take a yogi many years of
practice to experience, a shaman might do in a few minutes (Harner 1980:xiii).
Misappropriation has also been charged in some instances where neo-shamanism
interacts with traditional shamanism, seeming to perpetuate racist stereotypes of
indigenous peoples. Early ethnographic notions of Indians as Naturvolker (natural
peoples) inaugurated the classical Western masculinist primitive premise (Kehoe
1990). Kehoe describes how inauthentic, or "plastic," medicine men reinforce these
stereotypes in their teachings of native spirituality. Rather than actually promoting
respect and sensitivity towards Native peoples as intended, these authors paradoxically
portray mistaken and outmoded ideas, while believing they are getting closer to the
Native shaman's viewpoint. As Harvey points out, some neo-pagans appropriate
shamanic techniques without returning any benefit to the donors. Appearing to be
"playing Indian," some insult Indian people by using the derogatory term "red man,"
for example (Harvey 1997:120). Clearly, as Kehoe suggests, many neo-shamanic
writers adopt imperialist attitudes in that they define for themselves the mission of
bringing their knowledge of Native American spirituality to the peoples of modern
Europe and America (Kehoe 1990:195).
Johnson suggests that Harner's Foundation for Shamanic Studies conveys this
neo-colonial attitude by:
44 Anthropology ofConsciousness [10(2-3))

awarding] monetary contributions to those they designate Living Treasures

of Shamanism, such as Wangchuk, a 68 year old Tibetan shaman living in
exile in Nepal. While the award serves the admirable goals of enabling the
shaman to continue to practise his traditional form and preserving the rituals
on tape for archives both in Tibet and at the Foundation, it also, in an ironic
twist, promotes itself to arbiter and authority over who is and who is not a true
shaman. (Johnson 1995:172)

Indigenous Perspectives on Neo*Shamanism

Many Native critics discuss both neo-shamans and anthropologists in terms of
cultural imperialism (for discussion of a native view on anthropology, see Clifton
1990). Hobson, a Cherokee critic, coined the term "whiteshaman movement" to
describe white poets who assume the persona of Native American shamans in their
writings (Hobson 1978; for discussion of white/red fiction, see Simard 1990).
"Whiteshamans" compare the poet's vocation with the shaman's in order to add
authenticity to their work, but Native Americans strongly criticize them because
they do not make their actual ethnicity plain (see comments by Hogan and Rose in
Coltelli 1990; and Rose 1992). Andy Smith (Cherokee member ofWomen of all Red
Nations) suggests that "the New Age movement is part of a very old story of white
racism and genocide against the Indian people" (Smith 1994:168). According to
these writers, cultural imperialism puts the spiritual persona of indigenous peoples up
for grabs (Kehoe 1990), by "wannabee Indians" (Green 1988).
Castile (1996) considers this a "commodification of Indian identity," and
suggests it creates a market for Indian teachers:
The audience of these teachers is not the Indian communities they claim to
represent, but the book-, lecture-, and even ordeal-buying public—the
litterateurs of dominance (Castile 1996:745).
In response, real Indians endeavor to expose the falsity of the unreal (Castile
1996:745), the Great Pretenders (Rose 1992). Of concern then is the legitimacy of
shamanistic teachers and teachings (see, for example, Joralemon 1990). For
example, women's mysteries are in vogue at present and a concomitant surge of
female neo-shamans has emerged (see, for example, Andrews, 1982; Orenstein 1994;
Morris 1995).

Native American Teachers

On the other hand, some genuine Native shamans do encourage neo-shamanic
practice and are willing to teach. Black Elk, controversial among many Native
scholars, published his medicine practices via Neihardt (1932), possibly intending
his visions and life story to be read by both Natives and Westerners. Similar
divulgence of previously secret knowledge has been given by many Native Americans,
including Leonard Crow Dog, Lame Deer and Brooke Medicine Eagle (see Halifax
1979 and Heinze 1991). This is expressed as sharing wisdom with all races and colors.
The idea of a mixed blood, mixed shamanic path, however, highlights problems of
authenticity and legitimacy of concern to critics of neo-shamanism.
Popular use of the Lakota sweat lodge ceremony by neo-shamans has recently
June/Sept 1999 Altered States, Conflicting Cultures 45

been condemned by some Native American elders who assert that the ceremony is
not to be enacted by non-Natives. Fulfilling the (mainly) Lakota elders' request is
not a simple matter. What of mixed bloods? To what extent does tradition belong
to them ? Where Natives, mixed bloods, and non-Native neo-shamans are encouraged
to meet in sweat lodge ceremonies, is it possible to discriminate among them
according to blood-lines? Indeed, the one-quarter blood denoting genuine Indians
is a problematic concept (Castile 1996:744); determining where genuine culture or
tradition begins and ends is a matter of opinion.
Kehoe criticizes the Bear Tribe, founded by the late Sun Bear (Sun Bear 1970),
as offering an easy to consume spirituality, purely for profit-making (Kehoe 1990:200).
She suggests the Medicine Wheel teachings popularized by Hyemeyohsts Storm and
used by Sun Bear were simply of utilitarian value in Cheyenne society (Kehoe
1990:200; see also Rose 1992). Storm (1972), Carlos Castaneda (1968,1971,1972)
and Lynn Andrews are immensely popular; their books on shamanism are
unquestionably the most widely read, and the Medicine Wheel teachings are
particularly well known. According to Kehoe however, Storm's Native American
ancestry is questionable as is that of other popular so-called Native American
teachers. The authenticity of Castaneda's writings has been hotly disputed for many
years as has those of Andrews (see, for example, Noel 1976; De Mille 1976, 1980;
Beals 1978; Clifton 1989).
Another aspect of neo-shamanism that critics disapprove is the issue of payment
for teaching. Kehoe criticizes Wallace Black Elk, a Lakota teacher who charges for
shamanic seminars and workshops. Smith states:
True spiritual leaders do not make a profit from their teachings, whether it's
through selling books, workshops, sweat lodges, or otherwise. Spiritual
leaders teach the people because it is their responsibility to pass what they
have learned from their elders to the younger generations. They do not
charge for their services (Smith 1994=168).

Giving Shamanism Extra Pay

My research has looked at how neo-shamanism has come under attack by both
Native and non-Native scholars and critics. In some respects, however, neo-
shamanism can also be seen to benefit the cultures from which the practices are
borrowed. Harvey calls this "giving extra pay to shamanism" (Harvey 1997).
Neo-shamanism's interaction with Native shamans can be seen as a positive
force for indigenous peoples. Neo-shamanism might support, both ideologically and
financially, traditional shamanic cultures, drawing considerable public attention to
the rights and acts of cultures formerly and currently suppressed. Harner, for
instance, does emphasize the complexity of shamanic cultures (they are not
evolutionarily simple) and the value of their modes of awareness (altered states are
not just for hippies and the insane). His foundation's "Living Treasures Award,"
though viewed with skepticism by some, suggests neo-shamanism is giving something
back to fhe cultures from which it has borrowed.
Indeed, where neo-shamanism becomes active in environmental education, for
instance (MacLellan 1994, 1995, 1997), according to Harvey, "it moves towards
being properly shamanic... the word is paid extra: it is honoured as a force for change,
46 Anthropology of Consciousness [ 10( 2 -3))

an imperative in the growth and evolution of Paganism" (Harvey 1997:117). Yhc

socio-political context for neo-shamanism and its benefits is becoming evident. In
the context of neo-paganism, neo-shamanism becomes an important part of the
postmodern critique of society (Harvey 1997.122), not simply a symptom of
modernity, or of neo-liberalism.
Allegedly, representatives of Native American, Sami, and Inuit groups have
approached Harner, requesting that he teach core shamanism to them to use to
restore their sacred knowledge, lost due to conquest and missionization (Drury
1989:99-, Hoppal 1992:201). Perhaps this is another example of neo-shamanism s
benefits, although indigenous critics may instead see a white shaman returning
stolen shamanism in a revamped format to aboriginal owners. It is pertinent to note
also that most criticisms surround Harner's Basic Workshop and its methods. The
less publicized, more advanced trainings certainly contain aspects which require skill
and strength on the part of practitioners, and which compare with traditional
shamanisms.
Extra pay may also be given in use of the term shaman itself. Neo-shamans tend
to find the prefix neo- offensive to themselves, they are shamans. There is also a
general consensus that to call oneself a shaman is inflated, at least a little suspect, and
to an extent disrespectful to traditional shamans. Harner's workshops in particular
promote this perspective. In this instance the term becomes honorific: you don't call
yourself a shaman, but other people do. Neo-shamans in this case, try to honor
traditional shamans by using the term with sensitivity.

Conclusion
This paper has presented various criticisms and benefits of the neo-shamanism
movement. Perspectives among the various interest groups are extremely diverse,
often deeply personalized and politically motivated. My research, therefore, suggests
that it is unrealistic to assert a single, appropriate view on the subject. At the
individual level, it is possible to point out certain charlatans, certain well-rounded
practitioners, and certain extremists—all are likely to conflict in some way. As with
traditional shamanism, neo-shamanism is not a homogenous entity. Simply put, and
from my own perspective, neo-shamanism has its good and bad points and too many
voices downplay the one or the other.
By focusing on criticisms, many academics downplay the positive aspects of neo-
shamanism, which merely legitimates neglect of its impact on their subjects of study.
Furthermore, academics are reticent to recognize benefits of the shamanistic approach
in recent studies (see, for example, Lewis-Williams and Dowson 1988,1989). In all,
they are "shamanophobic" (Dowson 1996), and aim to strengthen this position with
"neo-shamanophobia." Paradoxically though, I hope to show how academic and
neo-shamanic approaches are intrinsically comparable and historically related.
Some academics when they do examine shamanism tend to universalize it (see,
for example, Eliade 1964). While others criticize neo-shamanic universalizing and
decontextualizing of practices that were actually reproduced from academic texts!
Similarly, as Atkinson states, "The romanticization of shamanism by its current
Euroamerican promoters is also unsettling for anthropologists (despite—or perhaps
because of—their own familiarity with romantic tropes)" (Atkinson 1992:323).
June/Sept 1999 Altered States, Conflicting Cultures 47

Crucial, I think, both to studying shamanism and to approachingneo-shamanism,

is taking socio-political context into consideration. The perspectives presented here
show all too clearly the politics of ecstasy. Exploring shamanism worldwide, past and
present, in Western and non-Western societies, need not denote a metanarrative.
Dowson (in press) suggests: shamans enter an altered state of consciousness, interact
with a spirit world, and their role is socially sanctioned.
This approach promotes cross-cultural studies of shamanism in terms of certain
features, but stresses the importance of cultural context in order to embrace diversity.
Apart from enabling a better approach to shamanism, emphasizing socio-political
specificity facilitates appreciation of neo-shamanism as an embodiment and expression
of the contemporary West, a consciousness and culture, we are all inseparable from.
When considered in this light, neo-shamanism cannot be ignored.
These themes inform aspects of my archaeology and anthropology PhD research.
Archaeology is a discipline which has ignored neo-shamans, their views and
practices, without recognizing their intellectual and experiential impact on our
subjects of study. My aim is to suggest guidelines and potential action which should
reciprocally benefit all interest groups. For instance, while current academics can
revise the work of their forebears, it is also vital to express current ideas in the popular
realm so that stereotypes embedded in the popular imagination can be changed.
Furthermore, indigenous critics draw attention to manifestly negative aspects of neo-
shamanism, but seem reluctant to address the flip-side of the coin or discuss the issues
with neo-shamans directly in what may be a productive dialogue.
I think the at face-value conflicting modes of consciousness expressed by the
groups concerned, are potentially reconcilable via informed research and much
needed communication. Academics and indigenous people are embarking on
productive dialogues which look towards mutual benefit and understanding (see
Biolsi and Zimmerman 1997; Swidler et al. 1997). In the case of neo-shamanism,
neo-shamans are a significant third group involved, and all the interest groups must
be encouraged to develop ways of communicating and understanding each others'
perspective. This consideration seems timely, for if avoidance of neo-shamanism
continues, my research leads me to believe that a hitherto neglected contemporary
shamanic agenda for the archaeological past and ethnographic present will compromise
curators into increasingly difficult positions.

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