Regional Discrepancies, Dependency and Resentment: Budgetary Requirements

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Regional Discrepancies, Dependency and Resentment

Across federal states, resource endowment and levels of development would differ. Without an
effective mechanism for revenue sharing across states whereby richer states or units subsidize
poorer ones, federalism could increase inequality among subnational units. Subsequently, the
poorer regions or states may become dependent on fiscal transfers, causing resentment on the
part of the more economically productive states.
Given this very real drawback in a country of uneven development across regions:
 What provisions in the envisioned constitution could be put in place in order to avoid the
continued dependence of poorer states on development funds from the central or federal
government?
 What performance based incentives could be offered to states for them to develop and
increase their revenues?
 Do we introduce sanctions for those that fail to develop despite assistance from the center
over a significant period of time? How might we avoid the resentment of the subsidizers
against those subsidized? Such resentment is very much felt in federal Germany as well
as regionalized Italy.
Budgetary Requirements
Obviously, creating a new territorial and political subdivision complete with its own bureaucracy
and legislative body will entail additional operating costs, and require new infrastructure,
personnel, etc.
A federal setup also invests heavily in intergovernmental mechanisms that will effectively
coordinate shared powers, manage shared revenues, and allocate budgetary support. All these
mechanisms require highly technical human resources with complete staffing.
 How much would a federal system cost?
It is incumbent on proponents to undertake a serious study of the budgetary requirements of an
added layer of government.
Alternately, proponents may consider instituting an entirely different set of territorial and
political subdivisions or local governments that would constitute a federal state, other than the
current provinces, municipalities, cities and barangays. Appropriation of legislative districts for
the Philippine Congress would also have to be reconfigured.
 In constituting the regions and potentially reconfiguring the political and territorial
subdivisions of the country, how do we guard against gerrymandering? How do we
ensure that rationality prevails over vested parochial interests?
Continuing Challenges to Nation-building and National Identity
Some countries like Canada, India and Switzerland have opted for a federal structure to bridge
ethnic, linguistic and cultural diversity within a divided society. Even erstwhile nonfederal
Western European countries, under pressure from ethnic or regional nationalism, have shifted to
federalism (e.g., Belgium) or instituted various modes of autonomous substates (e.g., in Spain,
UK and Italy).
The textbook distinction between federal states and unitary states has become more blurred.
There is no longer a ‘pure’ form of a unitary state, just as there are different forms of federal
governments.
In any case , federalism by itself simply cannot create unity in diversity or a sense of nationalism
that transcends people’s primary and subnational political identities. For instance, despite
transforming into a full-fledged federal setup in 1993, Belgium has yet to create a larger
“Belgian” national identity that would overlay the divide between the Dutch-speaking and
French-speaking populations.
A federal setup, moreover, does not guarantee an end to secessionist aspirations (e.g. the Quebec
case in Canada).
Moreover, minorities within federal states may continue to experience discrimination and
marginalization, with the federal government unable to take direct action to address the
oppression. It will take more than a shift to federalism to build a strong, united country with a
cohesive national identity, especially in multicultural settings marked by politicized subnational
identities, historical antagonisms, and even class divides. We must not over-credit federalism
with outcomes that it may not be able to deliver.
Link: http://polisci.upd.edu.ph/news/2016/11/18positionpaper

Comments:
(1) Even with the current unitary government in the Philippines, different regions
experience discrepancies in their development. CARAGA may be endowed with resources
but it remains as one of the poorest regions in the country. How can CARAGA and other
poor regions be at par with the already established and progressive regions in the country?
Federalism is not an immediate solution to cure the defects of the existing LGU problems.

 Ineffective current LGUs (Incompetent LGU officials???)


- Local Government Code of 1991 – autonomy of LGUs but still ineffective???
- Puno draft did not mention about culling political dynasties; still vague about this
proposed autonomy of regions or for this so-called federal states
 Compare CARAGA and NCR
 Statistics of annual revenue

(2) In connection with these differences in the accumulation of revenue, it would also create
hostility among progressive regions and dependent regions if ever federalism would be
realized in the country. There is already existing division among regions because of some
reasons like regional biases and other colonial remnants of the past. Such system would
further widen the gap since national identity has been a problem since time immemorial in
the country. Federalism is not an immediate solution especially that the primordial question
of identity has not yet established definitely.
a. Lack of unity
 There are the long festering local communist rebellion and Muslim separatist movement.
 Note also the country’s demographic condition. There are 37 major ethnic groups and
hundreds of sub-groups. That by itself means diversity, but it could also imply
divisiveness of the population inasmuch as some dominant groups oppose adoption of a
common national language or even agitate for independence.
b. Lack of unifying symbols
 Common Language
We need to have one which we can speak and write, and by which we can connect “our
inner selves to the realities of community life.”
 Native national name
“Philippines” or “Filipinas” should be replaced for it symbolizes nothing but the
country’s colonial experience and it can hardly help in the making of our identity
c. The archipelagic nature of the country
d. Colonial policies
Western ideals and virtues were instilled even as Filipino shortcomings and inferiority
were rubbed in.
Source for a-d: NDCP’s National Identity As An Imperative To Building The National
Community

 Compare the Tagalogs in the North and Bisayas in the South especially their attitude with
one another
 ARMM’s plea to be truly autonomous, to be a separate nation
 Hostilities, insurgencies in the Philippines (NPA/MILF)
- Different groups have different interests.
- How does this kind of government address these decades of hostilities?
- Puno draft - misrepresentation again??? Is there any consultation made from various
sectors in the country?
(3) It is not unknown that the country has still millions of debt to pay. Federalism is not a practical
solution as of the moment given to the poverty rates and economic indicators.
- World bank debt status
- Current regional domestic product, and poverty incidence by region

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